SECTION 1.

Queen Elizabeth proclaimed. The present ill condition of the kingdom. What presently to be done. Counsels taken. A fleet set out. A plot already against the queen. Conjurers. Dangers from France and Scotland. The queen makes warlike preparations. She removes from Hatfield. France intends a conquest of England. FOR entrance into this present undertaking, of shewing the happy steps queen Elizabeth made for bringing in and settling religion reformed from popery in her kingdom, it is necessary to see with what policy and counsel she began her reign. Without which, and a wonderful success attending her affairs, it had been impossible she should so soon have attempted, and so fortunately proceeded in this great work. And I shall the rather do this, because our printed historians are so silent, or so short and superficial in these matters, which were the very basis of her succeeding prosperous government; and have been all taken by me, partly out of a book of the minutes of the council, sometime belonging to this queen’s secretary, and partly out of divers other authentic MSS. either in the king’s paperhouse, the Cotton library, or elsewhere.

Queen Mary deceased the 17th day of November anno 1558, and about eleven or twelve o’clock aforenoon, the lady Elizabeth was proclaimed queen by divers heralds of arms, trumpets sounding, and many of the chiefest of the nobility present, as the duke of Norfolk, the lord treasurer, the earls of Shrewsbury and Bedford; also the lord mayor and his brethren the aldermen, with many others. In the afternoon the bells in all the churches in London rung in token of joy; and at night bonfires were made, and tables set out in the streets, where was plentiful eating and drinking, and making merry. The next day being Friday, it was not thought decent to make any public rejoicings, out of respect, I suppose, to the day, being a fasting-day. But on the next, viz. Saturday, November 19, Te Deum laudamus was sung and said in the churches of London. Thus the satisfaction generally conceived by the people for this new queen superseded all outward appearances of sorrow for the loss of the old one.

And no wonder, since the nation was not pleased with her administration, having left the kingdom in as low and miserable an ebb as ever it was known to have been in, in any former times: embroiled in war with France and Scotland, the exchequer very low, that queen having contracted great debts. By this means Elizabeth had formidable enemies before her and behind her: but illy guarded at Portsmouth, the Isle of Wight, Dover, against France: so that an invasion was feared on that side. And on the Scotch quarters, Berwick was in a woful condition, wanting both fortifications and men. Thus the new queen’s hands were now full, to secure herself and kingdom.

And indeed what to think of the queen at this time, as to her religion, one might hesitate somewhat: who in her sister’s reign went to mass, and complied outwardly with her practice; as John Knox told her in a letter dated from Edinburgh; though indeed (as he added) it was for fear of her life, that she declined from religion, and bowed to idolatry. And sir Richard Shelly, called lord prior of St. John’s of Jerusalem, but living beyond sea under this queen, in a private letter to her, speaking of what he had lost for his diversity of conscience in religion, disagreeable to the law established, “Whereunto,” saith he, “your majesty’s self at the first was not easily brought to condescend;” and mentioning the schism, as he called the religion reformed, “whereof,” said he, “your majesty was not the cause efficient, but one without which it could not take effect.” She protested also to count Feria, whom king Philip had lately sent into England,) that she acknowledged the real presence in the sacrament. Which he signified to the said Philip in a letter dated in November, but the day before queen Mary died. The same also she protested to the lord Lamac; and also that she did now and then pray to the virgin Mary.

And moreover, to see in what ill case the kingdom was when queen Elizabeth came to the crown, hear what one at that time spake. “She received it at the hand of her sister entangled (I will not say oppressed) with foreign wars: the French on the one side, and the Scots on the other: which sucking out of their ancestors’ poisoned breasts immortal and deadly hatred against this realm, lay in wait like thieves to invade and spoil it. The French, though in truce, when he heard of queen Mary’s death, kept still his Germans about him, upon hope, that if there had been any stirs in England, he might have set in a foot. And for that purpose had willed the cardinal of Lorrain to confer with our churchmen to see what might be done. Whether he did so or no, God knoweth: but it was certain that the cardinal had such commission. And besides that she was thus left, who saw not the realm not philipped, but fleeced for Philip’s sake, by maintaining all the last summer such a navy on the seas, and an army on the land; besides some tokens of love [money and provisions sent over] that past, I am sure, from the queen to her spouse, to shew that she was a loving wife?”

This was well known and observed by the wise men in those days.

Insomuch that the lord keeper Bacon in his speech, at the opening of her first parliament, spared not to call it the ragged and torn estate of her kingdom by misgovernance: and noted “the great decays and losses of honour, strength, and treasure, and the peril that happened to this imperial crown of late time, the marvellous waste of the revenue of the crown, the inestimable consumption of the treasure, levied both of the crown and of the subject, the exceeding loss of munition and artillery, the great loss of divers valiant gentlemen of very good service, the incredible sums of money owing at that present, and in honour due to be paid, and the biting interest that was to be answered for forbearance of this debt.”

These evils the said statesman, under the commendation of the present queen, laid to the charge of the former, saying, “that she [the present queen] was a princess, that was not so wedded to her own will and fantasy, that for the satisfaction thereof she would do any thing that were likely to bring servitude or bondage to her people; or give any just occasion to them of any inward grudge, whereby any tumults or stirs might arise, as had been done of late days, [by the Spanish match.] Things most pernicious and pesthent to the commonwealth: a princess that never meant nor intended, for any private affection, to advance the cause or quarrel [of another] with any foreign prince or potentate, [as Mary did with France for her affection to king Philip,] to the destruction of her own subjects, to the loss of any of her dominions, or to the impoverishing of her realm.”

Of this queen’s first course she took in her government, this account was given by one who had opportunity of knowing well the court, and lived at that time: “That whereas the former queen did all in haste in the beginning of her reign, her sister did every thing with more advisement and less trust. For she knew,” said he, “that to be true which Seneca saith, Velox consilium sequitur paenitentia , i.e. Repentance follows that counsel that is taken too speedily. Whereas she, being God’s chosen instrument to represent here among us his majesty, walked wisely in the steps of him that called her; and studied diligently to represent a lively image in her mortality of the incomparable and infinite Majesty, by using correction without severity, by seeking the lost with clemency, by governing wisely without fury, by weighing and judging without rashness, by purging evil humours with deliberation; and to conclude, in doing her duty without affection.”

The choice of her counsellors bespake also her wariness and great discretion, and contributed much to her first successes. For such she picked out to serve her (as the former observing man related) as were neither of common wit nor common experience. Of whom some by travel in strange countries, some by learning, some by practice, and like authority in other rulers’ days, some by affliction, either one way or other, for their gifts and graces which they had received at God’s hand, were men meet to be called to such rooms.

Add, that this wisdom and caution wherewith she managed herself and her affairs, took place in her in a great measure by occasion of the hardships and misusages she underwent before: whereof she had a greater share than commonly falls to the lot of princes born; but out of which dangers God miraculously delivered her. She was taught by afflictions. I think (saith the person before mentioned) no Englishman is ignorant, that her afflictions were far above the condition of a king’s daughter; for there was no more behind to make a very Iphigenia of her, but her offering up upon the altar of the scaffold. How she behaved herself in those storms and tempests, let them witness, who, being her adversaries, had the muying of her: of which he would say nothing, though he could say much. But this he must say, that then she must be in her afflictions marvellous patient, who shewed herself now in her prosperity to be utterly without desire of revenge, or else she would have given some token, ere this day, of remembrance how she was handled. And then he descends to some particulars of her unjust sufferings; “Was it no wrong, think you, that she sustained to be first a prisoner, and guarded with a sort of cut-throats, which ever gaped for the spoil of her house, that they might have been fingering of somewhat? Then with great solemnity, with bands of harnessed hangmen (happy was he that might have the carrying of her) to be fetched up as the greatest traitor in the world; hoisted into the Tower; there kept, not like a king’s daughter, nor a queen’s sister, but as one that had come out of Turkey to betray England. What assemblies and councils, what examinations and wrackings of poor men were there, to find out the knife that should cut her throat!

What gaping arming many lords of the clergy to see the day wherein they might wash their goodly white ratchets in her innocent blood!”

But through all these difficulties the divine Providence brought Elizabeth safe to the government; which nevertheless ended not her dangers, beginning her reign at so great disadvantage, as was shewn before. But she, by taking other measures than her sister did, and using more moderate counsels, and favouring a reformation of religion, was as prosperous to this church and nation, and retrieved again its ancient splendour and glory.

Insomuch that within four or five years after her accession to the crown, by means of her wise and careful administration, she was extolled among her people for a princess, “worthily to be compared with the most noble, most peaceable, most honourable, most merciful, and most godly governors that ever reigned in the world.”

And what methods she took we may perceive by a paper or memorial drawn by her great counsellor, sir William Cecyll, November the 17th, (that is, on the very day of the former queen’s decease,) the Cotton library, viz.

I. “To consider the proclamation, and to proclaim it; and to send the same to all manner of places, and sheriffs, with speed, and to put it in print.

II. “To prepare the Tower, and to appoint the custody thereof to trusty persons: and to write to all the keepers of forts and castles in the queen’s name.

III. “To consider for removing to the Tower: and the queen there to settle her officers and council,

IV. “To make a stay of passages to all the ports, until a certain day. And to consider the safety of all places dangerous toward France and Scotland; especially in this change.

V. “To send special messengers to the pope, emperor, the kings of Spain and Denmark, and to the state of Venice.

VI. “To send new commissioners to the earl of Arundel, and the bishop of Ely, (who were treating a peace at Cambray.) And to send one into Ireland with a new commission, and letters under the queen’s hand, to all ambassadors with foreign princes, to authorize them therein.

VII. “To appoint commissioners for the interment of the late queen.

VIII. “To appoint commissioners for the coronation; and the day.

IX. “To make a continuance of the term, with patents to the chief justice, to the lord treasurer, justices of each bench, barons, and masters of the rolls; with inhibition, quod non conferant aliquod officium.

X. “To appoint new sheriffs and justices of peace, or continue the old, by a proclamation to be sent to the sheriffs under the great seal.

XI. “To inhibit by proclamation the making over of any money by exchange, without knowledge given to the queen’s majesty; and to charge all manner of persons, that either have made any, or have been privy to any exchange made by the space of one month before the 17th of this month.

XII. “To consider the condition of the preacher of Paul’s Cross, that no occasion be given by him to stir any dispute touching the governance of the realm.”

As to the first of these articles, she took care with speed to have her right and title proclaimed to the imperial crown of this realm, “as the only right heir by blood and lawful succession to the kingdoms: giving knowledge by the same proclamation to all her subjects, that from the beginning of the seventeenth day of November, at which time her sister departed this life, they were discharged of all bonds and duties of subjection towards her, and bound only to Ehzaheth, as their only lady and queen. And then professing on her part no less love and care towards their preservation, than had been in any of her progenitors. And lastly, straitly charging all her subjects to keep themselves in peace. And [as though she meant the better to conceal her intention of altering religion] not to “attempt upon any pretence the breach or alteration of any order or usage at that time established in the realm. The proclamation may be read in the Repository.”

The lady Elizabeth was at her seat at Hatfield when queen Mary died.

Thither some great persons forthwith repaired to her, namely, the earl of Pembroke; lord Clinton, lord admiral; the earl of Arundel, lord chamberlain: which three, with sir Thomas Parry, sir William Cecil, sir Ambrose Cave, sir Ralph Sadleir, (who was sent from the lords at London,) and sir Richard Sackvile, sat at Hatfield in council with her, being the first privy council she held. (Yet the lords of the deceased queen’s council sat at London.) The chief matters then done were, that sir Thomas Parry, knt. aforesaid, who had been a servant much about her, was by her command, and in her presence, declared the comptroller of her household, and sworn of her privy council; sir Edward Rogers, knt. her vicechamberlain and captain of her guard, and one of her privy council; sir William Cecil, knt. her principal secretary, and one of her privy council.

And letters were despatched by this present council to Dr. Walter Haddon to repair thither: and in like manner to John Norris, esq. late gentleman usher of the deceased queen’s privy chamber.

The next day, viz. November 21, the earl of Bedford came to Hatfield, and sat in council with the rest before named.

And whereas robberies were now very rife, the robbers expecting their pardon of course upon the coronation; this occasioned the drawing up of a proclamation touching such as robbed on these hopes: which was sent to the lords of the council at London by sir Ralph Sadleir; who also carried letters to the said lords.

The late queen’s commissioners were now treating beyond sea about Calais, lately lost. And now at this council, November 21, a letter was dated from Hatfield, sent by the queen and her council there to Malyn, vice-admiral of the narrow seas, to equip the ships in his charge to the seas, to keep the passage, and to hinder as much as he might the victualling of Calais, and to see good wafting of such as should come from the commissioners; and to set none over, except he had a passport from hence.

And this order was so strict to Malyn, that not so much as fishermen or coasters were allowed to go out. But the inconvenience arising hence made the lords of the council soon after, viz. November 24, to send a letter to the lord admiral, that he would take order, “that fishermen and other coastmen, that crossed not the seas, should be suffered to go to sea about their occupations and business, notwithstanding the former restraint: yet foreseeing that such as had charge of the ports should have good eye unto them that were so suffered, that they carried not out any of the commodities of the realm, or any persons not having licence; and to stay all persons that should be found suspicious herein.”

And on the same November 24, this restraint was taken off in a great measure by another order to the lord warden of the cinque ports, to set the passages at liberty, and to suffer all men that were not otherwise prohibited by the law to pass thereby. And the lord admiral was required to suffer such lords as had been stayed, to pass to the seas.

The queen and council, still at Hatfield, are taking care of her remove to London; and considering what noble persons to have present. Whereof the marquis of Winchester, and the earls of Shrewsbury and Darby were sent for by a letter; in which were enclosed the names of such other noblemen as her highness thought good to attend upon her to London; and the archbishop of York, with sir William Petre and sir John Mason, appointed in the interim to transact any urgent business emerging. The letter may be consulted in the Repository.

There were some already of the popish faction contriving mischief against the queen, by setting up the Scotch queen’s title, and by getting assistance from the Guises in France to carry on their designs in her behalf, and by dealing with some conjurers, to cast their figures to calculate the queen’s life, and the duration of her government, and the like. In this plot cardinal Pole’s brothers were concerned. The knowledge of this coming to the queen and her council, it was ordered at council, November 22d, that Anthony Fortescue, who had been comptroller to the cardinal, should be apprehended; a letter being sent for that purpose to the earl of Rutland; and that he should have conference with nobody. Sir John Mason had the bodies of two more charged in the said accusation, viz. Kele and Prestal.

He was willed to examine them diligently upon such points as the said Kele should open unto him, and to keep Kele in safe custody in his house; so as none should have conference with him. Accordingly examinations were taken by Mason and the earl of Rutland: which examinations the lords perused November 25, and resolved, they should be forthwith set at liberty; bonds being first taken of each of them for their forthcoming, when they should be called by the lords of the council.

One named Thirkel, a tailor, was now also in hold for conjuring about the matters aforesaid, and in the custody of John March, esq. who was ordered, November 24, to examine him, and to keep him in safe custody without conference with any. And Richard Parlaben was another of these conjurers, taken up, and in custody of Thomas Sackford of Greys-inn, esq.

Thus early did this excellent lady’s enemies plot, and continue their devices of mischief against her, and combine to dethrone her, when she had been scarcely possessed of her crown.

Divers other conjurers were now also in custody, of the same design and purpose, I suppose, with the former; and were examined. And December 18, the lords sent their letters to the bishop of London, viz. Boner, with certain examinations, sent withal by Mr. Attorney: and he was willed to proceed by such severe punishments against them that should be proved culpable herein, according to the order of the ecclesiastical law, as he should think meet; and to signify back what he did herein.

It is strange to consider, how these sorceries prevailed about this time, and so on for some of the first years of the queen’s reign, and the mischiefs they did, and the fears many good and sober men had of their bewitching the queen herself. This is evident from a passage in a sermon of bishop Jewel’s before the queen: wherein he thus addresseth himself to her: “By the way to touch but a word or two of this matter, for that the horrible using of your poor subjects enforceth thereunto. It may please your grace to understand, that this kind of people, I mean witches and sorcerers, within these few last years are marvellously increased within your grace’s realm. These eyes have seen most evident and manifest marks of their wickedness. Your grace’s subjects pine away even unto the death, their colour fadeth, their flesh rotteth, their speech is benumbed, their senses are bereft.

Wherefore your poor subject’s most humble petition unto your highness is, that the laws touching such malefactors may be put in due execution. For the shoal of them is great, their doings horrible, their malice intolerable, the examples most miserable: and I pray God they never practise further than upon the subject.”

This I make no doubt was the occasion of bringing in a bill the next parliament, for making enchantments and witchcraft felony.

And now because this Scotch business falls thus in our way` we shall relate what the acts and practices of the friends of that party were; from whence we may conclude, what just jealousies were raised in the queen’s mind hereby. Mary queen of Scotland, and the dauphin of France, to whom she was married, gave broad signs of their pretences to the crown of England, by the coat of arms that they gave: whereby the queen became in danger at this time of two nations invading her. It was borne baron and femme: in the first was the coat of the dauphin of France, which took up the upper half of the shield; the lower half contained the arms of Scotland. This impaled quarterly. 1. The arms of Scotland. 2. The arms of England.

The third as the second. The fourth as the first. Over all, half an escutcheon of pretence of England, the sinister half being as it were obscured or cut off: perhaps so given to denote that another (and who should that be but queen Elizabeth?) had gotten possession of the crown in her prejudice.

Under the arms were writ these rhymes in the Scottish dialect: The arms of Mary queen dolphiness of Fraunce, The noblest lady in earth, for till advaunce:

Of Scotland queen, and of England, also Of Fraunce, as God hath providit so.

This escutcheon being lately brought out of France, was delivered to the duke of Norfolk, earl marshal of England; who sent it to the office of heralds for their judgment upon it, June the 13th, 1559. Their answer was to this tenor: “Hyt may please your grace, that upon good delibera tion, we, garter and clarencieux, with others of the office, have perused this escutcheon of arms, delivered by your grace; and we find the same prejudicial unto the queen’s majesty, her state and dignity; and that hyt doth not appertain to any foreign prince, what marriage soever he hath made with England, to quarter, bear, or use the arms of England otherwise than in pale, as in token of marriage. And albeit James, late Scottish king, grandfather to the Scottish queen that now is, married with one of the daughters of king Henry VII. And the said Scottish queen, being but one of the collaterals, cannot nor ought not to bear any escutcheon of the arms of England: nor yet the dolphin her husband in the right of her, or otherwise. “Furthermore, we find the said escutcheon falsely marshalled, contrary to all law and order of arms.”

But that the French king might keep his pretence to England, he would not forego usurping the title, and quartering the arms of England and Ireland with Scotland. July the 27th. The arms of the Scotch queen, with the arms of England, were set up at the marriage solemnized for the king of Spain with the French king’s daughter, and those verses written, The arms of Mary queen dolphiness of France, &c. as before. And in November, the queen of Scots made her entry into the Castle Heraut, where her style was published as queen of England. And four verses were made upon her; whereof the two last were, Nunc Gallos totoque remotos orbe Britannos, Unum dos Mariae cogit in imperium.

But queen Elizabeth in the treaty did require Francis of France, and Mary of Scotland, to leave off this usurping title and arms. To which they gave no direct answer, but solicited pope Paul IV. to declare the queen’s title not good.

And this was long after, viz. anno 1572, laid to the Scotch queen’s charge, when she was detained in England, (among other articles drawn up against her,) namely, “her claim to the crown of England in possession, with refusal and delay to remove the same: giving the arms of England without difference, in escutcheons, coat-arms, plate, altar-cloths, which were openly seen at the triumph; writing of the style of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, in letters patents during her coverture; and of her pedigree, conveying her three ways to the crown: first, as descending from the eldest daughter of king Henry VII. another, from the Duke of Somerset: the third, from a daughter of Edmund before the conquest.”

To which may be added, that there was a grant, dated Jan. 16, 1558, of certain things made to the lord Fleming, by the dauphin of France, and his wife the queen of Scots, by the style of king and queen of Scotland, England, and France, and Ireland.

And the queen had still more reason to be jealous of the Scotch title, since her sister, the late queen Mary, used to taunt her by telling her often, that the queen of Scots was the certain and undoubted heir of the crown of England, next after herself. Add to this, that the cardinal of Lorrain in a conference with some delegates from Spain at Cambray about this time asserted, that his niece, the said queen of Scots, was most just queen of England.

Which consideration might well be the reason of the queen’s and council’s forementioned order to the vice-admiral, forthwith to set out a fleet to guard the narrow seas: and that in the beginning of December strict inquiry was made what ammunition was in the Tower, in order to a supply thereof.

For December 6th, the council sent a letter to sir Richard Southwel, master of the ordnance and armory, to make his repair to the lords, and to bring with him a perfect declaration of the state of his office, as well touching the provisions, expenses, and remains, as also of the present wants of the same.

Care was also taken about Portsmouth and the strong places on that coast.

For at the same council Richard Worsely, esq. was ordered to repair to Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight, and the forts, castles, and bulwarks thereabouts; and consider the state of the same.

Now these were the several removes of the queen before she came to the palace at Westminster. And she sat in council every day, except her days of travelling. She sat first in council at Hatfield, (where she was saluted queen,) November the 20, 21, 22. The next day, being the 23d, she removed towards London, attended with a thousand or more of lords, knights, gentlemen, ladies, and gentlewomen, and came to the Charterhouse, then the lord North’s place; where the archbishop of York and the earls of Shrewsbury and Darby came to her. Here she remained six days, and sat in council November the 24, 25, 26, 27, 28. Her next remove thence was to the Tower, which was on the 28th day of November. All the streets she was to pass, even to the Tower, were new gravelled. And so she rid through Barbican and Cripplegate, and along London-wall unto Bishopsgate, and thence up to Leaden-hall, and so through Grasschurchstreet and Fanchurch-street, turning down Mark-lane into Tower-street, and so to the Tower. Before her rode many gentlemen, knights, and nobles; after them came the trumpeters blowing; then all the heralds in array, my lord mayor holding the queen’s sceptre, riding with garter: my lord of Pembroke bare the queen’s sword. Then came her grace on horseback, apparelled in purple velvet, with a scarf about her neck: the sergeants of arms being about her person. Next after her rode sir Robert Dudley, (afterwards earl of Leicester,) master of her horse: and so the guard with halberds. There was great shooting of guns, the like was never heard before. In certain places stood children, who made speeches to her as she passed; and in other places was singing and playing with regals. Here at the Tower she lay until the 5th of December, which was the eve of St. Nicolas.

The 1st, 2d, and 4th of which month, with the last day of the month preceding, were council days there.

Then, December the 5th, she removed a little nearer to Westminster; viz. to the Strand-house, or Somerset-house, going by water, and shooting the bridge, trumpets sounding, much melody accompanying, and universal expressions of joy among the people. Here she sat also in council daily, viz.

December the 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22. And now at last she came to Westminster; that is, the 23d day of December; where she kept her Christmas, and continued all the ensuing winter; her first parliament then sitting there; and where she was in April 1559.

And now having brought the queen to her palace, let us proceed in shewing her present cares. It was concluded at court, and taken for granted, that the French meant to endeavour the conquest of this realm, by reason of the prefence of title which they made thereto, in these four regards; their open challenge at the treaty of Cambresey; the beating of the arms; the using of the style, and the making commissions under the seal, and with the style of England and Ireland. It was likewise concluded, that the French would attempt this conquest this present year; and that upon these grounds which secretary Cecil drew up. “First, they would not defer it, because of the doubt of the queen [of Scots] life. Secondly, they had now got an occasion to conquer Scotland, and had already men of war there, and prepared a great army, both out of France and Almain. Their captains were appointed; their victums provided, their ships in rigging. Thirdly, they reckoned within a month to have their wills in Scotland.

Fourthly, that done, it seemed most likely they would prosecute their pretence against England; which had no fort but Berwick to stay them: and that was unperfect, and would be these two years day. Fifthly, if they offered battle with Almains, there was great doubt how England would be able to sustain it; both for lack of good generals and great captains; and principally for lack of people, considering the waste that had lately been by sickness and death these three last years. Again, if it were defended with strangers, the entertainment would be so chargeable in respect of money, and so hurtful to the realm, as it could not be borne.”

Hence these questions were propounded by the said secretary. First, what to do. Next, whether it were better to impeach the enemy in Scotland now in the beginning, before their army were come; and so to take away their landing places: or to permit them therein, and to provide for the defence of the realm?

Upon the question, it was to be considered, as convenient to be done: “First, that the queen’s majesty did with speed send to king Philip to understand his mind, and to obtain his friendship. Item, That one be sent to the king of Denmark, to stay him, and to cause him to doubt of the French. Item, To send to the princes of Almain. Item, To provide all manner of ways for money, armour, &c. Item, To send with all speed to the French king, to declare to him what occasions the queen hath to doubt his proceedings: and therefore to let him know her purpose of defence. And that if his proceedings increased as they were begun, her majesty must needs provide to prevent the dangers. Item, That in the mean season, the ships lie in the Frith of Edenburgh, and to pike as many quarrels as they might of themselves, to impeach any more succours to come out of France to Lethe. And this to be done by them upon their own heads, without notice of a commandment so to do; and so to use the matter as the cause might come of the French. Item, That if the French armed any greater navy to the seas, which by appearance should annoy ours in the Frith; then also the like to be armed by the queen’s majesty. Item, The duke of Norfolk, lord lieutenant of the north, to have a power of horse and foot ready upon the borders, both to defend, and invade, or offend, if cause were given.”

And upon this it was moved that sir Nicolas Throgmorton should be despatched to France; and the lord Mountague and sir Thomas Chamberlain to Spain. And so they were.

SECTION 2.

The queen procures money diligently. She calls in her debts. She requires her myzes from Wales. She looks to her forts and castles.

Betwick: orders for that place, and for Newcastle; and the east and middle marches. Letters to the lord warden. The assured Scots.

Peace with Scotland. FURTHERMORE the queen, for the better strengthening herself, and providing against her enemies, besides what she had already done, saw that money was with all speed to be procured. Presently therefore she employed her merchant and agent, sir Thomas Gresham, knight, to take up at Antwerp divers sums of money; and the city of London gave their bonds for payment; a letter having been sent from the queen’s council to the lord mayor; aldermen, and common-council, for sealing bonds for that end: which service towards her they readily shewed their goodwill by doing.

She was diligent also in calling for the remainders of the fifteens and tenths given by act of parliament to her sister, which had not. yet been brought into her exchequer. And because several of the collectors were behindhand in their accounts, letters from the lords of the council, dated in December 1558, were sent forth to the sheriffs of the several counties of Bucks, York, Gloucester, Nottingham, Oxon, Berks, Stafford, and Warwick; and to the mayors of the towns of Northampton, Darby, King’s Lyn, and Southampton, to apprehend the collectors of the fifteens and tenths, in the said shires and towns behind of their collections; and to bind them into good bands in treble the sums, to make payment of all that was by them due in the Exchequer, within fifteen days after the bands taken. Again, letters were sent to John Aylworth, receiver of the counties of Somerset, &c. and to the sheriffs of the counties of Lincoln, Nottingham, Darby, and Chester, to make payment forthwith into the receipt of the exchequer, of all such sums as were by them due in their several collections at Michaelmas last, as they would answer for the contrary at their utmost peril. And when it was understood, that some of her own household were behind in their payments of the subsidy, a letter proceeded from the council to the tellers of the Exchequer, to send them a perfect book of the names of all such as were behind, within the queen’s house, of the payment of the last subsidy granted to the late queen.

And for the better understanding of the debts, the lord Paget, with others, having been appointed commissioners in the time of the late queen, for the taking knowledge of what was owing to her, was prayed to give a particular note of what he had found touching the same matter.

The queen began thus early to look intently also into her own revenue, and unto all such as were the chief farmers of it. And in this business sir Walter Mildmay, one well versed in accounts, (having a great while belonged to the Augmentations,) was chiefly to be employed. And a letter was directed to him from the lords, to send to all the auditors, and such others as he thought good for his better instructions in the matter, for the names of all the head farmers, within the realm, of the queen’s majesty’s revenue; and especially of all the copyholders westward; requiring him thereof to make a book out of hand, and to send the same to court with all convenient speed.

And the next council-day, the lord treasurer (who was the marquis of Winchester) was ordered to cause process to be made with all speed out of the exchequer, for the answering of the temporalities of these bishoprics now void, viz. Canterbury, Norwich, Rochester, Bristol, Oxon, Chichester, Hereford, Sarum, Gloucester, and Bangor; signilying also unto his lordship, that the queen’s pleasure was, that sir John Mason, treasurer of her chamber, should have the care of seeing this prosecuted with speed.

And that she might know the true state of her purse, Mr. Damsel was sent to certify all manner of debts due in the in the court of wards: and so was sir Ambrose Cave, chancellor of the duchy, to do the like in the court of the duchy. And the lord treasurer at the same time, namely December 24 to cause speedy certificate to be made to the queen, of all manner of debts due in the exchequer; to the intent, the same being known, order might be given by such as she had appointed in commission, to see the same answered with all expedition.

To this may be added, that she appointed a commission A to understand what lands had been granted from the crown in the late queen’s reign. The commissioners whereof were the marquis of Winchester, the lord Rich, the lord North, Mildmay, &c.

In the same month she also took her advantage against certain Italian merchants for bringing in commodities from the enemy: ordering her customers of London to levy and get into their hands the sum of 2542l . 7s. 4d. [by way of fines and forfeiture] due to her from Germin Ciol, Alexander Bonvice, Augustin de Sexto, and John Heath, for the impost of certain wines and other French wares. And also laid Ciol in prison.

Nor did she forget her myzes; that is, what was due to her from the people of Wales, by ancient custom due to the princes of Wales, and to all the princes of the realm at their first entrance upon the supreme government.

Which thing was anciently an honorary present to the prince, of corn and wine from each county towards the expense of his family: but afterwards paid in money. For the receiving of this she appointed a commission, which, in February 1558, met with some opposition in the town of Carmarthen, chiefly by one Thomas Lloid, of Llan Stephan, gent. and certain others his complices, making a disorder against her commissioners in that county; who were therefore committed to ward; and a letter was sent to the lord president and council of Wales, to send for them to the marches, and to take such order at their coming thither, as to send up forthwith unto the queen’s council, under safe custody, the said Lloid, and two or three other most faulty; and to commit to ward the rest there, to remain till the principals had been brought up and received condign punishment for their said disorders. The names of the others sent up with Lloid, were David ap Gorwared, John Palmer, and William Jack: all which were presently committed to the Tower. But it being for a contempt only, and for the terror and example of others, the letter from the council had instructed the lieutenant to use them honestly; but to keep it to himself.

They were committed March 18, 1558, and discharged April the 8th following. And of this the lords of the council advertised the lord president of Wales; and mentioned withal, how they alleged, that after the death of king Henry VIII. and king Edward VI. greater sums were levied for the myzes in the county of Carmarthen, than was answered to the prince. The said president therefore was willed to hear what the said Thomas Lloid could say herein: and to call for such before him as should, be found faulty in this matter; and to cause them to repay to the queen’s use what they had detained; and further to punish them as the quality of their default should demerit.

Let me here add one passage more in transitu concerning this custom. In the month of March the inhabitants of Wales, and of the county palatine of Chester, presented the queen a supplication for their ancient liberties and customs to be allowed, m respect of their myzes, of certain debts, felonies, &c. Which business the queen committed to the lord president and council of the marches of Wales.

And upon another petition of theirs, an order was made in the queen’s first parliament, by the queen with the consent of the Lords, that in this year wherein a subsidy was to. be paid the queen, they should not be charged with the payment of the myzes: nor at any other time that she received them, her subsidies should not be paid that year.

But to return a little backward, to observe further this part of the new queen’s state-wisdom, in her care of her treasure: she also called upon Sir Anthony St. Leger, late lord deputy of Ireland, and Andrew Wise, of Baigtiss in the kingdom of Ireland, esq. vice-treasurer of that kingdom, requiring their accounts, (as well as she had done others,) especially being in considerable arrears with her. The former she wrote to, to this purport, “that being indebted to her in great sums of money, he was willed to make payment thereof forthwith to her use; and to signify with speed to the lords what he minded to do.” And in February certain soldiers of Ireland claimed their wages for one and twenty months, due in the time that he was deputy there, and he ought to have paid; which made the lords write to him another letter. And a third was sent him in March, with order to pay the poor soldiers of Ireland such sums of money as were due to them: and if it should be found that he ought not to pay the same, it should be defalked out of such sums as he owed to the queen. As for Wise, he was put into the Fleet: and a little after, viz. about the middle of January, a bond of 12,000l . was taken of him, with two sureties, to discharge all such sums of money with which he stood charged and indebted to the queen. And the lords appointed sir William Petre, sir John Mason, sir Richard Sackvile, and sir Walter Mildmay, to audit his account. But it seems he was not able to give up his accounts to the satisfaction of the queen, and so his bond was forfeited, and he committed again to the Fleet, April l2th, 1559.

Nor would the queen release the merchant adventurers of a new impost laid by queen Mary upon cloth and other commodities: which the said merchants did earnestly sue to the council to be released of: refusing a good while to answer such sums as were by them due upon the same account. Whereupon, in January 30, they were summoned before the lords, where they declared they would stand to such end as should be ordered by law: and this they subscribed to in a bill, which was delivered to the lord great seal. But after divers appearances before the privy council, they were finally answered, March the 30th, that the queen’s majesty could by no means (her great charges considered) either undo or mitigate the same.

Nevertheless they gave the merchants further day to be again before them; who were pleased both to hear what they could further say in this matter, and also to consider certain licences which they claimed of the grant of the late queen, for the carrying out of cloths.

Thus did the queen play the good husband, that she might have treasure, for the better providing for the charges of her royal estate: for she saw round about her vast expenses necessary to be laid out, for the defence of herself in this state of hostility, wherein she found the kingdom involved.

She was to pay off her sister’s debts, besides her funerals; the garrisons and army were behind in their wages; the strength and fortifications on the frontiers, both against France and Scotland, very defective; her number of soldiers too few, and her forces to be increased.

And that the queen might the more effectually look to herself, a letter was wrote in the beginning of January to the lord treasurer, to send thither a perfect book of all the castles, forts, and bulwarks of the realm; and what captains and soldiers were placed in the same, and what entertainment each of them had. Which letter was in order to what was agreed to by the board, a day or two before, viz. that the lord admiral should have the consideration of all the forts and bulwarks of the realm, and to understand the present state of the same.

And now let us see what care was taken for Berwick, whereof the lord Eure was captain. The place was found to be in great danger of being taken by the Scots, wanting both men and strength. Some fortifications had been begun under that lord; and a letter, dated in November 1558, was sent to him, that he should go forward as the season of the year would suffer; so as at the least, so much might be done as should have been done by the late queen, had she lived. Ordnance and munition was also hastened thither, and the lord admiral had instructions to give order for the wafting of it.

And in the same month a letter was sent to the lord Eure for the garrisons at Berwick; requiring him, for the better meeting with such fraud as was used at musters, and for that it appeared that the numbers appointed to serve were not full, and divers wanting, to cause on a sudden, without warning given, musters to be taken by some fitting persons, and to observe what defects were in their numbers and in their arms. The queen also encouraged the said lord, captain of Berwick, upon his suit, granting him 20s. a day, by way of her majesty’s relief, towards the entertainment of an hundred horsemen serving there under him, though not as captain of Berwick: but whereas he sued to come up, and leave his charge for a time with Mr. Bowes, the marshal there, he was by the lords required to forbear, until a more convenient time hereafter, that her highness might be moved, and her pleasure therein signified unto him.

Abyngton, the surveyor of victuals for Berwick, had bought up at Hull, for the better furniture of that place, an hundred quarters of wheat, and as many of malt. And a letter was despatched to Alrede, customer of Hull, requiring him to suffer it to pass unto Berwick; yet to keep a perfect docket of the very quantity that passed.

And because the soldiers in those parts were too apt to be absent from their quarters, (a thing of very dangerous import, while invasion was daily expected,) therefore the queen caused a proclamation to be made for Berwick, as also for the frontiers governed by the earl of Northumberland, that all captains and soldiers that were absent from their charge should repair thither upon pain of forfeiture of all such wages as were due unto them, from the last pay unto the first of January next, if they were not found there at that day. She also confirmed the liberties and corporation of this town of Berwick.

Newcastle was now in great danger of being surprised by the French, who intended that way to invade England: but some secret intelligence thereof coming to the queen, she endeavoured timely to prevent the danger by fortifying the place, and supplying it with sufficient forces, to be sent from the neighbouring parts, the duke of Norfolk being lord lieutenant of the north. This present danger she signified to the earl of Shrewsbury, lord lieutenant (as it seems) of Derbyshire: and by her letters in December, committed a special charge to him for the defence of the realm, against these attempts of the French that had been lately discovered (as the lords of the council wrote to him) though not disclosed, to levy certain horsemen, both demilances and corselets: and she sent also her letters to divers persons of good livelihood within that county, to will them with all speed to make ready certain horse, and to send them to Newcastle by the 25th of January. The council gave the earl particular instructions in this emergence, as to send for the sheriff, and for other of the principal in every quarter of the shire, and to confer with them how this charge and service might best be performed. The queen also at this time ordered the said earl to levy certain numbers of footmen to be raised in Yorkshire, to be sent to Berwick. And secretary Cecyl in a letter shewed him, that the French had pressed fifteen thousand Almains in Germany, and were arming all their ships to the seas.

On Thursday the latter end of December, the abovesaid lord Eure, governor of this place, did some service against Scotland, (for which he received a letter of thanks from above,) namely, in annoying the enemy, and burning the mill, the kill, and other houses near unto Aymouth: but he was required utterly to forbear to embrace any Frenchman’s offer (of which nation several supplies were already sent to Scotland) that should run away from Scotland, if they might be suffered to pass through the realm; nor other wise to use any one of them during the wars, than to procure intelligence at their hands, and to learn somewhat that might advance the service of the queen.

Care was also taken to send treasure to Sir William Engolby, treasurer of Berwick; that is, so much as should make the full pay for the old ordinary garrison there; and for what should be due February 14. And the same month a thousand ton of timber was bought by the queen’s order of sir Richard Lee, at 10s. the ton, to be sent to Berwick, and delivered at Hull.

For which the queen’s council sent order to Richard Whalley, esq. to go forward in the bargain: and the said sir Richard Lee not to make. sale of any wood that he should fell, but to keep the same for the queen’s majesty’s use at the said price. And in March they were very busy in making strong the fortifications there. And Abyngton, surveyor of the victuals, received a letter from the council, signifying unto him, that the queen’s highness might be the better answered of such money as should be due by the labourers and workmen of the fortifications there, for their victuals; her highness’ pleasure was, that he should appoint certain particular victuallers under him, to take upon them the care and charge of the victualling of the same labourers from time to time; and to be present also themselves at every pay, and to defalk so much of their wages as should be due by them for the said victuals so received at their hands.

And finally, Sir James Croft, knt. who had been employed by the queen in overlooking, and examining, and ordering of all matters relating to Berwick, by many particular letters wrote to him from the council, at length in March had a commission under the great seal of the captainship of the town and castle of that place, in the room of the lord Eure. Crofts had desired a continuance of a benevolence for the increase of the wages of the old garrison (which was 3d. a day) granted the last year: but it was answered him, that forasmuch as this was a new charge, the lords did not think meet the same should be continued. And therefore he was required to persuade the soldiers to be contented with their ordinary entertainment, until her highness should be of better ability to consider them. The sick and unserviceable men he was ordered to cass, by taking up money of the merchants at Newcastle, which should be repaid them at the coming down of the treasure, that should be shortly.

And this was the provision and care the queen took for Berwick, for the restoring it to its pristine condition and strength, to be able to maintain itself against Scotland.

The like also she took for the frontiers of the east and middle marches, which were under the government of the earl of Northumberland, lord warden thereof. There was an evil practice among the soldiers for these borders, which was of very dangerous consequence: it was, that their numbers being not full, but divers of them wanting, at the musters persons were procured to appear then only, that it might seem as though none were wanting. Therefore for the better meeting with this fraud, as sir Henry Percy had reported it, the lord warden was appointed to cause forthwith, in most secret manner, certain discreet gentlemen, not being Northumberland men, or borderers, to repair at one instant time to all the several places where any numbers were set, and to take musters of them, to see how many were wanting, how many were Northumberland men, and how many inland men; how they that remained were appointed and furnished with arms; and to signify the same up to council: and what other device he thought meet for redress hereof: as order was also given for the like purpose to the lord Eure aforesaid for his government. This was done in November. And sir Henry Percy, (who was the carl’s son,) as he had been lately despatched out of the north from the earl to the court, so he was sent back again to him with these instructions.

Orders were also given to the said earl to see the bands diligently furnished. An hundred hagbutters were sent to the frontiers from the lord Dacres, lord deputy of the west marches: and the earl was required to be careful in mustering the bands; to have espials in Scotland; to keep the fords and watches: and as the queen added 3d. a day to the pay of the soldiers, so it was to be publicly declared, for the better encouragement of the soldiers in their duty.

And to secure the loyalty of sir Ralph Grey in those parts, who had before the grant of leading an hundred men, in consideration of his losses upon the borders, and his good forwardness in service, she caused a letter to be wrote to him, signifying her good pleasure that he should be continued in his place, and that he should also have an augmentation, by way of reward, for the said number; and so was required to shew himself answerable to her majesty’s expectation in service, as she might think this charge to be well bestowed: otherwise it was plainly told him, she would not fail to place another in that charge.

There was a proclamation to be issued out for these east and middle marches, to be published in those parts, viz. that all captains and soldiers having charge upon the frontiers, being absent from it, should repair thither, upon pain of forfeiture of all their wages that would be due the first of January. The lord deputy was required accordingly to put this proclamation in execution upon all such as should not accomplish the contents thereof. And all this care was taken for these borders in the month of December.

According to a late order, the earl of Northumberland sent up the musterbook of garrisons under his charge, together with his letters for instruction in certain points. It was signified to him from above, “that as the lords did very well like his diligence and secrecy in taking of the musters upon the frontiers, so it could not but much mislike them that there were such deficiencies in the numbers. And whereas he wrote that the garrison of the enemy was increased, the lords thought, that if the numbers under his charge and the garrison of Berwick were reduced into one number, the same would far exceed the power of the enemy: and considering that the enemy’s force was for the most part placed in forts, and that they would not leave the same in danger to come to the frontiers; yet nevertheless his lordship’s request was allowed, to have some further relief, wherein order should be taken.”

In the mean time the lord Eure was writ to, to help the lord warden in time of necessity only, with some horsemen out of Berwick, in the day time, so as they might return to Berwiek before night, for the guarding of that piece: for it was thought the enemy would attempt nothing before the next light night.

Orders also were sent to the bishop of Durham, to send men from the bishopric in case of necessity. And finally the earl was desired to stand upon his guard.

And when, toward the beginning of January, Leonard Dacres, the lord Dacres’ son, had by his valour and conduct done some considerable service against the Scots, the lords of the council sent him the queen’s thanks; and required him to thank captain Tutty, and the rest that served with him. And that as the lords did very well like his forwardness, so they would have wished he had forborne the annoying of them, and stood only upon his own guard, considering that they would seek to revenge it: and indeed so it proved; for the Scots soon after did some exploit upon the English, and increased their former forces upon the frontiers.

Whereat the queen determined to send forthwith to the borders a thousand men: and for that purpose, as she had addressed her letters to the bishop of Durham, January 7, to put the force of the bishopric in such readiness as they might, upon any sudden warning, be ready to serve under sir George Conyers: so four days after, by another letter, he was enjoined to levy in the bishopric five hundred footmen; and that he should confer with sir J.

Croft concerning fit gentlemen to have the leading them; and to have special foresight, that none of the officers used any frauds for the sparing of any man from this service; a disorder which as it had been practised in the south, so the lords would be sorry it should creep into the north.

Letters were also written to certain gentlemen of the north riding of Yorkshire, to levy two hundred men in that part of the shire; and to the earl of Northumberland, to levy three hundred men in Richmondshire, where he was steward. And he was also willed to confer with sir James Croft, who was newly sent down there, touching the placing the same numbers upon the borders in such sort as might most annoy the enemy; and that he should always have good espials.

The queen also now took occasion to let the earl know of the notice she took of his son sir Henry Percie’s activity and forwardness, commending it; but adding, that she would not in any case he should hazard himself, otherwise than that he should be at all times ready to make his party good.

And lastly, she advised, that the lord Dacres (which now came from her) and he, the earl, should confer, for the better annoying of the enemy: which the lords thought would be best done, if they agreed upon some enterprise against them at one time. These were the transactions of January and February.

In March, the lord deputy of the east and middle marches discharged the garrison of the Northumberland men; and orders were sent to him to discharge and cass many others, as by reason of sickness, or any other respect, should be thought unfit or superfluous for their present service: yet so, that his doings tended not to the weakening or danger of his charge.

Now about the middle of March there was a cessation of arms between the English and Scots; and instructions were sent to the lord Dacres, upon his letter, how to use the assured Scots during the abstinence from war: he was willed to signify their names and behaviours, and to send a copy of the articles of their assurance; to the end some order might be taken for them upon the conclusion of the peace: and in the mean time give them in charge to forbear to make any incursions into Scotland, but to use themselves quietly as the subjects of this realm, as they minded the preservation of their security.

Now there being a fair prospect of peace, the earl of Northumberland was ordered to proceed in casting the number of horsemen ors the frontiers, for the abridging of the queen’s charges, so far forth as he should perceive the same might be done without any danger to the frontiers; and to cass all such as might conveniently be spared, especially Northumberland men, and those that joined upon them. And for the better understanding what he was to do in this matter, to have good espial of the Scots doings. And a mass of money was soon after sent down.

And in the beginning of April 1559 peace was concluded with the Scots: which occasioned another letter from the council to the earl of Northumberland, signifying the same; and therefore requiring him to give order, that none serving under him should annoy the Scots, but to use them as friends. And he was willed to stay the publishing of this by proclamation, until he should further understand from the queen. And the like was sent from sir James Croft, now captain of Berwick.

The queen’s commissioners for Scotland were, the earl of Northumberland, the bishop of Durham, the lord Dacres, and sir James Croft; (whereof the bishop was of the quorum;) these met the commissioners of Scotland: and in July 1559 they fully concluded the articles of peace with the Scots accordingly. And the 14th of the said month the said bishop was at Doncaster, onward of his journey to court, to make a full relation of the said commission: taking small journeys, though they were great to him; “carrying his old carcass with him,” as he wrote from Doncaster to the earl of Shrewsbury.

Now the English forces were revoked from the marches of Scotland; but as for the French, the queen’s other neighbour enemy, their army’ continued still in Scotland, and increased by secret supplies out of France. The galleys were appointed to be brought from Marseilles: a great navy prepared in France for the marquis D’Albeuf, to pass into Scotland with wonderful preparation. Monsieur Martiques assembled the nobility of Scotland, moving them to invade England: but they, after deliberation, answered, that the success would never be good. Captains were sent into tho east parts of Germany for soldiers, and put aboard two men of war, not signifying where they should be employed. Hereupon the queen amassed some numbers of men both by sea and land, and sent them into Scotland: where an accord was made, that the French should avoid.

This was two or three years afterwards urged by the queen’s ambassador to France, for the restoration of Calais; viz. upon the breach of an article agreed upon at the treaty at Chasteau, in Cambresis: her ambassador (sir Thomss Smith, if I mistake not) arguing from these aforesaid attempts, that the French thereby had lost their pretended right to Calais, according to the orders of that treaty; since this evidently was attentare, armis innovate et moliri vel directe vel indirecte, as the article ran: and had also thereby forfeited 500,000 crowns, nomine poenoe.

SECTION 3.

Provision for Portsmouth; and the Isle of Wight; and Dover; and the cinque ports; and for Wales; and Guernsey; and Ireland. The condition of the ordnance. Commissioners appointed for the care of the kingdom. Treaty with France. The queen inquires into the loss of Calais. Embassy from Sweden. Her respect to Spain.

Preparations for the coronation. A call of sergeants; and some to be ennobled. The queen comes to the Tower. Goes through London triumphantly. A Bible presented her there. Crowned. Queen Mary’s funeral celebrated. Letters to the sheriffs for elections.

Other miscellaneous matters.

AND as the queen took this care of her northern confines against her enemies the Scots, so she had the like caution for her southern quarters, against her other enemies the French. For this purpose provision was made for Portsmouth, and the Isle of Wight especially. To that intent an hundred soldiers were commanded from Guernsey, left there September last, to be conveyed to Portsmouth: and the lord Chidiock Poulet, who had the charge of the government there, was instructed to receive them, or so many of them as should be thought necessary. And Rich. Worsely, esq. was ordered to repair to Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight, and the forts, castles, and bulwarks thereabouts; and to view and consider the state of the same. The said Worsey, and one Peter Smith joined with him, were appointed to muster the garrison at Portsmouth: and the lord Chidiock Poulet was sent to, to be aiding unto them therein, and in such other things as they had commission to do there.

And the lord marquis of Winchester, lord treasurer, had a note sent to him of such provisions as were thought re quisite to be made for the fortifications there, and at the Isle of Wight; which note sir Richard Lee brought him. And the said marquis was desired by the queen’s council to confer with the said sir Richard herein; and if he thought it needful, to appoint some trusty and skilful person for the providing of the same. The queen also ordered the garrisons here should be paid by Peter Smith, by the money brought down with him, according to certain instructions; and to use the advice of the foresaid lord Poulet herein. And that being done, to proceed to the viewing of the forts and munition at Portsmouth and thereabouts, according to former directions, and to make Worsely privy to his doings; who was then indisposed in his health. And that no unjust embezzlement of powder and munition might be concealed, the lord Poulet, the governor of Portsmouth, was sent to, to signify with speed, how much powder was spent the last year, and for what purpose, and what remained of that quantity that was sent thither, that order might be taken therein. And all this was done in the month of December.

In the beginning of March, the queen made the said Rich. Worsely captain of the Isle of Wight; as about the same time sir James Croft was made captain of Berwick, as is before said.

The like care was taken for Dover: the soldiers whereof were behind of their pay now, in March 1558, for seven months; of which they complained to the council. Order was taken for the looking carefully into that piece, lying also against France. And Tho. Wotton, esq. (who, if I mistake not, was now high sheriff of Kent,) was required, either by himself in person, or to appoint one Rudston, or some other trusty gentleman, to repair thither, to take the muster of the soldiers on the sudden; and to learn whether any of them were wanting; how long they had served there; and what money they had already received; and what armour and weapon they had. And soon after, the queen sent them their full pay.

There was a decay of the pier and black bulwark there: a complaint of which the mayor and jurats of Dover made to the queen. Therefore the said Wotton was willed to cause the same to be viewed, and to signify what should be done therein. And in April following, she sent thither sir Will.

Woodhouse, knt. to view and consider the state of the said pier and black bulwark; and to take order for the repair of the same, according as was prescribed him. And a letter was now also sent to the said mayor and jurats, and such other to whom it did appertain, to attend upon the said Wood-house, and to shew him what they thought meet to be known for the redress thereof.

The lord warden of the cinque ports, sir Thomas Cheyne, Order, eat being lately deceased, the queen well considered those places, to the and caused five several letters to be writ to the said five ports, Jan. ports; willing all the officers and inhabitants to continue the accustomed good order, in keeping of peace, justice, and quietness, until she would appoint a lord warden there. And in the mean time, if any wreck or other casualty should happen in any of the ports or members of the same, to signify it up to her; and to take care that the thing were kept to the queen’s majesty’s use, or such as her highness should appoint.

Wales was another of her extreme borders that she found needful to be looked after: here being a government constituted, called the president and council of the marches of Wales, was signified unto them, in November, the queen’s pleasure for their continuance in their commission; and that the instructions they had already they were to follow, until the contrary should be signified unto them. And if they thought any thing necessary to be added to their instructions, when they should be sig