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Letters from Spain, by Leucadio Doblado, p. 30. Sismondi, Hist. of the Literature of the South, vol. i. 99. iii. 113, 214. Llorente, Hist. Crit. de l’Inquisition, tom. i pref. p. 26. Doblado’s Letters, 30, 31. “Neque illud sileo, (says Cennius) quod Apostolis veredi non erant opus, ut terr’ ambitum circumirent. Spiritus enim Domini, a quo Philippum fuisse raptum constat post baptizatum Eunuchum, etiamsi Jacobum rapuisse in Hispaniam non dicatur, non enim omnia scripta sunt, objectionem istam eludit.” In a manner somewhat similar has the beneficed Presbyter of the Vatican contrived to convey the dead body of the Apostle from Jerusalem to Spain. (Cajetani Cenni de Antiquitate Ecclesi’ Hispan’ Dissertationes, tom. i. p. 35, 36. Rom’, 1741.) Ibid. Diss. i. cap. 2. A curious specimen of the managements referred to in the text is to be seen in the alterations made on the Roman Calendar.

Cardinal Quignoni obtained the following insertion in the Rubric, referring to St. James the elder: “He went to Spain, and preached the Gospel there, according to the authority of St. Isidore.” (Breviarium Paul III.) A change more agreeable to the Spaniards was afterwards made: “Having travelled over Spain, and preached the gospel there, he returned to Jerusalem.” (Brev. Pii V.) This having given offence to Cardinal Baronius and others at Rome, the following was substituted: “That he visited Spain and made some disciples there, is the tradition of the churches of that province.” (Brev. Clementis VIII.) If the former mode of expression gave great offence at Rome, this last gave still greater in Spain. The whole kingdom was thrown into a ferment; and letters and ambassadors were despatched by his Catholic Majesty to the Pope, exclaiming against the indignity done to the Spanish nation. At last the following form was agreed upon, which continues to stand in the Calendar: “Having gone to Spain, he made some converts to Christ, seven of whom being ordained by St. Peter, were sent to Spain as its first bishops.” (Brev. Urbani VIII.) Sulpitius Severus, Hist. Sacra, lib. ii. c. 60. Nicol. Antonius, Bibliotheca Hispana Vetus, curante Franc. Perez Bayerio, tom. i. p. 168-172. Cenni de Antiq. Eccl. Hisp. Diss. tom. i. p. 212. Gregor. de Turon. Hist. Franc. lib. viii. cap. 46. Nic. Antonius, ut supra, p. 294. Cenni Diss. iii. cap. 1 and 2. “Neque hi tantum errores in Hispaniis pervagabantur, sed quicquid nov’ h’resis emergebat, in easdem admittebatur.” (Cenni, i. 213.) Rodriguez de Castro, Bibliotheca Espanola, tom. ii. p. 406-411. Nic.

Antonius, ut supra, p. 440-446. Mosheim supposed Felix to be a French bishop, and placed his diocese in Septimania. (Eccl. Hist. cent. viii. part ii. chap. v. sect. 3.) Septimania was an ancient province of Gallia Narbonnensis, now called Languedoc; but Urgel is a city of Catalonia, and the Counts of Urgel made no small figure in the predatory warfare of the middle ages. (Vaisette, Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, tom. iii. p. 108, 145. Preuves, p. 206.) Nicolas Antonio reckons it necessary to make a formal apology for giving Claude a place in his general biography of Spanish writers, and calls him “pudendum genti nostr’ plusquam celebrandum, hominis Hispani nomen.” (Bibl. Hisp. Vet. tom. i. p. 458.) An exact and full account of Claude’s works, both printed and in manuscript, is given by Alb. Fabricius, in his Bibliotheca Medi’ et Infim’ Aetatis, tom. i. p. 388. “Placuit picturas in Ecclesia esse non debere, ne quod colitur vel adoratur, in parietibus pingatur.” (Concil. Illiberit. can. xxxvi. anno 305.) Duchesne, Hist. Francor. Script. tom. iii. p. 212. Barthii Adversaria, lib. xviii. cap. 11, lib. xliv. cap. 19. The controversial works of Galindus Prudentius remained in MS. until some of them were published, during the Jansenian dispute, by Gilbert Mauguin, in a collection of curious and valuable tracts, under the title: Veterum Auctorum, qui nono seculo de praedestinatione et gratia scripserunt, Opera et Fragmenta, tom. Paris, 1650; a work less known by divines than it ought to be. Concil. Illiberit. can. 18, 19; anno 305. Cenni, i. 69; conf. 142-144. “Ut prim’ sedis Episcopus non appelletur princeps sacerdotum, aut summus sacerdos, aut aliquid hujusmodi, sed tantum prim’ sedis Episcopus.” (Cod. African. can. 39.) To this agrees the language of the fathers of Toledo: “Statuimus, ut frater, et coepiscopus noster, Montanus, qui in Metropoli est,” &c. (Concil. Tolet. II. can. 5.) Thomassinus, De Benefic. part. i. lib. i. cap. 4. Pope Cyprian, pope Augustine, pope Alipius, pope Athanasius, &c. are expressions of frequent recurrence in the writings of the Fathers. Cenni, unable to deny this fact, has recourse to the desperate shift, that those who gave this title to a bishop meant to say, that his merits were such as to entitle him to be advanced to the dignity of supreme pontiff. (De Antiq. Eccl.

Hisp. ii. 53.) The names of kaqolikoi qronoi oikumenoi qronoi , catholic thrones, and ecumenical thrones, were given, in the eighth century, to the sees of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem. (Theophanes, apud Salmasii Apparat. de Primatu, p. 278.) Salmasii Apparatus ad Libros de Primatu Pap’, p. 277. Cenni, i. 159. Concil. Tolet. i. sent. definit. Constant. Annot. in Epist. 2. Inocent. Gregorii Epp. 32, 36. Concil. Sard. a. 347, can. 3-5. Mosheim, Cent. iv. part. ii. chap. ii.  6.

Dupin De Antiq. Discip. diss. ii. chap. i.  3. Concil. Millevit, ii. chap. 22. Concil. Tolet. ix. capit. i; xiii. capit. 12: Harduiini Collect. tom. iii. coll. 973, 1746. Concil. Bracarense, i. passim. Cenni, i. 194, 200, 214. It is to be observed that in most of these instances we have not the letters of the Spanish bishops, but only those of the popes. Cenni, ii. 67, 69, 154, 155. Cenni, ii. 211-230. Concil. Tolet. xiv. capit. 5, 6, 7, 11: Labbe, Collect. Concil. tom. vi. 1280-1284. Harduin, Acta Concil. tom. iii. p. 1754-1756. “Scientes igitur solam esse fidei confessionem qu’ vincat infernum, qu’ superat tartarum; de hac enim fide a Domino dictum est, Port’ inferni non pr’valebunt contra eam.” (Ib. capit. 10: Harduin, ut supra, p. 1756.) The same sentiment is expressed in a confession of faith, which a preceding council, held in 675, had drawn up for the use of the Spanish churches.--”Item, idem Christus in duabus naturis, tribus extat substantiis.” (Concil. Tolet. XI. in Harduini Collect. tom. iii. p. 1022.)

The three substances, according to the divines of Spain, were the divine nature of Christ, his human soul, and his body. Concil. Tolet. XV. post symbolum: Labbe, VI. 1296-1303. Harduin, III. 1759-1767. Cenni, at a greater expense than that of contradicting himself, labors to do away, or rather to conceal, the indignity offered to the Roman See, and the disregard shown to its authority, by the procedure of the Spanish councils. He allows that the fourteenth council of Toledo “arrogated to itself an unjust authority, and openly departed from obedience to the Holy See;” that “it adopted a new and unheard-of method of approving of the decisions of a general council;” and that, on these accounts, “none of its decrees were admitted to a place in the collection of sacred canons.” But he asserts that the fifteenth council of Toledo “manifestly amended their doctrine concerning the three substances;” that “Julian” (as if the decree had been his only, and not that of a national council) “sometimes makes use of words rather too free, though somewhat obscure, against Rome; but that, upon the whole, he changed or explained his former sentiment, agreeably to the admonition of the Roman Pontiff.” Yet he grants, or rather pleads, that this “apology,” as he calls it, was not approved at Rome; is angry with those writers who speak in its defence; and concludes by saying, that “this blemish on the wellconstituted church of Spain should be a perpetual monument to teach the churches of all other nations to revere the one sure, infallible, and supreme judgment of the Holy See, in matters of faith and of manners.” (De Antiq. Eccl.

Hispan’, tom. ii. p. 55-59.) Durandus, Rat. Divin. Offic. lib. v. cap. ii. Joannes Diaconus, Vita Gregorii Magni, lib. ii. cap. 17. praef. Oper.

Gregorii.. Gregory, (says the Roman deacon who wrote his life), “after taking away many things from the missal of Gelasius, altering a few things, and adding some things for explaining the evangelical lessons, formed the whole into one book.” (Joannes Diaconus, Vita Gregorii Magni, ut supra.) Concil. Tolet. IV. capit. 2. Collect. Concil. tom. vii. p. 1034: Cenni, ii. 346. Alcuin adv. Felicem Urgel. lib. viii. p. 395: Cenni, ii. 346.--In the beginning of the eighteenth century, cardinal Thomasi published a Gothic Missal, as that of the ancient Spanish church, which was republished by Mabillon from other MSS. But this is supposed not to have been the Spanish Missal, but that of Gallia Narbonnensis, or the South of France. (Lebrun, De Liturg. tom. ii. diss. 4.) The Libellus Orationarius, which Joseph Blanchini prefixed to the first volume of the works of Cardinal Thomasi, has better claims to be considered as an ancient Spanish Liturgy. This is the opinion of Blanchini, in his preface and notes to the Libellus Orat. Gotico-Hispanus, prefixed to the works of cardinal Thomasi; and of Cenni, De Antiq. Eccl. Hispan’, tom. i. p. 28-30. tom. ii. dissert. vii. See before, p. 9. “Placuit, ut extra psalmos, vel canonicarum scripturarum novi et veteris Testamenti, nihil poetice compositum in Ecclesia psallatur, sicut et sancti pr’cipiunt canones.” (Concil. Bracarense I, can. 12: Harduini Collect. tom. iii. p. 351.) But another council, held in 633, not only permitted the use of such hymns as those of St. Hilary and St.

Ambrose, but threatened all who rejected them with excommunication. (Concil. Tolet. iv. capit. 13.) “Alla van leyes, donde quieren Reyes.” Doctor Juan Vergara, apud Quintanilla, p. 115. De Robles, 233-235.

Florez, Clave Historial, pp. 129, 130, 202. There is a dissertation on the Mozarabic office in Espana Sagrada, tom. iii. Sismondi, who appears to have borrowed part of his information on this controversy from a play of Calderon, entitled “Origen, perdida, y restauracion de la Virgen del Sagrario,” is inaccurate in his statement. He says that the king wished to introduce the Ambrosian ceremony, and thinks it fortunate that “the policy of the monarch, and not the jealousy of the priests,” was the principal instrument in settling the dispute. (Hist. of Literature of the South, vol. iii. p. 196, 197.) Townsend confounds what was done by Alfonso in the end of the eleventh century with what was done by cardinal Ximenes in the beginning of the sixteenth; and praises the decision as indicating a spirit of enlightened toleration. “Cease to persecute, (says he) and all sects will in due time dwindle and decay.” (Travels through Spain, vol. i. p. 311, 312.) Illescas, Hist. Pontifical, tom. i. f. 269. Zurita, Annales de Aragon, tom. i. f. 25, b. Zurita, f. 22, b. “Fue el primero de los reyes de Espana, que hizo este reconoscimiento, y encarece mucho el Papa, que como otro Moysen, fue tambien el primero que en su regno recibio las leyes y costumbres Romanas.” (Zurita, tom. i. f. 22, a.) Zurita, tom. i. f. 90, 91. Mariana, De Rebus Hispaniae, lib. xi. cap. xxi. edit. Schotti Hispania Illustrata, tom. ii. p. 546. The same oath and homage were given to the pope for Sardinia and Corsica, in 1316, by the ambassadors of James II. of Aragon; which was repeated, in 1337, by Alfonso IV. (Zurita, lib. vi. f. 27, 125.) Zurita, lib. iv. f. 253-262. Histoire Generale de Languedoc, par Le Pere Vaisette, tom. iii. p. 1-4.

Usserius, De Christ. Eccles. Success. cap. x. sect. 18, p. 154. Guil. de Podio-Laur. Chronic. cap. viii. Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, tom. iii. pp. 129, 147, 420. Preuves, pp. 58, 392, 435-442. Sismondi, History of the Crusades against the Albigenses, pp. 5-8, 63, 73-77, 521, 178. Hist. of Literature of South of Europe, vol. i. pp. 217, 219. Mariana, De Reb. Hisp. lib. xii. cap. 10. The Proven‡al poets bewailed the desolation of their country, and inveighed in bitter strains against the crusaders. They were in general friendly to the Albigenses. But one of them, Izarn, a Dominican missionary, sought to inflame the persecution by his poetry, which exhibits the true language of the Inquisition put into rhyme. (Sismondi, Hist. of the Lit. of the South, vol. i. p. 227.) Addressing the heretic, whom he had failed to convince in a dispute, he says: As you declare you won’t believe, ‘tis fit that you should burn, And as your fellow have been burnt, that you should blaze in turn; And as you’ve disobey’d the will of God and of St. Paul, Which nee’r was found within your heart, nor pass’d your teeth at all, The fire is lit, the pitch is hot, and ready is the stake, That thro’ these tortures, for your sins, your passage you may take. Guil. Neobrig. lib. ii. cap. xiii.; apud Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, tom. iii. p. 2. Llorente, i. 30. Ibid., p. 31, 32. Marca Hisp. apud Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, iii. 130. Zurita, Annales de Aragon, tom. i. p. 99-101. Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, iii. 248-254; Sismondi, Hist. of Crusades against Albigenses, p. 98-101.

Perrin, ii. 76-92. Usserius, De Christ. Eccl. Successione et Statu, cap. x. sect. 37, 38, 39. Mat. Paris, ad. an. 1214. Perrin, part i. p. 246. Llorente, i. 67. Leger, ii. 337. Hist. de Languedoc, iii. 412. Preuves, p. 383. Llorente, i. 72. Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, iii. 115, 382. In 1207, the bishop of Ozma, and other preaching missionaries, held a dispute with the teachers of the Vaudois at Pamiers. On that occasion the count de Foix entertained both parties alternately in his palace: his countess Ermesinde, and two of his sisters, openly befriended the sectaries. One of the latter, Esclaramonde, married to Jourdain II. sieur de Lille-Jourdain, having said something in their favor during the conference, was silenced by one of the missionaries, who rudely ordered her to her distaff. (Ibid. p. 147. Preuves, p. 437.) Hist. de Languedoc, iii. 412, 419, 427. Preuves, p. 383-385, 392, 437, 552. Llorente, i. 73, 74. Muratori, Antiq. Ital. Dissert. 60, tom. v. p. 83. Abbatis Urspergensis Chronic. ad an. 1212; et auctt. citat. Usserio, De Christ. Eccl. Success. et Statu, cap. x. sect. 1, p. 146. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Vetus, tom. ii. p. 45, 46. Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, tom. iii. p. 147, 148. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Vet., tom. ii. p. 59. Mariana, de Rebus Hisp. lib. xxi. cap. i. in Schotti Hisp. Illustr. tom. ii. p. 556. Florez, Espana Sagrada, tom. xxii. p. 108. Llorente, i. 80-85. Antonii Bibl. Hisp.Vetus. tom. ii. p. 112-119. Niceron, Mem. des Hommes Illustres, tom. xxxiv. p. 82. Arnaldo is celebrated among those who searched for the Philosopher’s stone in the following lines of the Libro del Tesoro, an ancient poem ascribed to Alfonso X. of Castile, surnamed The Wise: Pero los modernos que le sucedieron, Entre ellos Ranaldo da todos nombrado Camino non dessa, y tan alombrado Que ascuras se veen los que no lo vieron.

Sanchez, Coleccion de Poesias Castellanas, tom. i. p. 166. Bul’i Hist. Univ. Paris, tom. iv. p. 121. MSS. by Arnald in Cottonian Library: Rodriguez de Castro, Bibl. Espan. tom. ii. 743, 474. (sic.) Antonius, Bibl. Hisp. Vet. ii. 114. The Theologia Naturalis of Sebonde has met with the approbation of Montaigne and Grotius; and, which is not less praise, the censure of the Index Expurgatorius. (Pellicer, Ensayo, p. 15-18. Cave, Hist. Liter.

Append. p. 104.) Dr. Michael Geddes’s Miscellaneous Tracts, vol. i. p. 559. Llorente, i. 92, 93. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Vet. tom. ii. p. 286. Mariana, lib. xxi. cap. 17. Mariana, lib. xxi. cap. 17. Geddes, Miscellaneous Tracts, vol. i. p. 559. Wadding, Annales Minorum Ordinum, cura Jos. Maria Fonseca, tom. i. p. 247-249; conf. tom. ix. p. 206-210. Wadding, tom. xv. p. 342-350. Townsend’s Journey through Spain, vol. ii. p. 84. Petri Martyris Anglerii Epistol’, ep. 163. Alvar. Gomecius, De rebus gestis Francisci Ximenii, f. 7. Compluti, 1569. Wadding, Minor. Ord. tom. xv. p. 108. Reg. cap. viii. ix; apud Wadding, ut supra, i. 71. Fernando del Castillo, Hist. Gen. de Santo Domingo, y de su Orden, Parte ii. lib. ii. cap. 2, 3. Quintanilla, Vida del Cardenal Ximenes, p. 22. Quintanilla, ut supra. Wadding Annales. Minor. Ord. tom. i. p. 62, 216; conf. tom. iii. p. 102. Martyr, et Gomecius, ut supra. De Robles, Vida del Cardenal Ximenes, p. 68. Gerdesii Hist. Reform. tom. i. p. 15. See before, p. 25. The Mozarabic Missal was printed at Toledo in the year 1500. (Mendez, Typogr. Esp. p. 307.) The Breviary was printed at the same place in the year 1502. (Quintanilla, p. 116. Archivo Complutense, No. 13.) In 1512. Marsollier, Histoire du MinistŠre du Cardinal Ximenes, tom. ii. p. 42- 44. De Robles, del Cardenal Ximenes, y Officio Gotico Muzarabe, p. 302. In the Mozarabic Missal, as published in 1500, the words of consecration in the eucharist are taken exactly from the evangelists.

But it was deemed dangerous to practice this mode; and accordingly the priests were provided with a piece of paper on the margin, containing the Roman form of consecration, which they made use of. (Ib. p. 287, 288.) By degrees the Mozarabic form fell into neglect in the chapel appropriated to it; and in 1786, when Townsend visited Toledo, there was none present at the service but himself and the officiating priest. (Travels, i. 311, 312.) Illescas, Hist. Pontifical, tom. i. f. 269. Quintanilla, p. 21. Ibid. p. 29-32. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Vet. tom. ii. p. 187, 188. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Vet.tom. i. p. 330--336. Rodriguez de Castro, Bibl.

Espan. tom. ii. p. 293-344. Marc. Hisp. lib. iii. cap. 2. Alvaro de Cordova, who lived about the year 860, complains that his countrymen “despised the full streams of the church which flowed from Paradise, and, adopting the Arabic, had lost their native tongue, and many of them their faith along with it.” (Aldrede, Origenes de la Lengua Castellana, lib. i. cap. 22.) Aldrede, ut supra. Casiri, Bibl. Arabico-Hisp. Escurial. tom. i. p. 38.

Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Vet. tom. i. p. 483. A more recent Spanish writer, with a national partiality rather glaring, says, that his countrymen carried away all that is good in Arabian literature, while the other nations of Europe took what is bad in it--its dialectic subtleties and sophistry. “En resolucion, de lo bueno y malo que contenia la literatura Arabe, los Christianos de Espana tom ron lo bueno y œtil, y conserv ron el decoro de las disciplinas que aquella no conocia. . . . Los extrangeros, tomando lo malo del saber Arabe, perverti,ndolo mas y mas.” &c. (Juan Pablo Forner, Oracion Apologetica por la Espana, y su m,rito Literario, p. 62. Madrid, 1786.) Marc. Hisp. lib. iii. cap. 2. Sanchez, Coleccion, tom. i. p. 74. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Vet. tom. ii. p. 78-87. An account of his poem Del Tesoro, with specimens, may be seen in Sanchez, Coleccion, tom. i. p. 148-160. Extracts from his other poems are given by Rodriguez de Castro, Bibl. Espanola, tom. ii. p. 625-642. Zurita, Annales, ad an. 1398. Sanchez, Coleccion, tom. i. p. 5-10. Ferdinandi Gomesii Epistol’, apud Antonii Bibl. ut supra, p. 220-222. Sanchez has given a life of this nobleman, along with his “Proemio al Condestable de Portugal,” illustrated with learned notes, in the first volume of his collection of ancient Castillian poets. Por nascer en espino La rosa, ya non siento Que pierde, ni el buen vino Por salir del sarmiento.

Nin vale el azor menos, Porque en vil nido siga; Nin los enxemplos buenos, Porque Juido los diga.

Rodriguez de Castro supposed Don Santo to have been a converted Jew. (Bibl. Espanola, tom. i. p. 198.) But his mistake has been corrected, and its source pointed out, by Sanchez. (Coleccion de Poesias Castellanas, tom. iv. p. xii. conf. tom. i. p. 179-184.) Juan Alfonso Baena, a converted Jew, who flourished in the beginning of the fifteenth century, made a very curious collection of the poems of the Trobadores Espanoles, including his own, from which Rodriguez de Castro has given copious extracts. (Bibl. Esp. tom. i. p. 265-345.) Wolfius has given many examples of this in his Bibliotheca Hebraea.

See also Rodr. de Castro, Escritores Rabinos Espanoles del Siglo xvii. passim. See the apologetical notes of Sanchez to his collection of early Castilian poems, particularly tom. iv. p. 76, 119, 199. The following is the description, which Sanchez calls “a false and extravagant satire:” Si tovieres dineros, habras consolacion, Plaser, Š alegria, del Papa racion, Compraras paraiso, ganar s salvacion, De son muchos dineros, es mucha benedicion.

Yo vi en corte de Roma, de es la santidat, Que todos al dinero fasen grand homilidat, Grand honra le fascian con grand solenidat, Todos … el se homillan como … la magestat.

Fasie muchos Priores, Obispos, et Abades, Arzobispos, Doctores, Patriarcas, Potestades, A muchos Clerigos nescios d bales dinidades, Fasie de verdat mentiras, et de mentiras verdades.

Fasia muchos Clerigos e muchos ordenados, Muchos monges, e monjas, religiosos sagrados, El dinero los daba por bien exƒminados, A los pobres desian, que non eran letrados.

Coleccion, tom. iv. p. 76, 77. Cartas eran venidas, que disen en esta manera:

Que Clerigo nin casado de toda Talavera, Que non toviese manceba casada nin soltera, Qualquier que la toviese, descomulgado era.

Pero non alonguemos atanto las rasones, Apellaron los Clerigos, otro si los Clerisones, Fesieron luego de mano buenas apelaciones, Et dende en adelante ciertas procuraciones.

Coleccion, tom. iv. p. 280, 283. History of the progress and Suppression of the Reformation in Italy, p. 15, 48. Ginguen‚, Hist. Lit. d’ Italie, tom. iii. p. 348, 349. Antonii Bibl. Hisp.

Vet. tom. ii. p. 271, 272. From Valla’s Dedication of one of his treatises to Alfonso, it appears that they were in the habit of corresponding on classical subjects. (Laur. Vallae Opera, p. 438-445.)

Valla has also paid a compliment to the early military talents of his patron, in his work De Rebus Ferdinandi Aragoni’ Rege gestis; published in the second volume of Rerum Hispanicarum Scriptores.

Franc. 1509. Pellicer, Ensayo, p. 7-13. Antonius, Bibl. Hisp. Vet. ii. 333. Mendez, Typ. Espanola, p. 173-175, 180-182, 189. Mayans, Specimen Bibl. Hisp. Majansian’, p. 39. Ib. p. 4. Mendez, p. 233-235, 239, 243, 271, 280. Antonius, Bibl.

Hisp. Nova, i. 132-138. Argensola, Anales de Aragon, p. 358. Among the first scholars trained under Lebrixa were Andres de Cerezo, or Gutierez, the author of a Latin grammar, and Fernando Manzanares Flores, who was regarded as excelling his master in purity of style. (Mendez, 275, 278. Ignatius de Asso, De Libr. Hisp. Rar. Disquis. p. 23, 47. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Nov. i. 74, 379.) Lebrixa refers to the opposition he had met with, in the dedicatory epistle to the second edition of his Introductiones Latin’, printed in 1482. “The cultivation of languages and polite letters has given celbrity to the university of Alcala, whose principal ornament is that illustrious and truly worthy old man, Anthony of Lebrixa, who has outstripped many Nestors;” says Erasmus, in a letter to Vives. Lebrixa, in his old age, was permitted, on account of the failure of his memory, to read his lectures, contrary to the universal custom of that period. After his death, which was caused by apoplexy, the person who preached his funeral sermon ventured to imitate his example, for which he pleaded as an apology the shortness of time allowed him for preparation; but the audience no sooner saw the paper than they burst into expressions of ridicule and disapprobation. “Parecio tan mal al auditorio esta maniera de predicar por escrito, y con el papel en la mano, que todo fue sonreyr y murmurar.” (Huarte, Examen de Ingenios, p. 182.) Martyris Epist. ep. 68. Anton. ut supra, i. 170. Irving’s Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Buchanan, p. 77. 2d edit.  Mongitore, Bibl. Sicula, ii. 16-18. Martyris Epist. ep. 57. Martyris Epist. ep. 102, 103, 113, 115, 205. Gomez, Vita Ximenii, f. 37, b. 81, b. Hodius de Gr’cis Illustribus, p. 321. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Nova, i. 382. Nunez was of the order of St. Iago, and was commonly called, among his countrymen, “the Greek commendator.” (Argensola, Anales de Aragon, p. 352. His notes on the classics are praised by Lipsius, Gronovius, and other critics, who usually cite him by the name of Pincianus, from Valladolid, his native city. That he did not confine his attention to ancient learning appears from his having published, in 1502, an edition of the poems of his countryman Juan de Mena, with notes. Cyprian de Valera quotes from a collection of Spanish proverbs published by him under the title of Refranes Espanoles. (Dos Tratados,p. 288.) Marineo extols the erudition of Nunez as far superior to that of Lebrixa; but, in the first place, he expresses this opinion in a letter to the object of his panegyric; and, in the second place, he had been involved in a quarrel with Lebrixa, in which his countryman, Peter Martyr, was not disposed to take his part. (Martyris Epist. 3p. 35.) Carpzov, Introd. in Theologiam Judaicam, p. 91, 97; praefix. Pugioni Fidei H. de Porta, De Linguis Orient. p. 60. Juan I. is said to have erected two schools for Arabic; one in the island of Majorca, and the other at Barcelona. (History of the Expulsion of the Moriscoes from Spain, in Geddes’ Miscell. Tracts, vol. i. p. 30.) Simon, Lettres Choisies, tom. iii. p. 112. According to another authority, this decree was first made in a chapter held at Toledo in 1250. (Diago, Cronica Domin. Aragon. lib. i. cap. 2. lib. ii. cap. 28.) The work was composed in 1278. (Pugio Fidei, part. ii. cap. 10. • 1. p. 395, edit. Carpzovii.) Its fate is curious. Porchet, a converted Jew in the 14th century, transcribed a great part of it into a work which he composed under the title of Victoria adversus Hebraeos, which was printed in 1520. He acknowledged his obligations to Martini; an act of justice which was not done him by Galatinus, who used the same liberties in his Arcana Catholicae Veritatis, printed in 1513. De Porta says that Galatinus, when he departs from the Pugio, copies almost verbally from the Capistrum or Noose, (another work of Martini,) as he found by consulting a MS. copy of the last-named book in the library of Bologna. (De Linguis Orient. p. 62.) The plagiarism of Galatinus was first detected in 1603 by Joseph Scaliger, who however confounded Raymond Martini with Raymond Sebonde. The Pugio Fidei was at last published entire in 1651, with learned annotation by Joseph de Voisin, and elegantly reprinted in 1687, under the care of John Benedict Carpzov, who prefixed to it an Introduction to Jewish theology. Clementin. lib. v. tit. i. De Magistris. “Aiunt homines esse virum, (Ximenium) si non literis, morum tamen sanctitate, egregium.” (Martyris Epist. ep. 160.) Its publication, however, was subsequent to March 22, 1520, the date of the diploma of Leo X. prefixed to the work. Besides Demetrius Ducas, Lebrixa, and Nunez, already mentioned, the learned men who took part in this work were Diego Lopes de Zuniga, (better known by the name of Stunica, in his controversies with Erasmus and Faver Stapulensis,) Juan de Vergara, Bertolom‚ de Castro, (called the Master of Burgos,) Pablo Coronel, Alfonso, a physician of Alcala, and Alfonso de Zamora. The four persons first named had the charge of the Greek part of the work, and wrote the interlined Latin version of the Septuagint. Vergara made some important corrections on the Vulgate version of the books called Sapiential. The three last named were converted Jews, and skilled in Hebrew. The Latin translation of the Chalde Paraphrase, and the Hebrew grammar and dictionary, were the work of Zamora. The cardinal is said to have paid 4000 ducats for four Hebrew manuscripts; and the whole undertaking is computed to have cost him upwards of 50,000 ducats. The price of each copy of the Polyglot was fixed, by the bishop of Avila, at six ducats and a half; “not judging by the cost of the work, which was infinite, but by its utility.” (Mandat. Franc. Episcopi Abulensis, praefix. Bibl. Complut. alv.

Gomez, ut infra.) Alvar. Gomez, Vita Ximenii, f. 36, 37. Quintanilla, Vida, p. 135-139.

Archivo Complutense, p. 50-55. Le Long, Bibl. Sac. edit. Masch, part. i. cap. 3. 2. Goetz, Vertheidigung der Complutensischen Bibel. Many Roman catholic writers are ashamed of this conceit, (as they call it) which, if it has any meaning, implies a severe censure on the whole undertaking. Le Long suppressed it, in his account of the work. Not so Nicolas Ramus, bishop of Cuba, who, in a commentary on the words, informs us that “the Hebrew original represents the bad thief, and the Septuagint version the good thief.” Pere Simon appeared at first inclined to make the transatlantic bishop responsible both for the text and the commentary; but he afterwards acknowledges that the former is to be found in the Complutensian prologue to the reader. (Hist. Crit. du Vieux Test. p. 350; conf. p. 577.) Nicol. Clenardi Epist. p. 278. Widmanstadii Epist. Dedic. ad Ferdinandum Imp. in Nov. Test. Syriacum. Schnurrer, Bibl. Arabica, p. 16-18. the three tracts were printed at Granada in 1505, in the Arabic language, but in Castilian characters. Cyprian de Valera, Exhortacion al Christiano Lector ; prefixed to his Spanish translation of the Bible. Flechier includes “catechisms, solid and simple explanations of Christian doctrine, and other writings calculated to enlighten the minds of the people,” among the books allowed by the cardinal. (Histoire du Card. Ximenes, tom. i. p. 155.) But nothing of this kind is mentioned by Gomez, to whom he refers as his only authority. (Vita Ximenii, f. 33, a.) Gomez, ut supra. Quintanilla, Vida y Prodigios del S. Card. Ximenes, p. 225. Quintanilla, p. 141. Gomez, f. 39, a. Nic. Clenardi Epistol’, p. 229, 278-282. What Antonius has stated respecting a treatise on Christian Doctrine in Arabic, by archbishop Ayala, printed at Valencia in 1566, is more than doubtful. (Bibl. Hisp.

Nov. tom. ii. p. 108.) Simon, Hist. Crit. du Vieux Test. liv. iii. chap. 11. p. 464-466.

Colomesii Hispan. Orient. p. 212--214.--Le Long mentions “Prophet’ Priores Hebraice cum Commentario R. David Kimchi, Leiri’ in Lusitania, 1494, fol.” (Bibl. Sac. edit. Masch, part. i. cap. 1. sect 2. 37. num. 6.) If this is correct, the work referred to must have been the first Hebrew book, and the only one by a Jew, printed in the Peninsula.

None of the Spanish bibliographers appears to have seen a copy of it.

Mendez reports it incorrectly. (Typog. Esp. p. 339.) Tostati Albulensis comment. in Evang. Matthaei, cap. xiii, quaest. 18; conf. cap. ii. quaest. 57. An abridgement of his commentary on Matthew was printed, in two volumes folio, at Seville, in 1491.-- (Mendez, p. 179.) Illescas, Hist. Pontifical, tom. ii. f. 86, b. Antonii Nebrissensis Apologia pro seipso; apud Antonii Bibl Hisp. Vet. tom. ii. p. 310, 311. Sulpitii Severi Hist. Sac. lib. ii. cap. 47, 49. S. Augustini Epist. ep. 127, ad Donatum, Procons. Afric’. Burning alive was, by a constitution of Constantine, decreed as the punishment of those Jews and Colicoli who should offer violence, “saxis aut alio furoris genere,” to any who had deserted them, and embraced Christianity. (Cod. lib. i. tit. ix.  3.) The same punishment was allotted to those who should open the dikes of the Nile, by an edict of Honorius and Theodosius. (Cod. lib. ix. tit. xxxviii.) Fleury, Hist. Eccles. livre lviii. n. 54. Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. v. leg. 9. de h’reticis. Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, iii. 130, 134, 558-560. It was by an act of this council that the laity were first prohibited from having the books of the Old and New Testament. (Concil. Tolos. can. 14: Labbei Collect. tom. xi. p. 427.) Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, tom. iii. p. 131, 383, 394-5. Mosheim, cent. xiii. part ii. chap. v.  4. Llorente, chap. ii. It appears, however, from a constitution of Frederic II. that the Dominicans in 1229 acted as apostolical inquisitors in Italy, where St. Dominic had erected, under the name of the Milita of Christ, a secular order, whose employment answered to that of those afterwards called Familiars of the Inquisition. (Llorente, i. 51-54.) Concil. Illiberit. can. 22, 73. Concil. Tolet. IX. can. 17. Anno 655. Concil. Tolet. XIII. can. 11. Anno 681. Leg. Goth. lib. xii. tit. ii. de h’ret. lex 2. Pegna, Comment. in Direct. Inquis. Nic. Eimerici: Llorente, i. 31. Llorente, i. 77, 85, 97. Llorente, i. 77, 85, 88, 95. See the Interrogationes ad Haereticos, and the extracts from the proceedings of the inquisitors of Carcassone and Avignon, published in Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, tom. iii. Preuves, p. 372, 435-441. See two ancient treatises published by the Benedictine fathers, Martene and Durand, in Thesaur. Nov. Anecdot. tom. v. p. 1785-1798. Extracts from them are given by Sismondi, who has pointed out the malignant influence which the proceedings of the Inquisition exerted on the criminal jurisprudence of France. (Hist. of the Crusades against the Albigenses, p. 220-226.) Zurita, Anales, tom. ii. f. 444; conf. f. 430. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Vet. tom. ii. 205-207. In support of his opinion that the printed sermons of St. Vincent Ferrer were taken from his mouth and translated into Latin by some of his hearers, Nicolas Antonio says: “As he preached, wherever he went, in his own native tongue of Valencia, to English, French, and Italians, all of whom, by a most undoubted miracle, understood him, it is impossible that the same sermons could be conceived and delivered in the vernacular tongue, and turned into Latin, by the same individual, who was so much occupied, and preached to the people extempore and from inspiration rather than premeditation.” (Ut supra, p. 206.) With all deference to the learned historian, we should think that this reasoning, if it prove anything, proves that the hearers of St. Vincent possessed more miraculous powers than himself, and that they should have been canonized rather than the preacher. Llorente, i. 143, 144. Illescas, Hist. Pontifical, tom. ii. f. 101, a. Zurita, Anales, lib. xx. sect. 49. Llorente, i. 145, 148-151. The editions I have used are the following: “Copilacion de las Instruciones del Officio de la sancta Inquisicion, hechas por el muy reverendo Senor Fray Thomas de Torquemada,” &c. Madrid, 1576. “Copilacion de las Instrucciones del Oficio de la santa Inquisicion, hechas en Toledo, ano de mil y quinientos y sesenta y uno.” Ibid. 1612. “Quando los Inquisidores se juntaren a ver las testificaciones que resultan de alguna visita, o de otro manera, o que por otra qualquier causa se huviere recebido,” &c. (Instrucciones de 1561, art. 1.) Instruc. de 1561, art. 19. Instrucciones de 1561, art. 4. Llorente appears to have mistaken the latter part of this article, which he translates thus: “Cette mesure (l’interrogatoire) ne sert qu’… le rendre plus r‚serv‚ et plus attentif … eviter tout ce qui pourrait aggraver les soupcons ou les preuves acquises contre lui.” (Hist. de l’Inquis. tom. ii. p. 298.) The original words are: “Semejantes examenes sirven mas de avisar los testificados, que de otro buen efecto: y assi conviene mas aguardar que sobrevenga nueva provan‡a, o nuevos indicios.” Reg. Gonsalv. Montani Inquis. Hisp. Artes Detect’, p. 8, 13, 16. Instruciones de an. 1488, art. 9. Instruc. de an. 1561, art. 13-15.

Montanus, ut supra, p. 17-24. Llorente, ii. 302, 303. Frampton’s Narrative, in Strype’s Annals, i. 240, 241. Mr. Townsend relates, that the Dutch consul, with whom he became acquainted during his travels in Spain in 1787, could never be prevailed on to give an account of his imprisonment in the Inquisition at Barcelona, which had happened thirty-five years before, and betrayed the greatest agitation when pressed to say any thing about the treatment he had received. His fellow-prisoner, M. Falconet, who was but a boy, turned gray-headed during his short confinement, and to the day of his death, though retired to Montpellier, observed the most tenacious silence on the subject. He had destroyed a picture of the Virgin; and his friend, the Dutch consul, being present and not turning accuser, was considered as a partner in his guilt. (Townsend’s Journey through Spain, vol. ii. p. 336.) Llorente, in his abridgement of the constitutions of Valdes, speaks as if the witnesses were confronted with one another; (tom. ii. p. 306.) but I perceive nothing in the original document to warrant this interpretation. (Instruc. de an. 1561, art. 26.) The same historian, rather inconsistently, interprets another article as expressly prohibiting that practice; (p. 327.) whereas that article prohibits the confronting of the witnesses with the prisoner. Its title is, “No se careen los testigos con los reos.” (Instruc. de an. 1561, art. 72.) Instruc. de an. 1484, art. 16. Instruc. de an. 1561, art. 23.-- Llorente, i. 309-312. By the Instructions of 1484, the accused was allowed the benefit of a procurator, as well as an advocate; but those of deprived him of that privilege, “because it had been found to be attended with many inconveniences,” (a word frequently used in the regulations of the Inquisition as an excuse for the most glaring violations of justice,)--”porque la experiencia ha mostrado muchos inconvenientes que dello suelen resultar.” (Instruc. de an. 1561, art. 35.) If the accused is under age, he is allowed a tutor; (ib. art. 25.) but the tutelage is given to the wolf, one of the menials of the Inquisition being often appointed to that office. (Montanus, p. 34, 35.) Llorente, i. 314, 315. Montanus, 54-57. False witnesses are either such as falsely accuse a person of heresy, or such as, when interrogated, falsely declare that they know nothing against the person accused. “In the course of my researches,” says Llorente, “I have often found witnesses of this second class punished, but seldom or never those of the first.” (p. 232.) Llorente, ii. 311. Montanus 41. Instrucciones de an. 1561, art. 36. Montanus, 105. Frampton’s Narrative of his Imprisonment, in Strype’s Annals, i. 239. Llorente, i. 300. An intelligent native of Spain, who had inspected the secret prisons of the Holy Office at Barcelona, confirmed to me the account given by Llorente; adding, however, that there was one of them below ground, which answered in every respect to the description given by Montanus. Instruc. de an. 1484, art. 15. By this regulation, the prisoner, if he confesses during the torture, and ratifies his confession next day, is held as convicted, and consequently is relaxed, or doomed to the fire. The regulations of Valdes profess to qualify that law, but still in the way of leaving it to the discretion of the inquisitors to act up to it in all its severity. (Instruc. de an. 1561, art. 53.) Instruc. de an. 1561, art. 50. Llorente, i. 306-309. Ibid. p. 168. Mariana, Hist. Hisp. lib. xxiv. cap. 17. Llorente, iv. 251-256. These numbers are taken from the calculation made by Llorente, after he had, with great care and impartiality, lowered his estimates, and corrected some errors into which he had fallen in an early part of his work, owing to his not having attended to the exact years in which some of the provincial tribunals were erected. (Tom. i. 272-281, 341, 360.) Puigblanch, Inquisition Unmasked, i. 158. According to this author the number of the reconciled and banished in Andalusia, from 1480 to 1520, was a hundred thousand; while forty-five thousand were burnt alive in the archbishopric of Seville. (Ibid. vol. ii. p. 180.) Llorente, i. 319-321. Hence the proverb: Devant l’Inquisition, quand on vient … jub‚, Si l’on ne sort r”ti, l’on sort au moins flamb‚. Ibid. i. 281, 456. Anton. Nebriss. Apologia pro seipso: Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Nova, tom. ii. 138. Llorente, i. 345. Ginguen‚, Hist. Liter. d’Italie, tom. iii. p. 271. Llorente, i. 151. This is astonishing; but what follows is still more so. “During my residence in London (says Llorente) I heard some catholics say, that the Inquisition had been useful in Spain by preserving the catholic faith; and that it would have been well for France if she had had a similar establishment.” “An English catholic priest, in my hearing, made an apology for it.” (Ibid. pref. p. xxi. and tom. ii. p. 288.) Mariana, Hist. Hisp. lib. xxiv. cap. 17. Pulgar, Chronic. de los Reyes Catol. part. ii. cap. 77. Llorente refers, as witnesses of the fact, to Galindez de Carabajal, historiographer of Ferdinand and Isabella, and to Andres Bernaldez, chaplain of the inquisitor-general Deza. (Tom. i. p. 185.) Pulgar, a contemporary writer of great judgment and taste, was not merely an enemy to the Inquisition, but opposed the corporal punishment of heretics, and maintained that they ought to be restrained only by pecuniary mulcts. (Ferdinandi de Pulgar Epistol’, a Juliano Magon, p. 17-19.) This letter, preserved in the Royal Library of Madrid, is not to be found in the edition of Ayora’s Letters. (Llorente, i. 349.) Martyris Epistol’, ep. 393. Martyr’s Letters, being published out of Spain, escaped the hands of the expurgatores. Llorente, chap. vi. art. 3; chap. viii. art. 6. Ibid. chap. vi. art. 6. Ibid. chap. x. art. 8; chap. xi. art. 1, 2, 3. Martyris Epist. ep. 342, 370.

Quintanilla, p. 169. Quintanilla, p. 173. Llorente, i. 365-367. Quintanilla, ut supra. Llorente, iv. 255. Martyris Epist. ep. 333, 334, 342, 370, 393. Quintanilla, p. 168, 169.

Llorente, i. 345-353. See also the letter of the archbishop to the catholic king, published in Llorente’s Appendix, no. IX. Martyr speaks of Luzero as condemned; but Quintanilla says he was pronounced innocent, and it is certain he continued his bishopric. After settling that affair, Ximenes held an auto-da-fe, in which fifty Jews were burnt alive; “one of the best singeings (says Quintanilla) that had yet been seen;”-- ”la mejor chamusquina que se avia visto.” As an instance of the illusion which a great name throws over the mind of an impartial writer, it may be noticed, that Llorente begins his account of the number of victims who suffered during the time that Ximenes was inquisitor-general, with these words: “Ximenes permitted the condemnation,” &c. (Tom. i. p. 360.) Sismondi. The work is entitled Del regimento de Principes, and is preserved in MS. in the library of St. Isidore at Madrid. That part of it which relates to the Inquisition has been published by Llorente, in the appendix to his work, no. x.; and is a most interesting document. Llorente produces no evidence to support his opinion that it was the production of Ximenes. Llorente, i. 164. Llorente i., 239-256. The despatch of the Spanish court on this occasion, and the reply made to the ambassador, are given by Argensola, in his Anales de Aragon, p. 373-376. Llorente, i. 240, 247, 392, 395; ii. 81. Llorente, chap. xi. art. 5. This is stated in a letter from Froben to Luther, dated 14 Feb. 1519; (Luther’s S„mtliche Schriften, edit. Walch, tom. xv. p. 1631, 1632.) and in a letter from Wolfg. Fabricius Capito to the same, dated calend. Martii, 1519. (Fabricii Centifolium Lutheranum, tom. i. p. 318.)

From Froben’s letter it appears that he had also sent copies of the book to England. Beausobre, Hist. of the Reform. vol. i. p. 262. Gerdesii Hist. Reform. tom. iii. 168, not. g. Pallavicini, Istor. Concil. Trent. p. 33. The cardinal says, that the persons who procured these works “must have sprung from Moorish blood; for who would suspect the Old Christians of Spain of such an action?” Valdes’s first letter is dated from Brussels, prid. cal. Sept. 1520; and his second from Worms,3 id. Maii, 1521. (Martyris Epist. ep. 689, 722.) There is some reason to think that the first of these letters was printed at the time. (Ukert, Luther’s Leben, ii. 100.) Martyris Epist. p. 412. Vita Pellicani: Melch. Adami Vit’ Germ. Theol. p. 288. Llorente, i. 398. Ibid., i. 419, 457. Vives Erasmo, 19 Jan. 1522: Epistol’ Thom’ Mori et Lud. Vives, col. 91. Llorente, ii. 6, 7, 423. Vives, in a letter to Erasmus, intimates that Manrique wished to restrain the fury of the Inquisition. (Epistol’, ut supra, col. 109.) Erasmi Epistolae, ep. 884, 907, 910. Burscheri Spicilegia Autogr.

Erasm. spic. v. p. 12, 20, 24. Llorente, i. 459-462. A Spanish translation of the Enchiridion of Erasmus was printed in 1517, and met with such encouragement that it was intended to publish his Paraphrase in the same language. (Epistol’ T. Mori et L. Vives, col. 107; conf.

Schlegel, Vita Spalatini, p. 111, not. 1.) John Maldonat, counsellor to Charles V., in a letter, dated Burgos, 3 cal. Dec. 1527, after mentioning a certain Dominican who had been active in inflaming the minds of his brethren against Erasmus, adds, “He has acted in the same way with certain intermeddling nuns, and with some noble women, who in this country have great influence over their husbands in what relates to religion.” (Burscheri Spicil. ut supra, p. 24.) Llorente, ii. 430, 454. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Nova, ii. 29. Gomez, while he eulogizes the talents and services of Lerma and Cadena, passes over the cause of their disgrace. (Vita Ximenii, p. 79, 83, 224, 225.) Ibid., ii. 7, 8. Vives, in a letter to Erasmus, 10 May 1534, says, “We live in difficult times, in which one can neither speak nor be silent without danger. Vergara and his brother Tovar, with some other learned men in Spain, have been apprehended.” (Epistol’ T. Mori et L.

Vives, col. 114.) The following is a specimen of one of the poems composed at that time in Spain:

We have mentioned elsewhere the ridicule with which the Germans in the imperial army treated Clement VII. during his imprisonment. (Hist. of the Reformation in Italy, p. 59-61.) It appears that the Spaniards took part in the scene. They composed a new pater-noster in verse, with which they serenaded his Holiness. The following is one of the coplas, alluding to his claims on Milan: Padre nuestro en quanto Papa, Soys Clemeynte, sin que os quadre:

Mas reniego yo del Padre, Que al hijo quita la capa.

Dos Tratados, p. 216. Buschingii Comment. de Vestigiis Lutheranismi in Hispania,  2, not. (d.) Goetting. 1755. Luther’s Samtliche Schriften, tom. xv. p. 2309. Christ. Aug. Salig, Historie der Augspurgischen Confession, tom. i. p. 225. This is the advice of which Melanchthon speaks with satisfaction, in a letter to Luther; (Epist. Melanch. lib. i. ep. 5.) and which is highly praised by Spalatinus. (Annales, p. 143, 144.) “But where were these pious impartial persons to be found?” says Salig. (Historie, ut supra, p. 227.) See above, p. 124. Melanchthonis Epist. lib. iv. ep. 95; conf. lib. i. ep. 2, lib. iv. ep. Valdes translated the Augsburg Confession into Spanish. (Salig, i. 224.) The same task was afterwards performed by Sandoval. (Fabricii Centif. Lutheran. i. 111.) But it is probable that neither of these translations was printed. (Ukert, Luther’s Leben, i. 279.) The following is a specimen of the manner in which the Spanish poets were accustomed to couple the reformers with the worst heretics and greatest enemies of religion: El Germano Martin la despedaza:

Arrio, Sabelio, Helvidio & Justiniano Siguen de Cristo la homicida caza, Calvino con Pelagio y el Nestoriano Como tras fiera van tras El caza:

Quien toma pierna o pie, quien brazo o mano:

Denuncia guerra Acab contra Miquea, Y Malco Dios de nuevo abofetea.

Francisco de Aldan, Obras: Floresta de Rimas Antiguas Castellanas, vol. i. p. 180. Salig, i. 186, 187. Schlegel, Vita Spalatini, p. 121, 122. Coelestin has inserted what he considers as the paper referred to, consisting of articles. (Hist. Aug. Comit. tom. i. f. 94.) But Seckendorf is of opinion that it is not the work of Melanchthon. (Hist. Lutheranismi, lib. ii. p. 166.) Llorente, ii. 280, 281. Burscheri Spicil. v. p. 17, 20. In a letter, dated Valeoleti, 13 kal. Jun. 1527, Virves blames Erasmus for taking freedoms in his writings which were offensive to himself and others of his friends. In another letter to him, dated Ratispona, 15 April 1532, he says, “ In the mean time I am busy with preaching, having this for my object, that if I cannot reclaim the Germans from error, I may at least preserve the Spaniards from infection.” (Burscheri Spicil. v. p. 12- 14, 16.) Llorente, ii. 8-14. Virves, Philippic’ Disputationes, apud Llorente, ii. 15. Llorente, ii. 13. Llorente, i. 457--459; ii. 1, 2. Reginaldus Gonsalvius Montanus, Inquisitioinis Hispanic’ Artes Detect’, p. 31-33. Heydelberg’, 1567, 8vo. An accurate account of the state of learning in Portugal during the first part of the sixteenth century is given by Dr. Irving in his Memoirs of Buchanan, p. 75-88. Diego Sigea is said by Vassaeus, in his Chronicle of Spain, to have been the first or among the first restorers of polite letters in Portugal. He was the father of two learned females, Luisa and Angela, the former of whom was skilled in Hebrew, Syriac, and Arabic, as well as in Latin and Greek. (Colomesii Italia et Hispania Orientalis, p. 236, 237. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Nov. tom. ii. p. 71, 72.) Fabricii Centifol. Luth. tom. i. p. 85-88. Llorente, ii. 100. Llorente, ii. 4. History of the Reformation in Italy, p. 16, 121, 122. Llorente is disposed to identify him with Alfonso Valdes, whom we have already mentioned, and to call him Juan Alfonso Valdes. (ii. 478; iii. 221.) But they were evidently different persons. The latter was a priest; (see Burscheri Spicil. v. p. 17.) the former was a knight: the latter is styled secretary to Charles V.; the former, royal secretary at Naples. Llorente, iii. 185-187. Llorente, ii. 478; iii. 221, 244, 245. Marco Antonio Flaminio, in a letter to Carlo Gualteruccio, has given a just character of the work of Thomas … Kempis. After recommending it highly, he says, “One fault I find with this book; I do not approve of the way of fear which he recommends. Not that I would set aside every kind of fear, but merely penal fear, which proceeds either from unbelief or weak faith.” The whole letter is excellent. Cardinal Quirini produced it with the view of showing that the writer was not a protestant, whereas there cannot be a stronger proof to the contrary, so far as doctrine is concerned. (Quirini Pr’fat. p. 69, 70. ad Collect. Epist. Poli, vol. iii.) The most distinguished of the mystic authors of the middle ages besides A Kempis and Tauler, were Ruysbrok and Harph. Those who wish information respecting this class of writers, will find it in Gottf.

Arnoldi Historia Theologi’ Mystic’ Veteris et Novae; in Andr. de Saussay de Mysticis Galli’ Scriptoribus; and in the Preface to the edition of Tauler’s works by Philip James Spener. Pellicer, Ensayo, p. 124’134. Llorente, iii. 103-107, 123. The illuminati of Spain in the 16th century, if we may judge from the accounts of the inquisitors, resembled the quakers, rather more than the quietists of France. (Ib. ii.3.) Ibid. iii. p. 106, 123. Luther’s S„mtliche Schriften, tom. xxi. p. 566. Philip Marnix, Sieur de St. Aldegonde, had a less favorable opinion of Tauler, whom he calls “delirus monachus.” He was afraid of certain enthusiasts in the Low Countries, who sought to gain credit to their cause by the name of that preacher, while they taught that God was the soul of the universe, and deified not only men, but brutes and vegetables. (Scrinium Antiquarium, tom. iv. p. 544, 545.) Beza was chiefly offended with Valdes for leading his readers from the scriptures to revelations of the Spirit. That he had good reason, must appear to any one who reads the sixty-third chapter of the Divine Considerations. Its title is, “By seven conformities is shewed that the Holy Scripture is like a candle in a dark place, and that the Holy Spirit is like the sun.” To the English translation of the work, printed in 1646, George Herbert added notes, qualifying the most exceptionable passages. His commentary on the Epistle to the Romans was published in Spanish at Venice in 1556, with a dedication, by his countryman Juan Perez, to Julia Gonzaga. (Gerdesii Italia Reformata, p. 344.) The following is the title of another of his commentaries: “Commentario breve, • declaracion compendiosa, y familiar, sobre la primera epistola de San Pablo … los Corinthios, muy util para todos los amadores de la piedad Christiana.” In the Spanish Index Expurg. this work is mentioned both with and without the author’s name. (Bayle, Dict. v.

Valdes.) Schelhorn promised to “produce not a few testimonies to the truth” from a work by the same author, of which two editions were published in Italy, translated from Spanish, and entitled, “Due Dialoghi: l’uno di Mercurio et Caronte; Paltro di Lattantio et di uno Archidiacono.” (Amon. Hist. Eccl. et Lit. tom. ii. p. 51.) He elsewhere ascribes to him a work entitled, “Modo di tenere, nell’ insegnar et nel predicar, al principio della Religion Christiana.” (Erg”tzlichkeiten, tom. ii. p. 31. Both these works are in the Index Libr. Prohib. a. 1559.

Llorente makes Valdes the author of another work, which he calls Acharo. (ii. 478.) Montanus, p. 268. Cypriano de Valera has given an account of Rodrigo de Valer in his Dos Tratados:--del Papa, y de la Missa, p. 242-246. The second edition of this work was printed, “En casa de Ricardo del Campo, (Richard Field) ano de 1599.” An English translation of it appeared under the title of “Two Treatises: the first, of the Lives of the Popes, and their doctrine; the second, of the Masse, &c. The second edition in Spanish, augmented by the author himself, M. Cyprian Valera, and translated into English by John Golburne.” London, 1600, 4to. But both Cypriano de Valera, and Llorente (ii. 147-149.) have borrowed their accounts from that of Reynaldo Gonzalez de Montes, (or Montanus) in his Inquisitionis Hispanic’ Artes Detect’, p. 259-264. The narrative of De Montes is original and authentic, as he received the particulars from the mouth of Valer’s disciple, Dr. Juan Gil, (or Egidius) with whom he was intimate at Seville. Montanus, ut supra, p. 259. Cypriano de Valera says, “cerca del ano 1545.” (Dos Tratados, p. 246.) Montanus, p. 256-259, 265. Ibid., p. 231. Montanus, p. 266. Soto was a disciple of St. Thomas, and addicted to the sentiments of Augustine, as appears from his treatise de Natura et Gratia, addressed to the fathers of Trent, in opposition to Catharinus, and appended to his Commentary on the Romans, printed at Antwerp in 1550. Montanus, p. 266-272. Llorente, ii. 144-147. Montanus, p. 271. Speaking of his letters produced on the trial of Carranza, Llorente says: “All these documents prove that F. Domingo Soto was guilty of collusion in regard to two parties, which he cheated, first the one after the other, and afterwards both of them at the same time.” (ii. 146.)

The ex-secretary of the Inquisition might have spared the strictures which he subjoins on the protestant prejudices of his countryman De Montes, and on his fanaticism in regarding it as a mark of divine justice that three of the capital persecutors of Egidius died during his imprisonment. The zeal of the friend of Egidius may have carried him too far in interpreting the ways of Providence; but what means the following sentence? “One cannot help rejoicing at the disgrace which Providence had reserved for F. Domingo Soto, to serve as a lesson to men of his character.” (Llorente, ut supra.) Lettres et M‚moires de Fran‡ois de Vargas, traduits par Mich. le Vassor, p. 194, 195. “Esclavo.” “Mis pobres sacrificios.” Lettres et M‚moires de Vargas, p. 193, 195, 196. Ibid., p. 303. Ibid. p. 514, 515, 522. Simon, Lettres Choisies, tom. i. p. 252-254. See their Postulata to the Council in Schelhorn, Amonit. Eccles. tom. ii. p. 584-590. Conf. Vargas, Lettres et M‚moires, p. 210. The Royal Council of Castile addressed a memorial to the Council of Trent, urging a variety of ecclesiastical reforms. but desirable as many of these certainly were, we cannot help feeling pleased at the rejection of the whole, when we find the following article among them: “That the pope shall support the Inquisition, and attempt nothing to the prejudice of an institution so necessary to the welfare of these kingdoms--porque el officio de la santa Inquisicion es muy necessario en estos reynos, conviene ser muy favorecido.” (Vargas, ut supra, p. 162, 167.) Vargas, p. 235, 254. The name of this bishop was Francisco Blanco. In 1558 he gave a recommendation to the catechism of Carranza, but retracted it during the prosecution of the author for heresy, and was rewarded with the archbishopric of Santiago. (Llorente, iii. 301, 302.) Simon, Lettres Choisies, tom. i. p. 254. Vargas, p. 43, 57, 224, 233. Vargas, p. 66, 246-248. Ibid., p. 207-8, 211, 225-6, 233. Llorente, ii. 223; iii. 230, 231. Ibid. ii. 138. Montanus, p. 273. Histoire des Martyrs, p. 500, 501. De Montes praises his commentaries on Genesis, on some of the Psalms, the Song of Solomon, and the Epistle to the Colossians; but especially a treatise on bearing the cross, which he composed in prison. Montanus, p. 274. Llorente, ii. 139, 144, 273. Erasmi Epistol’, ep. 427. Luther’s S„mtliche Schriften, tom. xv.

Anhang, p. 192; tom. xxi. p. 790, 806. Gerdesii Hist. Reform. tom. ii. p. 131; tom. iii. p. 25. Life of John Knox, vol. i. note I. Sleidani Comment. tom. ii. p. 222-236. edit. Am Ende. Pellicer, Ensayo de una Biblioteca de Traductores Espanoles, p. 78.

Act. et Monim. Martyrum, f. 122-125, 4to. Histoire des Martyrs, f. 146-148, folio. Pellicer, following the Latin Martyrology, represents San-Roman’s conversion to the protestant faith as having taken place in 1545; but the large French history of Martyrs places it in 1540, which is ascertained to be the true date from collateral facts mentioned in the text. Llorente gives no account of San-Ramon’s martyrdom, but, in a transient allusion to it, (tom. iii. p. 188.) seems to say that it happened in 1540.

The Histoire des Martyrs, whose authority I am inclined to prefer, fixes on 1544 as the year of his death. Montanus, p. 273. Llorente, ii. 144. Encina in Spanish, like DLH in Greek, signifies an oak. Pellicer thinks that Francisco Enzinas adopted the name of Dryander for the purpose of concealment, after his escape from prison at Brussels in 1545. (Ensayo, p. 80.) But we find him subscribing Franciscus Dryander to a letter written in 1541. (Gerdesii Hist. Reform. tom. iii. append. p. 86.)

It was customary at that period for learned men to change their names into Greek ones of the same signification; as Reuchlin (smoke) into Capnio, Gerard (amiable) into Erasmus, and Schwartzerd (black earth) into Melanchthon. Illustrium et clarorum Virorum Epistol’ Selectiores, script’ a Belgis vel ad Belgas, p. 55, 58. Lugd. Bat. 1617. The letter from Jacobus Dryander, inserted in that work, throws much light on his character and family. Teissier, Eloges, tom. i. p. 199. Melanchthonis Epistol’, col. 817. In another letter, written in the course of the same year, 1543, Melanchthon bestows great praise on an orrery which Juan Dryander had constructed. (Ibid. col. 818.) Jacobus Dryander Georgio Cassandro: Epistol’ Selectiores, ut supra, p. 55-65. Eustathius a Knobelsdorf Georgio Cassandro: ibid. p. 38-45.

Had not the facts been attested by two such credible eyewitnesses we might have suspected the author of the Martyrology of exaggeration in his narrative of the shocking scene. Dryander’s letter is dated “20 Februarii;” and that it was written in 1541, appears from comparing it with the Histoire des Martyrs, f. 119, b. Epistol’ Selectiores, p. 66. I have not seen this catechism mentioned elsewhere. Pellicer, Ensayo, p. 78, 79. Hist. des Martyrs, f. 159. Beza places his martyrdom in 1545, by mistake. (Icones, sig. Kk ij.) Gerdes (Hist.

Reform. iii. 165.) calls him Nicolas Ensinas; probably misled by the letter N. put before his name in the Actiones et Monim. Martyrum, (f. 151, a.) which merely intimates that the writer of the article was ignorant of the martyr’s Christian name. Pellicer calls him “el doctor Juan de Ensinas,” confounding him with one of his brothers already mentioned. Calvini Epist. p. 39: Opera, tom. ix. Seckendorf, Hist. Lutheranismi, lib. iii. p. 623. He had another brother named Esteban, who entered his noviciate, along with Father Ribadeneyra, among the Jesuits, but left the order, and is said to have been killed in a duel (Ribadeneyra, Dialogo sobre los que se salen de Religion, MS.: Pellicer, Ensayo, p. 74.) Y si es asi, la dar‚ Senor mi mismo hermano Y en nada reparare.

So let him die, for sentence Ortiz pleads; Were he my brother, by this hand he bleeds.

Lope de Vega, Estrella de Sevilla. Sleidani Comment. tom. ii. p. 458. Supulved’ Opera, tom. ii. p. 132. One of these narratives was written by Melanchthon, under the title of Historie von Alfonso Diacio. (Sleidan, ii. 440, not. i.) An ample account is given in Act. et Monim. Martyrum, f. 126, b.-139, a. conf.

Sleidan, ii. 435-441. Seckendorf, lib. iii. p. 653-658. Calvini Epist. p. 39: Opera, tom. ix. Calvin mentions that Diaz had left Geneva, “cum duobus Senarclenis.” (Epistol’, p. 39: Opera, tom. ix.) Maimbourg imputes the departure of Diaz from Geneva to his dislike of the harsh temper and opinions of the Genovese reformer; one of the fictions of that disingenuous historian, which is refuted by the statement of Senarcle, (Hist. Diazii, ut infra, p. 33, 34.) and by the fact that Diaz maintained a confidential correspondence with Calvin after the period referred to. (Lettres de Calvin a Jaque de Burgogne, Seigneur de Falais et de Bredam, p. 48, 56. Amst. 1744.) Historia vera de Morte sancti uiri Joannis Diazii Hispani, quem eius frater germanus Alphonsus Diazius, exemplum sequutus primi parricid’ Cain, uelut alterum Abelem, nefariŠ interfecit: per Claudium Senarcl’um, 1546, 8vo. Prefixed to the work is an epistle from Martin Bucer to count Otho Henry, and another from the author to Bucer.

Appended to it is a short treatise by the martyr, under the following title: Christian’ Religionis Summa: ad illustrissimum principem Dominuum D. Ottonem Heinricum, Palatinum Rheni, et utriusque Bavari’ Ducem. Joanne Diazio Hispano autore. Senarclaeus, Hist. de Morte Diazii, p. 169; et Buceri Epist. pr’fix. sig. “ 5, b. Bezae Icones, sig. Kk. iij. Act. et Monim. Martyrum, f. 138, b, 139, a. Sepulveda expressly says, “the news of the slaughter were disagreeable to none of our countrymen--de patrata nece nuntius nulli nostrorum ingratus;” and he adds that the emperor evidently showed, by protecting Alfonso, that he approved of his spirit and deed. (Sepulved’ Opera, tom. ii. p. 132.) Maimbourg, who wrote at the close of the 17th century, condemns the murder, but his narrative shows that he felt little abhorrence at it. (Hist. du Lutheranisme, sect. 37.) Joannis Genesii Sepulved’ Opera, tom. ii. p. 127-132. Matriti, 1780, 4to. Francisus Dryander Joanni a Lasco Baroni, Lovanii x. die Maii 1541:

Gerdesii Hist. Reform. tom. iii. append. no. vii. Conf. Epist.

Selectiores, p. 58. Du Cange, Glossarium, v. Romancium. Constitutiones Jacobi regis Aragonum adversus H’reticos: Martene et Durand, Veter. Script. et Monum. Hist. Collect. tom. vii. p. 123, 124. Rodriguez de Castro, Bibl. Espanola, tom. i. p. 411-426, where extracts of the translation are given from the MS. in the Library of the Escurial. Le Long, Bibl. Sacr. tom. i. p. 361. Paris. 1723, 2 tom fol. Rodriguez de Castro, i. 431-440. Ocios de Espanoles Emigrados, tom. i. p. 39. Ferdinand and Isabella prohibited all, under the severest pains, from translating the sacred scripture into the vulgar tongue, or from using it when translated by others. (Alphonsus de Castro contra H’reses, lib. i. cap. 13; apud Schelhorn, Amonit. Liter. tom. viii. p. 485.) It is mentioned by Frederico Furio, in a treatise entitled Bonomia, printed in 1556; (Rodriguez de Castro, Bibl. Espan. i. 448.) and by Cypriano de Valera, in his Exhortacion al Christiano Lector, prefixed to his Spanish Bible printed in 1602. The imprint has been copied in Bayer’s edition of Antonii Bibl. Hisp.

Vet. tom. ii. p. 214, note (2.); in Mendez, Typogr. Espan. p. 62; and in Ocios de Espanoles Emigrados, tom. i. p. 36. Along with the imprint, the translation, from Rev. xx. 8. to the close of the book, is given by Rodriguez de Castro, Biblioteca Espanola, tom. i. p. 444-448. Frederici Furii Bononia, apud Le Long, Bibl. Sacra, tom. i. p. 362.

Before meeting with this authority, I was inclined to think that Dr.

Alexander Geddes had alluded to the original impression of Ferrer’s version, of which he mistook the date, when he says, “A Spanish translation of the Bible was printed in 1516. It has been so totally destroyed that hardly a copy of it is to be found.” (Prospectus of a New Translation of the Bible, p. 109.) Quere: Was a single copy to be found? According to Furio, the date of printing was 1515. Gerdesii Hist. Reform tom. iii. p. 166. The work appeared under the following title: “El Nuevo Testamento de nuestro Redemptor y Salvador Jesu Christo, traduzido de Griego en lengua Castellana, por Fran‡isco de Enzinas, dedicado a la Cesarea Magestad. Habla Dios. Josue, i. No se aparte el libro de esta ley, &c. m.d.xliii.” On the reverse is a quotation from Deut. xvii. Then follows the dedication to Charles V., to which are added four Spanish coplas.

The imprint at the end of the work is, “Acabose de imprimir este libro en la insigne ‡ibdad de Enveres, en casa de Estevan Mierdmanno, impressor de libros, a 25. de Octubre, en el anno del Senor de m.d.xliii.” The work is divided into chapters, but not into verses; and is beautifully printed in small 8vo. Soto afterwards accompanied Philip II. into England, and was incorporated at Oxford, 14 Nov. 1555. (Wood’s Fasti Oxon, edit.

Bliss, p. 148.) After taking an active part in the prosecution of the English protestants, he was himself prosecuted, on his return to Spain, before the inquisition of Valladolid, as suspected of heresy. (Llorente, iii. 88.) One fault found with the translation was, that Rom. iii. 28. was put in large characters, which had been done by the printer without any directions from the author. Enzinas was at Wittenberg in February 1543. (Melanchthonis Epist. col. 570.) “I am persuaded,” says Melanchthon, in a letter to Camerarius, 25 Dec. 1545, “you will feel great pleasure in reading the letter of Francis my Spanish guest, written from his prison in Belgium. His magnanimity will delight you.” (Epistol’, col. 842.) Melanchthonis Epist. col. 848. Gerdesii hist. Reform. iii. 173. In a letter to his friend Camerarius, 16 cal. Aprilis 1545, Melanchthon says, “Our Spanish friend Franciscus has returned, being set free by a divine interposition, without the help of any man, so far as he knows at least. I have enjoined him to draw up a narrative of the affair, which shall be sent you.” (Epist. col. 848.) This narrative was printed at Antwerp in 1545. It is inserted at length by Rabus, in his German Martyrology, vol. vii. p. 1707-2319, and abridged by Gerdes, in his Hist. Reform. tom. iii. p. 166-172. Melanchthon Camerario, 20 Aug. 1545: Epistol’, col. 858. Ibid. col. 874. Melanchthonis Epist. col. 494, 522, 911. Strype’s Mem. of Cranmer, p. 404. Gerdesii Scrin. Antiquar. tom. iii. p. 644; iv. 666. Letters from him are to be found in Gabbema, Collect. epist. Clar. Viror. p. 40; Olympi’ Morat’ Opera, p. 333; Fox’s Acts and Monuments, p. 1628, edit. 1596; and in the Library of Corpus Christi; Nasmyth’s Catalogue, no. cxix. 94. Enzinas was the author of a Spanish translation of Plutarch’s Lives, (Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Nova, tom. i. p. 422.) and of “Breve Description del Pais Baxo, y Razon de la Religion en Espana;” which last work, according to Gerdes, contains the narrative of his imprisonment and escape, and was printed both in Latin and French. (Gerdesii Florilegium Librorum Rariorum, p. 111.) Pellicer, Ensayo, p. 80. Rodriguez de Castro, Bibl. Espan. tom. i. p. 449. Rodriguez de Castro, Bibl. Espan. tom. i. p. 448. Such is the opinion of Wolfius, (Bibl. Hebr. tom. ii. p. 451.) who has been followed by Clement, Brunet, and Dibdin, in his ‘des Althorpian’, tom. i. p. 86. Cassiodoro de Reyna, Amonestacion, prefixed to his Spanish translation of the Bible. Rodriguez de Castro, i. 401-408; where the opinion of the writers referred to in the preceding note is examined.

Usque dedicated his edition to Dona Gracia Naci; and Pinel to the duke of Ferrara. The latter adopts the Christian era, and in the translation of Isa. vii. 14. makes use of the word virgen, whereas the former uses moza. But they agree exactly in their translation of all the other passages which have been the subject of dispute between Jews and Christians; and the versions are almost entirely the same. Llorente (ii. 280.) calls him “Jean Perez de Pineda.” Beza designates him “Joannes Pierius.” Pellicer, Ensayo de Traductores Espan. p. 120. Bezae Icones, sig. Ii. iij. “El Testamento Nuevo de nuestro Senor y Salvador Jesu Christo.

Nueva y filemente traduzido del original Griego en Romance Castellano. En Venecia, en casa de Juan Philadelpho. m.d.lvi.” It is dedicated, “Al todo poderoso Rey de cielos y tierra Jesu Christo,” &c. (Pellicer, Ensayo, p. 120, 121. Riederer, Nachrichten, tom. ii. p. 145- 152.) The author’s name does not appear in the book; but Le Long says that Juan Perez states, in the prologue to his version of the Psalms, that he had published a version of the New Testament in the preceding year. This prologue was not in the copy examined by Pellicer. Cypriano de Valera says, “El doctor Juan Perez, de pia memoria, ano de 1556, imprimio el Testamento Nuevo.” (Exhortacion prefixed to his Spanish Bible. Conf. Abbate D. Giov. Andres dell’ Origine d’ogni Letteratura, tom. xix. p. 238.) Los Psalmos de David, con sus sumarios, en que se declara con brevedad lo contenido en cada Psalmo, agora nueva y fielmente traduzidos en romance Castellano, por el doctor Juan Perez, conforme a la verdad de la Lengua Sancta. En Venecia, en casa de Pedro Daniel. m.d.lvii.” the work is dedicated, “A Dona Maria de Austria, Reyna de Hungria y de Bohemia.” A Spanish translation of the Psalter, the Proverbs of Solomon, and the Book of Job, had been printed at Lyons in 1550. (Riederer, Nachrichten, tom. ii. p. 146.) Antonii Bibl Hisp. Nova, i. 757. Llorente, ii. 280. The last-named author, by mistake, ascribes to Perez a translation of the Bible. See above, p. 145; and Pellicer, Ensayo, p. 120. Bez’ Icones, sig. Ii. iij. Miscellanea Groningana, tom. iii. p. 98-100. Rodruguez de Castro, tom. i. p. 464-468. Rodriguez de Castro, i. 468-470. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Nova, tom. i. p. 234, 235. In 1602, the same year in which De Valera’s Bible was printed at Amsterdam, another edition of De Reyna’s was printed at Frankfort, in 4to. (Riederer, Nachrichten, tom. iv. p. 265-270.) The Basque New Testament was printed at Rochelle, and dedicated to Joan d’Albret, queen of Navarre. (Larramendi, Diccionario Trilingue del Castellano, Bascuence y Latin, prologo, sect. 20. Andres dell ‘Origine d’ogni Letteratura, tom. xix. p. 239.)

It would be improper to pass over another version, as it bears the name of Enzinas, so honorably connected with the translation of the scriptures. In 1708, there was printed at Amsterdam, a Spanish version of the New Testament, “corregido y revisto por D. Sebastian de la Enzina, ministro de la Yglesia Anglicano y Predicador de la illustre congregacion de los honorables senores tratantes en Espana.” This translation is the same with that of Valera, except that the contents of chapters are not inserted, and the marginal notes are either omitted or put at the foot of the page. (Pellicer, Ensayo, p. 156. Rodriguez de Castro, i. 499-501.) Dr. Alexander Geddes’s Prospectus, p. 109. Preface by Don Felix Torres Amat, bishop elect of Barcelona, to his Spanish translation of the New Testament, in 1823. Scio’s Bible consisted of no fewer than 19 volumes 8vo. Of Amat’s New Testament, in 2 vols. 4to, copies were printed in Latin and Castilian, and only 500 in Castilian alone. Gerdesii Hist. Reform. tom. iii. p. 169, 170. So late as 1747, D.

Francisco Perez del Prado, the inquisitor general, lamented, “that some men carried their audacity to the execrable extreme of asking permission to read the sacred scriptures in the vulgar tongue, not afraid of finding in them the most deadly poison.” (Llorente, i. 481.) He is commonly called Fredericus Furius Caeriolanus, that is, of Seriol, the vulgar name of Valencia. The title of his work is “Bononia; sive de Libris Sacris in vernaculam linguam con vertendis Libri duo.” Basile’, a. 1556. He has commemorated the opposition which he met with, in some elegant Latin verses addressed to cardinal Mendoza. (Schelhorn, Amonit.

Literari’, tom. viii. p. 485, 486.) Furio also wrote encomiastic verses on Castalio’s version of the Bible. (Colomesii Italia et Hispania Orientalis, p. 102.) Index Libr. Prohib. a. 1559. lit. F. Thuani Hist. lib. civ. cap. 7. Llorente, i. 464, 465. Montanus, p. 217. Bez’ Icones, sig. Ii. iij. b. Histoire des Martyrs, p. 497. Llorente represents Hernandez as having undertaken a journey from Spain to Geneva with the view of bringing home the contraband books. (ii. 282.) Montanus, et Histoire des Martyrs, ut supra. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Nov. tom. i. p. 256. Geddes’s Miscell. Tracts, vol. i. p. 556. Montanus, p. 269, 282. Jacobi Schopperi Oratio de vita et obitu Parentis, p. 26-28: Gerdesii Scrin. Antiq. tom. iv. p. 648. Montanus, p. 283; conf. p. 214. Ibid., p. 279, 283. Doblada’s Letters from Spain, p. 106, 107. Montanus, p. 284-287. Montanus, p. 294-297. Histoire des Martyrs, f. 502, b. -506, a. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. Nova, tom. i. p. 256. It was printed at Antwerp, without date, under the title of “Summa de Doctrina Christiana;” and appended to it was “El Sermon de Christo nuestro Redemptor en el monte, traducido por el mismo autor, con declaraciones.” Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V. p. 237. Joan. Pineda, Comment. in Fab.

Justiniani Indic. Univ. pr’f. cap. xiii. sect. 6. Montanus, p. 294, 295. Llorente (ii. 256-7.) refers to De Montes in support of this fact. I do not find it stated by that writer, whom he probably confounded with some other authority. Montanus, p. 50-53. Llorente (ii. 267.) is of opinion that the inquisitors did not entirely discredit the information of Maria Gomez, and that it led to the subsequent discovery and apprehension of the protestants in Seville. When afterwards aroused by new informations, the names mentioned by her might assist their inquiries; but it is not very probable that they would have remained inactive during two years, if they had credited her testimony. Cypriano de Valera, Dos Tratados, p. 249, 251. Montanus, p. 231, 232. Llorente, ii. 264, 270. Cypriano de Valera, ut supra, p. 251. Montanus, p. 210, 211. Montanus, p. 200, 201. Sepulveda says he was “of the illustrious house of the Guzmans.” (De Rebus gestis Caroli V. p. 541.) Skinner, in his additions to Montanus, says, “He was bastarde brother to the duke de Medina Sidonia.” (A Discovery and playne Declaration of sundry subtill Practises of the Holy Inquisition of Spayne, sig. D d. iiij. b. 2d edit. Lond. 1569, 4to.) Ibid. Montanus, p. 229. Montanus, p. 237-247. Llorente (ii. 262.) merely calls him “Fr. Cassiodore,” but I have no doubt that he was the individual mentioned in the text. Montanus, p. 247, 248. Ibid. p. 249. Cypriano de Valera, Dos Tratados, p. 248. Llorente, ii. 160, 161; iii. 84, 85. Llorente, iii. 85, 86. Llorente, ii. 228-230, 238; iii. 202-217, 220-1. The leading facts concerning De Roxas, stated by Llorente in the passages referred to, are confirmed by the Register appended to the English translation of Montanus’s work on the Inquisition, by V. Skinner, sig. E. ij. Llorente, ii. 25-27. Llorente, ii. 222. Illescas, Historia Pontifical, tom. ii. f. 337, b. Llorente, ii. 223. Illescas, ut supra. Sermon by James Pilkington, Master of St. John’s College, Cambridge, (afterwards bishop of Durham at the interring of the bones of Martin Bucer and Paul Fagius; apud Strype’s Memorials of Cranmer, p. 246. Sepulveda de Rebus gestis Philippi II. p. 55. Opera, tom. iii. Llorente, ii. 222, 223. Sepulveda, after mentioning that he had heard Cazalla preach at St.

Juste, says,. “Animadverti, id quod ex ipso etiam audivi, eum magna solicitudine cavere, nequod verbum excideret concionanti, quod ab ‘mulis et invidis, quos vehementer extimescebat, ad calumniam trahi posset.” (De Rebus gestis Philippi II. p. 55.) Cypriano de Valera, Dos Tratados, p. 251. Llorente, ii. 221, 222. Llorente, ii. 229, 240-243. Ibid. ii. 231, 242. Ibid, ii. 227, 229. Register appended to Skinner’s translation of Montanus, sig. E. I. b. Llorente, ii. 227, 241. Register, ut supra. Illescas, Hist. Pontif. tom. ii. f. 337, b. Llorente, ii. 228, 233, 237. Sepulveda de Rebus gestis Philippi II. p. 57. Llorente, ii. 225, 226, 228. Register, ut supra, sig. E. i. a. E. ij. b. Llorente, ii. 227, 238, 407. Illescas, Hist. Pontif. tom. i. f. 337, b. Llorente, ii. 235-6, 407. Illescas, ut supra. Llorente, ii. 384, 386. Llorente, ii. 401. Ibid. p. 340-343. Ibid. p. 411. Ibid. p. 386, 389. Authorities for this assertion, beside those which are subjoined, may be seen in La Croze, Histoire de Christianisme des Indes, p. 256, 257. Paramo, Hist. Inquisitionis: Preface to Spanish Martyrology, in Geddes’s Miscell. Tracts, vol. i. p. 555. Illescas, Hist. Pontifical, tom. ii. f. 451, a. Burgos, 1578. The edition of Illescas quoted in the former parts of this work was printed at Barcelona, in 1606. Geddes, Miscell. Tracts, vol. i. p. 556. Llorente, iii. 191, 258. Register appended to Skinner’s translation of Montanus, sig. Dd. iiij. a. Histoire des Martyres, f. 497, b. Llorente, ii. 282. Montanus, p. 218. Register appended to Skinner’s translation of Montanus, sig. E. i. a.

Llorente, ii. 227. Montanus, p. 218, 219. Puigblanch’s Inquisition Unmasked, vol. ii. p. 183. Llorente, ii. 250, 258. Montanus, p. 52. See before, p. 222. Cypriano de Valera, Dos Tratados, p. 178. Montanus, p. 249, 250. See the authorities quoted by Burnet, in his History of the Reformation, vol. iii. p. 253. Llorente, tom. ii. chap. xviii. art. 2. Sandoval, Historia de la Vida y Hechos del Emperador Carlos V. tom. ii. p. 829, 881. Sandoval, ut supra, . p. 388. Sepulved’ Opera, tom. ii. p. 542-544. Sandoval, ut supra, p. 829. Ibid., ut supra, p. 863, 881, 882. Llorente, ii. 84-88. Puigblanch, ii. 272. Philip was not without a precedent in using such language. When the deputies of Aragon petitioned for a reform on the Inquisition, Charles V. answered, “that on no account would he forget his soul, and that he would lose part of his dominions rather than permit any thing to be done therein contrary to the honor of God, or the authority of the Holy Office.” (Dormer, Anales de Aragon, lib. i. cap. 26: Puigblanch, ii. 266, 267. The duke of Alva, who had retired before this address, when informed of it, is reported to have said, that if he had been Philip II., cardinal Caraffa (Paul IV.) should have come to Brussels, and done that obeisance at the feet of the king of Spain, which he, as viceroy, had done before the pope. (Llorente, ii. 181-183.) Sandoval, Historia de la Vida y Hechos del Emperador Carlos V. tom. ii. p. 881. Llorente, ii. 183, 184. Ibid. i. 468. Ibid. p. 470. Llorente, ii. 471. Ibid. iii. 228. Ibid. ii. 216-7. Llorente, ii. 215. Montanus, p. 90, 91. Llorente, ii. 217. Montanus, p. 92, 93. Ibid., p. 190-192. Llorente, ii. 218. See before, p. 210-215. Montanus, p. 287. Sandoval, Historia del Emperador Carlos V. tom. ii. p. 829. When told of the imprisonment of Domingo de Guzman, the emperor said, “They should have confined him as a fool!” (Ibid.) Histoire des Martyrs, f. 502, a. Montanus, p. 289, 290. Montanus, p. 287-292. Llorente, ii. 275-277. Cypriano de Valera, Dos Tratados, p. 251, 252. Montanus, p. 291, 292. Paramo mentions the calumny hesitatingly. (Hist. Inquis. lib. ii. tit. iii. cap. 5; apud Puigblanch, vol. ii. p. 210.) Illescas states it as a mere report. (Hist. Pontif. tom. ii. f. 451, a.) The slanders referred to are contained in the work of Illescas. (Historia Pontifical, ut supra.) But this is no proof that they were believed by that author; for, as we shall afterwards see, his original history was suppressed, and he was obliged to write another, agreeably to the instructions of the inquisitors, and to insert in it statements the very opposite of those which he had formerly published. Montanus, p. 293, 294, 297. Llorente, ii. 278, 279. Geddes, Miscell. Tracts, vol. i. p. 567. Montanus, p. 104, 105. Cypriano de Valera, Dos Tratados, p. 250. Llorente, ii. 240. Montanus, p. 82-85. Llorente has corrected a mistake of Montanus as to the degrees of consanguinity among these female prisoners, and by doing this confirms the general statement of the protestant historian, while he passes over some of the aggravating circumstances of the case. (Tom. ii. p. 286.) Montanus, p. 116-7. Ibid. p. 119-121. Original Proceedings against Cazalla, taken from the archives of the tribunal of Valladolid: Puigblanch, ii. 273. Llorente, iii. 202-217. The last-mentioned resemblance is noticed in a letter written by a Moor in Spain to a friend in Africa, giving him an account of the sufferings of his countrymen from the Inquisition: “After this they meet in the square of Hatabin, and there having erected a large stage, they make all resemble the day of judgment; and he that reconciles himself to them is clothed in a yellow mantle, and the rest are carried to the flames with effigies and horrible figures.” (Marmol, Historia del Rebelion del Reyno de Granada, lib. iii. cap. 3.) The protestant historian of the inquisition, De Montes, states the matter thus: When the person who is relaxed has confessed, the inquisitors, on delivering him to the secular judges, “beseech them to treat him with much commiseration, and not to break a bone of his body, nor shed his blood;” but when he is obstinate, they “beseech them, if he shall show any symptoms of true repentance, to treat him with much commiseration,” &c. (Montanus, p. 148.) I do not observe any such distinction in the accounts of the popish historians. (Llorente, ii. 250-253. Puigblanch, i. 279-281.) Llorente, ii. 253, 254. Puigblanch, i. 350-353. Puigblanch, i. 351, 352. With the view of preventing such appearances as much as possible, the inquisitors have laid it down as a rule, that no