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DELITZSCH BIBLE COMMENTARY - |
INTRODUCTION
The Song is the most obscure book of the Old Testament. Whatever principle of interpretation one may adopt, there always remains a number of inexplicable passages, and just such as, if we understood them, would help to solve the mystery. And yet the interpretation of a book presupposes from the beginning that the interpreter has mastered the idea of the whole. It has thus become an ungrateful task; for however successful the interpreter may be in the separate parts, yet he will be thanked for his work only when the conception as a whole which he has decided upon is approved of.
It is a love-poem. But why such a minne-song in the canon? This question gave rise in the first century, in the Jewish schools, to doubts as to the canonicity of the book. Yet they firmly maintained it; for they presupposed that it was a spiritual and not a secular love-poem. They interpreted it allegorically. The Targum paraphrases it as a picture of the history of Israel from the Exodus to the coming of the Messiah. The bride is the congregation of Israel; and her breasts, to quote one example, are interpreted of the Messiah in His lowliness and the Messiah in His glory.
But "Solomon" is an anthropomorphic representation of Jahve Himself.
And all the instances of the occurrence of the name, with one exception, are therefore regarded as an indirect allegorical designation of the God of peace (vid., Norzi under Song 1:1). And because of its apparently erotic, but in truth mysterious contents, it was a Jewish saying, as Origen and Jerome mention, that the Song should not be studied by any one till he was thirty years of age (nisi quis aetatem sacerdotalis ministerii, id est, tricesimum annum impleverit). Because, according to the traditional Targ. interpretation, it begins with the departure out of Egypt, it forms a part of the liturgy for the eighth day of the Passover. The five Megilloths are arranged in the calendar according to their liturgical use. (Note: The Song. was read on the 8th day of the Passover; Ruth, on the second Shabuoth Pentecost; Lamentations, on the 9th Ab; Ecclesiastes, on the 3rd Succoth Tabernacles; Esther, between the 11th and 16th Adar feast of Purim.)
In the church this synagogal allegorizing received a new turn. They saw represented in the Song the mutual love of Christ and His church, and it thus became a mine of sacred mysticism in which men have dug to the present day. Thus Origen explains it in twelve volumes. Bernhard of Clairvaux died (1153) after he had delivered eighty-six sermons on it, and had only reached the end of the second chapter; (Note: Vid., Fernbacher's Die Reden des. h. Bernhard über das Hohelied, prefaced by Delitzsch. Leipzig 1862.) and his disciple Gilbert Porretanus carried forward the interpretation in forty-eight sermons only to Song 5:10, when he died. Perluigi de Palestrina gained by his twenty-nine motettoes on the Song (1584) the honoured name of Principe della Musica. In modern times this allegorico-mystical interpretation is represented in the department of exegesis (Hengst.), sermon (F. W. Krummacher), and poetry (Gustav Jahn), as well as of music (Neukomm's duet: Er und sie), and even of painting (Ludw. von Maydell).
If the Song is to be understood allegorically, then Shulamith is the personification of the congregation of Israel, and mediately of the church.
All other interpretations fall below this. Hug (1813) understands by the "beloved" the kingdom of the ten tribes longing after a reunion with the house of David; and Heinr. Aug. Hahn (1852), the Japhetic heathendom.
Ludw. Noack (1869) has even changed and modified the readings of the Heb. text, that he might find therein the ballads of a Tirhâka romance, i.e., a series of pictures of the events occurring between Samaria and her Aethiopian lover Tirhâka, of the years (B.C.) 702, 691, and 690. These are the aberrations of individuals. Only one other interpretation recommends itself. Solomon's chairsma and aim was the Chokma. The Peshito places over the Song the superscription dchkmt' chkmt. Is Shulamith, then, the personification of wisdom, like Dante's Beatrice? Rosenmüller (1830) is the most recent representative of this view; we ought then to have in Dante's Convito the key to the allegorical interpretation. He there sings sweet songs of love of his mistress Philosophy. But there is nothing in the description here to show that Shulamith is Wisdom. The one expression, "Thou shalt teach me" (Song 8:2), warns us against attempting to put Wisdom in the place of the church, as a reversal of the facts of the case.
But if one understands the church to be meant, there yet remains much that is inexplicable. Who are the sixty queens and the eighty concubines (Song 6:8)? And why are the heroes just sixty (3:7)? The synagogal and church interpretation, in spite of two thousand years' labour, has yet brought to light no sure results, but only numberless absurdities, especially where the Song describes the lovers according to their members from head to foot and from foot to head. But notwithstanding all this, it is certain that the "great mystery" (Eph 5:32) mirrors itself in the Song. In this respect it resembles the love of Joseph and Zuleikha, often sung by the Arabian poets, which is regarded by the mystics (Note: Vid., Hammer-Purgstall's Das hohe Lied der Liebe der Araber, 1854.) as a figure of the love of God towards the soul longing for union with Him.
Shulamith is a historic personage; not the daughter of Pharaoh, as has been often maintained since the days of Theodore of Mopsuestia (died 429) and Abulfaraj (died 1286), but a country maiden of humble rank, who, by her beauty and by the purity of her soul, filled Solomon with a love for her which drew him away from the wantonness of polygamy, and made for him the primitive idea of marriage, as it is described in Gen 3:23ff., a selfexperienced reality.
This experience he here sings, idealizing it after the manner of a poet; i.e., removing the husk of that which is accidental, he goes back to its kernel and its essential nature. We have before us six dramatic figures, each in two divisions, which represent from within the growth of this delightful relation to its conclusion. This sunny glimpse of paradisaical love which Solomon experienced, again became darkened by the insatiableness of passion; but the Song of Songs has perpetuated it, and whilst all other songs of Solomon have disappeared, the providence of God has preserved this one, the crown of them all. It is a protest against polygamy, although only in the measure one might expect from the Mosaic standpoint. For the Tôra recognises, indeed, in its primitive history monogamy as the original form (Matt 19:4-6); but in its legislation, giving up the attempt to abolish polygamy, it is satisfied with its limitation (Deut 17:17).
The Song celebrates paradisaical, but yet only natural love (minne). It stands, however, in the canon of the church, because Solomon is a type of Him of whom it can be said, "a greater than Solomon is here" (Matt 12:12).
Referred to Him the antitype, the earthly contents receive a heavenly import and glorification. We see therein the mystery of the love of Christ and His church shadowed forth, not, however, allegorically, but typically.
The allegory has to coincide throughout with that which is represented; but the type is always only a type subtractis subtrahendis, and is exceedingly surpassed by the antitype. In this sense Jul. Sturm (1854) has paraphrased the Song under the title of "Zwei Rosen" (two roses) (the typical and the antitypical). When my monograph on the Song appeared (1851), a notice of it in Colani's Revue de Theologie (1852) began with the frivolous remark: "Ce n'est pas la première rêverie de ce genre sur le livre en question; plût à Dieu que ce fût la dernière;" and Hitzig (1855) judged that "such a work might properly have remained unprinted; it represents nothing but a perverse inconsiderate literature which has no conception of scientific judgment and industry."
But this work (long since out of print and now rare) was the fruit of many years of study. The commentary here given is based on it, but does not put it out of date. It broke with the allegorizing interpretation, the untenableness of which appears against his will in Hengstenberg's commentary (1853); it broke also with the theory which regards the poem as a history of Solomon's unsuccessful seductive efforts to gain the Shulamite's affections, a theory which Hitzig (1855) tries to exempt from the necessity of doing violence to the text by arbitrarily increasing the number of speakers and actors in the plot. I certainly succeeded in finding the right key to the interpretation of this work. Zöckler has recognised my book (Note: Das Hohelied undersucht u. ausg. Leipzig 1851.) as presenting "the only correct interpretation of its design and contents."
Kingsbury, author of the notes on the Son in The Speaker's Commentary, has expressed the same judgment. Poets such as Stadelmann (Das Hohelied, ein dramatisches Gedicht = The Song of Songs: a dramatic poem, 1870) and J. Koch, late pastor of St. Mary's in Parchim (died 1873), have recognised in their beautiful German paraphrases my interpretation as natural and in conformity with the text; and for twenty years I have constantly more and more seen that the solution suggested by me is the right and only satisfactory one.
Shulamith is not Pharaoh's daughter. The range of her thoughts is not that of a king's daughter, but of a rustic maiden; she is a stranger among the daughters of Jerusalem, not because she comes from a foreign land, but because she is from the country; she is dark-complexioned, not from the sun of her more southern home, but from the open sunshine to which she has been exposed as the keeper of a vineyard; in body and soul she is born to be a princess, but in reality she is but the daughter of a humble family in a remote part of Galilee; hence the child-like simplicity and the rural character of her thoughts, her joy in the open fields, and her longing after the quiet life of her village home. Solomon appears here in loving fellowship with a woman such as he had not found among a thousand (Eccl 7:28); and although in social rank far beneath him, he raises her to an equality with himself.
That which attached her to him is not her personal beauty alone, but her beauty animated and heightened by nobility of soul. She is a pattern of simple devotedness, naive simplicity, unaffected modesty, moral purity, and frank prudence-a lily of the field, more beautifully adorned than he could claim to be in all his glory. We cannot understand the Song of Songs unless we perceive that it presents before us not only Shulamith's external attractions, but also all the virtues which make her the idea of all that is gentlest and noblest in woman. Her words and her silence, her doing and suffering, her enjoyment and self-denial, her conduct as betrothed, as a bride, and as a wife, her behaviour towards her mother, her younger sister, and her brothers-all this gives the impression of a beautiful soul in a body formed as it were from the dust of flowers.
Solomon raises this child to the rank of queen, and becomes beside this queen as a child. The simple one teaches the wise man simplicity; the humble draws the king down to her level; the pure accustoms the impetuous to self-restraint. Following her, he willingly exchanges the bustle and the outward splendour of court life for rural simplicity, wanders gladly over mountain and meadow if he has only her; with her he is content to live in a lowly cottage. The erotic external side of the poem has thus an ethical background. We have here no "song of loves" (Ezek 33:32) having reference to sensual gratification. The rabbinical proverb is right when it utters its threat against him who would treat this Song, or even a single verse of it, as a piece of secular literature. (Note: Cf. Tosefta Sanhedrin xii., Sanhedrin iii.a, and the commencement of the tract Kalla.)
The Song transfigures natural but holy love. Whatever in the sphere of the divinely-ordered marriage relation makes love the happiest, firmest bond uniting two souls together, is presented to us here in living pictures. "The Song," says Herder, "is written as if in Paradise. Adam's song: Thou art my second self! Thou art mine own! echoes in it in speech and interchanging song from end to end." The place of the book in the canon does not need any further justification; that its reception was favoured also by the supposition that it represented the intercourse between Jahve and the congregation of Israel, may be conjectured indeed, but is not established. The supposition, however, would have been false; for the book is not an allegory, and Solomon is by no means an Allegorumenon of God. But the congregation is truly a bride (Jer 2:2; Isa 62:5), and Solomon a type of the Prince of peace (Isa 9:5; Luke 11:31), and marriage a mystery, viz., as a pattern of the loving relation of God and His Christ to the church (Eph 5:32).
The Song has consequently not only a historico-ethical, but also a typicomystical meaning. But one must be on his guard against introducing again the allegorical interpretation as Soltz (1850) has done, under the misleading title of the typical interpretation. The typical interpretation proceeds on the idea that the type and the antitype do not exactly coincide; the mystical, that the heavenly stamps itself in the earthly, but is yet at the same time immeasurably different from it. Besides, the historico-ethical interpretation is to be regarded as the proper business of the interpreter.
But because Solomon is a type (vaticinium reale) of the spiritual David in his glory, and earthly love a shadow of the heavenly, and the Song a part of sacred history and of canonical Scripture, we will not omit here and there to indicate that the love subsisting between Christ and His church shadows itself forth in it.
But the prevailing view which Jacob (1771) established, and which has predominated since Umbreit (1820) and Ewald (1826), is different from ours. According to them, the Song celebrates the victory of the chaste passion of conjugal love. The beloved of Shulamith is a shepherd, and Solomon acts toward her a part like that of Don Juan with Anna, or of Faust with Gretchen. Therefore, of course, his authorship is excluded, although Anton (1773), the second oldest representative of this so-called shepherd hypothesis, supposes that Solomon at a later period of his life recognised his folly, and now here magnanimously praises the fidelity of Shulamith, who had spurned his enticements away from her; and a Jewish interpreter, B. Holländer (1871), following Hezel (1780), supposes that Solomon represents himself as an enticer, only to exhibit the idea of female virtue as triumphing over the greatest seduction. Similarly also Godet (1867), (Note: Vid., Jahrg. i. No. 22-24 of the Berne Kirchenfreund.) who, resting on Ewald, sees here a very complicated mystery presented by Solomon himself, and pointing far beyond him: Solomon, the earthly Messiah; Shulamith, the true Israel; the shepherd, Jahve, and as Jahve who is about to come, the heavenly Solomon; the little sisters, heathenism-it is the old allegory, able for everything, only with changed names and a different division of the parts which here comes in again by the back-door of the seduction-history. (Note: And in this Godet stands not alone. The Jewish interpreter Malbim (1850) accepts also this seduction-history: Solomon = the sensual impulse; Shulamith = the spirit-soul; the little sister = the natural soul; and Shulamith's beloved = the heavenly Friend, the Shepherd of the universe.)
Thus this seduction-history has not put an end to the over-ingenious allegorizing. In one point, however, at least, it has aided in the understanding of the Song. Herder saw in the Song a collection of Solomonic songs of love, which he translated (1778), as the oldest and the most beautiful, from the Orient. But Goethe, who in the Westöst. Divan (1819) praises the Song as the most divine of all love-songs, recognised, after the appearance of Umbreit's Comm., the unity also of the "inexplicably mysterious."
We are not conscious of any prejudice which makes it impossible for us to do justice to the interpretation to which Umbreit and Ewald gave currency.
It abundantly accounts for the reception of the book into the canon, for so interpreted it has a moral motive and aim. And the personality of Solomon has certainly not merely a bright side, which is typical, but also a dark side, which is pregnant with dark issues for his kingdom; it may perhaps be possible that in the Song the latter, and not the former, is brought to view. Then, indeed, the inscription would rest on an error; for that in this case also the Solomonic authorship could be maintained, is an idea which, in the traditional-apologetical interest, mounts up to a faith in the impossible. But the truth goes beyond the tradition; the inscription would then indicate a traditional interpretation which, as is evident from the book itself, does not correspond with its original meaning and aim. "It is clear to every unprejudiced mind," says Gustav Baur, (Note: Literaturb. der Darmst. Kirchenzeitung, 1851, pp. 114-146, and 1854, No. 11.) "that in Song 2:10-15; 4:8-15, a different person speaks from the royal wooer; for (1) Solomon only says, 'my friend' 1:15, etc.; while, on the other hand, the shepherd heaps up flattering words of warmest love; (2) Solomon praises only the personal beauty of the woman; the shepherd, the sweet voice, the enchanting look, the warm love, the incorruptible chastity of his beloved;-in short, the former reveals the eye and the sensuousness of the king; the latter, the heart of a man who is animated by the divine flame of true love." We only ask, meanwhile, whether words such as 4:13 are less sensuous than 4:5, and whether the image of the twin gazelles is not more suitable in the mouth of the shepherd than the comparison of the attractions of Shulamith with the exotic plants of Solomon's garden? "In three passages," says Godet, "lies open the slender thread which Ewald's penetrating eye discovered under the flowers and leaves which adorn the poem: 'The kings has brought me into his palace' (Song 1:4); 'I knew not how my heart has brought me to the chariots of a princely people' (6:12); 'I was a wall, and have found peace before his eyes' (8:10)."
The same critic also finds in several passages an apparent contrariety between Solomon and the shepherd. "Observe," says he, "e.g., 1:12-13, where the shepherd-whom Shulamith calls her spikenard, and compares to a bunch of flowers on her breast-is placed over against the king, who sits on his divan; or 7:9f. where, suddenly interrupting the king, she diverts the words which he speaks concerning herself to her beloved; or 8:7, where, leaning on the arm of her beloved, she expresses her disregard for riches, with which Solomon had sought to purchase her love."
But spikenard is not the figure of the shepherd, not at all the figure of a man; and she who is praised as a "prince's daughter" (Song 7:2) cannot say (6:12) that, enticed by curiosity to see the royal train, she was taken prisoner, and now finds herself, against her will, among the daughters of Jerusalem; and he whom she addresses (8:12) can be no other than he with whom she now finds herself in her parents' home. The course of the exposition will show that the shepherd who is distinguished from Solomon is nothing else than a shadow cast by the person of Solomon.
The Song is a dramatic pastoral. The ancients saw in it a carmen bucolicum mimicum. Laurentius Peträus, in his Heb.-Danish Paraphrase (1640), calls it carmen bucolicum, amoibai'on dramatiko'n); George Wachter (1722), an "opera divided into scenic parts." It acquires the character of a pastoral poem from this, that Shulamith is a shepherdess, that she thinks of Solomon as a shepherd, and that Solomon condescends to occupy the sphere of life and of thought of the shepherdess. It is not properly an idyll, nor yet properly a drama. Not an idyll, because the life-image which such a miniature drawn from life-such, e.g., as the Adon. of Theocritus presents to us-unfolds itself within a brief time without interruption; in the Song, on the other hand, not merely are the places and persons interchanged, but also the times.
The whole, however, does not fall into little detached pictures; but there runs through this wreath of figures a love-relation, which embodies itself externally and internally before our eyes, and attains the end of its desire, and shows itself on the summit of this end as one that is not merely sensuous, but moral. The Song is certainly not a theatrical piece: (Note: "Shulamith," says E. F. Friedrich (1855 and 1866), "is the oldest theatrical piece in existence." Ewald and Böttcher, who find not fewer than twelve persons mentioned in it, think that it was represented on an actual stage. Then, indeed, it would be the oldest drama-older than Thespis and Kalîdasa. For the Sakuntâla and the drama Der Kaufmann und die Bajadere belong to the first century of our era.) the separate pieces would necessarily have been longer if the poet had had in view the changes of theatrical scenery. But at all events the theatre is not a Semitic institution, but is of Indo-Persian Greek origin. Jewish poetry attempted the drama only after it began in Alexandrinism (Note: Vid., my Prolegomena to Luzzatto's `z mgdl (Heb. Paraphrase of the Pastors fido of Guarini), 1837, pp. 24-32.) to emulate Greece. Grätz' (1871) polemic against the dramatists is so far justified. But yet we see, as in the Book of Job, so in the Song, the drama in process of formation from the lyric and narrative form of poetry, as it has developed among the Greeks from the lyric, and among the Indians from the epic. In the Book of Job the colloquies are all narrative. In the Song this is never the case; (Note: Similar is the relation between Homer, where the speakers are introduced with narrative, and our national epics, the Nibelungen and Gudrun, which become dramatic when the action and the feeling rise to a higher elevation: the words of the different persons follow each other without introduction, so that here the manner of the singer had to become dramatic.) for the one expression, "answered my beloved, and said to me" (Song 2:10), is not to be compared with, "and Job answered and said:" the former expression indicates a monologue. And in the "Daughters of Jerusalem" (Job 1:5, etc.) we have already something like the chorus of the Greek drama. The ancient Greek MSS bear involuntary testimony to this dramatic character of the Song. There are several of them which prefix to the separate addresses the names of the persons speaking, as hee And the Aethiopic translation makes five separate pieces, probably, as the Cod. Sinait. shows, after the example of the LXX, which appear as divisions into Acts.
The whole falls into the following six Acts:- (1.) The mutual affection of the lovers, 1:2-2:7, with the conclusion, "I adjure you, ye daughters of Jerusalem." (2.) The mutual seeking and finding of the lovers, 2:8-3:5, with the conclusion, "I adjure you, ye daughters of Jerusalem." (3.) The fetching of the bride, and the marriage, 3:6-5:1, beginning with, "Who is this...?" and ending with, "Drink and be drunken, beloved." (4.) Love scorned, but won again, 5:2-6:9. (5.) Shulamith the attractively fair but humble princess, 6:10-8:4, beginning with, "Who is this...?" and ending with, "I adjure you, ye daughters of Jerusalem." (6.) The ratification of the covenant of love in Shulamith's home, 8:5-14, beginning with, "Who is this...?"
Zöckler reckons only five acts, for he comprehends Song 5:2-8:4 in one; but he himself confesses its disproportionate length; and the reasons which determine him are invalid; for the analogy of the Book of Job, which, besides, including the prologue and the epilogue, falls into seven formal parts, can prove nothing; and the question, "Who is this?" Job 6:10, which he interprets as a continuation of the encomium in 6:9, is rather to be regarded, like 3:8; 8:5, as a question with reference to her who is approaching, and as introducing a new act; for the supposition that 6:9 requires to be further explained by a statement of what was included in the "blessing" and the "praising" is unwarranted, since these are ideas requiring no supplement to explain them (Gen 30:13; Ps 41:3; 107:32), and the poet, if he had wished to explain the praise as to its contents, would have done this otherwise (cf. Prov 31:28f.) than in a way so fitted to mislead.
Rightly, Thrupp (1862) regards Song 6:10 as the chorus of the daughters of Jerusalem. He divides as follows: (1) The Anticipation, 1:2-2:7; (2) the Awaiting, 2:8-3:5; (3) the Espousal and its Results, 3:6-5:1; (4) the Absence, 5:2-8; (5) the Presence, 5:9-8:4; (6) Love's Triumph, 8:5-12, with the Conclusion, 8:13-14. But how can 5:9 begin a new formal part? It is certainly the reply to Shulamith's adjuration of the daughters of Jerusalem, and not at all the commencement of a new scene, much less of a new act.
In our division into six parts, the separate acts, for the most part necessarily, and in every case without any violence, divide themselves into two scenes each, thus:- Act II: 2-2:7 Scene 1: 1:2-8 Scene 2: 1:9-2:7 " II: 2:8-3:5 " 2:8ff. " 3:1-5 " III: 3:6-5:1 " 3:6ff. " 4:1-5:1 " IV: 5:2-6:9 " 5:2-6:3 " 6:4-9 " V: 6:10-8:4 " 6:10-7:6 " 7:7-8:4 " VI: 8:5-14 " 8:5-7 " 8:8-14 The first scene of the first act I formerly (1851) extended to Song 1:17, but it reaches only to 1:8; for up to this point Solomon is absent, but with 1:9 he begins to converse with Shulamith, and the chorus is silent-the scene has thus changed. Kingsbury in his translation (1871) rightly places over 1:9 the superscription, "The Entrance of the King."
The change of scenery is not regulated in accordance with stage decoration, for the Song is not a theatrical piece. (Note: Ephr. Epstein, surgeon in Cincinnati, in a review of Von Grätz' Comm. in The Israelite (1872), calls the Song quite in our sense, "a dramatic poem, though not a complete scenic drama." But the bridal procession in the third act is not of this character-he sees in it a return from a hunting expedition.)
The first act is played both in the dining-room and in the wine-room appertaining to the women of the royal palace. In the second act, Shulamith is again at home. In the third act, which represents the marriage, the bride makes her entrance into Jerusalem from the wilderness, and what we further then hear occurs during the marriage festival. The locality of the fourth act is Jerusalem, without being more particularly defined. That of the fifth act is the park of Etam, and then Solomon's country house there.
And in the sixth act we see the newly-married pair first in the way to Shulem, and then in Shulamith's parental home. In the first half of the dramatic pictures, Shulamith rises to an equality with Solomon; in the second half, Solomon descends to an equality with Shulamith. At the close of the first, Shulamith is at home in the king's palace; at the close of the second, Solomon is at home with her in her Galilean home.
In our monograph on the Song (1851), we believe we have proved that it distinctly bears evidences of its Solomonic origin. The familiarity with nature, the fulness and extent of its geographical and artistic references, the mention made of so many exotic plants and foreign things, particularly of such objects of luxury as the Egyptian horses, point to such an authorship; in common with Ps 72, it has the multiplicity of images taken from plants; with the Book of Job, the dramatic form; with the Proverbs, manifold allusions to Genesis. If not the production of Solomon, it must at least have been written near his time, since the author of Prov 1-9, the introduction to the older Book of Proverbs, for the origin of which there is no better defined period than that of Jehoshaphat (909-883 B.C.), and the author or authors of the supplement (Prov 22:17-24:22), reveal an acquaintance with the Song. Ewald also, and Hitzig, although denying that Solomon is the author because it is directed against him, yet see in it a produce of the most flourishing state of the language and of the people; they ascribe it to a poet of the northern kingdom about 950 B.C. Modern Jewish criticism surpasses, however, on the field of O.T. history, the anachronisms of the Tübingen school.
As Zunz has recently (Deut. Morgenl. Zeitsch. xxvii.) sought to show that the Book of Leviticus was written about a thousand years after Moses, that there never was a prophet Ezekiel, that the dates of this book are fictitious, etc.; so Grätz attempts to prove that the Song in its Graecising language and Greek customs and symbols bears evidences of the Syro- Macedonian age; (Note: So also, on linguistic grounds, Ant. Theod. Hartmann in Winer's Zeitschr. 1829.) that the poet was acquainted with the idylls of Theocritus and the Greek erotic poets, and, so far as his Israelitish standpoint admitted, imitates them; and that he placed an ideal picture of pure Jewish love over against the immorality of the Alexandrine court and its Hellenistic partisans, particularly of Joseph b. Tobia, the collector of taxes in the time of Ptolemy Euergetes (247-221 B.C.)-a picture in which "the Shepherd," (Note: Epstein, in true American style, calls him "the bogus shepherd.") now grown into a fixed idea, renders welcome service, in contrast to Solomon, in whom the poet glances at the court of Alexandria. One is thus reminded of Kirschbaum (1833), who hears in Ezek 33:5 an echo of Cicero's dixi et salvavi animam, and in the Song 2:17, a reference to the Bethar of Barcochba. We do not deny the penetration which this chief of Jewish historians has expended on the establishment of his hypothesis; but the same penetration may prove that the Babylon.-Assyr. "syllabaries" of the time of Asurbanipal (667-626) belong to the Greek era, because there occurs therein the word azamillav (knife), and this is the Greek smi'lee; or that the author of Prov 1-9 alludes in 7:23 to Eros and his quivers, and in 9:1 betrays a knowledge of the seven artes liberales.
Parallels to the Song are found wherever sensuous love is sung, also in the Pastoralia of Longus, without the least dependence of one author upon another. And if such a relation is found between Theocritus and the Song, then it might rather be concluded that he became acquainted with it in Alexandria from Jewish literates, (Note: Vid.Gesch. der jud. Poesie, p. 205ff. Not as Joh. Gott. Lessing (Eclogae regis Salomonis, 1777), the brother of Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, supposes: through the LXX translation; for the Song was among the books latest in being translated.) than that the author of the Song has imitated Greek models, as Immanuel Romi, the Arabians and Dante; besides, it is not at all the Song lying before us which Grätz expounds, but the Song modified by violent corrections of all kinds, and fitted to the supposed tendency. Thus he changes (Song 1:3) sh|maaneykaa Grätz (1871) has placed yet farther down than the Song the Book of Ecclesiastes, in which he has also found Graecisms; the tyrannical king therein censured is, as he maintains, Herod the Great, and the last three verses (Eccl 12:12-14) are not so much the epilogue of the book as that of the Hagiographa which closes with it. Certainly, if this was first formed by the decision of the conference in Jerusalem about 65, and of the synod in Jabne about 90, and the reception of the Books of Ecclesiastes and the Song was carried not without controversy, then it lies near to regard these two books as the most recent, originating not long before. But the fact is this: We learn from Jud-ajim iii. 5, iv. 6, cf. Edujoth v. 3, that in the decade before the destruction of Jerusalem the saying was current among the disciples of Hillel and Shammai, that "all Holy Scriptures (Kethubîm) pollute the hands;" (Note: Vid., for the explanation of this, my essay, "Das Hohelied verunreinigt die Hände," in the Luth. Zeitsch. 1854. The Tôra and the Theruma-food, as being both reckoned holy, were usually placed together in the temple. It was discovered that the sacred books were thereby exposed to damage by mice; and hence, to prevent their being brought any longer into contact with the Theruma, the Rabbins decided that they were henceforth to be regarded as unclean, and they gave forth the decree, "All Holy Scriptures pollute the hand." This decree was applicable only to holy or inspired books. Vid., Ginsburg on the Song, p. 3, note.) but that the question whether Ecclesiastes is included was answered in the negative by the school of Shammai, and in the affirmative by the school of Hillel-of the Song nothing is here said.
But we learn further, that several decades later the Song also was comprehended in this controversy along with Ecclesiastes; and in an assembly of seventy-two doctors of the law in Jabne, that decree, "all Holy Scriptures (Kethubîm) pollute the hands," was extended to Ecclesiastes and the Song. R. Akiba (or some one else) asserted, in opposition to those who doubted the canonicity of the Song, "No day in the whole history of the world is so much worth as that in which the Song of Songs was given; for all the Kethubîm are holy, but the Song of Songs is most holy." From this Grätz draws the conclusion that the Hagiographa was received as canonical for the first time about 65, and that its canon was finally fixed so as to include Ecclesiastes and the Song, not till about 90; but this conclusion rests on the false supposition that "Holy Scriptures" (Kethubîm) is to be understood exclusive of the Hagiographa, which is just as erroneous as that Sephârim designates the prophets, with the exclusion of the Hagiographa. Holy Kethubîm is a general designation, without distinction, of all the canonical books, e.g., Bathra i. 6, and Sepharîm in like manner, with the exception only of the Tôra, Megilla i. 8, 333. 1, Shabbath 115b.
And it rests on a misapprehension of the question discussed: the question was not whether Ecclesiastes and the Song should be admitted, but whether they had been justly admitted, and whether the same sacred character should be ascribed to them as to the other holy writings; for in Bathra 14b-15a (without a parallel in the Palest. Talmud) the enriching of the canon by the addition of the Books of Isaiah, Proverbs, the Song, and Ecclesiastes, is ascribed to the Hezekiah-Collegium (Prov 21:5), and thus is dated back in the period before the rise of the great synagogue. That Philo does not cite the Song proves nothing; he cites none of the five Megilloth.
But Josephus (C. Ap. 1, 8; cf. Euseb. H. E. iii. 10), since he enumerates five books of the Mosaic law, thirteen books of prophetic history and prediction, and four books of a hymno-ethical character, certainly means by these four the Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Song, which in the Alexandrine canon stand thus connected.
His work, Cont. Apion, was not indeed written till about 100 A.D.; but Josephus there speaks of a fact which had existed for centuries. The Song and Ecclesiastes formed part of the sacred books among the Hellenists as well as among the Palestinian Jews of the first Christian century; but, as those Talmud notices show, not without opposition. The Old Testament canon, as well as that of the New Testament, had then also its Antilegomena. These books were opposed not because of their late origin, but because their contents apparently militated against the truth of revelation and the spiritual nature of revealed religion. Similar doubts, though not so strong and lasting, were also uttered with reference to Proverbs, Esther, and Ezekiel.
The history of the exposition of this book is given in detail by Christian D.
Ginsburg in The Song of Songs, London 1857; and by Zöckler in "The Song," forming part of Lange's Bibelwerk, 1868, and supplemented by an account of the English interpretations and translations in the Anglo- American translation of this work by Green. Zunz, in the preface to Rebenstein's (Bernstein's) Lied der Lieder, 1834, has given an historical account of the Jewish expositors. Steinschneider's hmzkyr (Heb.
Bibliograph. 1869, p. 110ff.) presents a yet fuller account of the Jewish commentaries. The Münich royal library contains a considerable number of these-e.g., by Moses b. Tibbon, Shemariah, Immanuel Romi, Moses Calais (who embraced Christianity). Our commentary presents various new contributions to the history of the interpretation of this book. No other book of Scripture has been so much abused, by an unscientific spiritualizing, and an over-scientific unspiritual treatment, as this has.
Luther says, at the close of his exposition: Quodsi erro, veniam meretur primus labor, nam aliorum cogitationes longe plus absurditatis habent. To inventory the maculatur of these absurdities is a repulsive undertaking, and, in the main, a useless labour, from which we absolve ourselves.
SONG OF SOLOMON. 1:1
The song of songs, which is Solomon's.
The title of the book at once denotes that it is a connected whole, and is the work of one author.-Ch. Song 1:1. The Song of Songs, composed by Solomon. The genitival connection, "Song of Songs," cannot here signify the Song consisting of a number of songs, any more than calling the Bible "The Book of books" leads us to think of the 24 + 27 canonical books of which it consists. Nor can it mean "one of Solomon's songs;" the title, as it here stands, would then be the paraphrase of sh|' shiyreey shiyr, chosen for the purpose of avoiding the redoubled genitives; but "one of the songs" must rather have been expressed by mishiyreey shiyr. It has already been rightly explained in the Midrash: (Note: Vid., Fürst's Der Kanon des A. T. (1868), p. 86.) "the most praiseworthy, most excellent, most highly-treasured among the songs." The connection is superl. according to the sense (cf. a'rrheeta arrhee'toon of Sophocles), and signifies that song which, as such, surpasses the songs one and all of them; as "servant of servants," Gen 9:25, denotes a servant who is such more than all servants together.
The plur. of the second word is for this superl. sense indispensable (vid., Dietrich's Abhand. zur hebr. Gramm. p. 12), but the article is not necessary: it is regularly wanting where the complex idea takes the place of the predicate, Gen 9:25; Ex 29:37, or of the inner member of a genitival connection of words, Jer 3:19; but it is also wanting in other places, as Ezek 16:7 and Eccl 1:2; 12:8, where the indeterminate plur. denotes not totality, but an unlimited number; here it was necessary, because a definite Song-that, namely, lying before us-must be designated as the paragon of songs. The relative clause, "asher lishloomoo," does not refer to the single word "Songs" (Gr. Venet. too'n They who deny the Solomonic authorship usually explain: The Song of Songs which concerns or refers to Solomon, and point in favour of this interpretation to LXX B. ho' esti Sal., which, however, is only a latent genit., for which LXX A. too' Sal. Lamed may indeed introduce the reference of a writing, as at Jer 23:9; but if the writing is more closely designated as a "Song," "Psalm," and the like, then Lamed with the name of a person foll. is always the Lamed auctoris; in this case the idea of reference to, as e.g., at Isa 1:1, cf. 1 Kings 5:13, is unequivocally expressed by `l FIRST ACT THE MUTUAL AFFECTION OF THE LOVERS CH. 1:2-2:7 FIRST SCENE OF THE ACT, 1:2-8 The first act of the melodrama, which presents the loving relationship in the glow of the first love, now opens, Song 1:5-6, are evidently the words of Shulamith. Here one person speaks of herself throughout in the singular.
But in vv. 2-4 one and several together speak. Ewald also attributes vv. 2-4 to Shulamith, as words spoken by her concerning her shepherd and to him.
She says, "Draw me after thee, so will we run," for she wishes to be brought by him out of Solomon's court. But how can the praise, "an ointment poured forth is thy name,"-an expression which reminds us of what is said of Solomon, 1 Kings 5:11 (1 Kings 4:31), "and his fame was in all nations round about,"-be applicable to the shepherd? How could Shulamith say to the shepherd, "virgins love thee," and including herself with others, say to him also, "we will exult and rejoice in thee"? on which Ewald remarks: it is as if something kept her back from speaking of herself alone. How this contradicts the psychology of love aiming at marriage!
This love is jealous, and does not draw in rivals by head and ears. No; in vv. 2-4 it is the daughters of Jerusalem, whom Shulamith addresses in v. 5, who speak. The one who is praised is Solomon. The ladies of the palace are at table (vid., under v. 12), and Solomon, after whom she who is placed amid this splendour which is strange to her asks longingly (v. 7), is not now present. The two pentastichal strophes, vv. 2-4, are a scholion, the table song of the ladies; the solo in both cases passes over into a chorus.
SONG OF SOLOMON. 1:2
Let him kiss me with the kisses of his mouth: for thy love is better than wine.
From these words with which as a solo the first strophe begins:
Let him kiss me with kisses of his mouth, we at once perceive that she who here speaks is only one of many among whom Solomon's kisses are distributed; for min is partitive, as e.g., Ex 16:27 (cf. Jer 48:32 and Isa 16:9), with the underlying phrase n|shiyqaah In line 2 the expression changes into an address:
For better is thy love than wine.
Instead of "thy love," the LXX render "thy breasts," for they had before them the word written defectively as in the traditional text, and read dadeykaa Ismael rightly says, in reply to R. Akiba, Aboda zara 29b, and refers to sh|maaniykaa Rightly the Gr. Venet. ohi soi' e'rootes, for dowdiym It is the very same verbal stem from which daayid (David), the beloved, and the name of the foundress of Carthage, diydoh ( = diydown) Minna, is derived. The adj. tov appears here and at 3a twice in its nearest primary meaning, denoting that which is pleasant to the taste and (thus particularly in Arab.) to the smell.
SONG OF SOLOMON. 1:3
Because of the savour of thy good ointments thy name is as ointment poured forth, therefore do the virgins love thee.
This comparison suaves prae vino, as well as that which in line 3 of the pentastich, v. 3, To the smell thy ointments are sweet, shows that when this song is sung wine is presented and perfumes are sprinkled; but the love of the host is, for those who sing, more excellent than all. It is maintained that reeyach Certainly this word, like the Arab. ryh, elsewhere signifies odor, and the Hiph. heeriyach (arah) odorari; but why should not rych Thus in line 4:
An ointment poured forth is thy name.
By "thy ointments," line 3, spices are meant, by which the palace was perfumed; but the fragrance of which, as line 4 says, is surpassed by the fragrance of his name. sheem Both words are elsewhere mas.; but sooner than shm Fürst imagines "a province in Palestine where excellent oil was got," called Turak; "Turkish" Rosenöl recommends itself, on the contrary, by the fact of its actual existence. Certainly less is hazarded when we regard shemen, as here treated exceptionally, as fem.; thus, not: ut unguentum nomen tuum effunditur, which, besides, is unsuitable, since one does not empty out or pour out a name; but: unguentum quod effunditur (Hengst., Hahn, and others), an ointment which is taken out of its depository and is sprinkled far and wide, is thy name. The harsh expression muwraaq shmn is intentionally avoided; the old Heb. language is not filome'tochos (fond of participles); and, besides, mwrq sounds badly with mrq, to rub off, to wash away. Perhaps, also, yuwraq shmn is intentionally avoided, because of the collision of the weak sounds n and j. The name Sheem is derived from the verb shaamaa, to be high, prominent, remarkable: whence also the name for the heavens (vid., under Ps 8:2). That attractive charm (lines 2, 3), and this glory (line 4), make him, the praised, an object of general love, line 5, v. 3b:
Therefore virgins love thee.
This "therefore" reminds us of Ps 45. `alaamowt With these words the first pentastich of the table-song terminates. The mystical interpretation regards it as a song of praise and of loving affection which is sung to Christ the King, the fairest of the children of men, by the church which is His own. The Targum, in line first, thinks of the "mouth to mouth" Num 12:8 in the intercourse of Moses with God. Evidence of divine love is also elsewhere thought of as a kiss: the post-bibl. Heb. calls the gentlest death the death bnshyqh, i.e., by which God takes away the soul with a kiss.
SONG OF SOLOMON. 1:4
Draw me, we will run after thee: the king hath brought me into his chambers: we will be glad and rejoice in thee, we will remember thy love more than wine: the upright love thee.
The second pentastich also begins with a solo: 4 Draw me, so will we run after thee.
All recent interpreters (except Böttcher) translate, like Luther, "Draw me after thee, so we run." Thus also the Targ., but doubtfully: Trahe nos post te et curremus post viam bonitatis tuae. But the accentuation which gives Tiphcha to maash|' requires the punctuation to be that adopted by the Peshito and the Vulg., and according to which the passage is construed by the Greeks (except, perhaps, by the Quinta): Draw me, so will we, following thee, run (vid., Dachselt, Biblia Accentuata, p. 983 s.). In reality, this word needs no complement: of itself it already means, one drawing towards, or to himself; the corresponding (Arab.) masak signifies, prehendere prehensumque tenere; the root is ms, palpare, contrectare. It occurs also elsewhere, in a spiritual connection, as the expression of the gentle drawing of love towards itself (Hos 11:4; Jer 31:3); cf. helku'ein In what follows, this interchange of the solo and the unisono is repeated: 4b If the king has brought me into his chambers, So will we exult and rejoice in thee.
We will praise thy love more than wine!
Uprightly have they loved thee.
The cohortative naaruwtsaah The sequence of ideas, "exult" and "rejoice," is not a climax descendens, but, as Ps 118:24, etc., an advance from the external to the internal-from jubilation which can be feigned, to joy of heart which gives it truth; for saamach The wine represents the gifts of the king, in contradistinction to his person. That in inward love he gives himself to them, excels in their esteem all else he gives. For, as the closing line expresses, "uprightly they love thee,"-viz. they love thee, i.e., from a right heart, which seeks nothing besides, and nothing with thee; and a right mind, which is pleased with thee, and with nothing but thee. Heiligstedt, Zöckler, and others translate: with right they love thee. But the pluralet. meeyshaariym The second pentastich closes similarly with the first, which ended with "love thee." What is there said of this king, that the virgins love him, is here more generalized; for diligunt te is equivalent to diligeris (cf. Song 8:1,7). With these words the table-song ends. It is erotic, and yet so chaste and delicate-it is sensuous, and yet so ethical, that here, on the threshold, we are at once surrounded as by a mystical cloudy brightness. But how is it to be explained that Solomon, who says (Prov 27:2), "Let another praise thee, and not thine own mouth," begins this his Song of Songs with a song in praise of himself? It is explained from this, that here he celebrates an incident belonging to the happy beginning of his reign; and for him so far fallen into the past, although not to be forgotten, that what he was and what he now is are almost as two separate persons.
SONG OF SOLOMON. 1:5
I am black, but comely, O ye daughters of Jerusalem, as the tents of Kedar, as the curtains of Solomon.
After this choral song, Shulamith, who has listened to the singers not without being examined by their inquisitive glances as a strange guest not of equal rank with them, now speaks: 5 Black am I, yet comely, ye daughters of Jerusalem, As the tents of Kedar, as the hangings of Solomon.
From this, that she addresses the ladies of the palace as "daughters of Jerusalem" (Kerî yrwshlayim, a du. fractus; like `ep|rayin for `ep|rown Shulamith, the lightly esteemed, cannot boast that she is so ruddy and fair of countenance as they who have just sung how pleasant it is to be beloved by this king; but yet she is not so devoid of beauty as not to venture to love and hope to be loved: "Black am I, yet comely." These words express humility without abjectness. She calls herself "black," although she is not so dark and unchangeably black as an "Ethiopian" (Jer 13:23). The verb shaachar Kadar, atrum esse) is the name of a tribe of North. Arab. Ishmaelites (Gen 25:13) whom Pliny speaks of (Cedraei in his Hist. Nat. Song 5:11), but which disappeared at the era of the rise of Islam; the Karaite Jefeth uses for it the word (Arab.) Karysh, for he substitutes the powerful Arab tribe from which Muhammed sprung, and rightly remarks: "She compares the colour of her skin to the blackness of the hair tents of the Koreishites,"- even to the present day the Beduin calls his tent his "hair-house" (bêt wabar, or, according to a more modern expression, bêt sa'r, see`aar On the one hand, dark-coloured as the tents of the Kedarenes, she may yet, on the other hand, compare herself to the beautiful appearance of the y|riy`owt SONG OF SOLOMON. 1:6
Look not upon me, because I am black, because the sun hath looked upon me: my mother's children were angry with me; they made me the keeper of the vineyards; but mine own vineyard have I not kept.
Shulamith now explains, to those who were looking upon her with inquisitive wonder, how it is that she is swarthy: 6a Look not on me because I am black, Because the sun has scorched me.
If the words were biy We prefer, with Böttch., the former, because in the latter case we would have had shhshmsh. The quinqueliterum sh|char|choret The poet delicately represents Shulamith as regarding the sun as fem. Its name in Arab. and old Germ. is fem., in Heb. and Aram. for the most part mas. My lady the sun, she, as it were, says, has produced on her this swarthiness.
She now says how it has happened that she is thus sunburnt: 6b My mother's sons were angry with me, Appointed me as keeper of the vineyards- Mine own vineyard have I not kept.
If "mother's sons" is the parallel for "brothers" ('achay The form nicharuw Shulamith's address consists intentionally of clauses with perfects placed together: she speaks with childlike artlessness, and not "like a book;" in the language of a book, way|simuwniy would have been used instead of saamuniy The plur. 'et-hk|' does not necessarily imply that she had several vineyards to keep, it is the categ. plur. with the art. designating the genus; custodiens vineas is a keeper of a vineyard. But what kind of vineyard, or better, vinegarden, is that which she calls sheliy ( She intends in this figurative way to say, that as the keeper of a vineyard she neither could keep nor sought to keep her own person. In this connection caarmii, which by no means = the colourless memet ipsam, is to be taken as the figure of the person in its external appearance, and that of its fresh-blooming attractive appearance which directly accords with kerem SONG OF SOLOMON. 1:7
Tell me, O thou whom my soul loveth, where thou feedest, where thou makest thy flock to rest at noon: for why should I be as one that turneth aside by the flocks of thy companions?
These words (vv. 5-6) are addressed to the ladies of the palace, who look upon her with wonder. That which now follows is addressed to her beloved: 7 O tell me, thou whom my soul loveth: where feedest thou?
Where causest thou it (thy flock) to lie down at noon?
Among the flocks of thy companions!
The country damsel has no idea of the occupation of a king. Her simplicity goes not beyond the calling of a shepherd as of the fairest and the highest.
She thinks of the shepherd of the people as the shepherd of sheep.
Moreover, Scripture also describes governing as a tending of sheep; and the Messiah, of whom Solomon is a type, is specially represented as the future Good Shepherd. If now we had to conceive of Solomon as present from the beginning of the scene, then here in v. 7 would Shulamith say that she would gladly be alone with him, far away from so many who are looking on her with open eyes; and, indeed, in some country place where alone she feels at home. The entreaty "O tell me" appears certainly to require (cf. Gen 37:19) the presence of one to whom she addresses herself.
But, on the other hand, the entreaty only asks that he should let her know where he is; she longs to know where his occupation detains him, that she may go out and seek him.
Her request is thus directed toward the absent one, as is proved by v. 8.
The vocat., "O thou whom my soul loveth," is connected with 'ataah In themselves koh The verb raabats But what does k|`oT|yaah The former of these significations is not appropriate; for to appear as mourning does not offend the sense of honour in a virtuous maiden, but to create the appearance of an immodest woman is to her intolerable; and if she bears in herself the image of an only beloved, she shrinks in horror from such a base appearance, not only as a debasing of herself, but also as a desecration of this sanctuary in her heart. Shulamith calls entreatingly upon him whom her soul loveth to tell her how she might be able directly to reach him, without feeling herself wounded in the consciousness of her maidenhood and of the exclusiveness of her love. It is thereby supposed that the companions of her only beloved among the shepherds might not treat that which to her is holy with a holy reserve-a thought to which Hattendorff has given delicate expression in his exposition of the Song, 1867. If Solomon were present, it would be difficult to understand this entreating call. But he is not present, as is manifest from this, that she is not answered by him, but by the daughters of Jerusalem. 8 If thou knowest not, thou fairest of women, Go after the footprints of the flock, And feed thy kids beside the shepherds' tents.
SONG OF SOLOMON. 1:8
If thou know not, O thou fairest among women, go thy way forth by the footsteps of the flock, and feed thy kids beside the shepherds' tents. hayaapaah But the instruction which her childlike, almost childish, naïvete deserved, the daughters of Jerusalem do not feel disposed to give her. yd` One misapprehends the answer if he supposes that they in reality point out the way to Shulamith by which she might reach her object; on the contrary, they answer her ironically, and, entering into her confusion of mind, tell her that if she cannot apprehend the position of Solomon, she may just remain what she is. `aaqeeb SECOND SCENE OF THE FIRST ACT, 1:9-2:7 SONG OF SOLOMON 1:9-11 I have compared thee, O my love, to a company of horses in Pharaoh's chariots.
Solomon, while he was absent during the first scene, is now present. It is generally acknowledged that the words which follow were spoken by him: 9 To a horse in the chariot of Pharaoh Do I compare thee, my love. 10 Beautiful are thy cheeks in the chains, Thy neck in the necklaces. 11 Golden chains will we make for thee, With points of silver.
Till now, Shulamith was alone with the ladies of the palace in the banqueting-chamber. Solomon now comes from the banquet-hall of the men (v. 12); and to Song 2:7, to which this scene extends, we have to think of the women of the palace as still present, although not hearing what Solomon says to Shulamith. He addresses her, "my love:" she is not yet his bride. ra`|yaah Egyptian horses were then esteemed as afterwards the Arabian were.
Moreover, the horse was not native to Egypt, but was probably first imported thither by the Hyksos: the Egyptian name of the horse, and particularly of the mare, ses-t, ses-mut, and of the chariot, markabuta, are Semitic. (Note: Eber's Aegypten u. die B. Mose's, Bd. I pp. 221f. 226; cf. Aeg.
Zeitschr. 1864, p. 26f.) cuwcaah The former statement is untrue, and the latter is absurd. Suus means equus, and susaa may, indeed, collectively denote the stud (cf. Josh 19:5 with Chron 4:31), but obviously it first denotes the equa. But is it to be rendered, with the LXX and the Venet., "to my horse"? Certainly not; for the chariots of Pharaoh are just the chariots of Egypt, not of the king of Israel. The Chirek in which this word terminates is the Ch. compag., which also frequently occurs where, as here and Gen 49:11, the second member of the word-chain is furnished with a prep. (vid., under Ps 113). This i is an old genitival ending, which, as such, has disappeared from the language; it is almost always accented as the suff. Thus also here, where the Metheg shows that the accent rests on the ult. The plur. rik|beey The transition to v. 10 is mediated by the effect of the comparison; for the head-frame of the horse's bridle, and the poitral, were then certainly, must as now, adorned with silken tassels, fringes, and other ornaments of silver (vid., Lane's Modern Egypt, I 149). Jerome, absurdly, after the LXX: pulchrae sunt genae tuae sicut turturis. The name of the turtle, tod, redupl. turtur, is a pure onomatopoeia, which has nothing to do with tuwr After v. 11, one has to represent to himself Shulamith's adorning as very simple and modest; for Solomon seeks to make her glad with the thought of a continued residence at the royal court by the promise of costly and elegant ornaments. Gold and silver were so closely connected in ancient modes of representation, that in the old Aegypt. silver was called nub het, or white gold. Gold derived its name of zaahaab The name of silver has here, not without the influence of the rhythm (v.
Song 8:9), the article designating the species; the Song frequently uses this, and is generally in using the art. not so sparing as poetry commonly is. (Note: The art. denoting the idea of species in the second member of the st. const. standing in the sing. without a determining reference to the first, occurs in Song 1:13, "a bundle of (von) myrrh;" 1:14, "a cluster of (von) the cyprus-flower;" 4:3, "a thread of (von) scarlet," "a piece of pomegranate;" 5:13, "a bed of balm" (but otherwise, 6:2), 7:9, "clusters of the vine;" 7:3, "a bowl of roundness" (which has this property); 7:10, "wine (of the quality) of goodness;" cf. 8:2, "wine the (= of the) spicing." It also, in cases where the defined species to which the first undefined member of the st. const. belongs, stands in the pl.: 2:9,17; 8:14, "like a young one of the hinds;" 4:1; 6:5, "a herd of goats;" 4:2, "a flock of shorn sheep;" 6:6, "a flock of lambs," i.e., consisting of individuals of this kind. Also, when the second member states the place where a thing originates or is found, the first often remains indeterminate, as one of that which is there found, or a part of that which comes from thence: 2:1, "a meadow-saffron of Sharon," "a lily of the valleys;" 3:9, "the wood of Lebanon." The following are doubtful: 4:4, "a thousand bucklers;" and 7:5, "a tower of ivory;" less so 7:1, "the dance of Mahanaim." The following are examples of a different kind: Gen 16:7, "a well of water;" Deut 22:19, "a damsel of Israel;" Ps 113:9, "a mother of children;" cf. Gen 21:28.) `im They would make for her golden globules or knobs with (i.e., provided with...; cf. Ps 89:14) points of silver sprinkled over them-which was a powerful enticement for a plain country damsel.
SONG OF SOLOMON. 1:12
While the king sitteth at his table, my spikenard sendeth forth the smell thereof.
Now for the first time Shulamith addresses Solomon, who is before her. It might be expected that the first word will either express the joy that she now sees him face to face, or the longing which she had hitherto cherished to see him again. The verse following accords with this expectation: 12 While the king is at his table, My nard has yielded its fragrance. sh While (usque eo, so long as), says Shulamith, the king was at his table, my nard gave forth its fragrance. nir|d| Hitzig thinks of the nard with which she who is speaking has besprinkled herself, and he can do this because he regards the speaker as one of the court ladies. But that Shulamith has besprinkled herself with nard, is as little to be thought of as that she has in her hand a sprig of nard (spica nardi), or, as the ancients said, an ear of nard; she comes from a region where no nard grows, and nard-oil is for a country maiden unattainable. (Note: The nard plant grows in Northern and Eastern India; the hairy part of the stem immediately above the root yields the perfume. Vid., Lassen's Indische Alterthumskunde, I 338f., III 41f.)
Horace promises Virgil a cadus (= 9 gallons) of the best wine for a small onyx-box full of nard; and Judas estimated at 300 denarii (about £8, 10s.) the genuine nard (how frequently nard was adulterated we learn from Pliny) which Mary of Bethany poured from an alabaster box on the head of Jesus, so that the whole house was filled with the odour of the ointment (Mark 14:5; John 12:2). There, in Bethany, the love which is willing to sacrifice all expressed itself in the nard; here, the nard is a figure of the happiness of love, and its fragrance a figure of the longing of love. It is only in the language of flowers that Shulamith makes precious perfume a figure of the love which she bears in the recess of her heart, anl which, so long as Solomon was absent, breathed itself out and, as it were, cast forth its fragrance (Note: In Arab. ntn = ntn SONG OF SOLOMON. 1:13-14
A bundle of myrrh is my wellbeloved unto me; he shall lie all night betwixt my breasts.
Most interpreters, ignoring the lessons of botany, explain 13a of a little bunch of myrrh; but whence could Shulamith obtain this? Myrrh, mor The 14th verse presents the same thought. koper SONG OF SOLOMON. 1:15
Behold, thou art fair, my love; behold, thou art fair; thou hast doves' eyes.
In this ardour of loving devotion, she must appear to the king so much the more beautiful. 15 Lo, thou art fair, my love.
Lo, thou art fair; thine eyes are doves.
This is a so-called comparatio decurtata, as we say: feet like the gazelle, i.e., to which the swiftness of the gazelle's feet belongs (Hab 3:19); but instead of "like doves," for the comparison mounts up to equalization, the expression is directly, "doves." If the pupil of the eye were compared with the feathers of the dove (Hitz.), or the sprightliness of the eye with the lively motion hither and thither of the dove (Heiligst.), then the eulogium would stand out of connection with what Shulamith has just said. But it stands in reference to it if her eyes are called doves; and so the likeness to doves' eyes is attributed to them, because purity and gentleness, longing and simplicity, express themselves therein. The dove is, like the myrtle, rose, and apple, an attribute of the goddess of love, and a figure of that which is truly womanly; wherefore y|miymaah SONG OF SOLOMON 1:16,17 Behold, thou art fair, my beloved, yea, pleasant: also our bed is green.
If v. 16 were not the echo of her heart to Solomon, but if she therewith meant some other one, then the poet should at least not have used hin|kaa Therefore she praises the fresh green of their future homestead; cedar tops will form the roof of the house in which they dwell, and cypresses its wainscot. The bed, and particularly the bridal-bower (D. M. Z. xxii. 153)- but not merely the bed in which one sleeps, but also the cushion for rest, the divan (Amos 6:4)-has the name `eres The beams are called qorowt