PROGRESS OF EVANGELIZATION AND OF THE SWISS REFORMATION IN HUNGARY. (1538 — 1545.)
The conference of Schassburg and the deliverance of Szantai which put an end to persecution in the countries subject to Ferdinand, had results still more marked in the states of Zapolya. The impression produced by these events was so powerful that many parishes and towns declared for reform.
The manner of its accomplishment in Hungary was characteristic. It advanced, as we have said, by an almost imperceptible progress. The pastors gradually came to preach in a manner more conformed to the Gospel. Without attracting notice they changed the rites and usage’s, and their parishes followed them. In some instances indeed, the flocks took the first steps forward; but usually they waited patiently for the death of their old Catholic priest, and then chose in his stead an evangelical minister.
There were no violent revolutions, no angry schisms. Parishes embraced en masse the evangelical confession, and kept their churches, their schools, their parsonages, and their property. The love of order and of peace was carried perhaps a little too far. The Lutheran pastors maintained their accustomed relations with the Catholic bishops. They paid them the dues as before, and were protected by them in their rights and liberties, provided only that they did not pass into the ranks of the Zwinglians or the Calvinists. It was an age of gold, says a Hungarian historian,. It seems to us that .it was rather an age in which, as in Daniel’s statue, a strange mixture was seen of gold, silver, iron, brass, and clay. f559 This mention of the Zwinglians is remarkable. It reveals to us, if we may use the phrase, the reverse of the medal, the dark side of the picture. If evangelical truth was advancing in Hungary, there were nevertheless troubles and divisions of various kinds. The doctrines of Zwinglius had early penetrated into the country. Ferdinand had mentioned them at the same time as the Lutheran doctrines, in his edict of persecution of 1527.
They were therefore at that time spread abroad, ‘and numbered amongst their adherents some persons of the higher classes. In 1532, Peter Perenyi, first count (supremus comes) of the comitat of Abaujvar, had the first church for the disciples of Zwinglius built at Patak, between Tokay and Ujhely. This state of things, in accordance with the principles of religious liberty, and consequently just, had nevertheless injurious effects. The conflicting views of Luther and Zwinglius on the Lord’s Supper disquieted some persons, and most of all those who most ardently sought after the truth. One of these was Francis Reva, count of Thurotz, a Hungarian noble of highly cultivated mind, who attentively studied the theology of the Scriptures, and had accepted the Lutheran way of regarding the Lord’s Supper. The writings of Zwinglius unsettled him. Being no longer at peace but suffering much anxiety as to what he ought to believe, Reva determined to write to Luther. He laid open to him his doubts in a long letter and implored him to dispel them. Luther, very much engaged at the time, replied briefly. He exhorted him to continue steadfast in the faith ‘as he had received it, urged him to remember the omnipotence of God in order to put an end to his doubts about the mystery of the Supper, and added, — ‘Not a single article of faith would be left to us, if we were to submit everything to the judgment of our own reason.’ f560 Divisions of another kind, which were to have far graver consequences for the public peace, afflicted Hungary. Members of the same community, sons of the same soil, the Hungarians found themselves divided into two hostile parties, by the ambition of the two kings who had shared the kingdom between them. Colloquies had been frequently held with a view to put an end to this state of things, but the rival princes had looked on them with no friendly eyes. At length an assembly which was held at Kenesche on Lake Balaton agreed to a plan intended to bind up the wounds of the common country. Men’s feelings were soothed, and the two kings concluded an agreement at Grosswardin, in pursuance of which each of them was to retain his titles and possessions; but after the death of Zapolya the whole of Hungary was to be re-united under the scepter of Ferdinand, even if his rival left an heir. This took place in 1538, and at that time Zapolya had neither wife nor children. Was this a subject of regret with him? Had he a desire to perpetuate in his own family the scepter of a portion of Hungary? However this might be, he married in 1539 Isabella, daughter of the king of Poland; and in 1541, as he lay seriously ill and on his death-bed, word was brought to him that he had a son. Delighted at the news, he sent for the bishop of Grosswardin, George Martinuzzi, a Dalmatian who was at once warrior, monk, diplomatist and prelate, Peter Petrovich, and Joerock de Enged. The bishop, perceiving the secret wishes of the prince, encouraged him to violate the agreement made with Ferdinand. Zapolya named these three persons guardians of his son, and added, — ‘Take care not to give up my states to Ferdinand,’ a formidable legacy for the new-born child. The Queen Isabella seized upon some pretext for breaking the compact, had her son John Sigismund proclaimed king of Hungary, and feeling herself incapable of resisting the power of Ferdinand placed herself with the young prince under the protection of the Sultan. Thus was fidelity the faith of treaties and oaths, trampled under foot by the ambition of this new dynasty. Its dishonesty was plain. f561 This step, as must have been, expected, was the signal for great disasters.
The Turkish army which was to secure the crown to the son of Zapolya advanced into Hungary in such force that Ferdinand could not resist it.
The land was now plunged in distress; evangelical religion had to suffer much; it saw its most useful institutions and its most venerated supports taken away. The school and the printing-house established by Count Nadasdy at Uj-Sziget were destroyed. Devay and his friends were compelled to fly precipitately, and many of them took refuge at Wittenberg. Devay was in great affliction. He had continually present to his mind the barbarity of the Mussulmans carrying fire everywhere and shedding the blood of his fellow-citizens and his friends. The destruction of the modest institutions which he had founded and from which he anticipated so much good for his country broke his heart. Even the imprisonment which he had undergone at Vienna and in Hungary had caused him less grief, for the Mussulman plague was not then ravaging his native land. An exile, distressed and in deep destitution, he could see no way opening before him by which he might be permitted to re-enter the sphere of activity which was so dear to him. He poured out his sorrow into the bosom of his friend Melanchthon, who felt himself the most lively interest in the great misfortunes of the Magyars. A thought occurred to these two friends. The margrave George of Brandenburg had been one of the guardians and governors of the young king of Hungary, Louis II., who fell at Mohacz. He had remained a friend to the Hungarians; he possessed estates in the country, and favored there the extension of the Reformation.
Devay and Melanchthon considered whether he would not be the man to re-open for Devay. the door of his native land. Melanchthon consequently wrote (December 28, 1541) to Sebastian, Heller, chancellor to the margrave. ‘There are now with us some Hungarians,’ he said, ‘whom the cruelty of their enemies has driven from their country. Matthias Devay, an honest, grave, and learned man is one of the number. I believe that he is known to your most illustrious prince. On this ground he implores, in these trying times, the assistance and aid of the margrave. I pray you to support the holy cause of the pious and learned exile. He has already been exposed to a great many dangers from his own countrymen on account of his pious preaching.’ It does not appear that the margrave had it in his power to bring about the return of Devay to Hungary; but perhaps he gave him some assistance. Devay, finding that the doors of his country were closed to him set out for Switzerland, which had a special attraction for him, not indeed so much for the beauties of nature which are found there, as for its pious and learned men, and for the simple, scriptural, and spiritual religion which he knew, he should meet with at the foot of the Alps. f562 Meanwhile, Hungary was in the most lamentable state. Not only was the country full of distress and disorder, but in addition to this a foreign king, who hoisted the crescent on the ancient soil on which the cross had been planted, was master of this heroic people. But we cannot help seeing that here was once more realized the truth that God often carries on His work of light and peace in the midst of the confusion of states and the dissension’s of nations. Gradually the first rage of the followers of Islam abated; and as they really cared very little about the controversies of the Christians, they were inclined to leave them full liberty to maintain their conflicting doctrines. What most of all shocked them in the land which they were treading under foot was the images and the worship offered to them by the adherents of Rome. Owing to the impartiality of the Mussulmans, the Gospel was propagated from the banks of the Theiss as far as Transylvania and Wallachia, a fact testified by a letter addressed to Melanchthon. Shortly before the Mussulman invasion, Sylvestre had published at Uj-Sziget his translation of the New Testament, intended for all the people of Hungary. When the first storm was past, this precious book began to circulate amongst the people. Ere long pious Christians endeavored to evangelize the country. Many Hungarians, partly on account of the persecution, partly for the sake of repose from their rude labors, and to console themselves for their sufferings, went to refresh and strengthen themselves at Wittenberg and afterwards returned to fresh conflicts. Wittenberg with Luther and so many other Christians full of lively faith was for these visitors an oasis in the desert. Amongst those who went to take shelter under these cool shades and beside these clear fountains were Stephen Kopaczy, Caspar Heltus, Emeric Ozoraes, Gregory Wisalmann, Benedict Abadius, and Martin de Kalmance (the last four afterwards adhered to the doctrines of Calvin). These were followed by many others. There was a continual going and coming. In proportion as the Mussulman ravages abated and fell off, the Christians took heart again and increased their efforts to rebuild the house of God. Hungary was like an ant-hill, where everyone was astir and at work. God had there created sons for Himself, who actuated by His Spirit set themselves with unflagging earnestness to do the work of the Lord. f564 Even in those districts which, from their nearness to Austria, were more subject to clerical authority, the Gospel was also making progress. For some time the struggle between the two doctrines was very sharp at Raab.
The evangelicals in this town were without pastors, and a military prefect well-disposed towards the Reformation gave them one. At Stuhlweissenburg the Roman Catholics beset the justice of the town with their entreaties. ‘Prohibit,’ they said, ‘the preaching of the Gospel and the distribution of the Supper in both kinds, and put in prison the ministers and the communicants.’ The justice, a righteous and God-fearing man, firmly replied, — ‘In this matter I will obey God rather than men; in all things else I will fulfill my function.’ This man was a soldier who knew the commander whom he must before all obey. f565 It was, however, chiefly in Upper Hungary and Transylvania that ruin was impending over the Roman Church. The influence of the conference of Schassburg was still very powerful there. Many of the inhabitants of these countries, hitherto heedless of the work of reformation, and even full of prejudices respecting it, began seriously to reflect on this great spiritual movement which was shaking the nations, and applied themselves to the reading of the ancient Scriptures of God, in which they recognized the active principles of the transformation of which they were witnesses.
Whole parishes, carried away by the power of the truth and by the noble example of brave men who sacrificed everything for the cause of God, declared openly for the Reformation. At Bartfeld, Michael Radaschin had preached the gospel with so much power that all the force of Rome seemed to be destroyed there. In Transylvania many towns followed the example of Hermanstadt. The greater number of the inhabitants of Mediasch and Kronstadt, at the eastern extremity of the country; and of many other cities declared that they were determined to believe nothing but what is taught in the Word of God. The principal instrument of God in these districts was John Honter. After studying at Cracow and at Basel, he had returned into his native land, rich in knowledge, strengthened by faith, and inflamed with zeal. He had established there a printing-house which was the first in Transylvania, as that of Uj-Sziget was the first in Hungary, and had published a multitude of schoolbooks and evangelical books. It was not long before the whole of southern Transylvania, the country of the Saxons, was gained over to the Reformation. Honter himself at a later time published a narrative of these conquests. The work, however, appears to, have been less solidly done in these districts than in others. Transylvania was one of the few countries of the Reformation which Socinianism penetrated as early as the sixteenth century.
Conquests more solid and more complete were in preparation. Devay, as we said, had gone into Switzerland. He had seen there the best men of the Helvetic Reformation, and had attached himself to the principles which they professed, towards which he had previously been attracted by his intercourse with Melanchthon, by his own study of Holy Scripture, and by his meditations in the prisons of Vienna. It was no longer the rather superficial theory of Zwinglius, but the more spiritual and profound doctrine of Calvin, that he had chiefly been in contact with. When he learnt that the disorders of the Mussulman invasion had come to an end and that it was once more possible to labor in Hungary to win souls to the Gospel, he returned home. He did not make his appearance there in any sectarian spirit. Christ crucified, the wisdom of God and the power of God, and a new birth by the operation of the Holy Spirit, always formed the basis of his teaching. But aiming at a close union with Christ he said, — Except ye eat the flesh, of the Son of Man and drink His blood, ye have no life in you; adding however as the Savior did, — It is the Spirit that quickeneth, the flesh profiteth nothing. At Eperies and other towns in the mountains, there were some Hungarian ministers, disciples of Luther, who were astonished to hear that the man, who like them had for his master the Wittenberg reformer, spoke like Calvin. To these men it gave great pain to see that their fellow-countryman disagreed with the great doctor whom they had so long held in honor. They might however have rejoiced at the fact that Devay declared that the ,flesh of Christ is meat indeed and his blood is drink indeed. The real doctrine of Luther and the real doctrine of Calvin respecting the Lord’s Supper approximate to each other sufficiently for Lutherans to respect that of the Reformed Church, and for the Reformed Church to respect the Confession of Augsburg. Both sides ought to have done this, even had their difference on this point been greater than it really was, since both said, — Christ is all in all. But it was the misfortune of that age that many fastened upon a few differences of detail rather than upon the great truths on which they were agreed.
These Hungarian pastors wrote to Luther in the spring of 1544, expressing their surprise that Devay, who had lately been at Wittenberg, professed a doctrine on the Supper different from that which was taught there.
Luther’s astonishment on receiving this letter exceeded that of the Hungarians; and his grief was still greater than his surprise. He could not believe what they wrote to him. ‘What!’ said he, ’the man who had such a good name amongst us! f567 … No, it is too hard to believe what they have written to me. One thing is certain, and that is that he did not receive from us the doctrine of the sacramentarians. f568 … We have constantly opposed it both in public and in private. There is not with us the slightest appearance of such an abomination… I have not the faintest suspicion of Master Philip nor of any of the others.’ Henceforth the great and pious Luther, unfortunately somewhat irritable, frequently inveighed against the Devay whom he had so much loved, and loudly complained that he was teaching and practicing rites very different from his own. Luther then forgot the beautiful concord of Wittenberg to which he had been a party.
Devay, on his return from Switzerland, went to Debreczin, not far from the frontier of Transylvania, probably in consequence of a suggestion of Count Nadasdy. This town was a fief of Count Valentine Toeroek de Enying, one of the heroes of Hungary and a great protector of the Reformation. He was a near relation of Count Nadasdy. This magnate settled Devay at Debreczin not only as pastor but also as dean. The noble herald of the Gospel endeavored without delay to fertilize spiritually the waste and barren lands in the midst of which the town was situated. He gave instruction by his preaching, by his writings, many of which however were not printed, and also by his hymns. One of these began with the line, — Fit that every man should know — f570 and it set forth in succession the great and vital doctrines of the Gospel.
This hymn was long sung in all parts of Hungary. A powerful minister of the Word who had been a fellow-student with him at Cracow was at first his colleague and afterwards his successor. This was Martin de Kalmance.
He was distinguished by two characteristics. One of these was that doctrine of grace which is especially set forth by Paul and by Calvin, and which had taken possession of his heart, joined with that spiritual communion with Christ of which the outward communion is the sign, the pledge, and the seal. The other was an animated and captivating eloquence which deeply stirred and carried away the souls of men. While his burning words extolled the eternal compassion of God who saves the sinner by Jesus Christ, it seemed as if all who heard him must fall at the Savior’s feet to receive from Him the gift of life. Probably not one of the Hungarian reformers had warmer partisans or more implacable enemies. These last were so completely mastered by their hatred that they left traces of it everywhere. Like a hero of the mob, who sticks even upon the walls insulting names, a papist, who happened to be at Cracow, wrote in the matriculation-book of the university, beneath the name of Devay’s colleague, the following words, — ‘This Kalmance, infected with the spirit of error, has infected with the heresy of the sacramentarians a great part of Hungary.’ He was perpetually pursued by fanaticism. One day, when he was preaching at Beregszasz, Roman priest, impelled by deadly hate, crept into the church, concealing under his dress a weapon with which he had provided himself, and shot him dead. This humble minister was thus to meet the tragical end of the illustrious William of Nassau and other great supporters of evangelical doctrine. But this did not take place till some years later, in 1557. This faithful servant of God and his companions in arms had first to suffer many other assaults.
The Roman clergy, alarmed to see that the evangelical doctrine was invading Hungary, were determined to unite all the forces at their disposal, and give decisive battle to this enemy. It was on the slopes of the mountains, and particularly in the comitat of Zips, that the most fanatical and enraged priests were found. There also the doctrines of the Word of God had made the most real conquests. Bartfeld, Eperies, and Leutschau, the capital of the comitat of Zips, were towns filled with adherents of the Reformation. In the spring of 1543, all the priests of the comitat met together, and perceiving that all their efforts had been useless, and aware also that they had not strength to conquer by spiritual weapons, they resolved to have recourse to the power of the state. King Ferdinand was at this time at Nurnberg; and they drew up a petition and sent it to him there.
They stated that notwithstanding all the pains which they took to maintain religion, his subjects were drawn away after what was worse. ‘For this reason,’ they said, ‘we request of you that no preacher should be settled in any place whatsoever without authorization of the Church. Do not allow anyone to bring to your subjects this new gospel, which wherever it goes brings in its train divisions, sects, anger, debate, envy, ignorance, murders, and all the works of the flesh.’ It was just at this time that Charles the Fifth was attempting to conclude peace both with Francis I. and with Solyman, in order to give his undivided attention to the suppression of the Reformation. Ferdinand, whose intentions although more enlightened were not very decided, and who did not think that it was proper for him to act in a different way from his brother, issued (April 12) an ordinance by which he placed at the service of the clergy ‘all secular authority necessary for the upholding of the old and holy Catholic religion, the confession of the Roman faith, and the praiseworthy rites and customs which it enjoins.’ But this ordinance remained a dead letter. The king’s moderation was well known in Hungary; and people believed that if he had yielded to the clergy it was, in fact, only an apparent yielding, and that his threats were not to be followed by action. The depositaries of the temporal power, moreover, had no mind to use it in persecuting men who were examples to all. The pro-palatine Francis Reva therefore turned a deaf ear to it. The clergy, astonished and provoked at seeing their petitions and even the orders of the prince without effect, addressed to the king a second petition more pressing than the first. Ferdinand, who was then at Prague, signed (July 1) an order more severe addressed to the pro-palatine, — ‘I am astonished ,’ said he, ‘that you did not strictly discharge your duty towards the heretics and their doctrine. I command you, upon pain of losing my royal favor, to punish everyone who separates from the true and ancient Church of God, whatever may be his condition or his rank, and to make use for this purpose of all the penalties adapted to bring back into the sheepfold those who go astray.’ This order of Ferdinand, so far from terrifying the champions of the Gospel, increased their courage and their zeal. In the midst of they said, — ’ In all these are more than conquerors through Christ who loved us.’ Even at Leutschau the evangelicals, far from drawing back, determined to go forward. They were still without pastors at the time their adversaries wished to put them to death; and they heroically resolved to appoint one. Ladislaus Poleiner, justice of the town, and founder of the Reformation there, began to seek in all directions after such a man as they wanted. Amongst the young Transylvanians who had been converted by the ministry of Honter was one named Bartholomew Bogner, distinguished for his faith, his knowledge, and his zeal. The courageous justice called him to Leutschau, and Bogner immediately applied himself to the work. He did this with the activity of a man whose natural powers are sanctified by the Divine Spirit.
His ministry bore rich fruit. Not only did the word of God which he preached give to many a new birth unto eternal life, but after a few years all the ceremonies of the Romish worship were abolished in the very town in which the weapons had been fashioned which were to destroy the Reformation.’ f575 A similar work of regeneration was being accomplished in the south of Hungary, introducing there the Gospel and the spiritual faith of the Swiss divines. A young man, named Stephen Kiss, remarkable, from childhood for his discretion and abilities, was born at Szegedin on the Theiss, north of Belgrade, in 1505. He studied at various schools in his own country, and afterwards at Cracow. Having been enlightened by the Gospel, he had come to Wittenberg in 1540, being then thirty-five years of age. Ere long he became not only the disciple and the guest, but also the assistant of Luther and Melanchthon. These two great doctors perceived in hint the qualifications of a reformer; — a lively piety which led him to seek in everything the glory of God, a. modest seriousness in his manners, his conversation, and his deportment; an accurate acquaintance with the Holy Scriptures, close application to work, remarkable skill in the administration of the church, and a lively and powerful style in preaching the Gospel The Wittenberg reformers, struck with these gifts, were glad to employ him in the important and numerous affairs which they had on their hands. He was usually called Szegedin, after his native town according to a very common practice of the age.
On his return to his native land, Stephen settled at Jasnyad. Full of remembrances of Wittenberg, and a friend to theological studies, as he was that the harvest was great but that the laborers were few, he founded in that town, in co-operation with few friends of the Gospel, a school of theology of which he was the principal professor, He was at the same time both preacher and doctor. In his sermons he showed himself as a man of mind. He did not compose feeble homilies, nor confine himself to diluting his text and uttering pious sentiments. In all that he said there was a solid foundation of truth; in all his teaching there was admirable method, and he set forth the leading thought of his discourses with great clearness. But at the same time his phrases were vigorous, he struck heavy blows, he roused conscience, he convinced sinners of their faults and their danger, and he so forcibly exhibited the love of God in Jesus Christ, that suffering souls threw themselves by faith into the merciful arms of the Savior. It was given to him to present the truth with such persuasive power that it left a deep impression on men’s minds. His contemporaries said that his memory and his discourses would survive for ages. Szegedin was not only a great orator, he was also a learned theologian. An indefatigable worker, it was not easy to turn him aside from his studies. Work was to him not only a duty but a delight, the very joy of his life. He shut himself up in his study with the Holy Scriptures, read them, sounded their depths, and thoroughly fixed them in his mind. He brought no self-love to the study of them; nor did he even publish his own writings in his lifetime.
They were published after his death by two of the most distinguished divines of the sixteenth century, Theodore Beza at Geneva and Grynaeus at Basel; and this fact is undoubtedly a proof of their excellence. He produced analytical works on the prophets David, Isaiah, Daniel, Ezekiel, and Jeremiah; and also on the Gospels of Matthew and John, the Acts, the Epistles of Paul, and the Apocalypse. In addition to these expository works, Szegedin wrote some on doctrine, and particularly one entitled Common Places of Sacred Theology, concerning God and concerning Man. This was in imitation of his master Melanchthon. Deeply grieved to see the errors which afflicted his native land, he undertook to contend against them. He pursued them, armed with the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God; and evangelical Hungary had no braver or more intrepid champion. He chiefly tried his strength with the Unitarians and the Papists. He composed a Treatise on the Holy Trinity against the extravagances (deliramenta) appearing in some districts, directing his attacks equally against Arianism and Socinianism. The papal traditions he fought against in his Mirror of the Roman Pontiffs in which are concisely delineated their decrees opposed to the word of God, their lives and their monstrous excesses. There is also another work of his entitled — Entertaining Inquiries (Quaestiones jucundae) concerning the papal traditions. His devotion to the truth and the force of his understanding shone out in all these works, and his contemporaries were proud of them. ‘This man,’ they used to say, ‘is indeed a theologian, and what is more, a true witness for Christ; a serious, steadfast, and most energetic defender of orthodox truth in countries infested, alas, with Arianism, Mohammedanism, and other sects, to say nothing of the papacy.’ f581 Szegedin’s intercourse with Melanchthon had prepared him to understand in respect to the Lord’s Supper, that it is the spirit that quickeneth. He adhered to Calvin’s view. His writings, as we have mentioned, were published by the Swiss theologians; and we find his name inscribed as a member of the Reformed synod of Wardein. He brought over some of his fellow-countrymen to the same conviction. One of these, then very young, bore testimony to it about thirty or forty years later. ‘Szegedin, ’said Michael Paxi in 1575, ‘was the second of those teachers who, when I was still a youth, successfully corrected and completely suppressed in our land erroneous doctrines respecting the Supper.’ The first was undoubtedly Devay. Paxi was mistaken as to the victory of the doctrine taught by Calvin. It was not so complete as he states. A great many divines and faithful men held Luther’s view. It was justifiable indeed for Szegedin and his friends on the one side, and for the Lutherans on the other, to declare themselves decidedly for the doctrine which they esteemed true; but it. was not so for them to deny that both deserved the reverence of Christians. The war which was carried on between these two churches was, perhaps, the greatest calamity which befell the Reformation.
The activity of Stephen Szegedin, the decision of his faith, and the vigor with which he attacked the Romish errors drew upon him the hatred of papists and the insults of fanatics. In particular, the bishop, who was guardian of the young son of King Zapolya, was beside himself when the tidings were brought to him of the energetic efforts of this great champion of the Gospel. One day, the evangelical doctor having delivered a very powerful discourse, the prelate no longer restrained himself; and in the first burst of his wrath he sent for the captain of his body-guards, — the bishop had his guards, — and said to the man, whose name was Caspar Peruzitti, — ‘Go, give him a lesson that he may remember.’ The captain, a rough impetuous fellow, went to the venerable doctor and, addressing him in a saucy tone, gave him several slaps on the face with the palm of his hand. Szegedin did not lose his self-command, but desired to clear himself of the wrongs which were alleged against him. The coarse soldier then knocked him down, and trampling on him in anger and rage gave him repeated sharp blows with his heavy boots armed with spurs. This was the method of confutation adopted by a Romish prelate in Hungary in the sixteenth century. There were confutation’s, we must say, of a more intellectual kind. The bishop did not stop here; he confiscated the doctor’s precious library, which was his chief earthly treasure and the quiver him which he drew his arrows. He then drove him from Jasnyad. God did not abandon him. Szegedin renounced himself, took up his cross, cried to God and besought Him to shed abroad His light. In the following year he was enabled to devote his talents and his faith to the cause of knowledge and the Gospel in the celebrated school of Jynla; and not long after he was called to be professor and preacher at Czegled, in the comitat of Pesth. f583