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| Of Basil of Cæsarea, and Gregory of Nazianzus.
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Chapter XXVI.—Of Basil
of Cæsarea, and Gregory of Nazianzus.640
| 640For full accounts of the lives of these eminent men,
see Smith and Wace, Dict. of Christ. Biog., and the sources and
literature therein referred to.
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Now Providence opposed Didymus
to the Arians at Alexandria. But for the purpose of confuting them in
other cities, it raised up Basil of Cæsarea and Gregory of
Nazianzus; concerning these it will be reasonable to give a brief
account in this place. Indeed the universally prevalent memory of the
men would be enough as a token of their fame; and the extent of their
knowledge is sufficiently perceptible in their writings. Since,
however, the exercise of their talents was of great service to the
Church, tending in a high degree to the maintenance of the catholic
faith, the nature of my history obliges me to take particular notice of
these two persons. If any one should compare Basil and Gregory with one
another, and consider the life, morals, and virtues of each, he would
find it difficult to decide to which of them he ought to assign the
pre-eminence: so equally did they both appear to excel, whether you
regard the rectitude of their conduct, or their deep acquaintance with
Greek literature and the sacred Scriptures. In their youth they were
pupils at Athens of Himerius641
| 641Himerius, a native of Prusias (mod. Broussa) in
Bithynia, flourished about 360 a.d. as a
sophist under Julian the Apostate. He published various discourses,
which, according to Photius, contained insidious attacks on
Christianity. Cf. Eunapius, p. 153, under title
Prohæresius; Photius, Bibl. Cod. 165.
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and Prohæresius,642
| 642Prohæresius was a native of Cæsarea in
Cappadocia, and taught in Athens a short time before Libanius. Cf.
Eunapius, Prohæresius, par. 129–162.
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the most celebrated sophists of that age: subsequently they frequented
the school of Libanius643
| 643This is doubted by Valesius on the ground that
Gregory in his autobiography (in verse) says that he was thirty years
of age when he left Athens, where his friends wished him to stay and
teach rhetoric; but if he stayed at Athens until the thirtieth year of
his age, it is not likely that he could have studied with Libanius
after that time. So also Rufinus, H. E. II. 9.
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at Antioch in Syria, where they cultivated rhetoric to the utmost.
Having been deemed worthy of the profession of sophistry, they were
urged by many of their friends to enter the profession of teaching
eloquence; others would have persuaded them to practice law: but
despising both these pursuits, they abandoned their former studies, and
embraced the monastic life. Having had some slight taste of
philosophical science from him who then taught it at Antioch, they
procured Origen’s works, and drew from them the right
interpretation of the sacred Scriptures; for the fame of Origen was
very great and widespread throughout the whole world at that time;
after a careful perusal of the writings of that great man, they
contended against the Arians with manifest advantage. And when the
defenders of Arianism quoted the same author in confirmation, as they
imagined, of their own views, these two confuted them, and clearly
proved that their opponents did not at all understand the reasoning of
Origen. Indeed, although Eunomius,644
| 644Cf. chap. 7 of the present book.
|
who was then their champion, and many others on the side of the Arians
were considered men of great eloquence, yet whenever they attempted to
enter into controversy with Gregory and Basil, they appeared in
comparison with them ignorant and illiterate. Basil being ordained to
the office of deacon, was by Meletius, bishop of Antioch, from that
rank elevated to the bishopric of Cæsarea in Cappadocia, which was
his native country. Thither he therefore hastened, fearing lest these
Arian dogmas should have infected the provinces of Pontus; and in order
to counteract them, he founded several monasteries, diligently
instructed the people in his own doctrines, and confirmed the faith of
those whose minds were wavering. Gregory being constituted bishop of
Nazianzus,645
| 645Rufinus (H. E. II. 9) says this. But from
Gregory’s own works (Orat. VIII.) it appears that he was
not made bishop of Nazianzus but assistant to his father, and on the
express condition that he should not succeed his father. He was first
consecrated bishop of Sasimi by Basil the Great, from thence
transferred to Constantinople, but resigned that bishopric (V. 7) and
retired to Nazianzus, where he remained bishop until he chose his
successor there.
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a small city of Cappadocia over which his own father had before
presided, pursued a course similar to that which Basil took; for he
went through the various cities, and strengthened the weak in faith. To
Constantinople in particular he made frequent visits, and by his
ministrations there, comforted and assured the orthodox believers,
wherefore a short time after, by the suffrage of many bishops, he was
made bishop of the church at Constantinople. When intelligence of the
proceedings of these two zealous and devoted men reached the ears of
the emperor Valens, he immediately ordered Basil to be brought from
Cæsarea to Antioch;646
| 646Sozomen (VI. 16) says that Valens came from Antioch
to Cæsarea and ordered Basil to be brought before the prefect of
the prætorium. This account agrees better with what both Gregory
of Nazianzus and Gregory of Nyssa say of this experience of Basil.
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where being arraigned before the tribunal of the prefect, that
functionary asked him ‘why he would not embrace the
emperor’s faith?’ Basil with much boldness condemned the
errors of that creed which his sovereign countenanced, and vindicated
the doctrine of the homoousion: and when the prefect threatened
him with death, ‘Would,’ said Basil, ‘that I might be
released from the bonds of the body for the truth’s sake.’
The prefect having exhorted him to reconsider the matter more
seriously, Basil is reported to have said, ‘I am the same to-day
that I shall be to-morrow: but I wish that you had not changed
yourself.’ At that time, therefore, Basil remained in custody
throughout the day. It happened, however, not long afterwards that
Galates, the emperor’s infant son, was attacked with a dangerous
malady, so that the physicians despaired of his recovery; when the
empress Dominica, his mother, assured the emperor that she had been
greatly disquieted in her dreams by fearful visions, which led her to
believe that the child’s illness was a chastisement on account of
the ill treatment of the bishop. The emperor after a little reflection
sent for Basil, and in order to prove his faith said to him, ‘If
the doctrine you maintain is the truth, pray that my son may not
die.’ ‘If your majesty should believe as I do,’
replied Basil, ‘and the church should be unified, the child shall
live.’ To these conditions the emperor would not agree:
‘God’s will concerning the child will be done then,’
said Basil; as Basil said this the emperor ordered him to be dismissed;
the child, however, died shortly after. Such is an epitome of the
history of these distinguished ecclesiastics, both of whom have left us
many admirable works, some of which Rufinus says he has translated into
Latin. Basil had two brothers, Peter and Gregory; the former of whom
adopted Basil’s monastic mode of life; while the latter emulated
his eloquence in teaching, and completed after his death Basil’s
treatise on the Six Days’ Work, which had been left
unfinished. He also pronounced at Constantinople the funeral oration of
Meletius, bishop of Antioch; and many other orations of his are still
extant.
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