PREVIOUS CHAPTER - NEXT CHAPTER - HELP     

Henry VII.

Maximilian the Emperor The Burning of Joan Boughton, and others.

Hieronymus Savonarola, with two Friars, Martyrs.

Articles objected against Hierome and the two Friars The Ten Grievances complained of by the Germans, and the to Remedy against them.

An Advertisement unto the Emperor Maximilian, of the Subtle Practices of the Pope and Popish Prelates A certain Godly Exhortation unto the Emperor s Majesty.

The Edict of Maximilian the Emperor.

A Letter of Jacobus Selestadiensis to the Emperor Maximilian, in Answer to the Edict The History of the Turks.

Ottoman, the First great Emperor of the Turks, A.D. 1300.

Orchan, the Second Emperor Amurath, the Third Emperor.

Bajazet, the Fourth Emperor.

Caiephine, the Fifth Emperor.

Orehan, Mahomet, and Amurath, the Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Emperors.

Mahomet II., the Ninth Emperor.

Bajazet II., the Tenth Emperor.

Orehan, the Eleventh Emperor.

Solyman, the Twelfth Emperor.

A Notice touching the Miserable Persecution, Slaughter, and Captivity of the Christians under the Turks, and the Authors of the Turks Story.

The Division of Asia Minor, called Chersonesus.

Africa, The Prophecies of the Holy Scriptures considered, touching the Coming up, and final Ruin and Destruction, of this wicked Kingdom of the Turks; with the Revelations and Foreshown is also of other authors concerning the same A Comparison between the Syrians and the Turks.

The Prophecies of Methodius, Hildegarde, and others, concerning the Reign and Ruin of the Turks.

Interpretation of Prophecy.

A Prayer against the Turks.

William Tylsworth, Martyr, burned at Amersham to The cruel handling of Thomas Chase, of Amersham; wickedly strangled and martyred in the Bishop's Prison at Woburn, under William Smith, Bishop of Lincoln.

Laurence Ghest, Martyr.

A notable Story of a faithful Woman, burned in Chipping Sudbury.

Verses upon Thomas Wittington, who was slain by a bull.

John Blomstone, and eight others, persecuted at Coventry The Names of the Archbishops of Canterbury contained in the Sixth Book.

A Brief Note, with a Recapitulation of Ancient Ecclesiastical Laws, by sundry Kings of this realm ordained, for Government of the Church before the Conquest The proud primacy of Popes described; in order of their rising up, by little and little, from faithful Bishops and Martyrs, to become Lords and Governors over Kings and Kingdoms, exalting themselves in the Temple of God. above all that is called God.

The First Rising of the Bishops of Rome.

The Words of St. Paul expounded.

The Exaltation of Popes above Kings and Emperors, out of Histories.

The Image of Antichrist exalting himself in the Temple of God, above all that is called God; out of his own decrees, decretals. extravagants, pontificals, &c., word for word, as it is out of the stud books here alleged and quoted.

An Alphabetical List of the Authorities here alluded to.

Casus Papales LI. apud Fratrem Astesanum, sire de Ast. Doctorera solemnera in summa confessionis. Item apud Hosfiensero, de offic, legat, reperti et his versibus comprehensi.

Cases Papal to the number of one and fifty; wherein the Pope hath power to dispense, and none else besides.

BOOK PERTAINING TO THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE LOOSING OF SATAN.

HENRY VIII.

The Tenor of the Pope's Bull, for the Conception of the Virgin to be without Sin.

The State and Succession of Princes. to The History of divers good Men and Women, persecuted for Religion in the city and diocese of the Bishop of London: briefly extracted out of the Registers of Richard Fitzjames;with their Examinations.

Joan Baker, and thirty-nine others The Death and Martyrdom of William Sweefing and John Brewster.

John Brown, Martyr.

The Story of Richard Hun, Martyr; with the Articles against to him New Articles commenced against him after his death.

A solemn process of Fitzjames, Bishop of London, against Hun being dead.

The Verdict of the Inquest.

The Depositions of Thomas Chicheley, Thomas Simondes, Robert Johnson, John Spalding, Peter Turner, John Enderby, Allen Cresswell, and Richard Horsenail.

Copy of the Letter of Richard Fitzjames, the Bishop of London, sent to Cardinal Wolsey.

The Words that.the Bishop of London spake before the Lords, in the Parliament-house The sentence of the Inquest subscribed by the CoronerTenor of the King's Letter in behalf of Richard Hun.

A Defence of Richard Hun, against Sir Thomas More and Alanus Copus.

Elizabeth Stamford, and others.

The Names of divers others, who, in the Registers, be specified to abjure John Southwick John Stilman, and the Articles against him.

Thomas Man, Martyr, and his Articles.

Robert Cosin, of Buckingham, and William Sweeting, alias Clerke, Martyrs.

James Brewster, of Colchester, Martyr.

Christopher Shoemaker, of Great Messenden, Martyr.

Captious Interrogatordes ministered commonly by the Bishop of Lincoln, against certain Examinates.

A Table describing the grievous Afflictions of good Men, in the to Diocese of Lincoln, under John Longland, the Bishop, with the names both of the accusers and of them that were accused; also with the crimes to them objected; out of the Registers of the said Diocese. A.D. 1521.

Copy of the King's Letter for the aid of John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, against the Servants of Christ, falsely then called Heretics.

The Names of those who were abjured in the Diocese of Lincoln, with a brief Summary of their Opinions.

Copy of the Bishop's Letter to the Abbot of Ensham.

Penance enjoined under pain of relapse, by John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, Dec. 19, 1521.

The Names of them that were condemned for Relapse, and committed unto the Secular Power.

Doctor John Colet, Dean of St. Paul's.

The Beginning of the Reformation of the Church of Christ, in the time of Martin Luther.

Prophecies, going before Martin Luther, touching the Reformation of the Church.

The A. B.C. against the Pride of the Clergy.

The History of Doctor Martin Luther, with his Life and Doctrine described.

Review of Luther's Conduct and Writings.

Substance of the Pope's Charge to his Legate, against Luther.

Protestation of Luther, with-his Answer and Propositions before the Cardinal.

The Acts and Doings of Martin Luther before the Emperor, at the City of Worms.

Luther's Answer to Eckius.

The Emperor's Letter against Luther, and the Consultation upon it; Doctor Vceus's Oration, and Luther's Answer, &c.

The usual Prayer of Martin Luther.

Pope Adrian VI. to the renowned Princes of Germany, and to the Peers of the Roman Emperors Instructions given by Pope Adrian to Charegatus, his Legate, touching his Proceedings in the Diet of Nuremberg, how and by what persuasions the Princes were to be moved against Luther.

The Answer of the Noble and Reverend Princes, and of the States of his Sacred Roman Empire, exhibited to the Pope's Ambassador Certain Grievances or Oppressions of Germany, against the Court of Rome, collected and exhibited by the Princes, at the Council of Nuremberg, to the number of a hundred, whereof certain Specialities follow.

An Intimation given by Philip Melancthon to his Auditory at Wittenberg, of the decease of Martin Luther, A Prayer after the manner of Luther Summary of Popish Decrees made at the Council of Raftsban.

The History of the Helvetians or Switzers; how they first recovered their liberty, and afterwards were joined in league together The Acts and Doings of Uldricus Zuinglius: and the Receiving of the Gospel in Switzerland.

Constitutions decreed in the Council of Bern.

Answer of the Tigurines, or Men of Zurich, to the five Towns of the Switzers.

Message from the Council to the City of Strasberg.

A Letter of Uldricus Zuinglius to N., his brother in the Lord.

Henry Voes and John Each, Friars Augustine, burnt at Brussels, a.D. 1523.

Henry Sutphen, Monk, a Martyr at Dithmarsch Letter of Solyman the great Turk, to the Master The lamentable Martyrdom of John Clerk, at Meaux, in France The History of a good Pastor, murdered for preaching of the Gospel: written by John Oecolampadius.

The like History of the Death of a certain Minister, named Master Peter Spengler, who was drowned: collected by Oecolampadius.

Another History of a certain Man of the Country, wrongfully put to death: collected by John Oecolampadius The Story and Martyrdom of Wolfgangus Schueh, a German, burned at Lorraine.

John Hugiein, Martyr, burned at Mersburg George Carpenter, of Eraerich, Martyr, burned in the town of Munich, in Bavaria The History of Leonard Keyser, Martyr, burned at Schardingham Wendelmuta, Widow, Martyr; at the Hague Peter Flisteden and Adolphus Clarebach, put to death at Cologne A Table of the Names and Causes of such Martyrs as gave their to lives for the testimony of the Gospel, in Germany, France, Spain, Italy, and other Foreign Countries, since Luther's time: in which table are contained the Persecutions, the Martyrs, and the Causes of their Martyrdom:

The Martyrs of Germany Great Persecution in Gaunt, and other parts of Flanders by the Friars and Priests thereof Another Table of those that suffered in France, for the like to witness of his Gospel:

The French Martyrs THE ACTS AND MONUMENTS OF JOHN FOXE Continuation Of Book Pertaining to: THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE LOOSING OUT OF SATAN. HENRY THE SEVENTH When king Henry, by the providence of God, had obtained this triumphant victory and diadem of the realm, first sending for Edward Plantagenet earl of Warwick, son to George duke of Clarence, and committing him to safe custody within the Tower, from Leicester he removed to London; and not long after, according to his oath and promise made before, espoused to him the young lady Elizabeth, heir of the house of York; whereby both the houses of York and Lancaster were conjoined together, to the no little rejoicing of all English hearts, and no less quiet unto the realm, which was A.D. 1486 1 . This king reigned twenty-three years and eight months, and being a prince of great policy, justice, and temperance, kept his realm in good tolerable rule and order. And here, interrupting a little the course of our English matters, we will now (the Lord willing) enter the story above promised, of Maximilian the emperor, and matters of the empire, especially such as pertain to the church.

MAXIMILIAN THE EMPEROR In the year of our Lord 1486, Frederic waxing aged, and partly also mistrusting the hearts of the Germans, who had complained before of their grievances, and could not be heard; and therefore, misdoubting that his house, after his decease, should have the less favor among them, for that cause in his lifetime did associate his son Maximilian to be joined emperor with him; with whom he reigned the space of seven years, till the death of the said Frederic his father, who departed A.D. 1493 2 , after he had reigned over the empire fifty-three years, lacking but three years of the reign of Augustus Caesar, under whom was the birth of our Lord and Savior Christ.

This Maximilian, as he was a valiant emperor, prudent and singularly learned, so was his reign entangled in many unquiet and difficult wars; first, in the lower countries of Flanders and Brabant, where the said Maximilian was taken captive, but shortly after rescued and delivered again by his father, A.D. 1487. It was signified before, how this Maximilian, by the advice of the Burgundians, had to with Mary, the only daughter of Charles duke of Burgundy afore mentioned, 2 by whom he had two children, Philip and Margaret, A.D. 1477 3 ; which Mary not long after, about A.D. 1482, by a fall from her horse, fell into an ague, and departed.

Other wars, many more, the same Maximilian also achieved, both in France, in Italy, in Hungary, and divers besides.

So happy was the education of this emperor in good letters, so expert he was in tongues and sciences, but especially such was his dexterity and promptness in the Latin style, that he, imitating the example of Julius Caesar, did write and comprehend in Latin histories his own acts and feats done, and that, in such sort, that when he had given a certain taste of his history to one Picamerus, a learned man, asking his judgment how his warlike style of Latin did like him, the said Picamerus did affirm and report of him to John Carion (the witness and writer of this story), that he did never see nor read in any German story, a thing more exactly (and that in such haste) done, as this was of Maximilian. Moreover, as he was learned himself, so was he a singular patron and advancer of learned students, as may well appear by the erecting and setting up the university of Wittenberg. By this emperor many in those days were excited to the embracing as well of other liberal arts, as also, namely, to the searching out of old antiquities of histories, whereby divers were then by him first occasioned in Germany to set their minds, and to exercise their diligence, in collecting and explicating matters pertaining to the knowledge of history, as well of ancient as also of later times, as namely Cuspinian, Nauclerus, Conrad, Pentinger, Manlius, and others.

Here now it began right well to appear, what great benefit was broached to the world by the art and faculty of printing, as is before mentioned.

Through the means of which printing, the church and commonwealth of Christ began now to be replenished with learned men, as both may appear by this emperor, being so endued himself with such excellent knowledge of good letters, and also by divers other famous and worthy wits, who began now in this age exceedingly to increase and multiply: as Baptista Mantuanus, Augustus Politianus, Hermolaus Barbarus, Picus Mirandula, and Franciscus his cousin, Rodolphus Agricola, Pontanus, Philippus, Beroaldus, Marsilius Ficinus, Volateranus, Georgius Valla, with infinite others.

Among whom is also to be numbered Weselus Groningensis 4 , otherwise named Basilius, who was not long after Johannes de Wesalia 5 above retired; both much about one time, and both great friends together. This Weselus died A.D. 1489. After that Johannes, doctor of Wesalia aforesaid, was condemned, this Weselus, being familiar with him, thought that the inquisitor would come and examine him also, as he himself, in a certain epistle, doth write. He was so notable and so worthy a man, that he was commonly called “ Lux Mahdi , 6 ” that is, “The light of the world.”

Concerning his doctrine, first he reprehended the opinion of the papists, as touching repentance, which they divided into three parts, of the which three parts 7 , satisfaction and confession he did disallow. Likewise purgatory, and supererogation of works, and pardons, he did disprove, both at Rome and at Paris. He spake against the pope’s indulgences 8 , by the occasion whereof divers of the pope’s court, persuaded by him, began to speak more freely against the same matter than he himself had done.

The abuses of masses and praying for the dead he disallowed; and likewise the supremacy of the pope he utterly rejected (as appeareth in a book of his, “De sacramento pcenitentiae”), denying utterly that any supreme head or governor ought to be in the world over all other; affirming also and saying many times, that the pope had no authority to do any thing by commandment, but by truth (that is, so far as truth goeth with him, so far his sentence to stand); neither that he ought to prevail by commanding, but only by teaching, so as every true Christian may prevail over another 9 . 3 Also, in some place in his writings he denieth not, but that popes and their spiritual prelates, proceeding against Christ’s doctrine, be plain antichrists. Such as were infirm, and not able to perform the bond of chastity taken upon them, he said, they might well break their vow.

Also the said Weselus witnesseth 10 , that the forefathers who were before Albert and Thomas, did resist and withstand the pope’s indulgences, calling them in their writings plain idolatry, mere fraud and error; adding moreover, that unless the severity of some good divines had withstand these pardons and indulgences of the pope, innumerable errors had overflowen the church.

Amongst the works of Weselus, there is a certain epistle of one written to him, in which the author of the epistle witnesseth, that in his time there was a certain learned man at Paris, called Master Thomas de Curselis 11 , a dean; who, being in the council of Basil, when divers began to advance the power of the pope too far, declared and affirmed to be said to him of Christ, “Quicquid ligaveris super terram, erit ligatum et in coelo,” etc., and not “quicquid dixeris esse ligatum;” that is, “Whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, shall be bound in heaven,” but not, “whatsoever thou sayest to be bound,” — as who should say 12 , the pope cannot and doth not bind therefore, because he so saith, except truth and righteousness go also with him: then, he doth so bind indeed. 4 There is a certain book of this man, amongst divers others, which he entituleth, “De subditis et superioribus,” in the which he disputeth greatly against the pope and his prelates; affirming that the pope, unless his faith and doctrine be sound, ought not to be obeyed. He affirmeth also that the pope may err, and when he erreth, men ought by all manner of means to resist him: Item, That great and superfluous riches in the clergy do not profit, but hurt, the church: That the pope doth wickedly distribute the rents of the church, and the churches themselves, to unworthy ministers by simony, for his own profit and gain 13 , whereby it may appear, that he neither careth for God, nor for the health of the church: Item, That the precepts and commandments of the pope and prelates be no otherwise but as the counsels and precepts of physicians, binding no further than they are found to be wholesome, and standing with the truth of the word: Item, That the pope can command no man under pain of deadly sin, except God command him before. He saith, that the keys of the pope and of the prelates be not such wherewith they open the kingdom of heaven, but rather shut it, as the Pharisees did. Concerning vows, he disputeth that such as be foolish and impossible ought to be broken: Item, That hearers ought to discern and judge of the doctrine of their prelates, and not to receive every thing that they say, without due examination.

He showeth, moreover, that an opinion, and even an excommunication, is of more force, proceeding from a true, godly, honest 14 , simple, and learned man, than from the pope; as in the council of Constance John Gerson 15 was more regarded than John XXIII, and St. Bernard was antiently more esteemed by the pious than Eugene III. Also if the pope with his prelates govern and rule haughtily, that the inferiors, be they ever so base, ought to resist him.

Writing moreover of two popes, Pius II and Sixtus IV16 , he saith, that Pius II did claim unto himself all the kingdoms of the whole world, and that Sixtus the pope did dispense with all manner of oaths in causes temporal, not only with such oaths as have been already, but also with all such as shall be made hereafter: which was nothing else but to give liberty and license for men to forswear themselves, and to deceive one another.

This Weselus, being a Frisian born 17 , and now aged in years, on a certain time when a young man called Master Johannes Ostendorpius 5 came to him, said these words: “Well, my child, thou shalt live to that day, when thou shalt see that the doctrine of these new and contentious divines, as Thomas and Bonaventure, with others of the same sort, shall be utterly rejected and exploded by all true Christian divines.” And this, which Ostendorpius, then being young, heard Weselus to speak, he reported himself to Noviomagus, who wrote the story 18 , having (as he saith) heard it at the mouth of the said Ostendorpius, February 20th, A.D. 1520, in the church of St. Lewin at Deventer.

Philip Melancthon, writing the life of Rodolphus Agricola, saith, that Josquinus Groningensis, an ancient and a godly man, reported that when he was young, he was oftentimes present at the sermons of Rodolphus and Weselus, wherein they many times lamented the darkness of the church, and reprehended the abuses of the mass and of the single life of priests. 6 Item, That they disputed oftentimes of the righteousness of faith, which St. Paul so oftentimes did inculcate, that men be justified by faith, and not by works. The same Josquine also reported, that they did openly reject and disprove the opinion of monks, who say that men be justified by their works: Item, Concerning men’s traditions their opinion was that all such were deceived, whosoever attributed unto those traditions any opinion of God’s worship, or that they might not be broken. And thus much for the story of doctors Wesalia and Weselus.

By this it may be seen and noted, how, by the grace of God and gift of printing, first came forth learning; by learning came light, to judge and discern the errors of the pope from the truth of God’s word; as partly by these above said may appear, partly by others that follow after (by the grace of Christ) shall better be seen.

THE BURNING OF JOAN BOUGHTON, AND OTHERS About the very same time and season, when the gospel began thus to branch and spring in Germany, the host of Christ’s church began also to muster and to multiply likewise here in England, as by these histories here consequent may appear. For not long after the death of this Weselus, A.D. 1494, and in the ninth year of the reign of king Henry VII, the 28th of April, was burned a very old woman named Joan Boughton, widow, and mother to the lady Young 20 , which lady was also suspected to be of that opinion which her mother was. Her mother was fourscore years of age or more, and held eight of Wickliff’s opinions (which opinions my author doth not show) for which she was burnt in Smithfield the day abovesaid.

My author saith, she was a disciple of Wickliff, whom she accounted for a saint, and held so fast and firmly eight of his ten opinions, that all the doctors of London could not turn her from one of them; and when it was told her that she should be burnt for her obstinacy and false belief, she set nothing by their menacing words, but defied them: for she said, she was so beloved of God, and his holy angels, that she passed not for the fire; and in the midst thereof she cried to God to take her soul into his holy hands.

The night following that she was burnt, the most part of her ashes were had away by such as had a love unto the doctrine that she died for.

Shortly after the martyrdom of this godly aged mother, A.D. 1496, and the 17th of January, being Sunday 21 , two men, the one called Richard Milderale, and the other James Sturdy, bare faggots before the procession of Paul’s, and after stood before the preacher in the time of his sermon.

And upon the Sunday following stood other two men at Paul’s cross all the sermon time; the one garnished with painted and written papers, the other having a faggot on his neck. After that, in Lent season, upon Passion Sunday, one Hugh Glover bare a faggot before the procession of Paul’s, and after, with a faggot, stood before the preacher all the sermon, while at Paul’s Cross. And, on the Sunday next following, four men stood, and did their open penance at Paul’s, as is aforesaid, in the sermon time, and many of their books were burnt before them, at the cross.

Furthermore, the next year following, which was A.D. 1498 22 , in the beginning of May, the king then being at Canterbury, there was a priest burnt, who was so strong in his opinion, that all the clerks and doctors then there being, could not remove him from his faith: Whereof the king being informed, he caused the said priest to be brought before his presence, who, by his persuasion, caused him to revoke; and so he was burnt immediately.

In the next year (A.D.1499) 23 , after the beheading of Edward Plantagenet, earl of Warwick, and son to the duke of Clarence, the king and queen being removed to Calais, a certain godly man and a constant martyr of Christ, named Babram, in Norfolk, was burnt in the month of July, as is in Fabian recorded 24 , after the copy which I have written. Albeit in the Book Fabian printed, his burning is referred to the next year following, which is A.D. 1500. About which year likewise, or in the year next following, the 20th day of July, was an old man burnt in Smithfield.

HIERONYMUS SAVONAROLA, WITH TWO FRIARS, MARTYRS In the same year also (A.D. 1499) 25 , fell the martyrdom and burning of Hieronymus Savonarola, a man no less godly in heart, than constant in his profession; who, being a monk in Italy, and singularly well learned, preached sore against the evil life and living of the spirituality, and specially of his own order; complaining sore upon them, as the springs and authors of all mischief’s and wickedness. Whereupon, by the help of certain learned men, he began to seek reformation in his own order. Which thing the pope perceiving, and fearing that the said Hierome, who was now in great reputation amongst all men, should diminish or overthrow his authority, he ordained his vicar or provincial to see reformation of these matters; which vicar with great superstition began to reform things, but the said Hierome did always withstand him; whereupon he was complained of to the pope, and, because that contrary unto the pope’s commandment he did withstand his vicar, he was accursed. But for all that Hierome left not off preaching, but threatened Italy with the wrath and indignation of God, and prophesied before unto them, that the land should be overthrown for the pride and wickedness of the people, and for the untruth, hypocrisy, and falsehood of the clergy, which God would not leave unrevenged; as afterwards it came to pass, when king Charles came into Italy and to Rome, and so straightly beset pope Alexander, that he was forced to make composition with the king.

Now, forasmuch as the said Hierome would not leave off preaching, he was commanded to appear before the pope, to give account of his new learning (for so then they called the truth of the gospel); but, by means of the manifold perils, he made his excuse that he could not come. Then was he again forbidden by the pope to preach, and his learning pronounced and condemned as pernicious, false, and seditious.

This Hierome, as a man worldly wise, foreseeing the great perils and dangers that might come unto him, for fear, left off preaching. But when the people, who sore hungered and longed for God’s word, were instant upon him that he would preach again, he began again to preach A.D. 1496, in the city of Florence; and albeit that many counseled him that he should not so do without the pope’s commandment, yet did he not regard it, but went forward freely of his own good will. When the pope and his shavelings heard news of this, they were grievously incensed and inflamed against him, and now again cursed him, as an obstinate and stiff-necked heretic. But for all that, Hierome proceeded in teaching and instructing the people, saying that men ought not to regard such curses, which are against the true doctrine and the common profit, whereby the people should be learned and amended, Christ’s kingdom enlarged, and the kingdom of the devil utterly overthrown.

In all his preaching he desired to teach no other thing than “the only pure and simple word of God, making often protestation that all men should certify him, if they had heard him teach or preach any thing contrary thereunto; for, upon his own conscience, he knew not that he had taught any thing but the pure word of God. What his doctrine was, all men may easily judge by his books that he hath written.

After this (A.D. 1498) he was taken and brought out of St. Mark’s cloister, and two other friars with him, named Dominic and Silvester, who favored his learning, and was carried into prison, where he wrote a godly meditation upon that most comfortable thirty-first Psalm: “In te Domine speravi, non confundar in aeterhum, sed in justitia tua libera me;” wherein he doth excellently describe and set forth the continual strife between the flesh and the spirit.

After this the pope’s legates came to Florence, and called forth these three good men, threatening them marvelously; but they continued still constant.

Then came the chief counselors of the city, with the pope’s commissioners, who had gathered out certain articles against these men, whereupon they were condemned to death; the tenor of which articles hereafter ensue.

ARTICLES OBJECTED AGAINST HIEROME AND THE TWO FRIARS: 1. The first article was as touching our free justification through faith in Christ. 2. That the communion ought to be ministered under both kinds. 3. That the indulgences and pardons of the pope were of no effect. 4. For preaching against the filthy and wicked living of the cardinals and spirituality. 5. For denying the pope’s supremacy. 6. Also, that he had affirmed that the keys were not given unto Peter alone, but unto the universal church. 7. Also, that the pope did neither follow the life nor doctrine of Christ; for that he did attribute more to his own pardons and traditions, than to Christ’s merits; and therefore he was Antichrist. 8. Also, that the pope’s excommunications are not to he feared, and that he who doth fear or flee them is excommunicate of God. 9. Item, that auricular confession is not necessary. 10. Item, that he had moved the citizens to uproar and sedition. 11. Item, that he had neglected and condemned the pope’s citation. 12. Item, that he had shamefully spoken against, and slandered the pope. 13. Item, that he had taken Christ to witness of his haughtiness and heresy. 14. Also, that Italy must be cleansed through God’s scourge, for the manifold wickedness of the princes and clergy.

These and such other like articles were laid unto them and read before them. Then they demanded of the said Hierome and his companions, whether they would recant and give over their opinions. Whereunto they answered, that through God’s help they would steadfastly continue in the manifest truth, and not depart from the same. Then were they degraded one after another by the bishop of Vaison, and so delivered over to the secular rulers of Florence, with straight commandment to carry them forth, and handle them as obstinate and stiff-necked heretics.

Thus was the worthy witness of Christ, with the other two aforesaid, first hanged up openly in the market-place, and afterward burnt to ashes, and the ashes gathered up, and cast into the river Arno, the 24th of May, A.D. 1499 26 . This man foreshowed many things to come, as the destruction of Florence and Rome, and the renewing of the church; which three things have happened in these times within our remembrance. Also he foreshowed that the Turks and Moors, in the latter days, should be converted unto Christ.

He also declared that one, like unto Cyrus, should pass the Alps into Italy, who should subvert and destroy all Italy: whereupon Johannes Franciscus Picus, earl of Mirandula, called him a holy prophet, and defended him by his writings against the pope. Many other learned men also defended the innocence of the said Savonarola. Marsilius Ficinus also, in a certain epistle, doth attribute unto him the spirit of prophecy, greatly commending and praising him. In like manner Philippus Comineus, a French historiographer, who had conference with him, witnesseth that he was a holy man, and full of the spirit of prophecy, forasmuch as he had foreshowed unto him so many things which in event had proved true. There were besides these, many others, not to be passed over or forgotten: as Philip Norice, an Irishman, professor at Oxford, who albeit he was not burned, yet (as it is said) he was long time vexed and troubled by the religious rout. But would to God, that such as have occupied themselves in writing of histories, and have so diligently committed unto memory all other things done in foreign commonwealths, had bestowed the like diligence and labor in noting and writing those things which pertain unto the affairs of the church; whereby posterity might have had fuller and more perfect understanding and knowledge of them.

This Savonarola above mentioned, suffered under pope Alexander VI, of which pope more leisure and opportunity shall serve hereafter (Christ willing) to treat, after we shall first make a little digression, to treat of certain cases and complaints of the Germans, incident in the mean time, which, as they are not to be overpast in silence, so can they have no place nor time more convenient to be inferred.

What complaints of the Germans were made and moved unto the emperor Frederic against the pope’s oppressions 27 and exactions, mention was made before; where also was declared, how the said Germans at that time were twice put back and forsaken of the emperor, whereby they continued in the same yoke and bondage until the time of Luther. Wherefore it cometh now to hand, and we think it also good here briefly to declare, how the said Germans, in the time of Maximilian the emperor, renewing their complaints again, delivered unto the emperor ten principal grievances 28 , whereby the Germans have been long time oppressed; showing also the remedies against the same, with certain advisements unto the emperor’s majesty, how he might withstand and resist the pope’s subtleties and crafts: the order and tenor whereof here ensueth.

THE TEN PRINCIPAL GRIEVANCES, COMPLAINED OF BY THE GERMANS. 1. That the bishops of Rome do not think themselves bound to observe bulls, covenants, privileges, and letters, which were granted by their predecessors without all derogation; but by often dispensations, suspensions, and revocations, even at the instance of every vile person, they do contravene the same. 2. That the elections of prelates are oftentimes put back 3. That the elections of their presidents, which the chapters of some churches have obtained at great expense, are withstood as the churches of Spire and Hasela do well know; whose bull touching the election of their president is made frustrate, he being yet alive who granted the same. 4. That benefices, and the greater ecclesiastical dignities, are reserved for cardinals and prothonotaries. 5. That expectative graces [commonly called vowsons ] are granted without number, and sometimes many unto one man; whereupon continual contentions do arise, and much money is spent, both that which is laid out for the bulls of those vowsons which never take effect, and also that which is consumed in going to law. Whereupon this proverb hath risen, ‘ Whosoever will get a vowson from Rome, must have one or two hundred pieces of gold laid up in his chest, which he shall have need of to prosecute the suit withal for the obtaining of the same. 6. That Annates [or first-fruits] are exacted without delay or mercy, even where bishops have died within a few years, and sometimes more is extorted than ought to be, through new offices and new servants, as by the examples of the churches of Mentz and Strasburg may be seen. 7. That the rule of churches is given at Rome unto those that are not worthy, who were more fit to feed and keep mules, than to have the rule and governance of men. 8. That new indulgences and pardons, with the suspension and revocation of the old, are granted to gather and scrape money together, to the disgust of the, laity. 9. That tenths are exacted, under pretense of making war against the Turks, when no expedition doth follow thereupon. 10. That the causes which might be determined in Germany, where there are both learned and just judges, are indistinctly, 3 carried unto the court of Rome; which thing St. Bernard, writing to pope Eugene, seemeth wonderfully to reprove.

THE REMEDY AGAINST THE SAID GRIEVANCES If it shall seem good unto the emperor’s majesty, let it he declared unto the bishop of Rome, how grievous and intolerable a thing it is unto the Germans, to suffer continually so great charges and grievances, to pay so great annates for the confirmation of the bishops and archbishops, and especially in such bishoprics, where the Annates, by process of time, are enhanced, and in many, as it is said, doubled. For the archbishop’s see of Mentz 29 , as it is said, sometime paid only 10,000 florins; which sum, when one who was chosen there refused to give, and so continued even unto his death, he who was afterwards elected, being desirous of confirmation, fearing to withstand the apostolic see, offered the old sum of 10,000 florins: but, notwithstanding, he could not get his confirmation, except he would pay the other 10,000, which his predecessor before him had not paid.

By this means he was compelled to pay 20,000 florins; which, being enrolled in the register of the chamber, hath been exacted of every archbishop since, until these our days: and not only 20,000, but also 25,000, for their new offices and new servants. At last, the sum drew 30 to 27,000 florins, which James, the archbishop of Menz, was compelled to pay, as his commissary did report. So by this means, in one man’s life time 31 , there were seven times 25,000 florins paid out of the archbishopric of Mentz unto Rome, for the confirmation of the archbishop. And when the archbishop James had kept this archbishopric scarcely four years 32 , the lord Uriel was elected after him, who was compelled to pay at the least 24,000, or 25,000 florins; whereof a part he borrowed of merchants. But, to satisfy and pay them again, he was forced to exact a subsidy of his poor subjects and husbandmen, whereof some have not yet satisfied and paid the tribute for the bishop’s pall, so that by this means our people are not only tormented and brought to extreme poverty, but also are moved unto rebellion, to seek their liberty by what means soever they may, grievously murmuring against the cruelty of the clergy.

The pope also should be admonished, how that, through divers and sundry wars and battles, the lands of Germany lie desolate and waste, and through many mortalities, the number of men is diminished, so that for the scarceness of husbandmen, the fields for the most part lie untilled, the tolls are by divers means diminished, the mines consumed, and the profits daily decay, whereby the archbishops and bishops should pay their annates unto the apostolic see, besides their other necessary and honest charges; insomuch that, not without just cause, James, the archbishop of Mentz, being even at the point of death, said, That he did not so much sorrow for his own death, as for that his poor subjects should be again forced to pay a grievous exaction for the pall.

Wherefore let the high bishop, as a godly father and lover of his children, and a faithful and prudent pastor, deal more favorably with his children the Germans, lest that persecution happen to rise against the priests of Christ, and that men, following the example of the Bohemians, do swerve from the church of Rome.

At least, let him be more favorable, as often as any archbishop or bishop may happen to rule his church but a few years; as it happened to the bishops of Barnberg, whereof three died within a few years. The like also might happen by other bishoprics, whereof, as Aeneas Sylvius witnesseth, there are in Germany to the number of fifty, besides abbots, whereof a great number are confirmed at Rome.

And admit that in Germany there were greater profits and revenues arising of the ground, mines, and tolls; notwithstanding the emperor and the other princes should lack treasure and munitions of war against their enemies, and especially the infidels, and to preserve Germany in peace and quietness, and to minister justice unto every man: for which purpose the council of the chamber, being most holily instructed, and furnished with great cost and charges, doth chiefly serve. Besides that, the emperor hath need of treasure, to suppress the rebels in the empire, to banish and drive away thieves and murderers, whereof a great number are not ashamed not to spoil churches only, and to rob them of their goods, but also to assail the clergy themselves. Finally, our nation and country of Germany hath need of great riches and treasure, not only for the repairing of churches and monasteries, but also for hospitals for children that are laid out in the streets, for widows, for women with child, for orphans, for marriage of the daughters of poor men, that they be not defiled, for such as have need and necessity, for the old and weak, for the sick and the sore, whereof (the more is the sorrow) Germany is fully replenished and filled.

AN ADVERTISEMENT UNTO THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN, OF THE SUBTLE PRACTICES OF THE POPE AND POPISH PRELATES Let the emperor’s majesty foresee and provide that the begging friars do not preach against his majesty, who are wont to complain gladly unto the apostolic see, fearing to lose their privileges, which I would to God were as well grounded upon Christ, as they are upon profit. Let the emperor’s majesty also beware, that the pope do not give commandment unto the electors, to proceed to the election of a new king of Romans, as he did against Frederic II, when the landgrave of Thuringia, and William earl of Holland, were elected by the commandment of the pope. Let the emperor’s majesty also fear and take heed of all the prelates of the churches, and especially of the presidents, who by their oath are bound to advertise the pope. Let the emperor s majesty also fear and beware, that the pope do not take away from his subjects their obedience, and provoke the people bordering upon him, to make invasion into the emperor’s dominions archduchy of Austria; which those men, under color of showing obedience unto the pope’s commandment, be ready to do.

Let the emperor’s majesty, also, take heed of the apostolic censures, from which the pope will in no case refrain. Finally, let the emperor’s majesty diligently foresee and take heed, that the pope do not persuade the people with most subtle arguments, contrary to the Pragmatical sanction, excusing himself, and getting the good will of the simple, alleging that with great costs and charges, he will repair the church of St. Peter in Rome, and build in certain places against the Turks, and recover again the lands and patrimony pertaining unto the church of St. Peter; as he is bound by his office. Therefore let your majesty diligently foresee and deliberate, how, through your most wise and discreet counsel, if need shall require, you will answer to those subtleties of the pope.

A CERTAIN GODLY EXHORTATION UNTO THE EMPEROR’S MAJESTY Your majesty can do nothing better, nothing more acceptable to God, or more worthy eternal remembrance, than to moderate the great exactions and oppressions of the Germans; to take away all occasion from the laity, to persecute the clergy: also to take away the benefices out of the hands of Curtesans 34 , who can neither preach, comfort, nor counsel any man (of which benefices, as Aeneas Sylvius writeth, some are equal to the bishoprics of Italy); to increase God’s honor and worship; and so to bridle the avarice and ungodliness of those Curtesans, whereby your majesty may the better provide for the children of many noble and famous men and citizens in Germany; who, being brought up from their youth in the universities, learning both the Scriptures and other human letters, may, without tiresome vexations and most expensive and improper contests, aspire to the ecclesiastical promotions; who by their counsel and prayers may be helps unto the empire and the church: for it is no small occasion, why the realm of France should so flourish, that it hath so many notable learned men in it. If the emperor would abolish this impiety, and restore Germany unto her ancient liberty, which is now oppressed with grievous tributes, and would make way for learned and honest men unto ecclesiastical promotions; then might he truly and perpetually be called of all men, and in all places, the liberator of Germany, the restorer of liberty, and really the father of his country; and should obtain no less glory thereby unto himself, and profit unto Germany, than if he had by force of arms subdued some province unto them. And so shall Germany render no less thanks unto the said Maximilian, than unto all the rest who have reigned ever since the empire was translated from the Greeks to the Germans.

Hereafter ensueth the copy of a certain letter of the emperor Maximilian, given out in manner of a decree or commandment against certain abuses of the clergy: whereunto we have also annexed the answer of Jacobus Selestadiensis unto the emperor’s letters, wherein he seemeth also to have sought advice for the remedy of the like abuses, which we thought good here not to be omitted.

AN EDICT OF MAXIMILIAN THE EMPEROR We, according to the example of our dearly beloved father, Frederic III, emperor of Rome, reverencing the chief pastor of the church and all the clergy, have suffered no small revenues of the ecclesiastical dignities to be carried out of our dominion by the prelates and clergy that are absent, whose faults, committed by human frailty, with Constantine our predecessor we would not disdain to hide and cover. But forsomuch as through our liberality the decay of God’s honor hath arisen, it is our part (who are elect unto the empire, without any desert) to foresee, that among all other affairs of peace and war the churches do not decay, religion quail not, nor God’s true worship be diminished; which we have manifestly experimented and daily do perceive by the insatiable covetousness of some, who are never satisfied in getting of benefices; through whose absence (being resident only upon one) God’s honor and worship are diminished, houses decay, churches decrease, the ecclesiastical liberty is hurt, learning and monuments are lost and destroyed, hospitality and alms diminished, and, by their insatiable greediness, such of the clergy, as for their learning and virtue were worthy of benefices, and for their wisdom profitable in commonwealths, are hindered and put back.

Wherefore, according to the office and duty of our estate, for the love of the increase of God’s honor, we exhort and require, that no man from henceforth, having any canonship or vicarage in one city of our empire, shall occupy or possess a prebend in another church of the same city, except he give over the first within a year’s space unto some person fit and profitable for the church; neither that he do by unjust quarrels vex or trouble any man in getting of benefices; neither that any man do, to the prejudice of the ordinary patrons, falsely feign himself to be of the emperor’s household, who is not so, agreeably to the league and agreement made by the German princes and nation; neither that any man attempt to take away the patronage from any layman, or burden small prebends, still less curacies, with pensions; neither that they do use in getting of benefices and bulls any fraud, deceit, false instruments, corrupt witnesses, and cloaked simony; neither that any man presume to obtain any regress, or other thing contrary to the sacred canons, against right, honesty, equity, and reason, upon pain of the most grievous offense of treason: the which we will, that not only they who go so contrary to God and all honesty, but also all their favorers, who do help, counsel, harbor, or give them any thing, all their messengers and writers, proctors, sureties, and other their friends, shall incur, and receive condign punishment for so great offense and contempt of our commandment. From Inspruck, etc .

HERE ENSUETH THE COPY OF A LETTER WRITTEN UNTO THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN A Letter of Jacobus Selestadiensis 35 , to the Emperor Maximilian, in answer to the Edict.

To our most victorious lord, Maximilian the emperor, Jacobus Selestadiensis, with most humble commendations:

Most victorious emperor! when I have read your majesty’s epistle, and received instructions of your secretary, I prepared myself, with all my whole endeavor, to satisfy your majesty’s desire. For even from my youth hitherto, I have applied all my care and study, first for the honor of your majesty, and consequently, for the amplifying of the German nation, and sacred Roman empire. Albeit I know myself far unable to satisfy your desire and purpose, and there are many who can fulfill this matter much better, who have greater learning and experience of these common matters. There be also with other princes, and in the senates of commonwealths, many excellent learned men, who can exornate and beautify Germany, and persuade to reduce all the clergy unto a Christian discipline, and to a unity and peace of the universal church: wherein, not only your majesty, but also your predecessors, as Charles the Great, and his son Ludovicus Pius, the Othos, Conrads, Frederics, and Henrys, and last of all, Sigismund, have, with all labor and diligence, travailed; being stirred thereunto undoubtedly through the zeal and charity which they bear unto Almighty God, and thankfulness to Christ for his benefits which he hath bestowed upon mankind, and especially for the benefit of his most bitter passion. For Christ became not poor for us, that we should live in all riot and wantonness upon his patrimony, and show forth our ambition and covetousness; neither did he suffer hunger, that we should glut up ourselves; nor suffered labors, chastity, and grievous torments, that we should live in idleness, wantonness, and all kind of voluptuousness. Neither they who were contributors, and benefactors to churches, enduing the ministers thereof with their temporal riches, had any such respect herein, that the clergy should live only in idleness, having all things at their will, without labor. Surely there was another cause, why they in times past did impoverish themselves and theirs, to endow the church: verily, that they might the better attend unto divine service without care of want of living (which they might easily get and gather out of the fields, woods, meadows, and waters), and to the intent that they should liberally give alms unto the poor Christians, widows, orphans, aged and sick persons. For, in the institutions of the canonical profession, which we suppose were written by the commandment of Ludovicus Pitts the emperor, and allowed by the council of the bishops, thus it is read; “The goods of the church, as it is alleged by the fathers, and contained in the chapters before, are the vows of the faithful, the fines of sinners 36 , and patrimony of the poor. For the faithful, through the ferventness of their faith and love of Christ being inflamed, for the cure of their souls, and desire of the heavenly country, enriched holy church with their own goods, that thereby the soldiers of the church might be nourished, churches adorned, the poor refreshed, and captives, according to the opportunity of time, redeemed.

Wherefore, such as have the administration of those goods ought diligently to be looked upon, that they do not convert them unto their own proper use, but rather should tend those, to the utmost of their power, in whom Christ is fed and clothed 37 .” Prosper is also of the same mind, affirming that holy men did not challenge the church goods to their own use. as their own proper goods, but as things commended 38 unto the poor, to be divided amongst them: for that is to contemn that which a man possesseth, not to possess a thing for himself, but for others; neither to covet the church goods with covetousness to have them himself but to take them with a godly zeal to help others. That which the church hath, is common to all those who have nothing, neither ought they to give any thing of that unto them (saith he) who have of their own; for to give unto them who have enough, is but to cast things away. To return now to the order of popes, where we left before, speaking of Innocent VIII. After the said Innocent, next succeeded pope Alexander VI; in which Alexander 39 , among other horrible things, this is one to be noted: that when Gemes (Peucer nameth him Demes) brother to Bajazet the great Turk, was committed by the Rhodians to the safe custody, first of pope Innocent, then of Alexander VI, for whose keeping, the pope received every year 40,000 crowns; yet, notwithstanding, when pope Alexander afterwards was compelled to send the said Gemes to Charles VIII the French king, for a pledge, because the French king should not procure the great Turk’s favor by sending his brother Gemes to him to be slain, he (pope Alexander), being hired by the Turk, caused the said Gemes to be poisoned, who, in his journey going toward the French king, died at Terracina. Moreover, it appeareth, that this Alexander, taking displeasure with the aforesaid Charles, the French king, about the winning of Naples, sent to Bajazet, the Turk, to fight against the aforesaid Charles. Munsterus, 7 declaring the aforesaid history of Gemes something otherwise, first calleth him Zizymus, and saith that he was first committed by the Rhodians to the French king; and when Johannes Huniades, aforementioned, did labor to the French king to have him, thinking by that means to obtain a noble victory against the Turk, as it was not unlike, this Alexander the pope, through his fraudulent flattery, got him of the French king into his own hands, by whose means the said Gemes afterwards was poisoned, as is in manner before expressed.

Unto these poisoned acts of the pope, let us also adjoin his malicious wickedness, with like fury, exercised upon Antonius Mancinellus; which Mancinellus, being a man of excellent learning, because he wrote an eloquent oration against his wicked manners and filthy life, with other vices, he therefore commanded both his hands and his tongue to be cut off, playing much like with him, as Antonius the tyrant once did with Marcus Cicero, for writing against his horrible life. At length, as one poison requireth another, this poisoning pope, as he was sitting with his cardinals and other rich senators of Rome at dinner, his servants unawares brought to him a wrong bottle, wherewith he was poisoned, and his cardinals about him.

In the time of this pope Alexander also it happened (which is not to be pretermitted), how that the Angel, which stood in the high top of the pope’s church, was beaten down with a terrible thunder; which thing seemed then to declare the ruin and fall of the popedom. After this pope, next succeeded Pius III November 19th, 1503; after whom came next Julius II, a man so far passing all others in iniquity, that Weselus, and such others of his own friends, writing of him, are compelled to say of him, “Marti illum quam Christo deditiorem fuisse;” that is, That he was more given to war and battle, than to Christ. Concerning the madness of this man, this is most certainly known, that at what time he was going to war, he cast the keys of St. Peter into the river Tiber, saying, that forasmuch as the keys of Peter would not serve him to his purpose, he would take himself to the sword of Paul. Whereupon Philip Melancthon, amongst many others, writing upon the same, maketh this epigram: “Cum contra Gallos bellum papa Julius esset Gesturus, sicut fama vetusta docet, Ingentes Martis turmas contraxit, et urbe Egressus saevas edidit ore minas; Iratusque sacras claves in flumina jecit Tibridis, hic urbi, pons ubi jungit aquas.

Inde manu strictum vagina diripit ensem, Exclamansque truci talia voce refert: ‘Hic gladius Pauli nos nunc defendet ab hoste, Quandoquidem clavis nil jurat ista Petri.’” Whereupon also Gilbert Ducherius maketh this epigram: “In Gallum, ut fama est, bellum gesturus acerbum, Armatam educit Julius urbe manum.

Accinctus gladio, claves in Tibridis amnem Projicit, et saevus talia verba facit:

Quum Petri nihil efficiant ad praelia claves, Auxilio Pauli forsitan ensis erit.” The sense of these epigrams in English, is this: When Julius pope against the French determined to make war, As fame reports, he gathered up great troops of men from far; And to the bridge of Tiber then, marching as he were wood 40; His holy keys he took and cast them down into the flood.

And afterward into his hand he took a naked sword, And shaking it brake forth into this fierce and warlike word: ‘This Sword of Paul,’ quoth he, ‘shall now defend us from our foe; Since that this key of Peter doth nothing avail thereto,’ Of this Julius it is certainly reported, that partly with his wars, partly with his cursings, 7a within the space of seven years as good as 200,000 Christians were destroyed. First, he besieged Ravenna against the Venetians, then Servia, Imola, Faenza, Forli, Bologna, and other cities, which he got out of princes’ hands, not without much bloodshed. The chronicles of John Sleidan make mention, that when this Julius was made pope, he took an oath, promising to have a council within two years. But when he had no leisure thereunto, being occupied with his wars in Italy amongst the Venetians, and with the French king, and in Ferrara, and in other countries, nine of his cardinals departing from him came to Milan, and there appointed a council at the city of Pisa; amongst whom the chief were Bernardine cardinal de la Croix 41 , William cardinal of Palmstrine, Francis cardinal-archbishop of Cosenza, with divers others; unto whom also were adjoined the proctors of Maximilian the emperor, and of Charles the French king. So the council was appointed A.D. 1511, to begin on the calends of September. The cause why they did so call this council was thus alleged, because the pope had so broken his oath, and all this while he gave no hope to have any council; and also because there were divers other crimes, whereupon they had to accuse him. Their purpose was to remove him out of his seat, the which he had procured through bribes and ambition. Julius, hearing this, giveth out contrary Commandment, under great pain, that no man should obey them, and calleth himself another council against the next year, to be begun the nineteenth day of April. The French king, understanding pope Julius to join with the Venetians, and so to take their part against him, convented a council at Turin, in the month of September, in the which council these questions were proposed:

Whether it was lawful for the pope to move war against any prince without cause.

Whether any prince in defending himself, might invade his adversary, and deny his obedience.

Unto which questions it was answered, that the bishop ought not to invade, and also, that it was lawful for the king to defend himself.

Moreover, that the pragmatical sanction was to be observed through the realm of France: neither that any unjust excommunications ought to be feared, if they were found to be unjust.

After this, the king sent to Julius the answer of his council, requiring him either to agree to peace, or to appoint a general council some other where, where this matter might be more fully decided. Julius would neither of these, but forthwith accursed Charles the French king, with all his kingdom. At length at Ravenna, in a great war, he was overcome by the French king; and at last, after much slaughter, and great bloodshed, and mortal war, this pope died A.D. 1518, the twenty-first day of February.

THE HISTORY OF THE TURKS If it were not that I fear to overlay this our volume with heaps of foreign histories, who have professed chiefly to treat of Acts and Monuments here done at home, I would adjoin after these popes above rehearsed, some discourse also of the Turks’ story; of their rising and cruel persecution of the saints of God, to the great annoyance and peril of Christendom. Yet, notwithstanding, certain causes there be, which necessarily require the knowledge of their order and doings, and of their wicked proceedings, their cruel tyranny and bloody victories, the ruin and subversion of so many Christian churches, with the horrible murders and captivity of infinite Christians, to be made plain and manifest, as well to this our country of England, as also to other nations.

First, For the better explaining of the prophecies of the New Testament, as in St. Paul’s Epistle to the Thessalonians, and also in the Revelation of St. John; which scriptures otherwise, without the opening of these histories, cannot so perfectly be understood: of which scriptures, we mind hereafter (Christ granting) orderly, as the course of matter shall lead us, to make rehearsal.

Another cause is, that we may learn thereby, either with the public church to lament, with our brethren, such a great defection and decay of Christian faith, through these wicked Turks; or else may fear thereby our own danger.

The third cause, that we may ponder more deeply with ourselves the scourge of God for our sins, and corrupt doctrine; which, in the sequel hereof, more evidently may appear to our eyes, for our better admonition.

Fourthly: The consideration of this horrible persecution of the Turks rising chiefly by our discord and dissension among ourselves, may reduce us again from our domestic wars, in killing and burning one another, to join together in Christian patience and concord.

Fifthly: But chiefly, these great victories of the Turks, and un-prosperous speed of our men fighting against them, may admonish and teach us, following the example of the old Israelites, how to seek for greater strength to encounter with these enemies of Christ, that hitherto we, have done.

First, we must consider that the whole power of Satan, the prince of this world, goeth with the Turks; which to resist, no strength of man’s army is sufficient, but only the name, spirit, and power of our Lord Jesus the Son of God, going with us in our battles; as among the old Israelites the ark of God’s covenant and promise went with them also fighting against the enemies of God. For so are we taught in the Scripture, that we Christian men have no strength but in Christ only. Whether we war against the devil, or against the Turk, it is true that the Scripture saith, “Sine me nihil potestis facere,” that is, “Without me you can do nothing.” Otherwise there is no puissance to stand against the devil, or to conquer the world, “nisi fides nostra,” that is, “our faith only,” to which all the promises of God touching salvation be annexed; beyond which promises we must not go, for the word must be our rule. He that presumeth beyond the promises in the word expressed, goeth not, but wandereth he cannot tell whither: neither must we appoint God how to save the world, but must take that way which he hath appointed. Let us not set our God to school, nor comprehend his Holy Spirit within our skulls. He that made us without our council, did also redeem us as pleased him. If he be merciful, let us be thankful. And if his mercies surmount our capacity, let us therefore not resist but search his Word, and thereunto apply our will; which if we will do, all our contentions will be soon at a point. Let us therefore search the will of our God in his Word, and if he will his salvation to stand free to all nations, why do we make merchandise thereof? 1 If he have graciously offered his waters to us, without money or money-worth, let us not hedge in the plenteous springs of his grace given us. 2 And finally, if God have determined his own Son only to stand alone, let not us presume to admix with his majesty any of our trumpery. He that bringeth St. George or St.

Denis, as patrons, to the field, to fight against the Turk, leaveth Christ, no doubt, at home.

Now how we have fought these many years against the Turk, though stories keep silence, yet the success declareth. We fight against a persecutor, being no less persecutors ourselves. We wrestle against a bloody tyrant, and our hands be as full of blood as his. He killeth Christ’s people with the sword, and we burn them with fire. He, observing the works of the law, seeketh his justice by the same: the like also do we. But neither doth he, nor do we, seek our justification as we should, that is, by faith only in the Son of God.

And what marvel then, our doctrine being as corrupt almost as his, and our conversation worse, if Christ fight not with us, fighting against the Turk?

The Turk hath prevailed so mightily, not because Christ is weak, but because Christians be wicked, and their doctrine impure. Our temples with images, our hearts with idolatry are polluted. Our priests stink before God for adultery, being restrained from lawful matrimony. The name of God is in our mouths, but his fear is not in our hearts. We war against the Turk with our works, masses, traditions, and ceremonies: but we fight not against him with Christ, and with the power of his glory; which if we did, the field were won.

Wherefore, briefly to conclude, saying my judgment in this behalf, what I suppose. This hope I have, and do believe, that when the church of Christ, with the sacraments thereof, shall be so reformed, that Christ alone shall be received to be our justifier, all other religions, merits, traditions, images, patrons, and advocates set apart, the sword of the Christians, with the strength of Christ, shall soon vanquish the Turks’ pride and fury. But of this more largely in the process of this story.

The sixth and last cause, why I think the knowledge of the Turks’ history requisite to be considered, is this: because that many there be, who, for that they be further from the Turks, and think therefore themselves to be out of danger, take little care and study what happeneth to their other brethren. Wherefore, to the intent to excite their zeal and prayer to Almighty God, in this so lamentable ruin of Christ’s church, I thought it requisite, by order of history, to give this our nation also something to understand, what hath been done in other nations by these cruel Turks, and what detriment hath been, and is like more to happen by them to the church of Christ, except we make our earnest invocation to Almighty God, in the name of his Son, to stop the course of the devil by these Turks, and to stay this defection of Christians falling daily unto them, and to reduce them again to his faith, who are fallen from him: which the Lord Jesus of his grace grant with speed! Amen.

Before we enter into this story of the Turks and Saracens, first let us call to remembrance the prophecy and forewarning of St. Paul writing to the Thessalonians [2 Thessalonians 2], in these words: “Be not moved or troubled in your minds, either by preaching or by writing, or by letter from us, as though the day of the Lord were at hand; for the Lord will not come, except there come a defection first, and the wicked person be revealed,” etc.

Of this defection, sundry minds there be of sundry expositors; some thinking this defection to mean a falling-away from the empire of Rome: some, from the obedience of the pope. But, as St. Paul little passed upon the outward glory of the Roman empire; so less he passed upon the proud obedience of the pope. What St. Paul meant by this defection, the reading of these Turkish stories, and the miserable falling-away of these churches by him before planted, will soon declare.

Another mystery there is in the Revelation [Revelation 13], where the number of the beast is counted six hundred and sixty-six. Whereby may seem, by all evidences, to be signified the first origin and springing of these beastly Saracens, as by the sequel hereof may appear, by the first rising of this devilish sect of Mahomet.

Moreover, another place there is [Revelation 16], where we read, that by pouring out of the vial of God’s wrath by the sixth angel, the great flood Euphrates was dried up, to let in the kings of the east; the opening of which prophecy may also more evidently appear, in considering the order and manner of the coming in of these Turks into Europe.

Some also apply to the Turks certain prophecies of Daniel, Ezekiel, and other places of the Old Testament, which here I omit, forasmuch as the prophecies of the Old Testament, if they be taken in their proper and native sense, after my judgment, do extend no further than to the death of our Savior, and to the end of the Jews’ kingdom. Albeit herein I do not prejudicate to any man’s opinion, but that every man may abound in his own sense.

As touching the year and time when this pestiferous sect of Mahomet first began, histories do not fully consent, some affirming that it began A.D. 621, and in the tenth year of Heraclius, the emperor of Constantinople; in which mind is Johannes Lucidus. As Munsterus counteth, it was A.D. 622. Martin Luther and John Carion refer it to the eighteenth year of the reign of Heraclius, which is A.D. 680, unto which number the computation of the Beast, signified in the Apocalypse, doth not far disagree, which numbereth the name of the beast, with three Greek letters c, x, s which Greek letters, after the supputation of the Grecians, make the number of 666.

In this all writers agree, that this damnable Mahomet was born in the country of Arabia, bordering on the east part of Jewry. His father was a Syrian, or a Persian; his mother was an Ishmaelite, which Ishmaelites, being a people of Arabia, were called then Hagarenes; which term Mahomet afterwards turned to the name of Saracens. Of this wretched Mahomet, mention was made before, where we showed, how he, making himself the highest prophet of all others, yet denieth not Christ to be a holy prophet, and next to him, and Moses also to be another. Moreover, he denieth not Mary, the mother of Christ, to be a virgin, and to have conceived Christ by the Holy Ghost: affirming further, that Christ in his own person was not crucified, but another called Judas for him. He greatly commendeth also John, the son of Zachary, for a virgin, when he himself permitteth a man to have four wives, and as many concubines as he is able to find; and saith, that whereas Christ and other prophets had the gift given them to work miracles, he was sent by force of sword, to compel men to his religion. The prodigious vanities, lies, and blasphemies contained in this law called Alcoran, are rather to be laughed at, than recited.

It is thought that Sergius, a Nestorian, was a great doer with Mahomet, in contriving of this lying Alcoran; and so it doth well appear by the scope and pretense thereof, which especially tendeth to this end, to take the divinity from the person of Christ, whom he granteth notwithstanding to be a most holy man, and also that he is received up to God, and shall come again to kill Antichrist, etc.

Moreover, this ridiculous Alcoran is so blanched and powdered with such divers mixtures of the Christians, Jews, and the Gentiles’ laws, giving such liberty to all wantonness of flesh, setting up circumcision, abstaining from swines’ flesh, and judaical lotions, and so much standeth upon father Abraham, that this filthy Alcoran is supposed of some, not to be set out in the days of Mahomet, but that certain Jews had some handling also in this matter, and put it out after his death and so it seemeth first to take its force about the number of years limited in the Apocalypse, as is aforesaid, where thus it is written: “He that hath intelligence, let him count the number of the beast; for it is the number of a man, and his number is six hundred and sixty-six.”

After this devilish Mahomet had thus seduced the people, teaching them that he came not by miracles, but by force of sword to give his law, and that they who will not obey it, must either be put to death, or else pay tribute (for so be the words of the Alcoran); and after that he had gathered strength about him of the Arabians, which Arabians had then occasion to rebel against the emperor, because their stipends were not paid them by the officers of the emperor Heraclius, he began to range with force and violence in the parts of Syria, bordering near unto him, and first subdued Mecca, then Damascus; and further, increasing in power, he entered into Egypt, and subdued the same. From thence he turned his power against the Persians, with whom Cosroes, the king of Persia, encountered with a puissant army, overthrew the Saracens, and put Mahomet to flight. Of these Persians came the Turks, who, afterwards joining with the Saracens, maintained them against the Christians. After the death of this beast 42 , who, as some say, was poisoned in his house, succeeded Ebocara, or Ebubecer, his father-in-law, or, as Bibliander affirmeth, his son-in-law, who took upon him the government of the Saracens, and got the city Gaza, and besieged also Jerusalem two years, he reigned two years, having for his chief city Damascus.

After him followed Omar or Ahumer, who conquered a great part of Syria, and got Egypt.

The third king 43 of the Saracens, after Mahomet, was Othman; then followed Hall, and after him Muhavia 44 : who, after a siege of seven years, obtained and got the Christian city of Caesarea; also overcame the Persians, with their king Orimasda, and subdued that country to his law.

Thus the wicked Saracens, in the space of thirty years, subdued Arabia, got Palestine, Phoenicia, Syria, Egypt, and Persia, which came directly to the 666 years prophesied of in the Revelation of St. John, as is aforesaid.

And not long after they proceeded further, and got Africa, and then Asia, as in the process of their story shall appear, the Lord willing.

Not long after Heraclius, emperor of Constantinople, succeeded Constans, his nephew 45 , who, in the thirteenth year of his empire, fighting unluckily against the Saracens in Lycia, was overthrown of Muhavias aforesaid, A.D. 655 46 ; which Constans, if he were not prospered by the Lord in his wars, it was no great marvel, considering that he had slain his brother Theodosius before at home; moreover, that he lived in incestuous matrimony: also that, being inclined to certain new sects 47 , he could not abide the contrary teachers, but slew those who admonished him thereof.

The said Constans, going afterwards to Italy, was also overcome by the Lombards, 4 etc. The Saracens, after this victory, spoiled also Rhodes.

Although these cursed Saracens, in these their great victories and conquests, were not without domestic sedition and divisions among themselves, yet the princes of the Saracens, being called then sultans 48 , had in their possession the government of Syria, Egypt, Africa, and a great part of Asia, about the term of four hundred years; till at length the Saracen king who ruled in Persia, fighting against the Saracen of Babylon, sought aid of the Turks, to fight with him against the sultan of Babylon: which Turks, by little and little, surprised upon the sultan of Persia, and, not long after, putting him out of place, usurped the kingdom of Persia; who afterwards went further, as ye shall hear, the Lord willing. And this is the first beginning of the Turks’ dominion.

These Turks, after they had thus overcome many countries and provinces, and made their power large and mighty both in Asia and Europe, began to divide their kingdoms and countries amongst themselves. But when they could not agree, but with deadly war contended for the bounds of those kingdoms and dominions, in the mean time four of the principal 49 families 49 , conquering and subduing all the rest, parted the whole empire amongst themselves. And yet they also, not so contented, fell to such cruel hatred, contention, war, and slaughter (no doubt by the just judgment of God against his blasphemous enemies), that there was no end thereof, until the remnant of the ancient Turks was utterly rooted out. For it is evident that there are few now remaining, who are Turks indeed by birth and blood, and that the state of that great empire is not upholden, but by the strength and power of soldiers, who have been Christians, and now are turned to Mahomet’s religion 50 ; so that even their own natural language is now out of use amongst them, saving in certain families of their nobility and gentry.

These four families above-mentioned 51 , with their captains and armies, about A.D. 1880, went raging throughout all Asia and Europe, and every one of them conquered some part of the countries where they passed.

The causes of these great invasions and victories, were the dissension and discord, falsehood, idleness, inconstancy, greedy avarice, lack of truth and fidelity, among Christian men of all states and degrees, both high and low.

For, by the willful defection and backsliding of the Christians, the Turkish power did exceedingly increase, in that many, desiring the licentious life and liberty of war, and allured with the prosperous success of things, forsook the church of God, and made themselves bondslaves to Mahomet, and his devilish sect; both because fleshly liberty is delighting to all men, and partly also because as fortune favoreth, so commonly the wills of men incline. And again, such as be profane and without the fear of God (whereof there is an infinite number in the church in all ages), are wont commonly to judge of religion, according to the success of realms and kingdoms. For many, not only for the variety of opinions, but also for the diversity of events and fortune amongst men, have inquired and do inquire, whether there be any church of God distinct from other nations; what it is, and where it is: especially, forasmuch as the greatest part of men, both in the old time (when the four monarchies flourished in order) were ignorant of this doctrine, which is peculiar to the church alone, and now also the barbarity of Mahomet prevaileth and reigneth in the most part of the world. And how standeth this with man’s reason, that a small number, both miserable and also enfeebled and broken with many battles, should be regarded and loved of God; and the others, flourishing in all wealth, prosperity, victories, authority, and power, should be rejected and despised of God, seeing there is no power and authority, but by the ordinance of God? Albeit therefore the power of the Turks hath been, for these two hundred years, of greater force than any other monarchy of the world besides, yet is there no imperial dignity to be esteemed in that Turkish tyranny, but amongst those nations only, where the heavenly doctrine of the gospel is preached, and other disciplines necessary for the church of God, and the common life of man maintained and regarded; where the laws of God, and other honest and civil ordinances agreeable to the same, do flourish and reign; where lawful judgment is exercised; where virtue is honored and rewarded; where sin and wickedness is punished; where honest families are maintained and defended.

These things are not regarded amongst the Turks, the enemies of the Son of God, and all lawful empires, because they dissolve and reject all godly societies, honest discipline, good laws, policies, righteous judgment, the ordinance of matrimony, and godly families. For what hath the empire of the Turks been hitherto, but most deadly, cruel, and perpetual war, to work all mischief, destruction, and desolation? to subvert good laws, cities, kingdoms, policies, and to enlarge their cruel power and dominion? the stay and strength whereof is not love and favor, proceeding of virtue and justice, as in lawful and well governed empires; but fear, violence, oppression, swarms and infinite thousands of barbarous and most wicked people, ministers of Satan’s malice and fury: which kind of dominion and tyranny hath been condemned by the voice of God many years ago; the testimonies whereof the Lord would have to remain in the church, lest the godly, being moved with the power and success thereof, should fall away and forsake the Son of God. (Ezekiel 34; Revelation 20.)

Wherefore, let us not seek for any imperial state in that barbarity; but let us be thankful, and acknowledge the great benefit of God, for that he hath reserved to us certain remnants of the Roman empire: and let us call upon him daily, with hearty petitions and groans, and with zeal and love to the house of God, that this Turkish power, joined with the malice of Satan against the Son of God, prevail not against the poor congregations and little remnant of his church, as it hath hitherto done against those strong and noble Christian kingdoms and churches, where now we see the Turkish tyranny to reign, and Satan to have taken full possession; whose state was once far better than ours is now, and more like to continue without such horrible overthrows and desolation. Oh that we might foresee a little the great danger that hangeth over our heads! For though the Turk seemeth to be far off, yet do we nourish within our breasts at home, that which may soon cause us to feel his cruel hand and worse, if worse may be: to overrun us; to lay our land waste; to scatter us amongst the infidels, the enemies and blasphemers of the Son of God!

Now, although these four families above-mentioned long continued together in bloody wars and deadly hatred, yet one of them passed the rest in all cruelty and tyranny, and subduing the other three families, took upon him the government alone, and so became the first monarch or emperor that reigned amongst them, called Ottoman; of whom all that reigned after him were called Ottomans: who, succeeding orderly of his line, have occupied the same dominion and seat of the Turks, from the year of our Lord 1300, unto this present time, who have been the number of twelve; of the which twelve, in such order as they lived and reigned, I intend (Christ so permitting) severally and compendiously something to treat, briefly abstracting, out of prolix and tedious writers, such specialties, as for us Christians shall be briefly requisite to be known.

OTTOMAN, THE FIRST GREAT EMPEROR52 , OR TYRANT OF THE TURKS. A.D. 1300.

This Ottoman was at first of poor estate, and obscure amongst the common sort of men, coming of a base progeny, and of rustic parents; but through his valiance and activity in war, he got him a great name amongst the Turks. For he, being a man of fierce courage, refusing no labor, and delighting in war, and gathering together by great subtlety a multitude of common soldiers, began to make war, and by conquest and victories to advance himself and his family. First, he began to rob and spoil with a great band of rovers, and afterwards he attempted to set upon all men.

Neither did he vex and destroy the Christians only, but set upon his own nation also, and sought all occasion to subdue them wholly unto him; for now the princes and captains of the Turks, inflamed with ambition and desire of rule, began to fall out and contend among themselves, insomuch that they fell to domestic and inward war, with all the power they could.

Ottoman, having this occasion very fit and meet to accomplish that which he long had sought for, gathering unto trim all such as he thought to be given to robbing and spoiling, and set all upon mischief, in a short time began to grow in authority, and first set upon certain towns, as he saw opportunity to serve him; of which towns some he took by force, some by yielding; others he spoiled and overthrew, to terrify the rest; thus laying the first foundation of his rising. In the mean time, the discord which was amongst the Christians was no small advantage to this Ottoman, by occasion whereof, he, within ten years’ space, subdued Bithynia, and all the provinces about Pontus: also Natolia, which comprehendeth all the dominion of the Greeks within Asia; Ancyra, a city in Phrygia; Sinope, a city in Galatia; and Sebastia, a city in Cappadocia.

And thus still prevailing, he increased in short time to a mighty power, either through the secret judgment of God against that nation, or else because God would have them so far and so cruelly to prevail, for the punishment of the sins of other nations, like as it was prophesied before, that such a kingdom there should be, of Gog and Magog. (Ezekiel 28.)

This Ottoman, after he had reigned twenty-eight years, died A.D. 1326, and departed to his Mahomet; leaving behind him three sons, of whom Orchah, being the youngest, killed his two brethren, whilst they were at variance between themselves.

ORCHAN, THE SECOND EMPEROR OF THE TURKS Orchan, the youngest of the sons of Ottoman, after he had slain his two brethren, took the regiment of the Turks after his father; who, ‘after he had drawn to him the hearts of the multitude, such as had their dispositions set upon the licentious life of war, converted his power further to enlarge his father’s dominion, winning and subduing Mysia, Lydia, Lycaonia, Phrygia, and Caria: all which countries, being within the compass of Asia, unto the sea-side of the Hellespont, and the sea Euxine, he added to the Turkish empire. Also he won Prusia, which was the metropolitan city of Bithynia, which then he made the chief seat of the Turks’ empire. Besides these, moreover, he conquered Nicea, and got Nicomedia: all which were before Christian cities and regions. And yet all this could not make the Christian princes in Greece to cease their civil wars, and to join and accord among themselves: such debate and variance was then between Cantacuzen, on the Greeks’ part, and Paleologus, the emperor of Constantinople. By reason of this, the Turks’ aid was sent for out of Asia, to help our Christians one to kill another, and at length to get all those parts of Europe from them both; who, if they had, according to their profession, so well joined in brotherly unity, as they did in cruel hostility dissent, neither had Orchan so prevailed in getting Prusia from the Greeks, nor had the Turks so soon presumed into Europe as afterwards they did.

Orchah, after these victories, when he had reigned thirty-four years, was struck, as some say, with a dart in the shoulder, at the siege of Prusa. The opinion of others is, that he, fighting against the Tartars, where he lost a great part of his army, was there also slain himself, A.D. 1360.

AMURATH, THE THIRD EMPEROR OF THE TURKS The Greek writers do hold that Orchah had two sons, Soliman and Amurath, of which two, first Soliman reigned, albeit not long. After him followed Amurath, who, after that Asia now was subdued by his predecessors, sought by all means and ways how to proceed further, and to invade Europe: to whose ambitious purpose the domestic wars of the Christians gave unprosperous occasion, which occasion is thus declared.

Certain discord fell between the princes of Greece (whose captain was Cantacuzen), and Paleologus, emperor of Constantinople: whereupon Paleologus, for that he was not able to make his party good with the Grecians, most unwisely sent for Amurath, to help him, who, being glad to have such an occasion offered, which he so long had sought, sent to aid him 12,000 Turks into Thrace: but first he used all delays he could of crafty policy, to the intent that the Greeks first should waste their strength and power upon themselves, whereby he might be more able afterwards to set upon them, and to accomplish his conceived desire.

The Turks thus being called into Europe by the Christians, whether they, tasting the sweetness of the soil, incensed Amurath, their emperor, to make invasion, or whether Amurath, of his own head, thought good to use the time, in the year of our Lord 1568, he came himself over into Europe with 60,000 Turks, falling upon the Greeks, being wasted and spent with their long wars and battles before. The pretense of the devilish Turk was to aid and assist the emperor Paleologus, whether he would or no, and to subdue such as had fallen from him.

The Christian ships of the Ligurians 53 for money were hired to conduct them over, taking for every soldier a piece of gold. Thus the Turks’ army, being conveyed over by the Grecian sea called the Hellespont, first got Callipolis, with other towns and cities bordering about the sea; and there planting themselves, and preparing ships of their own for transporting their munitions out of Asia, advanced their power further into Thrace, and there won Philipopolis; then got Adrianople, which was not far from Constantinople; and there Amurath made his chief seat. Then began Paleologus, the emperor, at length to bewail his offer and covenant made with Amurath. When the Turks had expugned thus a great part of Thrace, they extended forth their army into Moesia, which they soon subdued: from thence proceeding and conquering the Bessi and Triballi, they entered into Servia and Bulgaria, where, joining battle with Lazarus, Despota 54 or prince of Servia, and with other dukes of Dalmatia and Epirus, they wan of them the field, and put them to the worse; where Lazarus, being taken and committed to prison, ended his life. This Lazarus had a certain faithful client or servant, who, to revenge his master’s death, with a bold courage, although seeing death before his eyes, yet ventured his life so far, that he came to: the tyrant and thrust him through with his dagger. This Amurath reigned twenty-three years, and was slain A.D. 1388.

BAJAZET, THE FOURTH EMPEROR OF THE TURKS The power of the Turks began to increase in Europe, what time Bajazet, the first of that name, after the death of his father, entered the possession of the Turks’ kingdom. This Bajazet had two brethren, Soliman and Sauces; which Sauces had his eyes put out by his father, for striving for the kingdom. Soliman was slain by his brother. Thus Bajazet, beginning his kingdom with the murder of his brother, reduced his imperial seat from Prusia, a city of Bithynia, unto Adrianople, intending with himself to subdue both Asia and Europe to his own power. First he set upon the Servians and Bulgarians, thinking to revenge his father’s death; where he gave the overthrow to Marcus, the Despota 55 , with all the nobility of the Servians and Bulgarians, and put all those parts under his subjection, unto the confines and borders of the Illyrians. All Thrace, moreover, he brought likewise under his yoke, only Constantinople and Pera excepted. That done, he invaded the residue of Greece, prevailing against the countries of Thessalia, Macedonia, Phocis, and Attica, spoiling and burning as he passed without any resistance; and so, returning with innumerable spoil of the Christians unto Adrianople, he laid siege to Constantinople the space of eight years, and had expugned the same, but that Paleologus, being brought to extremity, was driven to crave aid of the Frenchmen, and of Sigismund the emperor, who, being accompanied with a sufficient power of Frenchmen and Germans, came down to Hungary, and toward Servia, against the Turk. Bajazet, hearing of their coming, raised his siege from Constantinople, and with 60,000 horsemen 56 , came to Nicopolis, where he, encountering with them, overthrew all the Christian army, and took John, the captain of the French power, prisoner. Sigismund, who before, in the council of Constance 57 , had burned John Hass and Jerome of Prague, hardly escaped by flying. Bajazet, after the victory got, carried away duke John, with five others, in bands, into Prusia, where, before his face, he caused all the other Christian prisoners to be cut in pieces. Afterwards the said John, being ransomed with 200,000 crowns, was delivered. Some authors refer this story to the time of Calepine, as followeth hereafter to be seen.

Bajazet, the cruel tyrant, after this victory won, and tyranny showed upon the Christians, returned again to his siege of Constantinople, fully bending himself to conquer and subdue the same; which thing no doubt he had accomplished, but that the providence of God had found such a means, that Tamerlane, king of Parthia, with a hundred thousand horsemen, and swarms of footmen, like a violent flood overrunning Asia, and pressing upon Syria and Sebastia, had taken Orthobules, the son of Bajazet, prisoner, and afterwards slew him, exercising the like cruelty upon his prisoners as Bajazet had done before upon the Christians, insomuch that he spared neither sex nor age of the Turkish multitude; of whom he caused twelve thousand, at one time, to be overridden and trodden down under his horses’ feet. By reason of this, Bajazet the tyrant was enforced to raise his siege from Constantinople, and to return his power into Asia; where he, near the hill called Stella 58 , pitched his tents there to encounter with Tamerlane.

The fight between these two was long and great on both sides, which was A.D. 1397, and the second year after the slaughter of our Christians at Nicopolis in Pannonia. But the victory of this battle fell to Tamerlane at length, in which, as Munsterus writeth, were slain 200,000 Turks; among whom Bajazet the tyrant, having his horse slain under him, was taken prisoner, and, to make a spectacle of his wretched fortune, he was bound in golden fetters, and so, being enclosed in an iron grate (whom, before, all Greece could not hold), was led about and showed through all Asia, to be scorned and laughed at; and, moreover, was used instead of a footstool to Tamerlane, or a block, as often as he mounted upon his horse. Some add also, that he was made like a dog to feed under Tamerlane’s table. The tyranny of this Bajazet against the Christians, as it was not much unlike to the cruelty of Valerian the Roman 59 emperor above mentioned, so neither was the example of his punishment much discrepant; for, as Sapor, king of the Persians, did then with Valerian, in the time of the eighth persecution of the primitive church, so likewise was Bajazet, this persecutor, worthily handled by Tamerlane, king of the Parthians, as in manner above-said.

Tamerlane, after this conquest, passed with his army into Mesopotamia, Egypt, and all Syria, where he, victoriously subduing the cities and munitions of the Turks, at length also conquered Damascus. In his sieges his manner was, the first day to go all in white attire, the second day in red, the third day in black, signifying thereby mercy the first day, to them that yielded; the second day the sword; the third day fire and ashes. At last, after great victories, and spoils gotten of the Turks, he returned into his country again, and there died, April 1st, A.D. 1405.

Sebastianus Munsterus, writing of this Tamerlane, recordeth that he had in his army 1,200,000 men 60 : and that he overcame the Parthians, Scythians, Iberians, Albanians, Persians, Medes, and conquered all Mesopotamia: and after he had also subdued Armenia, passing over the river Euphrates with 600,000 footmen, and 400,000 horsemen, he invaded all Asia Minor, conquering and subduing from the flood Tanais 6 unto the Nile in Egypt, and was called ‘terror orbis,’ the ‘ terror of the world.’ 7 He left behind him two sons, who, falling in discord for their possessions, lost all again that their father got.

In the mean time Bajazet, in the second year of his captivity, died, leaving behind him divers sons, Jesus or Joshua the eldest, Mulsuman, Moses, Celebine or Calepine, Jesus the younger, Mustapha, and Hali, of whom, first Jesus the eldest was overcome and slain of Mulsuman, which Mulsuman afterward was delivered to Moses his brother, and by him was slain likewise; which Moses had also the like end by his brother Calepine, having his neck broken with a bowstring, which was then the usual manner among the Turks in killing their brethren. The same Calepine, sparing only the life of Mustapha his brother, condemned him to perpetual prison.

Jesus the younger was baptized, and shortly after deputed at Constantinople. In these such discords and divisions among the Turks, what occasions were given to the Christians to have recovered again of the Turks, what they had lost, if they had not been either negligent, or in their own private wars otherwise occupied with themselves!

CALEPINE, THE FIFTH EMPEROR OF THE TURKS Calepine or Celebine, was the son of Bajazet, and of four brethren the eldest; who being all taken captives by the Parthians, he only escaped and obtained his fathers kingdom. This Calepine, encouraged by the sloth and negligence of the princes of Europe, and by the discord of the Greeks among themselves and other nations near about, them, long troubled and vexed the Bulgarians, Servians, and Macedonians, even to the time of Sigismund. This Sigismund, seeing now Bajazet to be overcome and taken by Tamerlane, and the power of the Turks weakened in Europe, and having such occasion offered him, as it were from heaven, to destroy and utterly to root out, not only out of Asia, but also all Europe, that barbarous nation, and cruel enemies to the name and religion of Christ, and also to revenge the great slaughter and discomfiture of his army fighting before with Bajazet at Nicopolis, a city in Moesia; with great power made war against Calepine, at Columbetz, a town in Servia 61 , as is also beforementioned; but as unluckily, and with as little success, as he did before against Bajazet his father: for in that battle were slain of the Christians to the number of twenty thousand, and the rest utterly discomfited, the king himself escaping so hardly, that he entered not again into his kingdom for the space of eighteen months after. Some write that this was done under Bajazet; others refer this battle to Amurath; but, howsoever it was, most pernicious was it to the Christians. 8 He reigned but six years, and died very young, A.D. 1410.

ORCHAN, AND MOSES HIS UNCLE, THE SIXTH AFTER OTTOMAN After the captivity of Bajazet above-mentioned, histories diversely do dissent. The Greek writers, making no mention at all of Calepine, only make mention of the sons of Bajazet, and of the contention among them, until the time of Mahomet. The Latin stories, writing of the children of Bajazet, and of their succession, do not therein agree; some affirming, that Bajazet had two sons, Orchan, surnamed Calepine, and Mahomet his brother, who within two years slew the said Calepine, and entered his dominion. Others attribute to Bajazet more sons; as is above-rehearsed.

Some again do give to Bajazet only these two sons, Celebine and Mustapha; and hold that Calepine or Celebine had two sons; to wit, Orchan and Mahomet: and add, moreover, that the said Orchan, being somewhat young, was slain by his uncle Moses, who governed but two years: for Mahomet, to revenge his brother’s death, slew Moses, and invaded his dominion. The Greek stories make no mention at all of Orchan.

MAHOMET, THE SEVENTH EMPEROR OF THE TURKS This Mahomet, whether he was the son of Bajazet, or else of Calepine, converted to himself alone the kingdom, or tyranny rather, of the murdering Turks, who afflicted the Christians with sore wars within Europe, especially the country called Wallachia, lying not far from the flood Danube, between Hungary and Thrace. From thence he removed into Asia, where he recovered divers parts in Galatia, Pontus, Cappadocia, and Cilicia, which before Tamerlane had alienated from the Turks. This Mahomet planted his chief imperial seat in Adrianople, not far from Constantinople, within the country of Thrace. In some writers the conflict between Sigismund and the great Turk, wherein the Christians were so discomfited, is referred rather to this Mahomet, than to Calepine; of which conflict mention is above made in the story of Sigismund. This Mahomet reigned, as some say, fourteen years, and died A.D. 1421: others affirm seventeen years.

AMURATH, THE EIGHTH EMPEROR OF THE TURKS Amurath, as Philelphus saith, was the son of Celebine; as Leonicus Chalcondylas testifieth, of Mahomet. Whose son soever he was a wretched tyrant he was, and permitted as a scourge of God, to correct the sins of the Christians. In the story of Bajazet mention was made before of Mustapha, his son, who was condemned to perpetual prison by Calepine, his brother. This Mustapha, escaping out of his brother’s prison, was conveyed to the Greeks, where he remained long in custody, till at length they, understanding the purpose of Amurath, set him up with sufficient habiliments and furniture of war, to fight against the said Amurath, his nephew. But, in conclusion, he being not able to make his party good, came into the hands of his enemy, and had his neck broke with a bowstring, after the manner of the Turkish execution.

The Greeks then terrified with this sinister adversity, required truce of the Turk; but, when that would not be granted, they procured unto them Mustapha, the other brother to Amurath, being of the age of thirteen years; who likewise, being armed of the Greeks, got the city of Nice in Bithynia from Amurath, his brother. Albeit it was not long but he was circumvented in the same city, and brought to Amurath; who caused him likewise to taste of the same whip, as the other Mustapha had done before. Amurath, being now out of all fear and doubt of brethren and kinsfolk to rise against him, converted all his power against the Greeks: and first ranging throughout Thrace, where divers cities yielded unto him, which before belonged to the emperor of Constantinople, from thence he set forward to the noble and famous city Thessalonica, being then under the league and protection of the Venetians. This Thessalonica is a city in Greece, bordering upon Macedonia, to the citizens whereof St. Paul writeth, foreshowing unto them, in his second epistle, of a defection to come before the coming of the day of the Lord [Thessalonians 2:2], of which apostasy or defection what the holy apostle doth mean, this story of the Turks may easily declare. After Thessalonica was subdued, Phocis, with all the country about Athens, Boetia likewise, Aetolia, Acarnania, with all the region beyond Peloponnesus, unto the coast of Corinth (to which St. Paul also wrote two other epistles), were brought in bondage and slavery unto the Turk.

In Epirus, and in that quarter that adjoineth to Macedonia named Albania, reigned then one Johannes Castriotus 62 ; who, perceiving himself too weak to match with the Turk’s power, made with the Turk this convention, that he should have Croia, a famous city in Greece, and also gave to him his three sons for hostages: to wit, Constantine, Reposius, and George.

In this George such towardness of noble courage, such rigor of mind and strength of body singularly did appear, that the Turk caused him more freely to be instructed after the Turkish religion and manner in his own court; where he, being traded up, did so shoot up as well in feats of activity, as in strength of body, that he excelled all his equals; insomuch that he was named ‘Scanderbeius,’ which soundeth as much as ‘Alexander Magnus.’

After this Alexander was grown up to mature ripeness of age, and was well trained up in feats of war, he was sent out by the Turk, to war against Cardman of Cilicia, the Turk’s enemy. In that expedition he sped himself most manfully, fighting hand to hand, first with a footman of Scythia, then with a horseman of Persia, being challenged by them both to encounter, first with the one, after with the other; whom he so valiantly overthrew, that he won great renown with the Turk: insomuch that he, trusting to the Turk’s favor, when he heard of the decease of his father, durst ask of the Turk the grant of his father’s dominion to be given unto him; which request although Amurath the Turk did not deny him, yet notwithstanding, perceiving the matter to be dallied out with fair words, he by subtle means and policy slipped out of the Turk’s court, and came to Epirus his own inheritance, where first by forged letters he recovered Croia. The other cities, of their voluntary mind, yielded themselves unto him; who then, gathering unto him the people of Epirus and Macedonia (who were not so many in number, as with good willing minds they stuck unto him), so manfully and valiantly behaved himself, that against all the puissance both of Amurath, and also of Mahomet, he maintained his own, repulsed their violence, and put to flight their armies many years together.

But, to return again to the course of Amurath’s victories: after he had thus prevailed (as is before signified) against the east parts of Europe and Greece, and had convented thus for the dominion of Epirus, he invaded Illyricum (otherwise called now Sclavonia), containing in it Dalmatia, Croatia, Istria, and Liburnia: which countries after he had spoiled and wasted, he continued his course to Albania and Bosnia; of which regions, when he had subdued a great part, and had led away an innumerable multitude of captives, he moved further to Wallachia and Servia, upon hope to conquer all Pannonia.

There reigned at the same time in Servia, as Despota or prince, one named George 63 , who made great suit to the Turk for truce and peace, promising to give his daughter to marriage; for by the Turk’s law they may marry as many wives as they lust. It was not long after Amurath had married the daughter of George, but he, contrary to his league and promise, made war upon his father-in-law, and expelled him out of his kingdom, taking from him divers cities, as Scopia, Novomonte, Sophia, and all Moesia. George himself fled into Hungary, leaving behind him his son, to defend the town of Sinderonia 64 . Amurath, understanding of the flight of George, his father-in-law, compassed the city of Sinderonia with a strong siege, which when he in few days had expugned, he took his wife’s brother, the son of George, and without all regard of mercy and affinity, after the barbarous tyranny of the Turks, put out his eyes with a bason red hot before them; and, after that, led him about with him in derision, in spite of his cowardly father. Servia being thus won and gotten, Amurath, thinking to go further into Hungary, besieged the city called Belgrade, and no doubt had also suppressed the same, had not the providence of God found means, that partly through slaughter of his men, partly for lack of victual and other forage, he was compelled to raise his siege and retire.

In the mean time Johannes Huniades (of whom mention was made before) had got great victories against the Turkish power, and had recovered part of Servia, and all Moldavia; against whom Amurath the Turk, with a mighty army, moved into Pannonia. But Huniades, with the power and aid of Ladislaus, king of Poland (but especially by the power of the Lord), did soon infringe the puissance of the Turk, and gave him the overthrow, recovering unto the Christians the greatest part of Servia and Bulgaria.

In this battle, Huniades had five sundry conflicts with the Turks on one day, and with five victories put them to the worse, and toward night did so discomfit and overthrow the great captain of Amurath, called the bassa or duke of Anatolia (which is otherwise named Asia Minor), that he slew of the Turks that day to the number of thirty thousand. Amurath, although he was not a little thereat discouraged, yet dissembling his fear with stout countenance, sent for Carambeius, his principal stay and captain, with a new power brought out of Asia to assist him in his wars.

This Carembeius, in the Downs of Transylvania, Ladislaus the aforesaid king of Poland (the Lord so working) through the industry of Johannes Huniades so received and with such celerity oppressed him unprovided, that all his stout and sturdy army either was slain downright, or else put to flight and disparkled, Carambeius the captain being himself taken prisoner in the same field.

These victories of Huniades struck no little terror to Amurath, insomuch that for distress of mind he was ready to destroy himself, as some do write; but, being confirmed by Helibeus Bassa, his counselor, he kept himself within the straits of mount Rhodope, who then, hearing that Caraman 65 invaded the same time the country of Bithynia, and Pontus in Asia, was glad to take truce with Ladislaus and Huniades upon such conditions as they listed to make themselves: which conditions were these, that Amurath should depart clearly from all the region of Servia, and should remove from thence all his garrisons, which were placed in the castles and forts of the same; also he should restore George ( Despota 66 , which is to say, prince of Servia) unto his possession, and set his children free, whom he had in captivity, and restore them to their inheritance. Item, that he should make no more claim nor title to the country of Moldavia above mentioned, nor to that part of Bulgaria which he had lost; and that he should desist hereafter from all wrongs and injuries against the Christians. Upon these conditions the Turks being agreed, so was a truce concluded 67 on both parts for ten years, and with solemn oath between them confirmed.

This done, Amurath the tyrant addresseth himself toward Asia, to resist the invasion of Caraman aforesaid; at which time pope Eugene, so soon as he heard the Turk to be returned into Asia, sendeth Julian Caesarini 68 , his cardinal (whose story is before touched), unto Ladislaus the aforesaid king, with full dispensation and absolution to break his oath and league with the Turk: promising, moreover, great hope of aid, if he would go in arms stoutly against the tyrant.

Here by the way is to be noted, that as there is no truth of promise in that pestilent see of Rome, neither was there ever any war prospered, which was taken in hand by the pope’s counsel: so was there newer any counsel of the pope that brought with it more detriment to Christianity than this.

But the pope belike thought, that as he might lawfully break promise with John Huss, and with other Christians, so also he needed not to observe any league or truce taken with the Turk: but it turned much otherwise than the pope’s blind brains imagined, as by the sequel is to be seen. 10 For Ladislaus, being thus excited by the unadvised and sinister instigation of pope Eugene, contrary to the truce established a little before, set out with his army from Seledinus 69 , and so proceeding to Wallachia and Bulgaria, came to Varna, a town of Bulgaria, where he fell sick.

It was not long but the Turk, having thereof intelligence, left his wars begun with Caraman in Asia, and with great journeys made haste into Europe, passing over by the straits near to Callipolis, where all the Italian navy still looking on, and whether of purpose, or whether for cowardliness, would not stir one oar to stop the passage of the Turkish army. When Amurath was come to Adrianople in Thrace, using such celerity as no man looked for, within eight days he was in Bulgaria, and there encamped himself against Ladislaus. The day of battle being set, the armies joined on both sides. Huniades was himself there present, but all the matter was ruled by Julian the cardinal, and the pope’s clergy. The fight continued three days and three nights together, with great courage and much bloodshed on each side; insomuch that the field did stand with lakes of blood. It seemed at first to incline to the Christians, by breaking the first ranks of the Turks; but the priests and prelates who were at the field (who had been more fit to have been in the church), seeing the Turks to begin to fly, unskillfully left their array to pursue the enemy, so that they, leaving the other standings of the Christians naked, gave great advantage to the Turks, with their darts and shot to disturb the Christian ranks, by which occasion Amurath, enclosing the Christians with his army round about, obtained the victory; in which field, Ladislaus, the young king of Poland, having his horse first killed under him, was stricken down and slain. The pope’s bishops, flying to save themselves, fell into the marshes, and were there destroyed, sustaining a dirty death, condign to their filthy falsehood and untruth. Julian the cardinal, who with the pope was the chief doer in breaking the league, in the way was found dead, being full of wounds, and spoiled to his naked skin. Of the rest of the army that escaped by flying, part were drowned in the marshes, some perished miserably for hunger, some for cold; watching and wandering in the woods.

Huniades hardly escaped the danger, by the merciful providence of God being reserved to the further profit and commodity of Christendom.

This John Huniades, the worthy warrior, was born in Wallachia, being earl of Bistritz 70 , of all captains that ever went against the Turks most famous and singular, prudent in wit, discreet in council, expert and politic in war, prompt of hand, circumspect before he attempted, quick in expedition: in whom wanted almost no good property requisite in a warlike captain.

Against two most mighty and fierce tyrants, Amurath and Mahomet, through the Lord’s might, he defended all Pannonia, and therefore was called the thunderbolt, and the terror of the Turks. Like as Achilles was unto the Grecians, so was he set up of God to be as a wall or bulwark of all Europe against the cruel Turks and enemies of Christ and of his Christians; neither was there any king or prince that ever achieved such noble victories, either so many in number, or so profitable for the public utility of all Europe, as did he; and that not only in the days of this Amurath, but also of Mahomet his successor, as hereafter remaineth further to be seen. This battle of Amurath against the Christians, at Varna in Bulgaria, was fought A.D. 1444 71 .

Amurath, by reason of this victorious overthrow against the Christians, surprised with no small pride, directed his journey incontinent toward the Grecians, where Castriotus was, otherwise called Scanderbeius. And first, coming to Peloponnesus, and breaking down the wall about the straits of Corinth, he encountered with the brother of the emperor of Constantinople, whom with his sudden coming he oppressed, with all the Greeks’ army, ere they were provided. Paleologus the emperor, after that, did build up the wall again, but, at the Turks’ bidding, he was compelled to undo it again; which wall afterwards the Venetians did repair. After the demolition of the wall, Amurath, entering into Peloponnesus, took divers towns and cities, as Sicyon, and Patrae; and moreover made all the parts of Thessalia and Achaia tributaries unto them.

The next year after this battle of Amurath, fought against the Christians at Varna, the Turk, being now about the parts of Greece, purposed to bend all his force and main against the country of Epirus belonging to Georgius Castriotus Scanderbeius. Of this Scanderbeius mention was made before, how he was brought up in the Turk’s court, from whence we declared also how subtly he conveyed himself, and came to the possession of his own patrimony of Epirus; which Epirus, 11 this noble and victorious Scanderbeius (whom the Lord also had raised up the same time with Huniades, to bridle the fury of the Turks) valiantly defended against all the power of Amurath; insomuch that he discomfited and vanquished seven of the most expert bassas or dukes of the Ottoman emperor, one after another, with all their armies of most picked and chosen soldiers, dislodged them from their tents, and expulsed them utterly out of all Epirus. .Also when Amurath himself, with his whole puissance, had environed about the city of Croia with cruel siege and ordnance out of measure, yet, notwithstanding, the said Scanderbeius (through the power and blessing of the Lord) beat him out of the field, and repulsed him from the siege.

After this discomfiture, the saying is, that Amurath, to keep his vow made before, after his victory at Varna, gave himself unto a religious order, living a contemplative life with certain other priests joined unto him, in the forest of Bithynia, renouncing the government of his realm to the hands of Hali, one of the princes; for thou must understand, good reader, that the Turks also be not without their sundry sects of religion, no more than we Christians are without our friars and monks.

In the mean time, while Amurath, this Turkish tyrant, was cloistered up in his monkish religion, Johannes Huniades, in the kingdom of Hungary, and Georgius Castriotus, in Greece, kept a great stir against the Turks. By reason whereof, Amurath was taken again from his monkish vow and profession, and brought again into the field: for first Huniades 12 had rescued the whole country of Hungary, and had propulsed moreover all the might of the Turks far from Servia. And although the peevish practice of George, prince of Servia, had oftentimes disclosed his councils unto the Turks, whereby twice he was brought into danger, yet, notwithstanding, through the Lord’s gracious protection, he was preserved and delivered by the said George unto the Hungarians again, and, after that, manfully vanquished the Turks; so that they had no resting-place about those parts of Servia and Bulgaria, so long as he lived.

On the other side, in Greece, Castriotus Scanderbeius so foiled the Turk its defense of his country, Epirus and Macedonia, and kept Amurath so short, that not only he was not able to win any great town in all Epirus; but also coming from Epirus, in the straits he was so entangled by Castriotus, that he was forced to give battle: in which battle he was so vanquished, and most part of his army slain, that, for grief and sorrow conceived, he, falling into a raving sickness, was transported out of his pavilion unto Adrianople, and there in fury and madness died, after he had reigned thirty-four years, which was about A.D. 1450 72 .

This Amurath first ordained the order of the Janizaries, who were the men-children of such Christians as he conquered and took captive; whom he forced to renounce the faith of Christ, wherein they were baptized, and brought them up in Mahomet’s law, and exercised them in the same feats of war as he did his own people; and after that they came to man’s estate, he named them Janizaries, that is to say, soldiers of a strange country, and made them to guard his person. They wear on their head, instead of a helmet, a white attire made of the grossest sort of wool, and in so many folds about their head that it cannot be pierced with a sword. It hangeth down on the back with a tail, and before, on the forehead, it is garnished with gold and silver. They were wont to use bows and lances in the field, but now they use dags, as our horsemen do.

At the first institution there were but eight thousand in their garrison, but now there be twice so many. This, of all bondage and servitude that the Christians suffer under the Turks, is most intolerable, and greatly to be of all true Christians lamented. For what can godly minds behold more to their grief, than to see their children pulled from the faith of Christ, wherein they were baptized, and by whose blood they should eternally be saved; and to be instructed and nourished with the blasphemous doctrine of Mahomet, and to be professed enemies of Christ, and his church, to make war against Heaven, and to perish everlastingly? And finally, what a lamentable thing is it, to see and behold our own children, born of our own bodies, to become our mortal and cruel enemies, and to cut our throats with their own hands! This servitude of mind is far greater than death itself; which if our princes would well consider, it would cause them the rather to agree, and bend their whole force and power against this cruel enemy.

MAHOMET THE SECOND, THE NINTH EMPEROR OF THE TURKS Anurath left behind him three sons, Mahomet, born of the daughter of Despota, prince of Servia 73 , being twenty years of age, the second son called Turcines, the third named Calepine. This Turcines being an infant, and but eighteen months old, was strangled at the commandment of the Turk by his servant Moses, himself being there present, and beholding the horrible murder. And when Moses, the executor of the murder, had desired him not to pollute his hands with the blood of his brother, he answered, that it was the manner of all the Ottoman Turks, that all the other brethren being destroyed, none should be left alive but one, to govern the empire: wherefore Moses was commanded by the tyrant, there presently, and in his sight, to kill the infant. This horrible fact when the mother of the child understood, she cried out, and almost mad for sorrow, cursed the tyrant to his face. But he, to mitigate the rage of the mother, at her request, being desirous to be revenged upon the executor of her son’s death, delivered the said Moses bound into her hands; she then, in the presence of the tyrant, thrust him to the heart with a knife, and opening his side, took out his liver, and threw it to the dogs to be devoured.

The third son, called Calepine, who was but six months old, the aforesaid Amurath, his father, commended to the custody of Hali Bassa, one of his nobles, who, to gratify and please the tyrant, betrayed the infant, and brought him unto him, and thereupon he, at the tyrant’s commandment, was strangled. Some affirm, that instead of Calepine, another child was offered unto the tyrant, and that Calepine was conveyed to Constantinople, and after the taking of Constantinople was carried to Venice, and then to Rome to pope Calixtus, where he was baptized, and afterwards came into Germany, to Frederic the emperor, and there was honorably entertained, and kept in Austria during his life: where note how the merciful providence of God, whom he list to save, cart fetch out of the devil’s mouth. And note, moreover, the aforesaid Hali Bassa, the betrayer of the infant, how he escaped not unrevenged. 13 For Mahomet, understanding him to be a man of great substance and riches, through forging of false crimes, with great torments put him to death to have his riches: for this tyrant was given to insatiable avarice. Thus this bloody Mahomet began his regiment with horrible murder, after the example of other cursed tyrants, his predecessors.

Although this Mahomet, notwithstanding that he came of a Christian mother, being the daughter of the Despota of Servia 74 , and by her was brought up and instructed from his childhood in the precepts of Christian religion and manners, yet he, soon forgetting all, gave himself to Mahomet’s religion; and yet so, that he, being addicted to neither religion, became an atheist, believing and worshipping no God at all, but only the goddess of good fortune, irriding and mocking the minds and judgments of men, who believe that God, by his providence, governeth and regardeth the state of human things on earth.

After this Mahomet had heard of the victories and conquests of others his predecessors, and had understanding how Bajazet lay eight years about Constantinople, and could not win it; he, dispraising Bajazet, and disdaining that so long time should be spent about the siege thereof, and yet no victory gotten, bent all his study and device how to subdue the same. But, first, having a privy hatred against the city of Athens, and having his hands lately imbrued with the blood of his; brethren, this murdering Mahomet, first of all, taketh his viage to subvert and destroy the city aforesaid; being a famous school of all good learning and discipline: against which city he did so furiously rage, for the hatred of good letters, that he thought he ought not to suffer the foundation thereof to stand, because that city was a good nurse, and fosterer of good arts and sciences.

Wherefore he commanded the city to be rased and utterly subverted; and wheresoever any monuments or books could be found, he caused them to be cast into dirty sinks, and the filthiest places of the city, or put to the most vile uses that could be devised, for extirpating and abolishing of all good literature: and if he understood any to lament the case and ruin of that noble place, those he grievously punished and put to death.

Thus the famous and ancient school of Athens being destroyed and overthrown, he returned his army and power into Thrace, where, in all haste, he, gathering his power together both by sea and land, with a mighty multitude compassed the city of. Constantinople about, and began to lay his siege against it, A.D. 1458; and in the four and fiftieth day of the said siege it was taken, sacked, and the emperor Constantine slain. As touching the cruelty and fierceness of the Turks in getting of this city, and what slaughter there was of men, women, and children, what calamity and misery were there to be seen, forasmuch as sufficient relation, with a full description thereof, hath been made before, it shall be superfluous now to repeat the same. 14 This only is not to be omitted, touching three principal causes of the overthrow of this city; whereof the first was the filthy avarice of those citizens, who, hiding their treasures in the ground, would not employ the same to the necessary defense of their city. For so I find it in story expressed, that when the Turk, after the taking of the city, had found not so much treasure as he looked for, suspecting with himself (as the truth was) the treasures and riches to be hidden under the ground, he commanded the earth to be dug up, and the foundations of the houses to be searched: where, when he had found treasures incredible, “What,” quoth he, “how could it be that this place could ever lack munition and fortification, which did flow and abound with such great riches as here are, and plenty of all things?” 15 The second cause was the absence of the navy of the Venetians, which, if they had been ready in time, might have been a safeguard against the invasion of the enemies. A third cause also may be gathered upon occasion incident in stories, either for that the city of Constantinople, fifteen years before, did yield to the bishop of Rome, as is before to be seen; or else, because, as in some writers it is evident, the images were there received and maintained in their churches, and by the Turks the same time destroyed.

Johannes Ramus, writing of the destruction of this city, amongst other matters maketh relation of the image of the crucifix, being there in the high temple of Sophia; which image the Turk took, and writing this superscription upon the head of it, “Hic est christianorum Dens,” i.e. “This is the God of the Christians,” gave it to his soldiers to be scorned; and commanding the said image with a trumpet to be carried through all his army, made every man to spit at it most contumeliously. Wherein thou hast, good reader! by the way to note, what occasion of slander and offense we Christians give unto the barbarous infidels by this our ungodly superstition, in having images in our temples, contrary to the express commandment of God in his Word. For if St. Paul, writing to the Corinthians, saith, “We know Christ now no more after the flesh;” how much less then is Christ to be known of us in blind stocks and images set up in our temples, serving for no other purpose, but for the infidels to laugh both us and our God to scorn, and to provoke God’s vengeance? ‘which by the like example, I fear, may also fall upon other cities, where such images and idolatrous superstition are maintained; whereof God grant Vienna to take heed betimes, which hath been so long, and yet is, in such great danger of the Turk, and polluted with so many images, and plain idolatry! In summa , to make the story short, such was the cruelty of these Turks in winning the city, that when Mahomet had given license to the soldiers three days together, to spoil, to kill, and to do whatsoever they listed, there was no corner in all Constantinople which did not either flow with Christian blood, or else was not polluted with abominable abusing of maids, wives, and matrons, without all reverence of nature. Of the citizens, some they murdered; some they roasted upon spits; of some they flayed off their skin, hanging them up to consume with famine; into the wounds of others they put salt, the more terribly to torment them; insomuch that one of them contended with another, who could devise most strange kinds of new torments and punishments, exercising such cruelty upon them, that the place where the city was before, seemed now to be no city, but a slaughter-house or shambles of Christian men’s bodies. Among the dead bodies, the body also of Constantine the emperor was found; whose head being brought to Mahomet, he commanded it to be carried upon a spear through the whole city, for a public spectacle and derision to all the Turkish army. And because he would diminish the number of the captives, which seemed to him to be very great, he never rose from his table, but he put every day some of the nobles to death, no less to fill his cruel mind with blood, than his body was filled with wine; which he used to do so long as any of the nobles of that city were left alive. And of the other sort also, as the stories do credibly report, there passed no day in which he did not orderly slay more than three hundred persons; the residue he gave to his rascal soldiers to kill, and to do with them what they would: where is to be noted, that as Constantine the son of Helena was the first emperor of Constantinople, so Constantine the son also of Helena was the last emperor thereof.

Not far from the said city of Constantinople there was another little city called Pera, and once called Galatia, situated by the seaside; which, hearing of the miserable destruction of Constantinople, and seeing the city flaming with fire, sent certain of their chief men with speed to Mahomet, declaring unto him, that they neither had sent any help to the city of Constantinople, nor yet wrought any detriment to any of his army: wherefore they desired and prayed him, that as they would gladly yield unto him, so he would be favorable unto them and spare them, and not punish the guiltless with the guilty. Mahomet, although he was not ignorant that for fear, rather than of any good will, they submitted themselves, and that they would rather resist him, if they had been able, yet he received for that time the submission of the messengers: but, sending with them his ambassador into the city, he commanded also his army to follow withal, and to enter with him into the city, which although it was greatly suspected and misliked of the citizens, yet they durst not otherwise do, but suffer them to enter. This being done, the ambassador gave a sign to the soldiers, every man to do whatsoever he was bidden; of whom some ran to the walls, some to the temples and churches, some to the streets and houses of the city, plucking all things down to the ground, sacking and ranging with no less fury and abominable filthiness, than they had done at Constantinople before, saving only that they abstained from murder: but the same day letters came from Mahomet to the ambassador, that he would spare none, but destroy and murder all that ever were in the city: which message, because it seemed to the ambassador to be too cruel, forasmuch as they had yielded themselves, he stayed his hand a little, until night came. In the mean time, drunken Mahomet, coming something to himself (whom drunkenness had before overcome), sent his second letters to revoke the first. Where again is to be noted the merciful providence of God towards his people in their deserved plagues, by staying the hands, and bridling the fury, many times of their enemies, when otherwise the case seemeth to be past all remedy.

Mahomet thus, being in himself not a little advanced and elevated by the winning of Constantinople, where he had now made the imperial seat of the Turkish dominion, the third year next following, to adventure more masteries, set out to the siege of Belgrade 75 , a city of Hungary, lying near to the banks of the Danube, thinking to have the like success there, as he had in the winning of Constantinople, albeit, through the Lord’s disposing, it fell out much otherwise. Within the city of Belgrade, the same time of the siege thereof, was Johannes Huniades, the valiant captain, of whom in divers places mention hath been made before; who with a sufficient strength of picked soldiers, albeit in number nothing equal to the Turks’ army, valiantly defended the city with great courage, and no less success.

In this siege great diligence was bestowed, and many of the Turks slain; among whom also Mahomet himself, being stricken with a pellet under the left arm, was fain to be carried out of the field for half dead, and the rest so put to flight, that of the Turks the same time were destroyed to the number, or not much under the number, of forty thousand, besides the loss of all their ordnance, which the Turks, in haste of their flight, were forced to leave behind them.

Hieronymus Zieglerus, writing of the siege of this Belgrade, addeth moreover, that when Mahomet was at the siege thereof, seeing the town to be so small and weak of itself, that it could not be won with all his great multitude, he, staring and faring like a madman, commanded all his brazen pieces to be laid, to batter down the wails and towers of the town; so that the Christians within the walls were vehemently distressed, for the siege continued both night and day without intermission. 16 Among the rest of the Christians who defended the town, Hieronymus Zieglerus maketh mention of a certain Bohemian, much worthy of his condign commendation; who, being upon the walls, and seeing a Turk with a banner or ensign of the Turks to be gotten up, by the sight whereof the whole town was in danger to be conquered and taken, runneth unto the Turk, and clasping him about the middle, speaking to John Capistranus, standing below, asked him whether it were any danger of damnation to him, if he, of his voluntary mind, did cast himself with that dog (so he termed him) down headlong from the wall to be slain with him: what should become of his soul, and whether he might be saved, or not? To whom when the other had answered, that he should be saved without doubt, he eftsoons tumbleth himself with the Turk down off the wall; where, by his death, he saved the same time the life of all the city.

Mahomet, being so wounded, and in despair of winning the city, was carried (as ye heard) out of the field, who at length coming again to himself, partly for fear, and partly for shame, was ready to kill himself.

And thus was the town of Belgrade at that time rescued, through God’s providence, by the means of Johannes Huniades and this good Bohemian.

This siege of Belgrade began A.D. 1456, and endured six-and-forty days, at which siege were numbered of the Turks two hundred thousand, of whom more than forty thousand (as is aforesaid) were slain; where the victory fell to the Christians, through the prosperous success given of God to Johannes Huniades, and Capistranus. This Huniades, not long after the said victory, through the importune labor and travail in defending of the said town, was taken with a sore sickness, and thereof departed 76 ; to whose valiant prowess and singular courage, stories do give great laud and commendation.

Mahomet the Turk, after this done in Europe, returned into Asia to war with Usumcassan a Persian, one of the Turks’ stock, with whom he had three battles. The first was about the river Euphrates, where the Turk lost ten thousand men, and was put to the worse. In the second field, likewise, he was discomfited. The third battle was at Arsenga, where, through the terrible noise of the brazen pieces, the Persian horses disturbed the camp, and so was Usumcassan overcome.

From thence the Turk reduced again his power against the Christians, and first subdued unto him Sinope and all Paphlagonia: also the kingdom of Trebisond, which he, besieging both by land and water, won from the Christians, and sent David the king of the same, with his two sons, and Caius his uncle, unto Constantinople, where they were miserably and cruelly, put to death, and all the stock of the Comneni, who were of the king’s stock, by the Turk were destroyed. This was about A.D. 1461, at which time this mischievous Mahomet was first saluted emperor.

Not long after, he got, from the Greeks, Corinth and Mitylene, not without great slaughter of Christian men; insomuch that the whole city of Mitylene was utterly to the ground almost destroyed. The isles also of Lemnos and Lesbos he won from the Venetians; in which island of Lesbos is the city of Mitylene aforesaid.

Not far from this isle of Lesbos and Mitylene, there is a country in Asia, toward the sea-side bordering next to Europe, called Mysia 77 , or of some called Moesia, wherein stood the city of Troy. This country Mahomet, coveting to win rather by policy and falsehood, than by doubtful danger of war, secretly sent for the prince thereof, to come to speak with him for certain causes (as he pretended), that would concern the profit and commodity of them both. Which when the king of Mysia either for shame would not, or for fear durst not deny, he came to him. as if to confer upon necessary affairs in common to them appertaining. Mahomet, when he had brought that to pass which he would, caused the king to be apprehended, and cruelly to be slain, or rather torn in pieces; and so, invading the land of Mysia, he exercised the like tyranny upon his kindred and affinity.

This Mysia by fraud being taken and lost, Mahomet flieth again towards Europe, where he assailed the island of Euboea, otherwise called Negroponte, making a bridge of a marvelous frame over the sea Euripus, to convey over his army out of Greece, and there laid his siege to the city Chalcis, which, at length, in thirty days he overcame, not without a great slaughter of his army; who, in the siege thereof, is said to have lost forty thousand of the Turks. But the slaughter of the Christians was greater; for when the city was won, the tyrant commanded, most cruelly, none to be spared within the whole city, but to be put to the sword, whosoever was above the age of twenty years, 17 This cruelty was showed by the barbarous tyrant for anger and fury, because such a number of his Turks were slain at the siege thereof, being reckoned (as is said) to be forty thousand. In the fierce siege of this city it is memorable what is in stories recorded, how that the women of that city, seeing the men begin to faint, and the city to lie in present danger, took the matter themselves in hand, and playing the men, went to the walls, and there defended the city with no less trouble to the enemy, than the men had before done; and so for a space continued, as long as any man’s strength and diligence could do any good. A great cause of the loss of this city and island, is imputed to the cowardly timidity of the Venetians’ navy; who, being there present, and having prosperous wind, yet durst not, or would not adventure upon the Turks’ bridge, which if they had done, the island of Euboea, and Chalcis, had not so soon been overmatched by the Turks.

Thus all the east parts of Greece being subdued to the Turkish tyrant, with all Achaia, Attica, Acarnania, and Euboea, shortly after followed also Peloponnesus, brought into like subjection to the Turk. Within Peloponnesus were these provinces contained, Achaia, Messenia, Laconia, Argolied, and Arcadia, etc. The Venetians in this Peloponnesus had great possessions, and had made up the wall again towards the sea-side, near to the straits of Corinth before-mentioned, where, for the more speed of the work, they had thirty thousand workmen to the building thereof which when it came to the knowledge of the Turk, he burst into the country of Peloponnesus with an army of eighty thousand, and first wasted the regions of the Coroncans, and Methoneans, and making a great slaughter of the Venetians, in short time brought the whole dominion of Peloponnesus under his yoke and tribute.

Long it is, and more lamentable to recite all the victories of this Mahomet, gotten against the Christians both by land and sea; who, after he had overcome the isle of Lesbos, above mentioned, and had cruelly slain Nicholas Catalusius 78 the prince thereof, turning his army towards the sea Pontus Euxinus, got the country of Capha 79 from the Genoese. Before was declared how truce was taken between Georgius Scanderbeius and the Turk, for ten years; which truce being expired, Mahomet leaveth no time unspent, no diligence unsought, but maketh all his power to Epirus and Albania, which he, after long fatigation of siege, at length overcame and subdued; in the which tract also he won from the Venetians, Seodra, Lysson, and Dinastrum. Notwithstanding, when Scanderbeius, the valiant captain, had done against the Turk what in man’s strength did lie, yet, being overmatched with power and multitude, seeing no possibility to make his party good, he was forced to depart his country as an exile, and went to Italy; and there, being sent for by the pope’s letters, he openly declared that it was not possible otherwise to resist the furious rage of the barbarous Turks by the strength of any one king or prince, unless all Europe, with one consent, should join their power and force together. And thus Georgius Scanderbeius 80 , a man, of puissant courage, being driven out of his country, continued his age in exile; whose courage and vehemence are reported to have been such, that in fighting against the barbarous enemy, for very eagerness of spirit, his blood was seen to burst out of his lips. It is testified also of him that being provoked, he neither denied to fight, nor in his fighting ever turned his back, neither yet was ever wounded, but only once with a light shaft in his foot, neither ever set against the Turk with more than six thousand horsemen, and three thousand footmen; who is said, with his own hand to have slain above 2,000 Turks, whom with such violence he did strike, that many of them he did cleave asunder from the head to the middle.

Neither yet was the insatiable greediness of that Turkish hell-hound with all this satisfied, but still he conceived greater things in his mind, thinking to conquer the whole world; and so, passing forward towards Europe, he subdued all Illyria, slaying Stephen, the king of Bosnia 81 , about A.D. 1475. But afterwards Matthias Corvinus, the son of Huniades aforementioned, recovered again the said kingdom of Bosnia, with many other cities near unto Croatia and Dalmatia, and moreover repulsed Mahomet the Turk, in his second siege of Jaitza, taking his tents and munitions left behind him.

Moreover, the said Mahomet, passing unto Wallachia, set upon Dracula, the prince thereof; which Dracula, although he had no greater power of soldiers, yet he so enclosed and environed the Turk, that he had almost lost his whole army, of whom a great part, notwithstanding, was destroyed, and many of his ensigns taken. Into Dalmatia were sent two captains of the Turk, who, fighting against the provinces of the Venetians, made great spoil and waste about the regions of Stiria and Carinthia; where also the Venetian power was discomated, and Hieronymus Novel, their captain, slain. At length truce was taken between the Turk and the Venetians upon this condition, that Scodra, Tenurns, and Lemnos should be yielded unto him, and that they should pay to him yearly, eight thousand ducats, for the free passage of their merchants.

After this peace concluded with the Venetians, Mahomet himself saileth over into Asia, sending two of his great captains abroad to sundry places; of whom, Mesithes was sent against Rhodes with a mighty navy: the other, called Achmet Bassa, was sent into Italy to take Rome, and all the west empire. Concerning the ridge of which two captains, this was the event, that Masithes, after his great travail, and bloody siege against the Rhodians, was fain to retire at length, with great shame and loss. The other captain, Achmet (as is said), was sent into Italy with a navy of a hundred ships, and fifteen thousand men, who, by the way in his sailing, got Leucadia (which now they call St. Maure), Cephalonia, and Zacynthus, and, sailing by Favelona, arrived in Apulia; and so, passing along by the sea-side, spoiled and wasted divers parts by the coast, till at length he came to Otranto, a city of Calabria in Italy, which after long siege he overcame and subdued, and brought such a terror into all Italy, that the pope, forgetting all other things, yet mindful of himself, with all haste fled out of Rome. After the city of Otranto was taken, and the Turks placed in the same, which was A.D. 1480 82 , Matthias Corvinus, Huniades’ son, was sent for by the Italians, to set upon the said city; unto the rescue whereof, when Acomates was about to make his return with five and twenty thousand Turks, in the mean time news came, that Mahomet, the great Turk, was dead; by reason whereof, the siege brake up, and the city was delivered to the Italians again, and so was Italy delivered at that time out of that present peril and danger. This Mahomet won from the Christians two hundred cities, and twelve kingdoms, and two empires, 18 which he joined both together. He died in the year following, A.D. 1481 83 .

BAJAZET THE SECOND, THE TENTH EMPEROR OF THE TURKS Mahomet aforesaid had three sons; of whom Mustapha the eldest, through voluptuousness and carnal lust, died before his father. The other two were Bajazet and Demes, otherwise called Zizimus; about whom great controversy arose amongst the Turks, which of them should succeed in their father’s kingdom: for neither of them was present at Constantinople when Mahomet died; Bajazet being in Cappadocia, and Demes, in Lycaonia. Wherefore, when great dissension was among the nobles for the succession, and great strife and bloodshed for the matter, the Janizaries, who were the Turk’s guard, did proclaim Bajazet emperor: others, in the absence of Bajazet the father, did choose Corchuthus his son. Bajazet the father, coming at length from Cappadocia, partly through yielding, partly by corrupting with money, got the wills of the Janizaries, and was made emperor. Demes, the other brother, being in Lycaonia, more near, although he made no less speed in his coining, yet was prevented by Bajazet, and excluded out of Constantinople. Wherefore he, being put back from all hope of his kingdom, incited by some of his friends, moved war against his brother; who, being overcome in three battles by Achmet, Bajazet’s captain, who had got Otranto before, did fly to the great master of the Rhodes, leaving in a place called Carrae his mother and two young children, whom Bajazet slew.

This Demes, being with the master of the Rhodes, was desired first of pope Innocent VIII, then of Charles VIII84 , the French king, but especially of Matthias Corvinus, king of Hungary, intending by him to obtain great victory against Bajazet. But, in conclusion, the knights of the Rhodes sent him to the bishop of Rome, where he being kept, and afterwards sent to Charles VIII, the French king, for a hostage of pope Alexander VI, was poisoned by the way of Terracina by the said pope Alexander, as is before declared. After his death, Bajazet, to requite the aforesaid Achmet for his good service, put him to the halter, partly misdoubting his power, partly for lucre-sake to have his treasure: whose death redounded to the great profit of the Christians, forasmuch as he was ever an utter enemy to the religion and name of Christ.

Bajazet, thus being confirmed in his tyranny, made his first expedition against Wallachia, where he subdued two great forts, one called Lithostomus, the other called Moncastrum. From thence he removed his power, taking his viage into Asia, thinking to be revenged of the sultan of Egypt, who had succored and entertained before his brother Demes against him: where he lost two great battles, the one fought at Adena, the other at Tarsus; but especially at the field at Tarsus, the army of the Turk took such a wound, that of a hundred thousand brought into the field, scarce the third part remained un-slain. But as touching the Rhodians, although they were succorers of Demes aforesaid, yet Bajazet (whether for fear, or for subtlety,) abstained to provoke them with war, but rather entreated with them the league of peace; requiring the master of the Rhodes to keep his brother safe under his custody, promising, for his yearly salary, to be paid unto him every year in the month of August, 45,000 ducats.

Thus Bajazet, being overthrown and terrified with evil luck, fighting against the sultan of Egypt, removed from Asia, and directed his army into Europe, where he got Dyrachium near unto Velona, and had a great victory over the Christian army in the country of Croatia, where the Illyrians, Pannonians, and Croatians, joining their powers together, encountered with the Turk, and lost the field, about A.D. 1499.

From thence the Turk, leading his army against the Venetians, had with them divers and doubtful conflicts, where the Turk, sometimes put to the worse, and sometimes again prevailing, out of Jadra and divers other cities about Dalmatia, carried away great multitudes of Christians into captivity; which was about A.D. 1504.

Two years after this (A.D. 1506), Bajazet, with 150,000 armed men, entered into Peloponnesus; which although Mahomet had expugned before, yet the Venetians had defended Methone, otherwise called Modon, all this while against the Turks. This Methone the Turk besieged with three armies, having about the walls five hundred great brazen cannons, whereof twenty-two were most violent and hurtful; wherewith he battered the city both day and night. But the citizens who were within the city, committing themselves to God, defended their city as well as they could, rather choosing to die, than to yield to the Turk’s tyranny. But the Turk prevailing, and they not able to withstand the siege, the Christians convented together into a certain house prepared for the purpose, both men, women, and children; where they, setting the house on fire, gave themselves rather to be burned, than to come into the tyrant’s hands.

Certain women also, with their children, cast themselves headlong into the sea, by that means to avoid the Turkish captivity. Some writers there be, who affirm that the Methoneans, seeing five great ships of the Venetians coming with men and victuals toward them, issued down from the walls to the sea-side, to receive them, who were all taken captives, being above the number of a thousand: who all, being tied with long ropes, were brought before the tyrant, and in his sight were cruelly slain, except certain nobles, whom Cherseogles, son-in-law to Bajazet, got to be pardoned, amongst whom was Andreas Gritto. The city of Coron, and also Pilus, cities in Greece, being terrified with the example of the Methonians, yielded themselves to the power of the Turks. Crisaeum, otherwise called Caput Sancti Galli, was expugned by Cherseogles, by force of guns.

These things thus achieved, although Bajazet went away victor unto Constantinople, yet, notwithstanding, the Venetians, through the help of the kings of France and Spain, had won from the Turk, Cephalonia, an island very commodious for their traffic. Also they had gotten other two islands, Leucas and Neritus, otherwise called Sancta Maura, slaying all the garrison of the Turks. But afterwards, peace being taken between the Venetians and the Turks, by the counsel of Andreas Gritto aforesaid, the Turks so agreed, that Leucas and Neritus, the islands abovesaid, should be rendered unto the Turk, and the Venetians should keep still the possession of Cephalonia.

Unto this league the Turk did the rather condescend, for that he had to maintain war against Ismael Sophus in Asia, king of Persia; which Sophus was stirred up, by God’s providence, to war with this Bajazet, whereby the Christian churches in Europe might have some breathing-time, and freedom from the Turks’ cruel tyranny and bloodshed. This Sophus was a valiant Turk, who, with great power and victories, had overrun a great compass of the east parts of Asia; then passing from Assyria into Media, and returning again into Armenia, he made war against the Albanians, Iberians, and Scythians, and from thence, coming into Asia Minor, encountered with Corchuthus, Bajazet’s son, and afterward coming to Bithynia, fought with Caragius Bassa, Bajazet’s captain, whom he overcame and put to flight, and afterwards took him alive, and his wife, prisoners. Afterwards he was encountered by Hali Bassa, another captain of the Turks, whom Techelles, one of the said Sophus’ captains, meeting in the plain of Galatia, did withstand, and so by the way slew Caragius the captain, and hanged him upon a pole in the sight of Hali Bassa; which Hali Bassa shortly after was slain in war, and his army scattered, and put to flight.

Thus, through the admirable example of God’s justice and providence, were these Turks kept occupied, and so came it to pass, that these barbarians, being blasphemous against the Son of God, should thus horribly run on to the destruction one of another, being worthily punished with mutual slaughter and bloodshed, for their impiety and blasphemy against Christ and his religion, whereby, in the mean time, some rest was given to the Christians.

Bajazet, partly by these victories discouraged, partly diseased and languishing of the gout, and partly also broken with age, finding himself unwieldy to the regiment of that tumultuous kingdom, began to have talk with his nobles about the choosing of one to succeed him. The occasion whereof ministered much matter of inward wars amongst the Turks. This Bajazet had in all six sons, whereof three died before him, and three yet were left alive: to wit, Achmet, Corchuthus, and Selim. Bajazet himself had most mind to Achmet, but the chiefest of his nobles did favor rather Selim; who, through their traitorous incitation, provoked him to stir war against his father: and, notwithstanding that he was overcome in war, yet, through intercession, he was reconciled again to his father, and afterward proclaimed again emperor against his father’s will, through the help and favor of the soldiers, entering the first beginning of his kingdom with the murdering of his own father: the story whereof in some authors is thus declared.

After the Janizaries had persuaded with Bajazet, for that he himself was unwieldy, therefore he should do well to constitute some successor, and that he had assigned Achmet to succeed him, the Janizaries being offended with the said Achmet, because he would not enlarge their stipends, and bribe them, cornpassing about the king’s palace with their privy swords, which they had under their garments, with a mighty cry required Selim to be appointed for their emperor. Unto whom when Bajazet had answered, that he had assigned Achmet, they refused him, because he was fat, gross, and unable thereunto; but needs would have Selim, who was stout and warlike, to be made emperor: and withal, they drew out their swords, crying ‘Selim,’ ‘Selim.’ Then Bajazet, giving place to their fury, showed himself content to give them Selim; whom the Janizaries receiving, brought him unto the palace: unto whom Bajazet his father, giving place, willed him not to be so hasty and furious in his doings, but to be modest, and take heed what he did, and not to follow his fury, but to give place unto time, which revealeth all things, and think himself to be a man subject to dangers and jeopardies as other men are. And thus speaking, he resigned his imperial throne and seat unto him, and went away all heavy, entering into a certain order of their religion. Whereupon followed great exclamations of the people, saluting Selim as emperor: who then, taking the rule upon him, began with great cruelty to govern, destroying many of his nobles, such as had stood against him, some with poison, some by other cruel means; and advancing his own side, with great honors and promotions.

Not long after Selim was thus settled in his kingdom, Bajazet his father, intending to see and prove how he behaved himself in his government, first entered into his treasure-house, where he found all his riches to be scattered and gone. Afterwards he came into his armory, where all the spoils gotten by war were likewise wasted. Then he entered into the jewelhouse, where all his plate and gifts sent from kings and princes were kept; which likewise were dispersed and given away. At length he came into the stable, where also he, seeing his principal horses to be lacking, sighing with himself, and crying, ‘ Vengeance upon him!’ prepared himself, with the residue of the treasure which was remaining to sail over into Natolia, unto his eldest son; and passing by an orchard near to the sea-side, where he had appointed to take ship, in the mean time, whilst the ships were in furnishing, he sat down under a tree, and began to curse his son and to ask vengeance upon him, for that he had so despised his father, and was become so impious a wretch.

Selim, understanding of his father’s departure, came into the orchard where his father was, seeming to be very heavy, and much lamenting that his father would so privily depart and go away, seeing that he desired not the government of the empire, but was contented only with the title thereof. “O father,” said he, “do not thus privily depart away: do not procure this shame to your son, who so tenderly loveth you. Let me have but the name only, and be you the emperor indeed. The end of your natural life most patiently I shall expect, which I pray God may long continue.” And thus, using many fair and flattering words to his father, he commanded a banquet, with many dainty junkets, to be brought unto him, but tempered and infected with poison: which as soon as Bajazet had begun to taste of, and felt the strength of the poison working in his body, he took his last farewell of his son, and going out of the city, accompanied with a great retinue of men, yelling and crying out in the streets, in the middle of his journey fell down, and miserably died, A.D. 1512. Here mayest thou see, good reader! a cursed brood of this Turkish generation, where the father dieth in cursing the son, and the son reigneth by poisoning his father.

SELIM, THE ELEVENTH EMPEROR OF THE TURKS After this wretched Selim had exercised his barbarous cruelty upon his father, with like impiety he seeketh the destruction of his brethren and their children, first beginning his murder with the five children his nephews, who were the sons of his three brethren before departed. Which done, then remained his other two brethren yet alive, Achmet and Corchuthus, with their children, likewise to be destroyed; of whom the one had three sons, whom their father sent to Selim his brother and their uncle, with fair and gentle words, to entreat him to be good unto their father, offering to him their duty and service in all things, honoring him also as emperor. But cruel Selim commanded forthwith his said nephews to be strangled. The father, hearing of the cruel murder of his sons, leaving house and home, went and hid himself in mountains, where he lived for a space with herbs and wild honey; but, being betrayed by one of his men, he was brought to Selim, and so was strangled.

Christopher Richer, writing of these matters, seemeth something to differ from other stories, and saith, that Selim, after the death of his brother Corchuthus, came to Bursa, where, under the color of making a great triumph, he ordained a feast for his friends and kinsfolk, whereunto were called especially his nephews; who, then, at the end of the feast, calling his nephews aside (as under the pretense of conferring with him secretly about his necessary affairs), committed them to his servants to be strangled and put to death. All this while Achmet, his other brother, through the help and instruction of his mother, was kept out of the tyrant’s hands, till at length, after great labor and search made how to get him, certain forged letters were cast abroad, wherein was contained, that Achmet, to revenge the great impiety and subdue the tyranny of Selim his brother, should show himself abroad: which if he would do, he should find friends enough to take his part. Achmet, circumvented with these subtle trains, partly for hope of revengement, partly for desire of the empire, showed himself abroad with such power and strength as he had: who, being set upon incontinent by Selim his brother, was overcome in battle, and falling from his horse, being a man corpulent and gross, and his horse falling upon him, was so overpressed and slain.

Touching the death of this Achmet, Munsterus, somewhat differing from this narration, addeth moreover, and saith, that he was not killed with the fall from his horse, but that sitting all dismayed upon a stone, and seeing no other remedy but death, he desired the captain, taking his rings from his fingers, to deliver the same to his brother, desiring him that he might not be put to any extreme cruelty of death, but that he gently would suffer him to be let blood in the bath, and so to die. But Selim, being not ignorant of this, suborneth privy tormentors, who, binding his hands behind him, with their feet cast him down upon the ground, and so, twisting his neck with a cord, did strangle him. This Achmet had two sons, who, hearing of the death of their father, did fly for succcor, the one to Sophus, in Persia, and the other to the sultan, in Egypt, By means hereof, new occasion of war grew unto Selim, whereby he was kept in Asia, at home, to fight against the Persians and Egyptians: so that, through the Lord’s providence, Christendom by that means was delivered from great danger and peril of the Turk’s tyranny. For otherwise the Turk was wholly minded, with all his force and puissance, to invade the Christians; being in doubt whether first to begin with Rhodes, or whether to assault Pannonia, or else to set upon Italy, being then at great discord within itself: but this cause occupied the Turk’s mind otherwise, and kept him at home; such was then the providence of the Lord, for the safeguard of his people.

Wherefore, forasmuch as the affairs and doings of this Turk were spent for the most part in the Turkish and Heathenish countries, it shall not be greatly necessary to trouble our Christian stories therewith, but only shall suffice to contract them in a brief sum, declaring superficially what unquietness was amongst them there, who could never be quiet, but ever working some mischief either abroad or at home. Amurath, the Turk’s nephew aforesaid, after he had obtained aid of Sophus the king of the Persians, first invaded Cappadocia; not long after whom followed Ismael Sophus, the Persian king, by reason whereof, a great battle was fought betwixt the Persians and Selim, in the fields of Armenia Major. In that battle, Ismael Sophus, the Persian king, was hurt on the shoulder with a pellet; and so, being carried out of the field, left the victory to Selim, who, albeit he had an army of 150,000 men, yet he in the same field lost about 80,000 of his Turks: which field was fought A.D. 1514. Selim, after this victory, went to Tauris, the imperial city of the Persians, which he, by yielding, subdued.

In this mean time it happened that one Aladulus, a king of Armenia the greater, was also a helper to Ismael against the Turk; whereupon Selim the Turk, taking great indignation, the next year following, leaving the Persians, fought against the said Aladulus, and in the end overcame him; and afterwards, being found in a cave in a wood, he was taken out and brought to Selim, and so beheaded: whose head, being first carried about Asia for a triumph, was afterwards sent to the senate of Venice for a terror unto them. The eldest son of Aladulus, escaping the hands of his pursuers, fled into Egypt. This battle thus fought and ended, Selim, after he had divided the kingdom of Aladulus into three provinces, went to Lycaonia, and from thence to Europe, there to defend the city of Samandria, against the Christians in Hungary: but the Hungarians, being soon repressed by Juno Bassa the Turk’s captain, great preparation began to be made by the Turks, against the confines of Servia bordering upon Hungary, the terror whereof stirred up Maximilian the emperor, and Ladislaus king of Hungary, and Sigismund king of Poland, to consult together, and conjoin their power for defense of Christendom. But, through new encumbrances incident, the Turk, leaving Europe, made haste again into Asia, to renew again his wars against the Persians, who had made a vow not to give over that war before Ismael was overthrown.

But before he entered that war, first he sent his messengers to the sultan of Egypt, requiring him not to intermeddle in that war: for this sultan before had promised to assist the Persians against the Turk. The name of the sultan who reigned then in Egypt, was Campson, set up by the Mamalukes. These Mamalukes were a certain order amongst the Egyptians, much like the Janizaries about the Turk, who, being the children of Christian men, and after denying Christ, were the chiefest doers in the sultan’s court, and, being grown into a great multitude, did degenerate into a Turkish barbarity, or rather became worse than Turks.

This Campson, unto the messengers of the Turk gave this answer, that unless he would leave off this war against Ismael, and restore the son of Aladulus, he would not lay down his armor.

Selim being incensed not a little with this insolent answer of the sultan, leaving all other wars aside, with great celerity advanced his power against the sultan; which sultan, partly through the falsehood of his captain Caierbeius, partly by the suddenness of the Turk’s coming, not far from the city of Damascus encountered with the Turk; and there, overthrown from his horse, being a fat and gross body, and falling under his horse, and his horse also falling upon him, was quashed in pieces, and so died, A.D. 1516.

The Mamalukes, of whom more than a thousand in this battle were slain, flying from thence to Memphis, set up Tomoumbeius instead of Campson; whose captain Gazelles was overcome at the city of Gaza, and he afterwards himself driven out of Memphis, where a great part of the Mamalukes were destroyed. Then Tomoumbeius, flying over the flood Nile, renewed his army again; but, in the end, he was discomfited and chased into a marsh, where he was found standing in the water up to the chin; and so, being brought to Selim, he was put to the rack and great torments, to make him confess where Campson’s treasures were. But, when he would not declare, he was carried about the town with a halter round his neck, and hanged up upon a high gibbet, for a spectacle to all Egypt; which was A.D. 1517. And thus were the two sultans of Egypt destroyed with the Mamalukes, who there had borne the rule in Egypt the space of two hundred and forty-three years; the progeny of which Mamalukes remaining of the wars, the Turk commanded, in the prisongates of Alexandria, to be cut in pieces. Selim from thence triumphing departed to Constantinople, intending to spend the rest of his time in persecuting the Christians. But in that mean space he was stricken with a cankered sore rotting inward, and died, after he had reigned seven years like a beast, A.D. 1520.

The reign of this Turk was but short in number of years; but in number of his murders and cruel bloodshed it might seem exceeding long, who lived more like a beast than a man; for he never spared any of his friends or kindred. His father first he poisoned, his brethren and all his cousins he quelled, leaving none of all his kindred alive. Moreover, his chief and principal captains for small occasions he put to death, as Mustapha, Calogere, Chendeme, Bostang his son-in-law, and Juno Bassa.

It is said moreover, that he intended the poisoning of his own son Solyman, sending unto him a shirt infected with poison, because he seemed something freely to speak against the cruel demeanour of his father: but, by the means of his mother, the gift being suspected was given to another, who was his chamberlain, who, putting on the shirt, was stricken with the poison thereof, and therewithal died.

As touching this Turk Selim, by the way here may be noted, how the secret providence of the Lord kept him occupied with his Turkish wars at home, while the reformation of Christian religion here in Europe, at the same time begun by Martin Luther, might the more quietly take some rooting without disturbance or interruption. For so it appeareth by the computation of time, that in the days of this Selim, Martin Luther first began to write against the pope’s indulgences, which was A.D. 1516.

SOLYMAN, THE TWELFTH EMPEROR OF THE TURKS Solyman, the only son of Selim, succeeded after his father’s death, who, in the first beginning, seemed to some to be simple and sheepish, and not meet for the Turkish government: wherefore certain of his nobles, consulting how to depose him, intended to set up another emperor; in which conspiracy are especially named Caierbeius and Gazelles. This Caierbeius. Was he that betrayed before Campson the sultan of Egypt to Selim, as aforesaid; who now also being in consultation with Gazelles and others about this matter, detected them also unto Solyman. Wherefore the said Gazelles and his fellows, being thus detected, were put to death by Solyman: declaring thereby that he was not so sheepish as he was thought of them to be; and as also by his acts afterwards did more appear.

Solyman, after this execution done upon the conspirators, taking his viage into Europe, first besieged Belgrade, which, being a city in Hungary, was the strongest fort of all the Roman empire, and the chief defense at that time of all Christendom; which also, assaulted before time by Mahomet II85 , was valiantly defended by Johannes Huniades, as is above specified. But here now lacked such a one as Huniades was: for the kingdom of Hungary at that time was under the government of Ludovic, a young king, inexpert and of a simple wit; whom other princes, and especially the covetous churchmen, did so pill and poll, that they left him nothing but only the bare name and title of his kingdom; whereby he, being unfurnished both of men and money, was unable to match with such an enemy.

Another advantage also the Turks had in besieging Belgrade, for the Christian princes, at that time, were in civil dissension and variance amongst themselves; and the pope with his churchmen also were so busy in suppressing Luther, and the gospel then newly springing, that they minded nothing else, except it were to maintain the wealth of their own bellies; which pope, if he had set his care (as his duty was) as much in stirring up princes against the common enemy, as he was bent to deface the gospel, and to persecute the true professors thereof, soon might he have brought to pass, not only that Belgrade might have been defended against the Turk, but also that to be recovered again, which was lost before; and, moreover, he might have stopped the great dangers and perils which now are like to fall upon the religion and church of Christ; which the Lord of his great mercy avert and turn away.

Certes, whatsoever the pope then did, this had been his duty, setting all other things apart, to have had an earnest compassion of so many miserable and lost captives, who were fallen from their faith and religion, unto the misery and slavery of the Turk, and thraldom of the devil, and to have sought all means possible to have reduced them, as lost sheep, into the fold again; which then might soon have been done, if prelates and princes, joining together in Christian concord, had loved as well the public glory of Christ, and souls of Christians, as they tendered their own private, worldly, and frivolous quarrels. And admit that the pope had conceived ever so much malice against Luther, his quarrel also being good; yet the public church, standing in such danger as it then did, by the invasion of the Turk, reason would, nature led, religion taught, time required, that a good prelate, forgetting lighter matters, should rather have laid his shoulder to the excluding of so great a danger, as then was imminent both to himself, and the universal church of Christ. But now, his quarrel being unjust, and the cause of Luther being most just and godly, what is to be said or thought of such a prelate, who, forbearing the Turk, whom in a time so dangerous he ought chiefly to have resisted, persecuted the truth which he should specially have maintained? But Christ, of his mercy, stand for his church, and stir up zealous princes and prelates, if not to recover that which is lost, yet at least to retain that little which is left!

Solyman therefore, taking this occasion, and using the commodity of time, while our princes were thus at variance betwixt themselves, without any resistance or interruption brought his army unto Belgrade, A.D. 1521; which city being but slenderly defensed, the Turk, through his underminers, guns, and other engines of war, without great difficulty, and with little loss of his soldiers, soon subdued and overcame.

After this victory, Solyman resting himself a whole year, and casting in his mind how to make all sure behind him, for fear of enemies to come upon his back, thought it expedient for his purpose, if he might obtain the island of Rhodes; for that only remained vet Christian, betwixt him and Asia.

Wherefore, the next year following, he brought his navy of four hundred and fifty ships, with three hundred thousand men, to the besieging thereof.

This Rhodes was a mighty and strong island, within the Mediterranean sea; the inhabitants whereof, at the first, did manfully resist the Turk, sparing no labor, nor pains for the defense of themselves and all Christendom. But afterwards, being brought to extremity, and pinched with penury, seeing also no aid to come from the Christians, they somewhat began to languish in themselves. The Turks, in the mean time, casting up two great mountains, with strength of hand, two miles off from the city, like rolling trenches carried them before them near unto the city, in the tops whereof they planted their ordnance and. artillery, to batter the city. The master of the knights of Rhodes was then one Philippus Villadamus 86 , a Frenchman, in whom no diligence was lacking, that appertained to the defense of the city. The Rhodians, likewise, so valiantly behaved themselves upon the walls, that with their shot all the ditches about the city were filled with the carcasses of dead Turks.

Besides this, such a disease of the bloody flux reigned in the Turks’ camp, that thirty thousand of them died thereof; and yet for all this Solyman would not cease from his siege begun: who, at length, by underminers casting down the vaumures and uttermost parts of the city, won ground still more and more upon the Rhodians, and with mortar-pieces so battered the houses, that there was no free place almost standing in all the city.

And thus continued the siege for the space of five or six months, and yet all this while came no help unto them from the Christians. Wherefore they, being out of all hope, through the advice of Villadamus, yielded themselves unto the Turk, upon condition that he would spare them with life and goods: which convention the Turk kept with them faithfully and truly.

Thus Solyman, with his great glory, and utter shame to all Christian princes, and also ruin of all Christendom, got the noble isle of Rhodes; although not without great loss and detriment of his army, insomuch that at one assault twenty thousand Turks about the walls were slain with fire, sword, stones, and other engines: whereby it may be conjectured what these Rhodians might, or would have done, if succor had come to them from other Christian princes, as they looked for. This city was won upon Christmas-day, A.D. 1522 87 .

This conquest of Rhodes obtained, Solyman, the fourth year after, bringeth back his army again into Hungary, where he found none to resist him but only Louis the young king; who, being accompanied with a small army, and nothing able to match with the Turk, yet, of a hasty rashness and vain hope of victory, would needs set upon him; who, if he had staid but a little, had prospered the better, for John Valvode of Transylvania being a captain well-exercised in Turkish wars before, was not far off, coming with a sufficient power of able soldiers. But Paul, the archbishop of Colosse, a Franciscan friar, a man more bold than wise, with his temerity and rashness troubled all their doings; for the whole sum of the army of the Hungarians contained in all but only four and twenty thousand horsemen and footmen, who, at length coming unto the battle, and being compassed about with a great multitude of the Turk’s army, were brought into great distress. The Turks twice shot off their pieces against the Christian army; yet scarce was any Christian touched with the stroke thereof: which was thought to be done on purpose, because they were Christians who had the ordering of the guns (for then the special gunners of the Turks were Christians), whom for the same cause they spared. Then the Turks’ horsemen, coming upon the back of the Christian army, compassed them about, and by reason of their multitude overcharged their horsemen; amongst whom was slain, at the same time, the archbishop friar abovesaid, with the bishops of Striegau and Waradein, and many other nobles beside. Also the king himself, being destitute of his necessary aid and succor, was compelled to fly into a marsh, where he, falling from his horse, being heavy laden with his harness, was not able to rise again, but there miserably perished.

Solyman the Turk marveled at the foolishness of Louis the king, who, with so small an army, would presume to encounter with such a great host of two hundred thousand. This battle in Hungary was fought A.D. 1526.

After the decease of Louis, Ferdinand succeeded in the kingdom, being duke of Austria and king of Hungary. Then Solyman, setting contention betwixt John, Vaivode of Transylvania, and Ferdinand for the kingdom of Hungary, sped his viage to the city of Buda, which also, in short time, he made to be yielded unto him upon condition that they should escape with their lives and goods: which condition some say he kept, and some say he did not. Besides Buda, divers places and munitions the said Turk, contrary to his league made before, did spoil and waste; as Waradein, Funfkirchen, and other forts and munitions more, bordering about the coasts of Hungary.

In the year of our Lord, 1529, Ferdinand, king of Hungary aforesaid, recovered divers holds gotten of the Turk before, and also warring against John the Vaivode, his enemy, with whom he had variance (as ye heard before), expulsed him out of his kingdom; whereupon John, flying to the Turk, desired his aid. The Turk, glad to take that occasion, with great preparation addressed himself to return into Hungary, where he, recovering again the city of Buda, which Ferdinand had gotten from him a little before, removed his army into Austria, spoiling and destroying by the way all that came to his hands; showing many examples of great cruelty and tyranny most lamentable to hear and understand. For of some he put out their eyes, of some he cut off their hands, of some their ears and noses; and their children he shamefully mutilated. The maidens he corrupted, the matrons had their breasts cut off, and such as were with child were ripped, and their children cast into the fire. And these examples of horrible and barbarous tyranny this wretched Turk perpetrated by the way coming toward Vienna, a noble city in Austria; besides the captives which he took by the way and led into servitude most miserable, amounting to the number of thirty thousand.

Among other holds by the way the Turk came, there was a castle called Altenburg, strongly by nature situated, and by art defensed; which castle the Turk, intending not to overpass, because he would make all things sure behind him, began to make his assault, and lay his ordnance against it. The warders and keepers of the castle, so soon as the Turk began to lay siege against them, making no resistance, of a womanly cowardliness sent their messengers to the Turk, to yield themselves ready to do his commandment, and further him with their victual; amongst whom were three hundred Bohemians, who were commanded to follow the host, that the Turk by them in the city of Vienna; also where the might learn what strength was king was, and what was to be done for the winning thereof.

Of whom when the Turk had understanding how all things stood, and how that there were but twenty thousand men in Vienna able to bear armor, and that other cities of Austria would soon yield if that were gotten, and that Vienna was victualled but for two months, and that the king was of late in Bohemia; thus, the Turk of all things being certified, having no doubt in his mind of victory, made speed toward Vienna; and first coming to Neapolis, a city but eight miles distant from Vienna, he required them to yield themselves; who, notwithstanding, withstood them, and repulsed them valiantly. Then the Turks assigned a place for the pitching of their tents, which, because it seemed something too little for such a great multitude, they took in more ground, to the compass of seven miles circuit. The multitude of his army, which he there planted, is accounted of some to extend to two hundred and fifty thousand soldiers. The Turks thus being planted, made daily excurses over all the country of Austria, especially about the city of Vienna, wasting and spoiling, with great cruelty and murder, amongst the poor Christians.

Moreover, to make all things more sure towards the preparation of the siege, scouts were sent abroad, and ambushments were laid about the side of the river Danube, to provide that no aid nor victual should be brought to Vienna. So it pleased the providence of the Lord (who disposeth all things), that three days before the coming of the Turk, Frederic the earl Palatine, who was then assigned by the empire to take the charge of Vienna, was come down by the river Danube with 14,000 men, and with a certain troop of horsemen well appointed and picked for the purpose.

After the coming of this Frederic, provision also of victual was appointed to follow shortly after by the said river Danube.

In the mean time, they who had the carriage and transporting thereof, hearing how the ways were laid, and all the passages ten miles about Vienna stopped by the Turks, although they knew the city to stand in great need of victual, yet seeing there was no other remedy, rather than it should come to the enemy’s hand, thought it best to sink their boats with their carriage; and so they did: whereby albeit the Christians wanted their relief, yet were the Turks disappointed of their prey and purpose. The captains who had the keeping of the city, who were chiefly Frederic the earl Palatine, William Rogendorff, and Nicholas earl of Salm, seeing themselves so straitened contrary to their expectation, although they had great causes to be discouraged, yet calling their courage unto them, they consulted together for the best way to be taken: and seeing that the little city Neapolis, above mentioned, being eight miles distant from them so valiantly withstood the Turks, that in one day they sustained seven grievous assaults against all the main force of the Turkish army; by their example and manful standing being the more animated and encouraged, they thought to abide the uttermost before they would give over; and first, plucking down all the suburbs and buildings without the walls, whereby the enemy might have any succor, they willed all the farmers and inhabitants about the city to save themselves, and to bring in their goods within the walls. Such places as were weak within the walls, they made strong. About the towers and munition of the walls they provided rampiers and bulwarks, distant eighty foot one from another, to keep off the shot; and every man had his place and standing awarded to him upon the wall, and his office appointed what to do. But especially that side of the city which lieth to the river Danube, they fortified after the best wise: for that way only now remained for victual to be transported from the Bohemians unto them. Wherefore eight ensigns were assigned to the keeping of the bridge; and in the plain, which was like an island enclosed within the river, a sufficient garrison of horsemen were placed, lying within gunshot of the city; to the intent that if any grain or victual were sent from the Bohemians, they might provide the same safely to be brought into the city.

These things thus being disposed and set in order, lord William Rogendorff, to assay the strength of the Turks, made divers roads out with his horsemen, albeit much against the minds of the Austrians; who, knowing the manner of the Turks, thought it better to suffer them, while either with time they might be overwearied, or for lack of victuals consumed. Among many and sundry skirmishes which the Christians had with the Turks, one especially was to our men unprosperous; in which certain of the horsemen, espying a small troop of the Turks scattering abroad from their company, made out after them; who suddenly and guilefully were enclosed and circumvented by the Turks, before they could recover the gates of the city, and so were all taken alive: of them three were sent by the Turks into the city, to declare to the Viennians what strength they had seen in the camp of their adversaries, and to solicit them to yield their city for fear of punishment which would follow. The residue they reserved to torments and punishment, whom, in the sight of the whole army, and of the Christians (who should tell the same to the citizens), they caused, every man, with four horses, to be drawn to pieces, and so to be dismembered and plucked asunder.

After this done, the barbarous Turk immediately sent his herald to talk with the captains of the city, whether they would yield the city upon honest conditions, or else would abide the arbitrement of war. If they would gently submit themselves, they should have all gentleness to them showed. If they would be stubborn, and stand to their defense, he would also stand to his siege begun, so that he would spare neither man, woman, nor child. To this the captains answered again, That they were contented that Solyman should stand to his siege begun, and do his utmost, what he would, or what he could. As for them, they were at a point to defend themselves and their city as long as they might: that the event and fall of victory was doubtful, and many times so happeneth, that they who begin the war are wearied, sooner than they who be provoked: neither that they were so unmindful either of themselves, or of their country, but that they did remember well what they are, and what they be called; named to be Germans, who use always first to assay the adversary, what he is able to do, and not rashly to commit themselves into their enemies’ hands.

Solyman, not a little disdaining at this answer, first burning and consuming all the villages, houses, and places round about the city; infecting also the springs and fountains which gave water into the city; and so stopping all passages, that no relief should have way unto them, began with angry mood to approach more near to the city, with three great camps, sending them word in scorn and contumely by one of his captives, that if they stood in need of help of soldiers, he would send unto them the three hundred Bohemians (mentioned a little before), to aid them in their defense. To whom the Palatine directed answer again, That they had more soldiers in the city than they needed. As for the Bohemians who had yielded themselves, he might do with them what he would, for Vienna stood in no great need of them.

In the mean time a messenger coming from Ferdinand was privily let in by night into the city, who brought word that they should play the men in keeping out the enemy awhile: for it would not be long, but both Ferdinand and Charles, his brother, with the strength of all Germany, would be ready to rescue them. At this message the hearts of the soldiers began somewhat to be cheered, and to contemn the huge multitude of the adversaries, being so great as they never did behold, nor did ever almost hear of before; the largeness of whose army extended to no less in compass (as is abovesaid) than of seven miles round about the city walls.

Long it were to recite the whole order of this terrible siege, with all the parts and circumstances thereof. Briefly to touch so much as shall suffice for this history, with fewer words than were stripes given at the siege thereof; this is to be judged and confessed, whosoever beholdeth the number and fierceness of the Turks, the absence of king Ferdinand, the lack of provision and victual within the city, the noise of the guns, the violence of the shot, the terror of the sight, and yet no succor sent unto them; that the custody of that city was no man’s doing, but the arm only of the Lord God of Hosts, according to the true saying of the Psalm, “Unless the Lord do keep the city, the watchmen watch in vain, which watch to save it: unless the Lord do build the house, the builder striveth in vain which taketh upon him to build it;” experience whereof, in keeping this city, may well appear.

First Solyman, bending his shot and ordnance against the city, beat down to the ground the vaumures, with all the uttermost suburbs of the city; and that in such a short moment of time, that the hearts of the Viennians, a little before refreshed, were now as much appalled again with fear, misdoubting with themselves, lest the Turk, with the same celerity and violence, would have prevailed against the inward walls, as he did in beating down the outward vaumures. And no doubt the same time the Turk had put the city in great hazard, had not night, coming on, broken off the siege for that day.

In the mean time the citizens labored all night in repairing and refreshing the walls, to make all things sure against the next assault The next day, early in the morning, the Turks, approaching the city again with a new assault, thinking to scale the walls, were so repulsed and manfully resisted by the Germans, that scarcely any ditches about the walls could be seen, for the bodies of the dead Turks, wherewith they were replenished; so that the Turks were fain to fight standing upon the bodies of them that were slain: by which calamity, the force of the enemy was not a little abated.

It happened the same time, that a company of the Turks being spied out of the city wandering out of order, the captain Rogendorff, with two legions of horsemen issuing out of the city gate called Salmaria, and so passing closely under the hill’s side, did so set upon them, that they slew a great number of them, the rest being driven to take the river; whom with stones and shot likewise they destroyed, and so retired back into the city again. By this victory the captain Rogendorff began to be terrible to the Turks: for in the same skirmish, as after was known, were slain of them so many, that of five thousand three hundred horsemen and footmen, scarce one hundred and forty escaped alive.

Solyman, disdaining at this repulse, thought to prove another way, and so bringing his power toward the gate called the King’s Gate, there making his trenches and bulwarks, planted his ordnance; with the violence whereof the walls were so battered and shaken, that no man was able there to stand. Wherefore the Turk, seeing two great breaches made in the wall, commanded his soldiers covertly, in the dark smoke of the gunpowder, to press into the city. The like also was done at the Scottish tower, whereby the city was invaded in two sundry places at one time. The Viennians, at first, freshly began to withstand them, new soldiers still coming in the place of them that were slain and hurt; and so this assault continuing more than six hours together, our men began at length to languish and faint not only in strength, but also in courage, whereby the city had been in great danger of losing, had not the two aforesaid captains, Rogendorff in the one place, and the earl of Salm in the other place, manfully encouraged the soldiers to abide the brunt, and to bear out awhile the violence of the Turks; promising that immediately they should have aid from Ferdinand.

In the mean time the Turks came so thick, for greediness of the victory, sealing, climbing, and fighting upon the walls, that had it not been for the press and throng of the great multitude of the Turks, coming so thick that one of them could not fight for another, Vienna that same day had been taken and utterly lost. But, by the policy of the captains giving a sign within the city, as though new soldiers were called for, our men began to be encouraged, and the Turks’ hearts to be discomfited.

When Solyman saw his army the second time repulsed, he began to attempt a new way, purposing, by undermining, to overthrow the city; in which work specially he used the help of the Illyrians, of whom he had a great number in his camp, expert in that kind of feat. These Illyrians, beginning to break the earth at the gate Carinthia, and coming near to the foundations of the tower, which they by strength of hand attempted to break, could not work so closely under the ground, but they were perceived by certain men above, who were skillful and expert in that kind of matter; who, contrariwise, undermining against them, and filling their trenches as they went with gunpowder, so conveyed their train, that when fire should be set unto it, the violence thereof should burst out by the trenches of the enemies: which done, suddenly the ground beneath made a great shaking, so that the tower did cleave asunder, and all the underminers of the Turks, working in their trenches, were smothered and destroyed, which came to the number (as it was supposed afterwards) of eight thousand persons; insomuch that yet till this day a great number of dead men’s skulls are found in the ground.

When Solyman saw that this way also would not serve, and had privy intelligence that the walls about the gates of Stubarium were: negligently kept, and that he might have there more easy entrance; secretly he conveyeth about ten garrisons of fresh soldiers, in such sort as the townsmen should not perceive them; who came so suddenly upon them, that they had filled their ditches, and were upon the top of the fortresses and munitions, before our men were aware of them, or could make themselves ready to resist them. For, although there was no lack of soldiers within the city, yet, forasmuch as the whole brunt of the siege did lie especially at the two gates aforesaid, from whence the soldiers who were there warding, could not be well removed; for a shift, the rescuers (who within the city were ready for all sudden adventures) were sent to the walls; by whose coming, those few who kept the enemies off before, being sore hurt and wounded, were succored and sent to surgery; and thus the said assault continued terrible and doubtful, until (the dark night coming upon them) they could not well know the one from the other. In this bickering were counted of the Turks to be slain more than five thousand.

Then the captain Rogendorff, commending the valiant standing of his soldiers, misdoubting with himself (as it happened indeed) that the Turks would not so give over, but would set upon him the next day with a fresh assault, providing with all diligence for the purpose, made up the breaches of the walls, and prepared all things necessary for resistance. The next morning following, which was something dark and misty, the Turks, thinking to prevent our men with their sudden coming, began again busily to bicker upon the top of the walls.

It would require a long tractation here to describe the great distress and danger that the city, those three days following, was in; during all which time there was no rest, no intermission, nor diligence lacking, either: in the enemies, fighting against the city, or in our men in defending the same, For the Turks, besides the multitude of the great ordnance wherewith (as with a great tempest of gun-shot) they never ceased still battering the walls, and beating the munitions of the city, sent also such heaps and multitudes of the Turks to the scaling and climbing of the walls, that scarcely with all the ordnance and shot of the city; either their violence could be broken, or the number of them diminished; till at last, the soldiers of the Turks, perceiving themselves able by no means to prevail, but only to run in danger of life, and to do no good, began to wrangle among themselves, grudging and repining against their dukes and captains, imputing the whole cause only to them, that the city was yet untaken, seeing there was n them neither diligence nor goodwill lacking: and so ceased the siege for that time.

After this, when Solyman had purposed in himself, with his last and strongest siege, to try against the city the uttermost that he was able to do, and had encouraged his soldiers to prepare themselves in most forcible wise thereunto, the soldiers showed themselves much unwilling to return again, from whence they were so often repulsed before; by reason whereof great commotion began to arise in the Turk’s camp. The rumor whereof when it came to Solyman’s ears, he sendeth his grand captain to keep all the soldiers in order and obedience; or, if they would be stubborn, to compel them, whether they would or not, to accomplish his commandment: who, coming to the soldiers, showed to them the great Turk’s message; and, to animate and encourage them, declared that the opportunity of the time present was not to be neglected, neither could they now, without great shame, give over, after so many assaults attempted; who, if they would sustain but one brunt more, the victory were in their own hands. The townsmen, he said, were wasted, and their victuals spent; and the more to enflame their minds, he promised them not only great thanks and reward of their emperor, but also the whole spoil of the city, in recompense of their travail.

But when all this could not stir up the sturdy stomachs of the tired Turks, using compulsion where persuasion would not serve, he appointed a number of horsemen to be set at their backs, whereby to enforce them either to go forward, or, if they be denied, with guns and spears to destroy them. The Turks seeing themselves in such a strait, that whether they went or tarried it was to them like peril, yet would they not set forward, except the captain would take the venture before them; who, warding forward in his array, thus spake unto his fellows, saying: “Do you forsake your faith and allegiance, and betray the emperor of Constantinople unto the Christians, if you will, but I will discharge my duty towards the commonwealth, and my emperor;” and with that word advanced his ensign, making toward the city walls. Whom when others followed, and still more and more pressed after, so it came to pass that whole routs of them were overthrown and slain by our men upon the walls, before it was known what they meant. Others, terrified by their example, gave back and left their array, and winding themselves by by-ways, and under covert of hills, returned again into their tents; and so came it to pass, that the strength of the enemies daily more and more decreasing, they had less and less hope every day than the other, of obtaining the city. For besides the innumerable slaughter of Turks upon the walls, the towns-men also, watcging the foragers and purveyors of the Turks, as they ranged about for victual for the camp, ever as occasion served them did compass them about, and so encountered with them by the way, that of a whole legion scarcely the tenth part returned again to their fellows alive; by means whereof the courage of the enemies began greatly to faint. Whereby such a marvellous alteration happened, that as our men began to receive more hope and courage, so the Turks began still more to droop and to languish with despair; so that at length scarce durst they appear without the bounds where they were entrenched, but only in light skirmishes, when they were provoked by our men to come out and to show themselves.

Solyman, perceiving his soldiers thus daily to go to wrack, of whom he had lost already more than eighty thousand, and that with long tarrying he could do no good, being also in lack of forage, for that the country about him was wasted, beginneth to consult with his captains and councelors, what remained best to be done; of whom the most part advised him to raise his siege, and betimes to provide for himself: which to do, many causes there were that moved him. First, the loss of his men, who daily were cut from him by great numbers, besides those who lay in his camp wounded, or sick, or famished. Secondly, lack of purveyance. Thirdly, the near approach of winter. But the chiefest cause was, for that he heard Frederic Palatine above-mentioned, was coming with a great army at Ratisbone, towards Vienna, and there had done great molestation to a great number of the Turkish foragers, whom by the way he prevented, and so enclosed in the woods, that he slew them: whereof when Solyman had intelligence, thinking it not best to abide the coming of the Palatine, he made haste with bag and baggage to remove his camp, and to retire; and first sending away his carriage before him, he made speed himself with his army to follow shortly after.

The Viennians, when they heard of the removing away of the Turks, although at first they scarcely believed it to be true, being afterwards certified out of doubt both of their removing, and also of the order thereof, how it was in the manner of a flight or chase, were greatly desirous to make out of the city after them. Wherein, albeit the presence of the Palatine with his army, if he had been there present, might have stood them in great stead, yet, notwithstanding, they took the opportunity of the time present, and issuing out of the city, in most speedy wise set after them with their horsemen: and first overpassing the tents (where the Turks had pitched their stations or pavilions) for haste of the way, they made such pursuit after them, that within little time they overtook the rear-ward or latter end of the army, whereof they made such havoc and destruction, that (as the author reporteth) there was never a shot of the pursuers, nor weapon drawn, nor stroke stricken, which lighted in vain; which was no hard thing for our men to do, for, as the Turks in their flight went scattered out of order and array, neither would they in the fore-rank (being so far off from jeopardy) return back to help their fellows, it was easy for our men, without resistance, to come upon their backs as they would. Yet, notwithstanding, in long pursuit, when our men could not see the carriage of the Turks, which was wont in armies to come away behind after the host, and suspecting (as truth was) some ambush to be left in privy wait behind them, to come betwixt them and home, they called themselves to retreat, and consulted upon the matter, thinking good, first to send out certain scouts, to espy and bring them word where the enemies lay, and what was the number of them. Whereof when intelligence was given them that the remnant of the Turk’s army was remaining in the tents behind, word was sent to their fellows in Vienna to issue out, and to join also with them against the tail of the Turks, who had entrenched themselves within the camp. Others were appointed to follow the chase, lest peradventure the Turks, seeing our men to recule back, might return again upon them and help their fellows. Which things being thus ordered and appointed, in the mean time, while part of the Viennians were hovering after the main army, the rest encountered with them that were left in the camp, who, seeing themselves overmatched, first defensed their camp with a deep ditch and bulwark, to delay the time, until some help might come to them from the army: secondly, they directed messengers to the Christians, to treat for peace: thirdly, they conveyed their privy letters unto Solyman, for speedy aid and rescue; but all the ways and passages being stopped by the Christians, their letters were intercepted. And so the miserable Turks, being destitute of all hope and succor, seeing no other remedy, made out of their camp, to hazard and prove the uttermost for their defense; but, in conclusion, in their desperate venture they were enclosed about by our men on every side, and there put to the sword and slain, a few only excepted, who, escaping out very hardly by secret passages, shifted after the rest of their fellows, as well as they could. Their carriage, and other furniture left behind them in their tents, was distributed amongst the soldiers; only such things reserved as might serve for the public use and commodity of the city.

Thus, through the merciful protection and benefit of Almighty God, Austria was delivered from the fierce and barbarous hostility of the cruel Turks, notwithstanding that neither Ferdinand the king, nor the emperor his brother, was there present; but only the power of God, through the valiantness of the worthy Germans, defended that city, in defense whereof consisted the safety and deliverance, no doubt, of all these west parts of Christendom: for which, immortal praise and thanks be unto our immortal God in Christ our Lord, according as he hath of us most graciously and worthily deserved. Wherein, by the way, take this for a note, gentle reader! how and after what manner God’s blessing goeth with the true reformers of his religion; and so much the more is it to be noted, for that the Turks in so many battles and sieges heretofore, were never so repulsed and foiled, as at this present time in encountering with the protestants, and defenders of sincere religion. This city of Vienna was besieged and delivered, A.D. 1529. The assaults of the Turk against the city are numbered to be twenty, and his repulses as many. The number of his army which he first brought, was 250,000, whereof were reckoned to be slain eighty thousand and above. During the time of his siege he led away, out of the country about, many captives; virgins and matrons he quelled, and east them out naked; the children he stuck upon stakes.

Solyman, thus put from the hope of the victory of Vienna, after he had breathed himself a while at home, the second year after, which was A.D. 1581, repairing his host, returned again into Hungary, with no less multitude than before; where first he got the town called Guns, being but slenderly kept with a small garrison, by reason whereof the townsmen and soldiers, yielding themselves unto the Turks, were constrained to agree upon unreasonable conditions. Melchior Soiterus, in his second book, writing ‘ De bello Pannonico,’ touching the aforesaid town of Guns or Gunzium, differeth herein something from Ramus, declaring how this Guns, being a small town in Hungary, and having in it but only a hundred soldiers (or, as Wolfgangus Drechsleus in his Chronicle reporteth, at the most but two hundred soldiers), under the valiant captain Nicholas Jureschitz defended themselves so manfully and wonderfully, through the notable power of God, against the whole puissance of two hundred thousand Turks, that they, notwithstanding being distressed with lack and penury of purveyance, and suddenly of the Turks invaded, yet with pure courage and promptness of heart sustained the uttermost; force and violence of thirteen assaults of that great multitude, for the space of twenty-five days together.

Although the narration of the author may seem to some incredible, yet thus he writeth, That what time the great ordnance and battering pieces of the Turks were planted upon two mountains much higher than the town, whereby they within the town were oppressed both before and behind, insomuch that eight ensigns of the Turks were already within the town; yet by reason of women and children, and other impotent persons, who in the middle of the town were congregated in a house together, such a noise and clamor went up to heaven, praying and crying to God for help, that the Turks within the walls, supposing a new army of fresh soldiers to be sent into the town, for sudden fear voided the town, and leaped down from the walls again (which before they had got), whom no man either pursued or resisted; for never a soldier almost was left on the walls, who was not either slain or else wounded with the Turks’ ordnance. At that time, through the Lord’s providence, it so happened, that one Ibrahim Bassa, near about the Turk, seeing both the town to be small, and the great destruction of the Turks in the siege thereof, and that the captain in no case would yield, persuaded so the Turk, declaring how the town, being so little, was not worth the loss of so many men, in the winning whereof there was no glory, and if he were repulsed, great dishonor might follow; whereby the Turk being persuaded did follow his counsel, which was this:

That Nicholas, the Christian captain, being called unto him under pledges and safe conduct, should receive the town as of his hand and gift, with condition that he should do no violence to his soldiers left behind and wounded, but should procure such means as he could for the re-curing of them. And so he, raising his siege, departed.

Another cause also, which moved him so suddenly to raise his siege, might be for that he heard the Palatine not to be far off in pursuing after him; and therefore, taking his flight by the mountains of the Norcians, he returned with much spoil of Christian men’s goods unto Constantinople. 20 For so it was provided the same time in Germany, after the council of Augsburg and Ratisbone (at what time the controversy of religion between the protestants and the papists was deferred and set off to the next general council), that Charles V, and Ferdinand his brother, having understanding of the Turk thus ranging in Hungary, should collect of the Germans, Hungarians, Spaniards, and others, an able army of eighty thousand footmen, and thirty thousand horsemen, to repulse the invasions of the Turk. But Solyman, having intelligence of this preparation of the Christian power coming toward him, whether for fear, or whether to espy further opportunity of time for his more advantage and our detriment, refused at that time to tarry their coming; and so, speeding his return unto Constantinople, retired with much spoil and prey sent before him, as is above premised: which was A.D. 1532.

Not long after, being the year of our salvation, 1554, Solyman, intending two wars at once, first sent Conradine Barbarossa, the admiral of his navies, into Africa, to war against the king of Tunis, whom then Barbarossa also dispossessed and deprived of his kingdom: but Charles the emperor, the next year following (A.D. 1585), restored the said king again into his kingdom, and delivered in the same voyage twenty thousand captives out of servitude.

The same time the Turk also sent another captain into Hungary, to war against the Vaivode, while he himself, taking his course to Persia, planted his siege against the city Tauris, which he in short space subdued and expugned. Albeit he long enjoyed not the same; for Tahames king of the Persians, suddenly coming upon the Turks unprepared, slew of them twenty thousand, and took his concubines, to the great foil and reproach of the Turk.

Two years after this, which was A.D. 1587, Solyman, who could not be quiet at home, nor rest in peace, returning again out of Asia into Europe with two hundred and seventy ships, great and little, set upon Corcyra, another island belonging to the Venetians, which he besieged ten days, wasting and burning the towns and fields as he went, beside the destruction of much people therein, whom partly he slew, partly he led away captives. From thence he sailed to Zacynthus, and to Cythara, another island not far from Corcyra, bordering near to the coasts of Epirus and Greece, where he, suddenly by night invading the husbandmen in villages and fields, sleeping and mistrusting no harm, drew them out of their houses and possessions, men and women, besides children, to the number of nine hundred, whom he made his bondslaves; burning moreover their houses, and carrying away all the goods and cattle being without the said city of Zacynthus and Cythara. From thence these hell-hounds turned their course to the siege and spoil of Egina, a rich and populous island, lying between Greece and Asia, where first the Eginians did manfully in battle resist them, and were like to have prevailed; but being wearied at length, and oppressed with innumerable thousands of fresh Turks, who still were sent in, to rescue the others who were overcome before, they were compelled to fly into the city of Egina.

That city the cruel Turks (or rather devils on earth), with much labor, and violence of their great ordnance fetched out of their ships, subdued and cast down to the ground; the citizens and inhabitants whereof, the Turk, after he had burned their houses, and ransacked their goods, commanded to be slain and killed every one. The women, both noble and unnoble, with their infants, were given to the mariners to be abused, and from thence being shipped unto Constantinople, were led away to perpetual misery and slavery; which was A.D. 1587.

In the same journey Solyman also took the isle in the said sea of Aegeum, called Paros; also the isle adjoining to the same, named Naxos, and made them to him tributaries; the duke whereof was he who wrote the story both of these islands aforesaid, and also of the other islands, called Cyclades; and other dukes. This done, Solyman directed his navy unto Apulia, where he set on land ten thousand footmen, and two thousand horsemen, who spoiled, likewise, and wasted those parts, while the emperor, the pope, and the Venetians, were together in war and dissension. 23 Furthermore, the next year following (A.D. 1588), great attempts began in Stiria 24 ; but, by the resistance of the inhabitants, the force of the barbarous Turks was repulsed, notwithstanding great spoils of men and cattle were carried from thence, and the country miserably spoiled. In that year also, the Turk, turning into Hungary, gave battle unto the Christians in Savis; where, through the fraudulent falsehood of the captain Cassianerus (Wolfgangus nameth him Calcianus), being (as they say) corrupted with money, our men were put to the worse, A.D. 1538.

After the Turks had invaded the island of Corcyra abovesaid, the Venetians, with Solyman the Turk, had joined truce for a certain time, for which they gave the Turk three hundred thousand crowns, with the city of Neapolis, and Maluasia, in the borders of Macedonia. But within four or five years, the Turk, to get a new stipend of the Venetians, brake his league, and invaded their dominions, whereby they were enforced to enter new conditions again with him.

In the year of our Lord 1540, the restless Turk, making his return toward Hungary, by the way passing by Dalmatia, lay against the town called Novum Castellum, being defended by the Spaniards; in which town, because they refused to yield themselves, all the inhabitants and soldiers were put to the sword, and slain every one. This Novum Castellum, or New Castle, was a strong fort of the Christians, which being now in the Turk’s power, he had great advantage over all those quarters of Dalmatia, Stiria, Carinthia, and Hungary. From thence he proceeded further, keeping his course into Hungary, where he planted his power against the city of Buda. This Buda was a principal city in Hungary, about which great contention had been (as ye heard before) between John the Vaivode and Ferdinand; by reason whereof the Turk, occasioned by John, came into Hungary and delivered the city to John. This John, dying not long after, left behind him a son, whom, being an infant, he committed to the governance of one Georgius Monachus, who, being left tutor unto the infant, reduced all Transylvania, Buda, Pest, with other parts of Hungary, which belonged to the Vaivode before, to the subjection of the child.

Ferdinand, heating thereof, in a great haste and anger levied an army to recover his lands in Hungary, and so laid siege to Buda. Monachus, seeing his party weak, first sent his legate to Ferdinand, desiring him to talk and confer with him upon matters, as he pretended, pertaining to the behoof of them both: whereupon, both the parties being agreed, the place and manner of their convention was appointed, and also the day and time assigned.

Thus the parties, according to the agreement, conventing together with their armies, withdrawing a little aside, as they were entered in communication, suddenly among Ferdinand's men happened a dag to be heard, which, by the heat of the day, as is thought, loosing of its own accord, gave a crack; the sound whereof coming to the ears of Monachus, he, supposing the same to have been discharged against him, in great anger drew out his sword, bidding Ferdinand avaunt with his doubling dissimulation, saying, that he would never any more trust the promises of Christians. And immediately upon the same, he sent to Solyman the Turk for aid against the Christians, promising that he would surrender to him free possession of Hungary, if he would come and vanquish the army of Ferdinand lying about the siege of Buda. The Turk maketh no long tarrying, but taketh the occasion, and with a mighty power flieth into Hungary, and eftsoons discharging the host of Ferdinand, and putting them off from the siege of Buda, getteth the city into his own hands, commanding the son of Vaivoda, with his mother, to follow after his camp.

In the history of Johannes Ramus it followeth, that when Solyman the Turk had thus prevailed against the city of Buda aforesaid, and against other parts besides of Hungary, by the assent of the empire, one Joachim, duke of Brandenburg, prince elector, was assigned with a puissant army of chosen soldiers of all nations collected, to recover the city of Buda from the Turk, and to deliver the other parts of Christendom from the fear of the Turk [A.D. 1542]; which Joachim, at his first setting forth, appeared so courageous and valiant, as though he would have conquered the whole world. But this great heat was so slacked in short time by the Turk, that before any great jeopardy was offered unto him, he was glad to be discharged of the ridge, and with shame enough returned home again. And would God he had left behind him in the fields no more but his own shame! for the enemies having intelligence before of his cowardly departure, thinking to work some point of mastery or victory before his going, did set upon the right wing of his army (which chiefly consisted of Dutchmen of Low Germany), out of which they took away with them above five hundred strong and valiant soldiers, not killing them, but carrying them away alive: for whom it had been much better to have stood to their weapon, and to have died manfully upon the Turks, than by yielding themselves, to be disgarnished of weapon and armor, and so to be left to the cursed courtesy of the foul Turks. To whom what courtesy was showed, by the sequel did appear. For, after the Turks had led them out of Hungary into their own dominions, after a most horrible and beastly sort they disfigured and mangled them; and so sent them abroad through all Greece, to be witnesses of the Turks victory. Their kind of punishment was thus: first, they had their right arm thrust through with an iron red hot, whereby they should be unable and unmeet to all labor and warfare: secondly, their heads were shaven to the very skulls, after the manner of our friars and monks, when they are newly shaven: thirdly, they were all most dreadfully mutilated; which wound was so grievous unto them, that the greatest part of them died thereupon: the few that recovered the torment thereof, led a life more bitter and more miserable than death itself.

And this kind of cruelty was executed in order upon them all. In much like sort did cruel Pharaoh exercise his tyranny against the people of God in Egypt; who, to destroy the generation of them, caused all the male children to be drowned in the river. Whereby it is the more to be hoped, that seeing the tyranny of this Turkish Pharaoh is come to such an extremity, the merciful goodness of God will the more shortly send some Moses or other unto us, for our speedy deliverance. This was by the cruel Turks done, A.D. 1542, witnessed by Johannes Ramus, who not only writeth the story, but by the testimony also of his own eyes recordeth the same to be true, beholding with his eyes one of the same number in the city of Vienna, who, having wife and children in Brussels, either for shame or sorrow, had no mind to return home to his own house. But to return again to the city of Buda, from whence we have digressed here is not to be pretermitted what falsehood and what: cruelty the Turks used toward the Christians there after their victory. For, after that Solyman the Turk, upon the yielding and submission of the men of Buda, had given to them his promise of safety and life, within a Short time the said Turk, picking a quarrel with them for selling oxen unto the Christians, and for bargaining with them, slew all the magistrates of the said city of Buda: like as in all other cities, wheresoever the Christians yielded unto him, he never, or very rarely, kept his promise with them, neither did ever any Christians speed better with the Turk, than they who most constantly did resist him.

And as his promise with the magistrates of Buda was false and wretched, so his cruelty with the soldiers thereof was much more notorious and abominable. For in the expugnation of Buda, amongst the rest who were slain, two cohorts or bands of Christian soldiers came alive to his hands.

To whom, when he seemed at the first to grant pardon of life, he commanded to put on their armor again, and to dispose themselves in order and battle array, after the warlike manner of the Christians; which when they had accomplished readily, according to his commandment, and he, riding about the ranks of them, had diligently viewed and beholden them a certain space, at length he commanded them to put off their armor again. This done, certain of the tallest and strongest of them he picked out; the residue he commanded, by his soldiers coming behind them with swords, to be cut in pieces and slain. Of the others, whom he had elected and chosen, some he set for marks and butts to be shot at; some he appointed to his two sons, for them to slash with their swords and try their strength, which of them could give the deeper wound, and (as they termed it) the fairer blow, whereby the most blood might follow out of their Christian bodies. After the winning of Buda, the Turk, purposing not so to cease before he had subdued and brought under his obedience all Hungary; proceeding further with his army, first, brought under a strong hold of the Christians, named Pestum or Pest, where a great number of Christian soldiers partly were slain, partly were led away to more cruel affliction.

Then he came to another castle called Walpo, situate in the confines of Bosnia, Croatia, and Hungary, which fort or castle he besieged three months, while no rescue or aid was sent unto them, neither from Ferdinand king of Hungary, nor from any other Christian prince or princes: whereupon, at length, the fort was given up to the Turk, but more through the false treachery, or cowardly heart of the soldiers, than of the captain.

Wherein is to be noted an example not unworthy of memory; for when the cowardly soldiers, either for fear or flattery, would needs surrender themselves and the place unto the Turk, contrary to the mind of the captain, who in no case would agree to their yielding, they, thinking to find favor with the Turk, apprehended their captain and gave him to Solyman.

But see how the justice of God, sometimes by the hand of the enemy, disposeth the end of things to the rewarding of virtue and punishing of vice. For where they thought to save themselves by the danger of the faithful captain, the event turned clean contrary; so that the Turk was to the captain bountiful and very liberal, and the soldiers, notwithstanding that they had all yielded themselves, yet were all put to death, and commanded piteously to be slain. There is in Hungary another town, bearing the name of the Five Churches, 27a called Quinque Ecclesiae, which being partly spoiled before, as is above-mentioned 89 , was now, through the loss of Walpo, and by the hugeness of the Turk’s army (containing in it two hundred and twenty thousand fighting men) so discouraged and put out of hope and heart, that the bishop and chief nobles of the town, fled before the jeopardy: the rest of the commons, who were partly prevented by the sudden coming of the Turks, partly for poverty could not avoid, sent their messengers to the Turk, to yield and surrender the town, upon promise of life, into his hands; whose promise how firm it stood, the story leaveth it uncertain.

This is affirmed, that three days after the yielding of this Quinque Ecclesiae, never a Turk durst enter the city. A.D. 1548. The next fort or hold gotten by the Turks in Hungary, was Soclosia. The town, at the first invasion of the Turks, was won, sacked, and fired. The castle within the town did something hold out for a time; and first requiring truce for fourteen days, to see what aid should be sent unto them; and to deliberate upon the conditions that should be proposed unto them, after the fourteen days expired, they, trusting to the situation and munition of the place, which was very strong, began, for a certain space, stoutly to put back the enemy. But afterwards, seeing their walls to be battered, their foundations to shake (for the Turk had set twelve thousand underminers under the ditches of the castle), and their strength to diminish, and mis-doubting themselves not to be able long to hold out, agreed in like manner to yield themselves, upon condition to escape with life and goods: which condition of saving their goods was the losing of their lives, especially of the richer sort; for the Turks perceiving by that condition that they were of wealth and substance, omitting the inferior or baser sort, fell upon the wealthy men for their riches, and slew them every one, A.D. 1543. 28a In the which his history, this is also to be noted, that during the time the castle of Soclosia was besieged, the villages and pages round about the same, came of their own accord, submitting and yielding themselves unto the Turk, bringing in, as they were commanded, all kind of victual and forage into the Turk’s camp: which done, Solyman the Turk commanded all the headmen of the pages to appear before him, who humbly obeyed and came. Then the Turk warned them to return again the next day after, every one bringing with him his inferior retinue and household servants; which when they had with like diligence also, according to his commandment, accomplished, the Turk immediately commanded them every one, in the face of his whole army to be slain: and so was this their reward: which reward, the more it declareth the bloody cruelty of the Turk, the more encouragement it may minister to our men the more constantly to withstand him. Another strong town there is in Hungary, named Striegau, distant from Buda abovesaid the space of five Dutch miles, against which the Turks made great preparation of ordnance, and all other instruments of artillery necessary for the siege thereof; which city, in like manner, began also to be compassed and enclosed by the Turks, before it could be sufficiently prepared and garnished by our men, but only that the archbishop of Striegau privily conveyed unto them two hundred oxen; such was then the negligence of Ferdinand, king of Hungary, who so slenderly looked unto the necessary defense of his towns and cities. Moreover, such was the discord then of Christian kings and princes, who in their civil dissension and wars were so occupied and hot in needless quarrels, that they had neither leisure nor remembrance to help in time, there, where true need required: which slender, care and cold zeal of the Christian rulers, in not tendering the public cause, while they contended in private trifles, hath caused the Turk to come so far as he hath; and yet further is like, unless the mercy of the Lord do help, more than our diligence. One of the chief captains within the city was Martinus Lascanus, a Spaniard.

The Turks, in the beginning of the siege, began first to tempt the citizens, with fair words and accustomed promises, to yield and gently to submit themselves; but they, not ignorant of the Turk’s promises, wisely refused, and manfully stood so long as they could to the defense of their city; now and then skirmishing with them in out-corners, and killing certain numbers of them; sometimes with their shot disturbing their munitions, and breaking the wheels of their guns, etc.

Three special means the Turks use in winning great forts and cities: great multitude of soldiers; great ordnance and mortar pieces; ‘the third is by undermining: all which here, in the siege of this city, lacked not. This siege continued vehement a certain space; in which the Striegaunians had borne out four strong assaults, and slain many thousands of the Turks; till at length the Turks either departing away, or else seeming to depart unto Buda, the people at last being so persuaded and made to believe of some chief rulers of the city (peradventure not the truest men), the citizens, being erected with hope and comfort, and singing Te Deum, as though the city had been free from all danger, suddenly (by whose counsel it is unknown) conveyed themselves all out of the city: three hundred horsemen also passed over the river and departed. The Italians, who were under Franciscus Salamanca, a Spanish captain, hardly could be persuaded by him to abide, who were in all scarce six hundred.

Within three days after, three hundred German soldiers, with two ships laden with shot, powder, and artillery, were privily let into the town, so that of our men in all there were scarce one thousand three hundred soldiers; who, seeing the small quantity of their number, burning and casting down the town and suburbs, took them to the castle; from whence they beat off the Turks valiantly with their ordnance a good space, and with wildfire destroyed great companies of them, till at last, seeing their walls to fail them, and the whole castle to shake by undermining, but especially by the working of a certain Italian surnamed Presbyter, they gave over. This Italian, whether for fear or falsehood, secretly, unknown to the rest of the soldiers, accompanied by two others, conveyed himself down from the walls, and being brought into the tents of the next captain or bassa of the Turks, there, in the name of all his fellows, convented with the Turks, to give up to them the castle: whereupon the Turks were bid to cease the shooting. This Italian, shortly after, with two other Turks, was sent back to Salamanca, his captain, with the Turk’s message. The going out of this Italian being privy to the residue of his fellows, contrary to the laws and discipline of war, although it seemed to come of his own head, yet, forasmuch as the other soldiers were not sure, but racer suspected lest the other Italians, his countrymen, had been in some part of consent therein, and would take his part, they neither durst offer him any harm for that his doing, nor yet could well advise with themselves what was best to do, for fear of privy confederacy, within themselves.

Thus, while Lascanus the chief captain of the Christians aforesaid, with his fellow-soldiers, were in a maze what to do, or not to do; in the mean time came one running, who giving a sign both to the Christians and the Turks to hold their hands and weapons, for that it was against all law of war to fight after peace and truce taken, our men, as they were commanded, went into the inward tower. The Turks, in the mean time, had got into the castle, and occupied all the outer parts. Then was Salamanca, by the consent of the rest, sent out to the Turk, who, being stayed there that night, the next morrow the Turk’s bull or warrant was sent into the castle, permitting free liberty to the Christians to depart with bag and baggage; who now being ready to depart, first were commanded by the Turks, cornpassing them round about, to east from them their dags, lances, and battleaxes, into the trench. Then coming to the gate to go out, their swords were taken from them, looking then for nothing but present death.

At last, when they were come a little further, others were sent to them to discharge them of their helmets, Their targets, cuirasses, and whatsoever piece of harness was about them: whereupon great fear came upon them, lest some great cruelty should be showed upon them. Solyman, after he had long deliberated with himself, whether to kill them or not, at last, contrary to all expectation, granted their lives: but, before they should be dismissed, he first caused them, in derision of Christianity, to be baited with scorns and mocks throughout all the Turkish army; and so the next day commanded them, being stript out of their coats and apparel, to be reduced again into the castle by companies, setting over them certain Turks with cudgels and bats to lay upon their backs and sides, causing them to bury the dead carcasses, and to gather up the rubbish broken down from the castle-walls, and to scour the ditches. This done, the next day following he demanded of them, by an interpreter, whether they would enter wages with him, and take horse and armor to serve him in his wars; which condition, divers for fear were contented to take, seeing no other remedy to avoid present death. Some, neither by menacing words, nor for any fear of death, could be compelled thereunto; of whom certain, who stood stoutly in refusing thereof, were presently slain, whom I may worthily recite in the number and catalogue of holy martyrs.

Of the aforesaid Christians, part were carried over the river Danube, not without great villany, and contumely most despiteful. For some had their wives taken from them, and carried away; some had their wives abused before their face; and such as made or showed any resistance thereat, had their wives before them east into the river and drowned; also their infants and young children, being appointed by the Turks to the abominable order of the Janizaries, mentioned before, their parents, not consenting thereunto, were precipitated and thrown into the river, and drowned. All these things are testified by John Martin Stella, in his epistles in print extant, written to his two brethren, William and Michael; which Martin Stella, moreover, addeth and affirmeth this: that he himself, being the same time at Vienna, did see one of the aforesaid wives, who, being held fast by the hair of the head, yet notwithstanding, having her hair plucked off, cast herself into the river Danube, for the singular love to her husband, and so swam to the ship where he was. And thus this miserable company of Germans, Spaniards, and Italians mixed together, macerated with labors, with hunger pined, with watchings, dolors, and sorrow consumed, came at length to Schinda.

When the tidings thereof were noised at Vienna, partly with fear and dread, partly with indignation, all men’s hearts were moved and vexed diversely. Some thought them not worthy to be received into their city, showing themselves so dastardly and cowardly. Others thought again, that mercy was to be showed unto them, and commended their fact, for that they, being so few, and unfurnished with aid, neither able to match by any means with such an innumerable multitude of the Turks, kept themselves till better time might serve them. But howsoever the matter was to be thought of, the captains brought the poor remnant of that rueful company unto Possidonium, where the said captains were laid fast, and there kept in durance, to render account of the whole matter, how it was wrought and handled. And thus have ye the lamentable story of Striegau.

The Turk proceeding in his victories, conducted his army next unto Tara, and to the parts lying near about Comaron. This Tara was also a stronghold in Hungary, wherein were placed certain garrisons, partly of the Germans, partly of the Italians. The chieftain of the Italians was one Annibal Tasso, constituted by Philippus Tornelius. This Tasso was a man well expert in prowess of war, but of a filthy corrupt life, and also a foul swearer, and horrible blasphemer of God and his saints. To make the story short, this fort of Tara, before any siege was laid unto it, was yielded and given up to the Turks; upon what conditions, or by whose means, the author showeth not. Thus much he showeth, that the said Annibal, shortly upon the same, returning into Italy, was commanded by Tornelius aforesaid, to be apprehended and beheaded.

After the Turks had subverted and destroyed the fort of Tara, they turned their power against Alba, surnamed Regalis 90 , 30 for that the kings of Hungary have been always wont there to be crowned and buried. This Alba is a little well-compacted city in Hungary, having on the one side a marsh somewhat foggish or lenny, which made the town less assaultable.

But, near to the same was a wood, from which the Turks every day, with six hundred carts, brought such matter of wood, and trees, felled for the purpose, into the marsh, that, within less than twelve days, they made it apt and hard to their feet; which the towns-men thought never could be gone upon, but only in the hard frosts of winter. At the first beginning of the siege, there stood, a little without the munitions, in the front of the city, a certain church or monastery, into which the citizens, pretending to maintain and keep against the Turks, had privily conveyed light matter easily to take flame, with powder in secret places thereof, and had hid also fire withal: which done, they (as against their wills being driven back) withdrew themselves within the munitions, waiting the occasion when this fire would take. Thus the Turks having the possession of the church, suddenly the fire coming to the powder, raised up the church, and made a great scatter and slaughter among the barbarous Turks. This was not so soon espied of them within the town, but they issued out upon them in this disturbance, and slew of them a great number. Among whom, divers of their nobles also the same time were slain, and one bassa, a eunuch, who was of great estimation with the Turks. Moreover, in the same skirmish was taken one of those gunners, which the French king is said to have sent to the Turk a little before: which if it be true, let the Christian reader judge what is to be thought of those Christian princes, who, not only forsaking the common cause of Christ’s church, joined league with the Turk, but also sent him gunners to set forward his wars to the destruction of Christ’s people, and to the shedding of their blood; for whom they know the blood of Christ to be shed. If this be not true, I show mine author,31 if it be, then let the pope see and mark well, how this title of ‘Christian-issimus’ can well agree with such doings.

But to let this matter sleep, although the Turks, (as ye heard) had won the fen, with their policy and industry, against the city of Alba, yet all this while the Albanes were nothing inferior to their enemies, through the valiant help and courageous endeavor of Octavianus Scruzatus, a captain of Milan, by whose prudent counsel and constant standing, the busy enterprises of the Turks did little prevail a long time; till at length, suddenly arose a thick fog or mist upon the city, whereas, round about besides, the sun did shine bright. Some said it came by art magical, but rather it may appear to rise out of the fen or marsh, being so pressed down with men’s feet, and other matter laid upon it.

The Turks using the occasion of this misty darkness, in secret wise approaching the walls, had got up to a certain fortress where the Germans were, before our men could well perceive them; where they pressed in so thick, and in such number, that albeit the Christian soldiers, standing strongly to the defense of their lives, did what valiant men in cases of such extremity were able to do; yet, being overmatched by the multitude of the Turks, and the suddenness of their coming, they gave back, seeking to retire unto the inward walls, which when their other fellows did see to recule, then was there flying of all hands, every man striving to get into the city. There was between the outward walls or vaumures, and inward gate of the city, a strait or narrow passage, cast up in the manner of a bank or causeway, ditched on both sides, which passage or ingress happened at the same time to be barred and stopped; by reason whereof the poor soldiers were forced to cast themselves into the ditch, thinking to swim as well as they could into the city, where many of them, sticking in the mud, were drowned, one pressing upon another: many were slain of their enemies coming behind them, they having neither heart nor power to resist. A few, who could swim out, were received into the city; but the chief captains and warders of the town were there slain.

The citizens, being destitute of their principal captains and warriors, were in great perplexity and doubt among themselves what to do, some thinking good to yield, some counseling the contrary. Thus, while the minds of the citizens were distracted in divers and doubtful sentences, the magistrates, minding to stand to the Turk’s gentleness,32 sent out one of their heads unto the Turk, who, in the name of them all, should surrender to him the city, and become unto him tributaries, upon condition they might enjoy liberty of life and goods. This being to them granted, after the Turkish faith and assurance; first, the soldiers who were left within the city, putting off their armor, were discharged and sent away; who, being but only three hundred left of four ensigns of Italians, and of one thousand Germans, by the way were laid for by the Tartarians for hope of their spoil; so that they, scattering asunder one one way, and another another, to save themselves as well as they could, fled every one what way he thought best; of whom, some wandering in woods and marshes fainted for famine; some were taken and slain by the Hungarians: a few, with bare, empty, and withered bodies, more like ghosts than men, escaped, and came to Vienna. And this befell upon the soldiers.

Now understand what happened to the yielding citizens. So in the story it followeth, that when the Turk had entered the town, and had visited the sepulcher of the kings, for three or four days he pretended much clemency toward the citizens, as though he came not to oppress them, but to be revenged of Ferdinand their king, and to deliver them from the Servitude of the Germans. On the fourth day, all the chief and head men of the city were commanded to appear before the Turk, in a plain not far from the city, where the condemned persons, before were wont to be executed, as though they should come to swear unto the Turk. At this commandment of the Turk, when the citizens in great number, and in their best attire were assembled, the Turk, contrary to his faith and promise, commanded suddenly a general slaughter to be made of them all. And this was the end of the citizens of Alba.

In the mean time, during the siege of Alba, the Hungarians, meeting sometimes with the horsemen of the Tartarians, who were sent out to stop their victuals from the city, slew of them, at one bickering, three thousand Turks: in which story is also reported and mentioned of mine author, a horrible sight and example of misery, concerning a certain captain (a Christian belike), who, coming unto Vienna, was found to have in his scrip or satchel the half of a young child of two years old, which remained yet uneaten, the other half being eaten before. A.D. 1543. Next after this, was expugned the castle of Papa by the Turks. Let the castle of ‘Papa’ now take heed, lest one day it follow after!

The like fidelity the Turks also kept with the fort of Visegrade, and the soldiers thereof. This Visegrade is situate in the mid-way between Buda and Striegau; of which fort or castle, the highest tower so mounteth upon the hill, that unless it be for famine or lack of water, they have not to dread any enemy. Notwithstanding so it happened, that the lower piece being won, they in the higher tower abiding four days without drink, were compelled, with liberty granted of life and goods, to yield themselves. But the devilish Turks, keeping no faith nor promise, slew them every one: only Petras Amandus, the captain of the piece, excepted; who privily was conveyed by the captain of the Turks, out of the slaughter, A.D. 1544.

To these, moreover, may be added the winning of Novum Castellum, in Dalmatia, where he slew all that were within, both soldiers and others, for that they did not yield themselves in time. Thus the Turk, whether they yielded to him or not, never spared the people and flock of Christ.

As the false and cruel Turk was thus raging in Hungary, and intended further to rage without all mercy and pity of the Christians, and might easily then have prevailed and gone whither he would, for that Charles the emperor, and Francis the French king, were at the same time in war and hostility, and also other Christian princes; as Henry, duke of Brunswick, against John Frederic, duke of Saxony; also princes and rulers were contending among themselves: behold the gracious providence of our Lord and God toward us, who, seeing the misery, and having pity of his poor Christians, suddenly, as with a snaffle, reined this raging beast, and brought him out of Europe into his own country again, by occasion of the Persians, who were then in great preparation of war against the Turks, and had invaded his dominion; by reason whereof the Turks were kept there occupied, fighting with the Persians a long continuance. Which wars at length being achieved and finished (wherein the said Turk lost great victories, with slaughter of many thousands of his Turks), he was not only provoked by the instigation of certain evil disposed Hungarians, but also occasioned by the discord of Christian princes, to return again into Europe, in hope to subdue all the parts thereof unto his dominion.

Whereunto when he had levied an army incredible of such a multitude of Turks, as the like hath not lightly been heard of, see again the merciful providence and protection of our God toward his people. As the Turk was thus intending to set forward with his innumerable multitude against the Christians, the hand of the sent such a pestilence through all the Turk’s army and dominion, reaching from Bithynia, and from Thrace to Macedonia, and also to Hungary, that all the Turk’s possession seemed almost nothing else, but as a heap of dead corpses, whereby his voyage for that time was stopped, and he almost compelled to seek a new army.

Besides this plague of the Turks aforesaid, which was worse to them than any war, other lets also and domestic calamities, through God’s providence, happened unto Solyman, the great rover and robber of the world, which stayed him at home from vexing the Christians; especially touching his eldest son, Mustapha.

This Mustapha being hated, and partly feared of Rustan, the chief councilor about the Turk, and of Rosa, the Turk’s concubine and afterwards his wife, was divers times complained of to his father, accused, and at length so brought into suspicion and displeasure of the Turk, by them aforesaid, that, in conclusion, his father caused him to be sent for to his pavilion, where six Turks with visors were appointed to put him to death: who, coming upon him, put, after their manner, a small cord or bow-string full of knots about his neck, and so, throwing him down upon the ground, not suffering him to speak one word to his father, with the twitch thereof throttled and strangled him to death, his father standing in a secret corner by, and beholding the same. Which fact being perpetrated, afterwards, when the Turk would have given to another son of his and of Rosa, called Gianger, the treasures, horse, armor, ornaments, and the province of Mustapha his brother, Gianger, crying out for sorrow of his brother’s death: “Fye of thee!” saith he to his father, “thou impious and wretched dog, traitor, murderer; I cannot call thee father. Take the treasures, the horse, and the armor of Mustapha to thyself;” and with that, taking out his dagger, thrust it through his own body. And thus was Solyman murderer and parricide of his own sons: which was in A.D. 1552.

Herein, notwithstanding, is to be noted the singular providence and love of the Lord toward his afflicted Christians. For this Mustapha, as he was courageous and greatly expert and exercised in all practice of war, so had he a cruel heart, maliciously set to shed the blood of Christians: wherefore great cause have we to congratulate, and to give thanks to God, for the happy taking away of this Mustapha. And no less hope also and good comfort we may conceive of our loving Lord hereby ministered unto us, to think that our merciful God, after these sore afflictions of his Christians under these twelve Turks afore recited, now, after this Solyman, intendeth some gracious good work to Christendom, to reduce and release us out of this so long and miserable Turkish captivity, as may be hoped now, by taking away these young imps of this impious generation, before they should come to work their conceived malice against us: the Lord therefore be glorified and praised. Amen!

Moreover, as I was writing hereof, opportunely came to my hands a certain writing out of Germany, certifying us of such news and victory of late achieved against the Turk, as may not a little increase our hope, and comfort us, touching the decay and ruin of the Turk’s power and tyranny against us; which news are these: That after the Turkish tyrant had besieged, with an army of 80,000 men the famous and strong town and castle of Gyula, in Hungary, lying forty Dutch miles beyond the river Danube, which city had by the space of six weeks sustained many grievous assaults, God, through his great mercy and goodness, so comforted the said town of Gyula, and the poor Christians therein, at their earnest prayers, that the Turk, with all his host, was driven back by the hands of the general, called Karetshim Laslaw, and his valiant company; who not only defended the said town, but also constrained the Turks to retire, to their great shame and confusion, with a great slaughter of the Turkish rabble; for which the everlasting God be praised for ever.

The manner of the overthrow was this: As the aforesaid general did see his advantage, with captain George and other horsemen of the Silesians and Hungarians, they set on the rearward of the Turks, and killed about eight thousand of them, and took also some of their artillery, and followed them so fast, that the Turks were constrained to flee into a marshy ground, and to break the wheels of the rest or their artillery to save themselves; and therewith they got a very rich booty, rescuing besides, and taking from the Turks, a great, number in Christian prisoners. Like thanks are also to be given to God, for the prosperous success given to Magotschy, the valiant captain of Erlan, who, making toward the Turks and encountering with the Tartarians, slew of them about eight hundred.

Not long after this it happened, through the like providence of our God, that a Turkish captain called Begen, accompanied with a thousand fresh horsemen, came newly out of Turkey, to go toward the city named Quinque Ecclesiae, or Funfkirchen, with whom the earl of Serin, by the way, did encounter, and in the night, setting upon him, killed the captain, and took eight camels, and eight mules laden with treasure, and also got two red guidons, 34 with a whole great piece of rich cloth of gold, and with another fair and strange jewel. The horse of this aforesaid Turkish captain was betrapped and decked most richly; the saddle whereof had the pommel and back part covered over with plate of fine Arabic gold, and the rest of the saddle, besides the sitting place, was plated with silver very fair gilded. The seat of the saddle was covered with purple velvet; the trappings and bridle beset with little turquoises and rubies: which horse was sent to Vienna, unto the emperor Maximilian, for a present.

Although the earl would very fain have saved the captain, not knowing what he was, yet the Janizaries, laboring to carry away their captain, so stiffly defended themselves, that the earl, with his company, was constrained to kill both them and their captain. From whom the said earl of Serin, the same time, got fifteen thousand Turkish and Hungarian ducats; which money was brought for the payment of the Turkish soldiers in the aforesaid town of Funf-kirchen. All which be good beginnings of greater goodness to be hoped for hereafter, through the grace of Christ our Lord; especially if our Christian rulers and potentates, first, the churchmen and prelates for their parts, then, the civil powers and princes for their parts, withholding their affections a little, will turn their brawls and variance into brotherly concord and agreement; which the Lord of Peace put in their minds to do. Amen! Or otherwise, if it will so please the Lord that the Turk come further upon us, so as he hath begun for our punishment and castigation, his grace then give to the flock of his poor Christians constancy of faith, patience in suffering and amendment of life. For so I understand by public fame, although uncertainly rumored by the voice of some, that the Turks’ power of late, this present year of our Lord, 1566, hath pierced the parts of Apulia within Italy, wasting and burning the space of a hundred miles toward Naples: which if it be certain, it is to be feared, that the Turk having thus set in his foot, and feeling the sweetness of Italy, will not so cease before he get in both head and shoulders also, so far into Italy, that he will display his banners within the walls of Rome, and do with old Rome the like as Mahomet, his great grandfather, did with new Rome, the city of Constantinople, and as the Persians did with Babylon.

The causes why we have so to judge, be divers: first, that the see of Rome hath been defended hitherto and maintained with much blood; and therefore it may seem not incredible, but that it will not long continue, but be lost with blood again, according to the verdict of the gospel: “He that striketh with the sword, shall perish with the sword,” etc. Another cause is, the fulfilling of Apocalypse 18, where it is written, “That great Babylon shall fall, and be made an habitation of devils, and a den of unclean spirits, and a cage of filthy and unclean birds:” the fall whereof shall be like a mill-stone in the sea, that is, which shall not rise again. And that this is to come before the day of judgment, the text of the said chapter doth apertly declare; where the words do follow, showing, That the kings of the earth, and the merchants, which had to do with the whorish city, standing afar off for fear of the heat, and beholding the smoke of the said city flaming and burning with fire, shall bewail and rue her destruction and desolation, etc. What city this is, called Great Babylon, which, like a millstone, shall fall and burn, and be made a habitation of unclean spirits and beasts, let the reader construe. This is certain and plain, by these her kings and merchants standing afar off for fear, and beholding her burning, that the destruction of this city (what city soever it be) shall be seen here on earth before the coming of the Lord’s judgment, as may easily be gathered by these three circumstances; that is, by the standing, the beholding, and the bewailing of her merchants; by which merchants and kings of the earth, peradventure, may be signified the pope, the rich cardinals, the great prelates, and the fat doctors, and other obedientiaries of the Romish see, who, at the coming of the Turks, will not adventure their lives for their church, but will flee the city, no doubt, and stand afar off from danger.

And when they shall see with their eyes, and hear with their cars, the city of Rome to be set on fire and consumed by the cruel Turks, the sight thereof shall seem to them piteous and lamentable, to behold the great and fair city of Rome, the tall castle of St. Angelo, the pope’s mighty see (where they were wont to fish out such riches, dignities, treasures, and pleasure), so to burn before their eyes, and to come to such utter desolation, which shall never be re-edified again, but shall be made a habitation of devils and unclean spirits; that is, of Turks and heathen sultans, and barbarous Saracens, etc. This, I say, peradventure, may be the meaning of that prophetic place of the Apocalypse; not that I have here any thing to pronounce, but only give my guess, what may probably be conjectured. But the end at length will make this, and all other things, more plain and manifest; for mystical prophecies lightly are never so well understood, as when the event of them is past and accomplished.

Another cause, concurring with the causes aforesaid, may be collected out of Paulus Jovius, who, writing of the subversion of Rhodes, which was as ye heard A.D.. 1522, upon Christmas day 91 , saith, that it chanced suddenly, the same day, in Rome, that as pope Adrian VI. was entering into the church to his service, suddenly over his head the upper frontier or top of the chapel door, which was of marble, immediately as the pope was entering, fell down, add slew certain of his guard waiting upon him.

Whereby peradventure may be meant, that the ruin of Rome was not long after to follow the loss of Rhodes.

The fourth cause I borrow out of Johannes Aventinus, who, in his third book, alleging the names, but not the words of Hildegard, Briget, and other prophetic persons, hath these words; “Si vera sint carmina et vaticinia D.

Hildegardae, et Brigittae, Sybillarum Germaniae, et Bardorum fatidicorum, qui ea quae nostro aevo completa vidimus longo ante tempore nobis cecinerunt; Agrippinensis Colonia, nolimus, velimus, Turcarum caput erit,” etc.; that is, “If the sayings and prophecies of Hildegard, of Briget, and other prophetic persons, be true, which, being foretold long before, we have seen now in these our days accomplished; the city of Cologne, will we, nill we, must needs be the head city of the Turks. And this I write, not as one pronouncing against the city of Rome what will happen, but as one fearing what may fall: which if it come to pass (as I pray God it may not), then shall the pope well understand, whither his wrong understanding of the Scriptures, and his false flattering glossers upon the same, have brought him.

Wherefore my counsel to the pope, and all his popish maintainers and upholders is, to humble themselves, and to agree with their brethren betimes, letting all contention fall: lest that while the bishop of Rome shall strive to be the highest of all other bishops, it so fall out shortly, that the bishop of Rome shall be found the lowest of all other bishops, or, peradventure, no bishop at all.

Whereupon also another cause may be added, taken out of Hieronymus Savonarola, who prophesieth, that one like unto Cyrus shall come over the Alps, and destroy Italy: whereof see more before.

This Solyman, if he be yet alive, hath now reigned forty-six years, who began the same year in which the emperor Charles V was crowned, which was A.D. 1520, and so hath continued, by God’s permission, for a scourge to the Christians, unto this year now present, 1566. This Solyman, by one of his concubines, had his eldest son, called Mustapha. By another concubine called Rosa, he had four sons, Mahomet, Bajazet, Selim, and Gianger: of which sons, Mustapha and Gianger were slain (as ye heard before) by means of their own father. And thus much concerning the wretched tyranny of the Turks, out of the authors hereunder written. A NOTICE TOUCHING THE MISERABLE PERSECUTION, SLAUGHTER, AND CAPTIVITY, OF THE CHRISTIANS UNDER THE TURKS Hitherto thou hast heard, Christian reader! the lamentable persecutions of these latter days, wrought by the Turks against the people and servants of Christ. In the reading whereof, such as sit quietly at home, and be far from jeopardy, may see what misery there is abroad; the knowledge and reading whereof shall not be unprofitable for all Christians earnestly to weigh and consider, for that many there be, who, falsely deceiving themselves, imagine that Christianity is a quiet and restful state of life, full of pleasure and solace in this present world; when indeed it is nothing less, as testified by the mouth of our Savior himself, who, rightly defining his kingdom, teacheth us, that his kingdom is not of this world; premonishing us also before, that in this world we must look for affliction, but in him we shall have peace. Examples hereof in all parts of this history, through all ages, are plenteous and evident to be seen, whether we turn our eyes to the first ten persecutions in the primitive church, during the first three hundred years after Christ; or whether we consider the latter three hundred years in this last age of the church, wherein the poor flock of Christ hath been so afflicted, oppressed, and devoured, that it is hard to say, whether have been more cruel against the Christians, the infidel emperors of Rome, in the primitive age of the church, or else these barbarous Turks, in these our later times of the church now present.

Thus, from time to time, the church of Christ hath had little or no rest in this earth: what for the heathen emperors on the one side; what for the proud pope on the other side; on the third side, what for the barbarous Turk: for these are, and have been from the beginning, the three principal and capital enemies of the church of Christ, signified in the Apocalypse by “the beast, the false lamb, and, the false prophet, from whom went out three foul spirits, like frogs, to gather together all the kings of the earth to the battle of the day of the Lord God Almighty.” [Revelation 11] The cruelty and malice of these three enemies against Christ’s people hath been such, that to judge which of them did most exceed in cruelty of persecution, it is hard to say; but that it may be thought that the bloody and beastly tyranny of the Turks especially, above the rest, incomparably surmounteth all the afflictions and cruel slaughters that ever were seen in any age, or read of in any story: insomuch that there is neither history so perfect, nor writer so diligent, who, writing of the miserable tyranny of the Turks, is able to express or comprehend the horrible examples of their unspeakable cruelty and slaughter, exercised by these twelve Turkish tyrants upon poor Christian men’s bodies, within the compass of these latter three hundred years. Whereof although no sufficient relation can be made, nor number expressed; yet, to give to the reader some general guess or view thereof, let us first perpend and consider what dominions and empires, how many countries, kingdoms, provinces, cities, towns, strongholds, and forts, these Turks have surprised and won from the Christians; in all which victories, being so many, this is secondly to be noted, that there is almost no place which the Turks ever came to and subdued, where they did not either slay all the inhabitants thereof, or led away the most part thereof into such captivity and slavery, that they continued not long after alive, or else so lived, that death, almost, had been to them more tolerable.

Like as in the time of the first persecutions of the Roman emperors, the saying was, that no man could step with his feet in all Rome, but should tread upon a martyr; so here may be said, that almost there is not a town, city, or village, in all Asia and Greece, also in a great part of Europe and Africa, whose streets have not flowed with the blood of the Christians, whom the cruel Turks have murdered: of whom are to be seen in histories, heaps of soldiers slain, of men and women cut in pieces, of children stuck upon poles and stakes, whom these detestable Turks most spitefully, and that in the sight of their parents, use to gore to death. Some they drag at their horse’s tails, and famish to death; some they tear in pieces, tying their arms and legs to four horses; others they make marks to shoot at: upon some they try their swords, how deep they can cut and slash, as before ye have read. The aged and feeble they tread under their horses; women with child they spare not, but mangle their bodies, and cast the infants into the fire, or otherwise destroy them. Whether the Christians yield to them, or yield not, all is a matter. As in their promises there is no truth, so in their victories there is no sense of manhood or mercy in them, but they make havoc of all. So the citizens of Croia, after they had yielded and were all promised their lives, were all destroyed, and that horribly. In Mysia, after the king had given himself to the Turk’s hand, having promise of life, Mahomet the Turk slew him with his own hands. The princes of Rasia had both their eyes put out, with basons red hot set before them. Theodosia, otherwise called Capha, was also surrendered to the Turk, having the like assurance of life and safety; and yet, contrary to the league, the citizens were put to the sword and slain. At the winning and yielding of Lesbos, what a number of young men and children were put upon sharp stakes and poles, and so thrust through! At the winning of the city of Buda, what tyranny was showed and exercised against the poor Christians who had yielded themselves, and against the two dukes, Christopher Bisserer, and Jobart Tranbinger, contrary to the promise and hand-writing of the Turk, is to be seen in the story of Melchior Soiterus, ‘De bello Pannonico.’ 38 The like also is to be read in the story of Bernardus de Breydenbach, 39 who, writing of the taking of Otranto, a city in Apulia, testifieth of the miserable slaughter, of the young men there slain, of old men trodden under the horses’ feet, of matrons and virgins abused, of women with child cut and rent a-pieces, of the priests in the churches slain, and of the archbishop of that city, who, being an aged man