BEING A REPOSITORY OF FAITHFUL EXTRACTS OUT OF VARIOUS RECORDS AND REGISTERS,

Papers of State, Minutes of Council; and Transcripts of Speeches, Original Letters, and other monuments of antiquity, referred unto in the foregoing History: For the better illustration thereof, and satisfaction of inquisitive readers.

NUMBER 1.

Queen Elizabeth’s proclamation upon her access to the crown.

BY THE QUENES MAJESTY.

ELIZABETH, by the grace of God, queen of England, Fraunce, and Ireland, defendour of the faith, &c. Because it hath pleased Almighty God, by calling to his mercie out of this mortal lief, to our great grief, our dearest suster of noble memory, Mary, late quene of England, Fraunce, and Ireland, (whose soul God have,) to dispose and bestow upon us, as the only right heyre by bludde and lawful succession, the crown of the foresayed kingdomes of England, Fraunce, and Ireland, with all maner titles and fights thereunto in any wise apperteyning; we do publish and give knowledge by this our proclamation to all maner peple, being natural subjects of every the said kingdomes, that from the beginning of the xviith day of this month of November, at which time our said dearest suster departed from this mortal lief, they be discharged of all bonds and duties of subjection towards our said suster, and be from the same tyme in nature and law bound only to us, as to their only soveraign lady and quene.

Wherewith we do by this our proclamation streightly charge and allye them to us: promising on our part no less love and care towards their preservation, than hath been in any of our progenitours; and not doubting on their parte, but they will observe the duty which belongeth to natural, good, and true loving subjects.

And further, we streightly charge and command all maner our said subjects of every degree, to kepe themselves in our peax, and not to attempt, upon any pretence, the breache, alteration, or chaunge of any ordre or usage presently establyshed within this our realm, upon payne of our indignation, and the perils and punishment, which thereto in any wise may belong. God save the quene.

NUMBER 2.

The queen’s council at Hatfield, to the marquis of Winchester, and the earls of Shrewsbury and Darby, to repair thither, with divers others of the nobility, to conduct her to London. AFTER our harty commendations to your good lordships. Where the quenes majesty mindeth to take her journey upon Wednesday next to London, her highness plesure is, that your lordships shall both put your selves in a readiness, to attend her majesty thither with all your servants and train; and also give warning to all such noblemen remaining presently at London, whose names you shall receive in a scedule enclosed, to do the like. The order of your setting forth, and what else her majesty willeth to be done herein, your lordships shall understand by our loving friend sir Rafe Sadler, who repaireth unto you for this purpose.

And for that there should not, in the absence of the lordships and the rest, want such as should see to the good order of things there, her majesty’s plesure is, that our very good lord, the archbishop of York, shall remain at London, and call unto him in all matters requisite for the preservation of order, our loving friends, sir William Petre and sir John Mason, and to confer with them therein. Which her highness plesure we pray you to signify unto his grace: and so we bid your lordships right hartily farewel.

From Hatfield, the 21st of November, 1558.

Your good lordships assured loving friends, Pembroke E. Clynton, W. Haward, Tho. Parry, Edward Rogers, Will. Cecill, Ambr. Cave.

NOBLEMEN APPOINTED TO ATTEND UPON THE QUEENS MAJESTY AT HER COMING TO LONDON.

Duke of Norfolk.

Earls of:

Oxford, Worcester.

Rutland, Cumberland, Huntingdon, Bedford, Viscounts of, Hereford, Mountague, Lords Borough Rich Windsor Mountjoy North Darcy Mountegle Chandos Dacres of the South Zouche Vaux Williams of Thame, Aburgaveny, Hastings of Loughborough Audley, Morley, John Grey, Dacres of the North, Wharton, Scrope, Willoughby.

Lumley Sir Thomas Cheny.

NUMBER 3.

The queen’s proclamation to forbid preaching; and allowing only the reading of the epistles and gospels, &c. in English in the churches.

BY THE QUENE.

THE quenes majesty, understanding that there be certain persons, having in times past the office of ministery in the church, which now do purpose to use their former office in preaching and ministery, and partly have attempted the same; assembling, specially in the city of London, in sondry places, great nomber of people: whereupon riseth amonges the common sort not only unfruteful dispute in matters of religion, but also contention, and occasion to break common quiet: hath therefore, according to thauthoritie committed to her highness, for the quiet governaunce of all manet her subjects, thought it necessary to charge and commaund, like as hereby her highness doth charge and commaund, all maner of her subjects, as well those that be called to ministery in the church, as all others, that they do forbear to preach or teach, or to gyve audience to any maner of doctrine or preachyng, other than to the gospels and epistels, commonly called the gospel and the epistel of the day, and to the Ten Commaundements in the vulgar tongue, without exposition or addition of any maner sense or meaning to be applyed or added; or to use any other maner of publick prayer, rite, or ceremony in the church, but that which is alredy used, and by law receaved; or the common letany used at this present in her majesty’s own chappel and the Lords Prayer, and the Crede in English; until consultation may be had by parlament, by her majesty, and her three estates of this realme, for the better conciliation and accord of such causes as at this present are moved in matters and ceremonies of religion.

The true advauncement whereof, to the due honour of Almighty God, the increase of vetrue and godlyness, with universal charitie and concord amonges her people, her majestie moost desyreth and meaneth effectually, by all maner of means possible, to procure and to restore to this her realme. Whereunto, as her majestie instantly requireth all her good, faithful, and loving subjects to be assenting and ayding with due obedience; so, if any shall disobediently use themselfes to the breach hereof, her majestie both must and will see the same duely punished, both for the qualite of thoffence, and for example to all others neglecting her majesties so reasonable commaundement. Yeven at her highness palais of Westminster, the xxviith day of December, the first year of her majesties reigne. God save the quene.

NUMBER 4.

The device for alteration of religion, in the first year of queen Elizabeth.

I. WHEN THE ALTERATION SHALL BE FIRST ATTEMPTED

At the next parliament: so that the dangers be foreseen, and remedies therefore provided. For the sooner that religion is restored, God is the more glorified, and as we trust wilbe more merciful unto us, and better save and defend her highness from all dangers.

II. WHAT DANGERS MAY ENSUE UPON THE ALTERATION?

The bishop of Rome, all that he may, wilbe incensed. He will excommunicate the queen’s highness, interdict the realms, and give it to prey to all princes, that will enter upon it; and incite them therto by all manner of means.

The French king will be encouraged more to the war, and make his people more ready to fight against us, not only as enemies, but as heretics. He wilbe in great hope of aid from hence, of them that are discontented with this alteration, looking for tumult and discord. He will also stay concluding peace upon hope of some alteration.

Scotland will have some causes of boldness; and by that way the French king wil seem soonest to attempt to invade us.

Ireland also will be very difficultly stayed in their obedience, by reason of the clergy that is so addicted to Rome.

Many people of our own wilbe very much discontented; especially these sorts.

All such as governed in the late queen Marie’s time, and were chosen thereto for no other cause, or were then most esteemed, for being hot and earnest in the other religion, and now remain unplaced and uncalled to credit, will think themselves discredited, and all their doings defaced, and study all the ways they can to maintain their former doings, and despise all this alteration.

Bishops and all the clergy wil se their own ruine. In confession and preaching, and all other ways they can, they wil perswade the people from it. They wil conspire with whomsoever that wil attempt, and pretend to do God a sacrifice, in letting the alteration, tho’ it be with murther of Christen men, or treason.

Men which be of the papist sect; which late were in maner all the judges of the law; the justices of the peace, chosen out by the late queen in all the shires; such as were believed to be of that sect; and the more earnest therin, the more in estimation. These are like to joyn and conspire with the bishops and clergy.

Some, when the subsidy shalbe granted, and money levied, (as it appeareth that necessarily it must be don,) wilbe therewith offended; and like enough to conspire and arise, if they have any head to stir them to it, or hope of gain and spoil.

Many such as would gladly have the alteration from the church of Rome, when they shal se peradventure, that some old ceremonies shalbe left still, or that their doctrine, which they embrace, is not allowed and commanded only, and all other abolished and disproved, shall be discontented, and call the alteration a cloaked papistry, or a mingle mangle.

III. WHAT REMEDY FOR THESE MATTERS?

First, for France, to practice a peace; or if it be offered, not to refuse it. If controversy of religion be there among them, to help to kindle it.

Rome is less to be doubted; from whom nothing is to be feared, but evil will, cursing, and practising.

Scotland will follow France for peace. But there may be practised to help forward their divisions; and especially to augment the hope of them, who incline them to good religion. For certainty, to fortify Berwick, and to employ demilances and horsemen for the safety of the frontiers.

And some expence of money in Ireland.

The fifth divided into five parts.

The first is of them which were of queen Mary’s council, elected and advanced then to authority, only or chiefly for being of the pope’s religion, and earnest in the same. Every augmentation or conservation of such men in authority or reputation, is an encouragement of those of their sect, and giveth hope to them, that it shall revive and continue, although it have a contrary blast. Seeing their pillars to stand still untouched, [will be] a confirmation to them that are wavering papists, and a discouragement of such that are but half enclined to that alteration. Dum in dubio est animus, paulo momento huc illuc impellitur. These must be searched by all law, as far as justice may extend; and the queen’s majesty’s clemency to be extended not before they do fully acknowledge themselves to have fallen in the lapse of the law.

They must be based of authority, discredited in their countries, so long as they seem to repugn to the true religion, or to maintain their old proceedings. And if they should seem to allow or to bear with the new alteration, yet not likely to be in credit, quia neophyti. And no man but he loveth that time wherein he did flourish. And when he can, and as he can, those ancient laws and orders he will maintain and defend with whom and in whom he was in estimation, authority, and a doer. For every man naturally loveth that which is his own work and creature.

And contrary, as those men must be based, so must her highness’s old and sure servants, who have tarryed with her, and not shrunk in the last storms, be advanced with authority and credit: that the world may see that her highness is not unkind nor unmindful. And throughout all England such persons as are known to be sure in religion, every one, according to his ability to serve in the commonwealth, to be set in place. Whom, if in the cause of religion, God’s cause, they shall be slack, yet their own safety and state shall cause to be vigilant, careful, and earnest for the conservation of her state, and maintenance of this alteration. And in all this, she shall do but the same that the late queen Mary did, to maintain and establish her religion.

The second of these five is the bishops and clergy, being in manner all made and chosen, such as were thought the stoutest and mightiest champions of the pope’s church, who in the late times [by] taking from the crown, impoverishing it, by extorting from private men, and all other means possible, per fas et nefas, have thought to enrich and advance themselves; these her majesty, being enclined to so much clemency, yet must seek as well by parliament, as by the just laws of England, in the praemunire, and other such penal laws, to bring again in order. And being found in default, not to pardon, till they confess their fault, put themselves wholly to her highness’s mercy, abjure the pope of Rome, and conform themselves to the new alteration. And by this means well handled, her majesty’s necessity of money may be somewhat relieved.

The third is to be amended even as all the rest above, by such means as queen Mary taught, that none such, as near as may be, be in commission of peace in the shires, but rather men meaner in substance and younger in years; so that they have discretion to be put in place. A short law made and executed against assemblies of people without authority. Lieutenants made in every shire: one or two men known to be sure at the queen’s devotion.

In the mean time musters and captains appointed, viz. young gentlemen which earnestly do favour her highness. No office of jurisdiction or authority to be in any discontented man’s hand, as far as justice or law may extend.

The fourth is not to be remedied otherwise than by gentle and dulce handleing, by the commissioners, and by the readiness and good-will of the lieutenants and captains to repress them, if any should begin a tumult, murmur, or provide any assembly, or stoutness to the contrary.

The fifth, for the discontentation of such as could be content to have religion altered, but would have it go too far, the straight laws upon the promulgation of the book, and severe execution of the same at the first, will so repress them, that it is great hope it shall touch but a few. And better it were that they did suffer, than her highness or commonwealth should shake, or be in danger. And to this they must well take heed that draw the book.

And herein the universities must not be neglected; and the hurt that the late visitation in queen Mary’s time did must be amended. Likewise such colleges where children be instructed to come to the university, as Eaton and Winchester: that as well the encrease hereafter, as at this present time, be provided for.

IV. WHAT SHALL BE THE MANNER OF THE DOING OF IT?

This consultation is to be referred to such learned men as be meet to shew their minds herein; and to bring a plat or book hereof ready drawn to her highness. Which being approved of her majesty, may be so put into the parliament-house, to the which for the time it is thought that these are apt men; Dr. Bill, Dr. Parker, Dr. May, Dr. Cox, Mr. Whitehead, Mr. Grindal, Mr. Pilkington.

And sir Thomas Smith do call them together, and to be amongst them. And after the consultation with these, to draw in other men of learning and gravity, and apt men for that purpose and credit, to have their assents.

As for that is necessary to be done before, it is thought most necessary, that a straight prohibition be made of all innovation, until such time as the book come forth; as well that there should be no often changes in religion, which would take away authority in the common peoples estimation; as also to exercise the queen’s majesty’s subjects to obedience.

V. TO THE FIFTH, WHAT MAY BE DONE OF HER HIGHNESS FOR HER OWN CONSCIENCE OPENLY, BEFORE THE WHOLE ALTERATION:

Or, if the alteration must tarry longer, what order be fit to be in the whole realm, as an interim?

To alter no further than her majesty hath, except it be to receive the communion as her highness pleaseth on high feasts. And that where there be more chaplains at mass, that they do always communicate in both kinds.

And for her highness’s conscience till then, if there be some other devout sort of prayers or memory said, and the seldomer mass.

VI. TO THE SIXTH, WHAT NOBLEMEN BE MOST FIT TO BE MADE PRIVY TO THESE PROCEEDINGS, BEFORE IT BE OPENED TO THE WHOLE COUNCIL?

The lord marquiss Northampton, the earl of Bedford, the earl of Pembroke, and the lord John Grey. VII. To the seventh, What allowance those learned men shall have, for the time they are about to review the Book of Common Prayer, and order of ceremonies, and service in the church, and where they shall meet? Being so many persons which must attend still upon it, two mess of meat is thought vet indifferent, to suffice for them and their servants.

The place is thought most meet [to be] in some set place, or rather at sir Thomas Smith’s lodgings in Chanon Row. At one of these places must provision be laid in of wood, and coals, and drink.

NUMBER 5.

An act, whereby the queen’s highness is restored in blood to the late queen Anne, her highness’s mother.

LA ROYNE LE VEULT.

WE your humble and obedient subjects, the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons in this present parliament assembled, for divers and sundry great and urgent causes and considerations us moving, most humbly beseech your majesty, that it may be enacted and established by your highness, with the assent of us, the said lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons of this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same; that your highness shall be from henceforth enabled in blood, and be inheritable, according to the due order and course of the common laws of this your realm, to the late queen Anne, your highness’s mother, and to all other your majesty’s ancestors, and cousins of the part of your said mother: and that as much of every act, record, sentence, matter, or writing whatsoever, as is or shall be hereunto contrary or repugnant, shall be from henceforth clearly and utterly void, and of no effect. Saving to all and every person or persons, bodies politic and corporate, their heirs, successors, and assigns, and the heirs, successors, and assigns of every of them, all such state, right, title, use, possession, and interest, as they or any of them have in, or to, any manors, lands, tenements, rents, annuities, fees, profits, commodities, and heredita-ments whatsoever, in such like manner, form, quality, condition, and degree, to all intents, constructions, and purposes, as they, or any of them, might or ought to have had, used, or enjoyed the same, if this act had never been had or made.

NUMBER 6.

Hethe, archebisshoppe of Yorke, his oration made in the parliament house 1559, against the bill of the quene’s supremacye.

My lordes all, WITH humble submission of my whole mike unto your horiours, I pourpose to speke to the body of this acte, touchinge the supremacye. And that the doinges of this honourable assembly may therein be allwayes fourther honourable, two thinges are right nedfull and necessarye of your wisdomes to be considered. Furst, when by the vertue of this acte of supremacye, we must forsake and flee from the sea of Rome, it wolde be considered by your wisdomes what matter liethe therin, as what matter of weight or force, what matter of daunger or inconveniaunce, or else whether there be none at all. Seconde, when th’intent of this acre is to geve unto the quene’s highness a supremaeye, it wolde be considered of your wisdomes what this supremacye is, and whether it do consiste in spirituall government or in temporail. If in temporail, what fourther authorite can this howse give unto her highness, then she hath already by fight and inheritaunce, and not by your gifte, but by the appointment of God, she beinge our sovaraigne lord and ladie, our kinge and quene, our emperor and empresse; other kinges and princes of dewtie ought to paye tribute unto her, she being free from them all. If you will say, that this supremacye dothe consiste in spirituall government, then it wolde be considered what this spirituall government is, and in what pointes it dothe cheftely remaine. Which beinge first agreed upon, it wolde be fourther considered of your wisdomes, whether this house may graunt them unto her highness or not; and whether her highness be an apt person to receave the same or not. And by the through examynation of all these partes, your honours shall procead in this matter groundely upon throughe knowledge, and not be deceaved by ignoraunce.

Now to the firste pointe, wherein I promised to examyne this forsakinge and fleynge from the sea of Rome, what matter either of weight, daunger, or inconvenyence dothe consiste therin. And if by this our relinquishing of the sea of Rome there were none other matter therin, then a withdrawinge of our obedience from the pope’s person, Paul the IVth of that name, which hathe declared himself to be a very austere stern father unto us, ever since his first entraunce into Peter’s chayre; then the cause were not of suche great importaunce, as it is in very dede, when, by the relinquishinge and forsakinge of the sea of Rome, we must forsake and flee from these four things. First, we must forsake and flee from all generall councells.

Secondly, we must flee from all canonicall and ecclesiasticall lawes of the churche of Christe. Third, from the judgment of all other Christian princes.

Fourthe and last, we must forsake and flee from the unitie of Christe’s churche, and by leapinge out of Peter’s shippe, hazarde our selves to be overwhelmed and drowned in the waters of schisme, sects, and divisions.

First, touchinge generall councells, I shall onlye name unto you these foure, Nicene councell, Constantinopolitan, Ephesyne, and Chalcedon countell; which are approved of all men, doubted of or denyed of no man. Of the which four councells, S. Gregory writethe in this wise, Sicut enim sancti evangelii quatuor libros, sic haec quatuor concilia, Nicen. scil.

Constantinopolitan. Epkesin. et Chalcidonense suscipere ac venerari me fateor. At Nicene councell, the first of the foure, the bisshoppes which were assembled did write their epistle to Sylvester, then bisshoppe of Rome, that their decrees made ther must be confirmed by his aucthorytie.

At the countell kept at Constantinople, all the bisshoppes there were obedyent to Damase, then bisshoppe of Rome. He, as cheffe judge of that councell, did give sentence against these herefickes, Macedonians, Sabellians, and Eunomians; which Eunomius was bothe an Arrian and the first author of this heresie, that only faith doth justifie; and here, by the waye, it is touche to be lamentid, that we, thinhabitants of this realme, are muche more inclined to rayse uppe the errors and sects of ancyent and condemned heretickes, then to follow the approved doctryne of the most catholicke and learned fathers of Christe’s churche. At Ephesyne countell, Nestorius, the hereticke, was condemned by Celestine, then bisshoppe of Rome, he beinge the cheffe judge there. At Chalcedonense, all the bisshoppes assembled ther, did wryte their humble submission unto Leo, then bisshoppe of Rome, wherein they did acknowledge him to be their cheffe head. Therefore to deny the sea apostolike, were to contempne and set at nought the judgments of these route notable councells.

Second, We must forsake and flee from all canonicall and ecclesiasticall lawes of Christe’s churche, whereunto we have allredye confessed our obedience at the font, saying, Credo sanctam ecclesiam catholicam; which article conteynethe, that we muste beleve not onely that there is a holie catholike churche, but that we must receave also the doctrine and sacraments of the same churche, obaye her lawes, and live accordinge unto the same. Which lawes do depend wholly uppon th auchoritie of the sea apostolike, and lyke as it was here openly confessed by the judges of this realme, that the lawes made and agreed uppon, in the higher and lower house of this honourable parliament, be of small or none effect, before the reall assent of the kynge and prince be geven therto; semblablye ecclesiasticall lawes made, cannot, bynd the universall churche of Christe, without the reall assent and confirmation of the sea apostolike.

The thirde, We must forsake and flee from the judgment of all Christian princes, whether they be protestants or catholike, when none of them doe agree with these our doinges; kinge Henry thEighth beinge the verve firste that ever tooke uppon him the tytell of supremaeye. And whereas it was of late here in this house said by an honourable man, that the tytell is of right dewe unto the kinge, for that he is a kinge; then it would follow, that Herod, beinge a kinge, should be supreme head of the churche at Jerusalem; and Nero th’emperour supreme head of the churche of Christe at Rome; they bothe beinge infidells, and therby no members of Christe’s churche. And if our Saviour Jesus Christe, at his departure from this worlde, shoulde have lefte the spirituall governement of his churche into th’hands of emperors and kinges, and not to have commytted the same unto his apostells, howe negligently then shoulde he have lefte his churche, it shall appeare right well, by callinge to your remembraunce, that th’emperour Constantinus Magnus was the firate Christian emperour, and reigned about three hundred yeres after th’ascension of Christe: if therefore by your proposition Constantyne, the firate Christian empefour, was the firste cheffe head and spirituall governour of Christe’s churche througheout his empire, then it followithe, howe that our Savyour Christe for that whole tyme and space of three hundred yeares, untill the comynge of this Constantyne, lefte his churche, which he had dearly bought by th’effusyon of his most precyous bloode, without a head; and therefore, how untrue the sayinge of this noble man was, it shall fourther appeare by th’example of kinge Ozias, and also of kinge David; for when kinge Ozias did take the censer to incense the aulter of God, the priest Azarias did resiste him, and expell him out of the temple, and said unto him these wordes, Non est officii tui, Ozia, ut adoleas incensum Domino, sed est sacerdotum et filiorum Aaron; ad hujuamodi enim officium consecrati sunt. Now I shall moste humble demande of you this question, When this preste Azarias said unto this kinge Ozias, Non est officii tui, &c. whether he said truthe or no?

If you answere, that he spake the truthe, then the kinge Ozias was not the supreme head of the churche of the Jewes: if you shall saye, no; whye did God then plague the kinge with a leprosie, and not the preste? The preste Azarias, in resistinge the kinge, and thrustinge him out of the temple, in so doinge did he playe the faithfull parte of a subjicte, or no? If youe answer, no; why did God then spare the preste, and plague the kinge? If you answer, yea; then it is most manylest, Ozias, in that he was a kinge, coulde not be supreme head of the churche. And as touchinge th’example of kinge Davyd, in bringinge home the arke of God from the Philistians ad civitatem Davyd, what supremacye and spirituall government of Gode’s arke did kinge Davyd there take upon him? Did he place himself amongest the prestes, or take upon him any spirituall function unto the prestes apperteynyng? Did he approche nere unto the arke, or yet presume to towche the same; no, doubtless, when before he sawe Ozias stricken by the hand of God for the lyke arrogancye and presumption; and therefore kinge Davyd did goe before the arke of God with his harpe, makinge melodye, and placed himselfe amongest the mynystrells, and so humblye did abase himselfe, beynge a kinge, as to daunce, skyppe, and leappe before the arke of God, lyke as his other subjectes: insomuche, that quene Micholl, kinge Saules doughter, beholding and seeynge the great humylitye of kinge Davyd, did disdayne therat. Wherunto kinge Davyd said, Ludam, et vilior fiam, plusquam factus sum coram Domino meo, qui me elegit potius quam pattem tuum aut domum patris tui. And whereas quene Micholl was therefore plagued at the hand of God perpetua sterilitate, kinge Davyd receaved great prayse for his humylitie.

Now it may please your honours, which of bothe these kinges examples it shalbe moste convenyent for your wisdomes to move our quene’s highness to followe; th’example of the proude kinge Ozias, and by your perswasion and counsells to take uppon her spiritual government, therby adventuringe youre selves to be plagued at Godes handes, as kinge Ozias was; or else to follow th’example of good kinge Davyd, which in refusall of all spirituall government about the arke of God, did humble himselfe as I have declared unto you? Whereunto our soveraigne ladye the quenes highness of her own nature verye well inclyned and bent, we maye assure our selves to have of her highness as humble, as vertuous, and as godly a mystress to reigne over us, as ever had English people heere in this realme, if that her highness be not by our flattery and dissimulation seduced and begylyd.

Fourth and last, We muste forsake and flee from the unitie of Christe’s churche, when saint Cyprian, that holye martyr, saithe, That the unitie of the churche of Christe dothe de pend upon the unitie of Peter’s authorytie; therefore by our leapinge out of Peter’s shippe, we must nedes be overwhelmed with the waters of schism, sects, and divisions, when the same holye martyr saint Cyprian saithe, in his thirde epistle ad Cornelium, that all heresies, sects, and schisms do springe onely, for that men will not be obedyent unto the head bysshoppe of God. The Latin whereof is, Neque enim aliunde haereses abortae sunt, aut nata sint schismata, quin inde, quod sacerdoti Dei non obtemperatur. And howe true this sayinge of Cyprian is, it is apparaunte to all men that listith to see by th’example of the Germaynes, and by th’inhabitors of this realme. And this our forsakinge and fleeyng from the unitie of the churche of Rome, this inconvenyencie, amongest manye, must consequentely follow thereof, that eyther we must graunt the churche of Rome to be the churche of God, or else a malignant churche. If you answer, that it is of God, where Jesus Christe is truly tawght, and all his sacraments rightely minystered; how then may wee disborden our selves of our forsakinge and fleeing that churche, whom we do confesse and knowledge to be of God, when with that churche, which is of God, we ought to be one, and not to admytte any separation? If you answere, that the churche of Rome is not of God, but a malignant churche; then it will follow, that we th’inhabitantes of this realme have not as yet receyved any benyfite of Christe, when we have receyved no other gospell, no other doctrine, no other faithe, no other sacraments, than were sent us from the churche of Rome; first, in kinge Lucius his dayes, at whose humble epistle the holy martyr Elutherius, then bisshoppe of Rome, did send unto this realme two holy monkes, Faganus and Damyanus, by whose doctrine we were fyrst put to knowledge of the faithe, of Jesus Christe, of his gospell, and of his most blessed sacraments. Secound, holy saint Gregorye, beynge bisshoppe of Rome, did send into this realme two other holy monkes, saint Aug~styn and Mellitus, to receyve the very self same faithe of Jesus Christe, that was before plantid here in this realme in the dayes of kinge Lucius. Third and last, Paulus Tertius, being bisshoppe of Rome, did send the lord Cardinall Poles good grace, by birthe a nobell man of this realme, as his legat, to restore us to the same faithe that the blessed martyr Elutherius, and holy saint Gregorye, had plantid here in this realme many yeres before. If therefore the churche of Rome be not of God, but a malignant churche, then we have byne deceyved all this while, when the gospel, the doctrine, faithe, and sacraments, must be of the same nature that the churche is of, from whence it came. And therefore in relinquishinge and forsakinge of that churche, as a malignant churche, th’inhabitants of this realme shalbe forced to seke fourther for another gospell of Christe, other doctrine, faithe, and sacraments, then we hitherto have receyved.

Which shall brede suche a schism and error in faithe, as was never in any Christian realme; and therefore of your wisdomes worthy consideration, and maturely to be providid for before you passe this acte of supremacie.

Thus much towchinge the firste cheffe pointe. Now to the second eheffe pointe; wherein I promyssed to move your honours to consider, what this supremacie is, which we goo about by vertue of this acte, to gyve unto the quene’s highness, and wherein it dothe consiste, as whether in spiritual government or in temporall. If in spiritual, like as the wordes of the acte do ymporte, scil. supream head of the churche of England, ymmediat and next under God; then it wolde be considered of your wisdomes in what pointes this spirituall government dothe consiste; and the pointes being well knowen, it wolde be considered, whether this howse have aucthorite to graunt them, and her highness abilitie to receave the same.

And as towchinge the poynte wherin the spiritual governmente dothe consiste, I have in readinge the gospel observed these foure, amongest manye: wherof the first is to loose and binde, when our Saviour Jesus Christ, in ordeyninge Peter to be the cheffe governor of his church, said unto him, Tibi dabo claves regni caelorum; quodcunque ligaveris super terram, erit ligatum et in caelis, et quodcunque solve ris, erit solutum et in caelis. Now it wolde be considered of your wisdoms, whether you have sufficient authorytie to graunt unto her highness this first point of spiritual governmente, and to say to her, Tibi dablinus claves regni caelorum; if you say, yea, then we requier the sight of your waraunte and commyssion, by the vertue of God’s word. And if you say, no, then you may be well assured, and perswade your selves, that you have no sufficient authoritie to make her highness supreme head of the church here in this realme. The second pointe of spiritual government is gathered of these words of our Saviour Jesus Christ, spoken unto Peter in the 21st chapter of saint John’s gospel, Pascc, pasce, pasce. Now whether your honours have authority, by this high courte of parliamente, to say unto our soveraign ladle, Pasce, pasce, pasce, you muste shewe your waraunte and commyssion. And fourther, that her highness, beyinge a woman by birthe and nature, is not qualyfied by God’s worde to feed the flock of Chryst, it appeareth most playnlye by St. Paul on this wise, saying, Taceant mulieres in ecclesiis: non enim permittetur eis loqui, sed subditas esse, sicut dicit lex: and it followethe in the same place, Quod turpe est mulieri loqui in ecclesiis.

And in his first epistle to Timothy, the second chapter, saythe, Docere autem mulieri non permitto, neque dominari in virum, sed in silentio esse.

Therefore it appeareth, that lyk as your honours have not his authoritie to gyve her highness this second pointe of spiritual government to feed the flock of Chryst; so by Paul’s doctryne her highness may not entermeddle her self with the same: therefore she cannot be supreame head of Chryst’s church here in this realme. The third and cheffe pointe of spiritual government is gathered of the wordes of our Saviour Jesus Christ, spoken unto Peter, Luc. the 22d chapter, Ego rogavi pro te, ut non deficlat fides tua; et tu aliquando conversus Confirma fratres tuos. Whereby it appeareth, that one chief pointe of spiritual government is to confirme his brethren, and ratifie them bothe by holsome doctryne, and administration of the blessed sacraments.

But to preach or mynister the holy sacraments, a woman may not; neither may she be supreme head of the churche of Chryst. The fourthe and last pointe of spiritual government, which I promyssed to observe and note unto you, dothe consiste in excommunication and spiritual punyshment of all such as shall approve themselves not to be the obedient children of Chryst’s churche. Of the which authoritie our Saviour Chryst speakethe in saint Matthew, the 18th chapter, there sayinge, Dic ecclesiae, si autem ecclesiam non audierit, sit tibi tanquam ethnicus et publicanus. And the apostle St. Paul did excommunicate the notorious fornycator, that was amongest the Corinthes, by the authoritie of his apostleshippe. Unto the which apostles, Chryste ascending into heaven, did leave the whole spiritual government of his churche, as it apperethe by the plaine wordes of Paul, in his epistel to the Ephesyans, the 4th chapter; Ipse dedit ecclesiae suae quosdam apostolos, alios evangelistas, alios pastores et doctores, in opus ministerii, in aedificationem corpotis Christi. But a woman, in the degrees of Chryst’s churche, is not called to be an apostel, nor evangelst, nor to be a shepherd, neyther a doctor or preacher. Therfor she cannot be supreme head of Christ’s militant churche, nor yet of any part therof.

Thus touche I have here said, right honourable, and my very good lordes, against this act of supremacie, for the dyscharge of my conscience, and for the love, dread, and feare, that I cheffely owe unto God and my sovarayne ladie the quene’s highness, and unto your lordshippes all; when otherwyse, and without mature consideration of these premysses, your honours shall never be able to shewe your faces before your enymyes in this matter, beying so rash an example and spectacle in Chryst’s churche, as in this realme onely to be found, and in none other. Thus humble beseeching your good honours to take in good part this rude and playne speche that I have here used, of much good zeal and will, I shall now leave to trouble your honours any longer.

NUMBER 7.

Scot, bishop of Chester, his speech in parlament against the bill of the supremacye.

MY lord, and my lords all, I do perceave that this bill hathe now ben twice read, and by the order of this howse must be reade the thirde time. Which order I think was appoynted so to be observed for this end, that every man, being a member of this howse, sholde fully understand, and so at large speke his mind in conscience in the contents of all the bills preferred and read here, before they should be inacted and establyshed as lawes.

Wherefore I consideringe that this bill hathe ben nowe twise redde, and hathe accordingly ben spoken unto gravely, wiselye, and learnedlye, by dyvers of this honourable companye, and that I for my parte as yet have said nothinge therein, I shall most humblye desier your good lordshippes to gyve me leave, and pacyentlye to heare what I have to saye, as concernynge this present bill. And yet to confesse unto your lordshippes the truthe, ther be two thinges that do much move me, and, as it were, pull me backe from speaking any thinge in this matter. The first is, that I perceave the quene’s highness, whom I pray God longe to preserve, is, as it were, a partie thetin, unto whom I do acknowledge that I owe obedience, not onlye for wrathe and displeasures sake, but for conscience sake, and that by the scriptures of God. The second is, the reverence I have to those noble men, unto whom this bill was comyttid to be weyed and considerid, whose doings, I assure your good lordshippes, is a great comfort, not onely unto me, but also, as I do thinke, unto all that be of the profession that I am of, with manye other besides. First, for that their devoeions towards Allmyghtie God, dothe appeare, seinge, they will not suffer the service of the churche, and the dew admynistration of the holie sacraments therof, to be disanulled or all reddye altered, but to be contened [retained] as they have ben heretofore. And secondlye, for that their charitie and pittie towards the poor clargie of this realme dothe appeare in mytygatinge th’extreme penalties mentioned in this bill for the gayne-sayers of the contents of the same.

But ther be two other thinges of more weight, that do move me to speke in this matter what I thinke. The firste is Allmyghtie God, which I knowe dothe looke, that, accordinge to the profession whereunto (althoughe I be unworthye) I am called, I shoulde speke my mnyde in suche matters as this is, when they be callyd in question. The secounde is my conscience, which dothe urge me to do the same.

Wherefore, nowe to speke of the matters this I saye, that our faithe and religion is mayntayned and contynued by no one thinge so muche as by unytie; which unytie is contynued and mayntayned in Christe’s churche, evin as concorde and good order is mayntayned in a commonwealthe.

Wherein as we see for civill quietness, there is appointed in every village one constable. And least ther shoulde anye varyanee fall amongest them, ther is againe in everye houndrethe one head counstable, in whome all the other inferiours be as knitte in one. And where theyre be in one shiere dyvers houndrethes, to make away all controverses, as myght chaunce amongest the said head constables of these hundrethes, of that thei be joyned as in one. The sherifes likewyse be joyned in one prince, which prince beinge depryved of his princely aucthorytie, the unitie and concorde of that realme is dissolvid, and every man chosethe himselfe a newe lord.

Evin so it is in the churche of Christe, accordinge to the commandment of saint Paule. Ther is in everye village at the least one preiste; in everye cittie, one bisshoppe, in whom all the preistes within the diocesse be knytte in one; in every province one metropolitan, in whome, for the avoidinge of controversies, all the bisshoppes of that province be joyned; and for unitie to be observed amongest the metropolitanes, they be likewise joyned in one highe bisshoppe, called the pope, whose aucthoritie beinge taken away, the shepe, as the scripture sayethe, be scattred abrode. For avoydinge whereof, our Sayyour Christe before his deathe prayed, that we myght be all one, as his Father and he be one; which thinge cannot be, except we have all one head. And therefore Almyghtie God saide by the profitte Ezechiel, Suscitabo super eos pastorem unum; I will stir up over them one pastoure.

And our Savyour in the gospell likewise saythe, Ther shalbe one pastoure and one shepefoulde. Which sentences peradventure some men will saye to be applyed onely to our Sayyour Christe, which in very dede I must nedes graunt to be so; yet this I may saye, these places be applied to him onely, as other like places of scripture be; for it is said in the scripture, that onely God is immortall and by participation with him, all we that be trewe Christian men be made immortall; onely God forgyvethe synne, and yet by commission from him, prestes hathe aucthorytie to forgyve sin. He is onely kinge, and by commission makethe kinges; and likewise he is onely preste after thorder of Melchisedech, and by commission makethe prestes: he of himself, and by none other; all the rest by him, and not of themselves. So he is our onely pastour, and by commission hathe made other pastours, and especially one to be vicargenerall in earthe, to governe and rule all his whole flocke in unitie and concorde, and in avoydinge of schismes and divysions. And likewyse as he sent one Holie Ghoste to rule and governe his people inwardly, so he appoynted one governor to rule and lead them outwardlye.

Which one head governor cannot be applied to any temporall prince: for then eyther must we nedes graunt that the churche of Christe was not perfecte, but rather a manke bodye without a head by the space of three hundred yeres and more, (for so longe was it after the desthe of our Savyour Christe before there was any one Christian prince in all the worlde,) or else, that Christe appointid an infidell, beinge no member of his churche, to be head thereof; which bothe be absurdities. Againe, that Christe appointid no temporal prince to be head of his churche it appearethe, by that we see in dyvers kingdomes ther be dyvers and sundrye princes and rulers, so that ther shoulde by that meanes be many heads of one bodye, the whiche weare a monstrouse thinge. Thirdly, that he appoynted no temporall prince to be head of the churche, it appearithe by the worde it selfe, spoken by our Savyour Christe, Pasce, Fede, which he spoke not to Herode, Pilate, nor yet to Tyberius the emperour: but he spoke them unto Peter, sayinge, Pasce oves meas. And whet peradventure some man will cavill and argue of the Greke worde spoken by our Savyour Christe in that place, which dothe signifie not onely to feed, but also to rule and goverue; I answer, that I do not knowe where that worde is applied unto any temporail ruler in the Newe Testament; and if it so were, yet it dothc not prove ther intent, for other manyfeste and playne places of scripture do exclude them from suche aucthoritie, notwithstandinge that the same scripture dothe gyve them verye great aucthorytie, commandinge us to obeye the same; declaringe withall, that they beare the sworde not in vayne, nor without cawse. But nowe marke this worde sworde, which princes had before the comynge of otir Saviour Christe; and that he did gyve them any further aucthorytie we reade not, but lefte them as he founde them. And as he did gyve them no spirituall aucthorytie, so I do not see that he did take any temporall rule from them. Wherefore he commandid Peter to putt uppe his sworde, because he had gyven hym other instruments to use, wherein was included his aucthorytie, that is to saye, the keyes of the kingdome of heaven, sayinge, Tibi dabo claves regni coelorum. In these keyes, and in exercysinge of the same, consistethe all aucthorytie ecclesiastical gyven by God unto any man. Unto whom he hathe not by scripture gyven these keyes, they have no right to it.

Wherefore it followethe, that no temporal prince hathe any aucthorytie ecclesiasticall in or over the churche of Christe, seeynge, that the keyes were never gyven unto any of them.

And here I knowe it wilbe objectid against me, that as this place dothe make against the supremacye of princes, so dothe it not make for the primacye of saint Peter. For saint John dothe withesse in the 20th chapter of his gospell, that our Savyour Christe did gyve the keyes not onely to Peter, but also unto all his apostells, when he did breathe upon them, sayinge, Accipite Spiritum Sanctum; Take ye the Hobde Ghoste: whose synnes ye forgyve beforgyvin to them, and whose synnes ye reteyne are reteyned. And dyvers of the ancyent writers do lykwise saye, that the keyes were given unto all the apostells. But yet in one place or other the same aucthors do declare, that they were gyven unto Peter principally; as Hilarius, where he saithe, spekeinge of that matter, Datae sunt claves Petro principalius, in quantum erat aliorum capitaneus. “The keyes (saythe he) were gyven to Peter princypallye, in that he was cheffe and capitayne of the other.” And if that any man yet will contende, that this place dothe gyve no more aucthorytie to Peter than to the rest of the apostells, I have rede another place of scripture, whiche dothe exclude the rest of the apostells from equalitie of aucthorytie with Peter, in the rule and government of the churche of Christe, and that is the changynge of his name; for at Peter’s firste metinge with our Savyour Christe, his name was Symon, as it is ther mentionede in these wordes, Symon the sone of Jona, thow shalte be called Cephas, that is to say, a stone, or a rocke. And for what consideration and end Christe gave hym that name, it dothe appeare in the 16th of saint Matthew, in these wordes, Tu es Petrus, &c. Thou arte Peter; that is to saye, a stone, or a rocke; and upon this stone, or rocke, I will buylde my churche. Here I shall dessire youe to note, that Peter hathe a promysse made unto hymselfe alone, whiche was made to no other of the apostells; that is, that as he had receaved a newe name, so he shoulde have a newe priveledge or preferment, to be the foundation, grounde, and staye of Christe’s churche, beynge buylded upon hym, for he was called a rocke or stone, for the stabilitie and constancye that shoulde allwayes appeare in the churche, beinge builded upon hym a sure foundation, and ymmovable.

Which thinge dothe howe appeare in the succession of Peter: for as concernynge the other apostles in theire own persons, I do not doubte but durynge their lyves naturall, they were as fyrme and stable in the faithe of Christe, as Peter was; but for their succession we have no suche proore, seeynge, that onely the succession of Peter dothe contynue in the churche of Christe, the like appearinge in none of thother apostles: which is the onelye staye of the same in earthe, and undoubtedly shalbe until the worldes end. This place of scripture, in my judgment, if ther wer no more, is sufficient to prove, that Peter and his successors be appointid of Christe to have the rule and government of his church in earthe above all others, bothe spirituall and temporail, and yet I do knowe that ther maye and also will objections be layd against these my sayings. For some will saye, that Christe himselfe is the stone wherupon his churche is buylded; and some will saye, that the profession that Peter made of Christe, when he sayde, Thou art the sone of the lyvinge God: which be bothe trewe, and yet not repugnant to that which I have sayd befor; for all these three understandings well pondered and considered in their dyvers respects may stande togyther. But I do thinke, that if the mynd and intent of our Savyour Christe, when he spake these wordes, Thow arte Peter, &c. be well weyed, the place it selfe dothe declare, that it is specially to be understanded of the person of Peter and his successors. For undoubtedly he knowinge that infidelitie and heresyes shoulde so encrease and abound, that his churche and faithe shoulde be in daunger to be overthrowen and extinguished, made promyse ther so to provyde by Peter and his successors, that it shoulde be alwayes knowen, where his faithe shoulde be had and sought for again, if it were any wher lost, unto all men that woulde with humilitie desier, seke after, and receave the same.

So that we nowe, if we shoulde understand that place of our Saviour Christe, which is the firste and trewe stone of this buyldinge in very dede, what certeyntie can we have of our faithe? Or howe shall we staye our selves, waveringe in the same in this our tyme? For at this present ther be abrode in Christendom 34 sundrye sects of opynions, wherof never one agreeth with another, and all differ from the catholike churche. And every one of these sects do saye and affyrme constantlye, that their profession and doctryn is builded upon Christe, alledginge scripture for the same. And they all and every of them, thus challynging Christe to be ther foundation by scripture, howe shoulde any man knowe to which of them he may safely gyve credit, and so obaye and followe?

The lyke is to be said of Peter’s confession, wherin we can have no sure tryall: for every one of these sects or heresyes dothe confesse and acknoledge Christe to be the sone of the livinge God. So that I thinke I may conclude that our Savyour Christe in this place, saying, that he would builde his churche upon a stone, did meane by the stone Peter and his successors, wherunto men myght savely cleave and leane, as unto a sure and unmovable rocke in matters of faithe, knowinge certeynly that in so doinge they shall not falle, I meane in faithe; as we do moste manyfestly see it hathe come to passe, and contynued for the space of a thowsand fyve hundrethe yeres and odde.

I have heard objectid here of late against the supremacye of Peter and his successors, dyvers reasons which appeare unto me to have in them small substance, as I trust it shall appeare unto youe by the unfoldinge of the same. And for the better understandinge of the same, I will brynge them unto three head-places.

Wherof the firste dothe consyste in the wycked and evyll lives, as it is alledged, of certayne popes of Rome; which, as I do thinke, were nothinge so wycked as they were reported to have ben: but lett that be, they were so; what then? A man is a man, and, as the scripture sayethe, Quis est homo, qui non peccet? What man is he that synneth not? Again, if that our Sayyour Christe had made the lyke warrant unto Peter and his successors, as concerninge their conversation and lyvinge, as he did for the continuaunce and stabilitie of their faythe, and had said unto Peter, Ego rogavi pro te ut non pecces; I have prayed for thee, that thow shalt not synne: as he sayd, Ego rogavi pro te ut non deficiat fides tua; I have prayed that thye faythe shall never fayll: then ther evill lyves had ben an argument to have proved, that they had not ben the true successores of Peter, nether had had any suche aucthoritie gyven unto them of God. But seeynge that the warrant was made only for the continuance of their faithe, wherin they have hitherto, and do yet moste constantly stand, without any mencyon of their conversation and livinge, it is in my judgment no profe nor argument against the aucthorytie and supremacye of the sea of Rome; as we see that the adulterye and murther commytted by kinge Davyd, dothe not dimynysshe the aucthorytie of godly psalmes wrytten by hym; neyther the dissolute lyvinge and idolatrye of kynge Salomon is prejudiciall to dyvers bookes of scripture wrytten by him, nor yet the covetousness of the prophet Balaam did let, in any condition, the vertue and strength of God, the blessinge of God sent unto the children of Irsaell by hym, nor the truthe of the prophecye, as concernynge the cominge of our Savyour Christe, by hym likewise pronounced: even so the lyres of the popes of Rome, were they never so wycked, cannot be prejudicial to the aucthorytie gyven to Peter and his successores, by the mouthe of our Sayyour Christe.

The somme of the objections secondarilye made againste his aucthorytie, dothe consiste (as they do alledge) in certayne canons of the councell of Nicene, and the sixth councell of Carthage, with the departure of the Greke churche and other realmes now in our dayes from the aucthorytie of the said sea of Rome. As concerninge the councell of Nicene, I do marveil that they will alledge any thinge therin conteyned in this matter, seeynge in the preface of the said councell it is declared, that this aucthorytie which we speke of is gyven unto the said sea by no councells or synods, but by the evangelicall voyce of our Sayyour Jesus Christe; and also the fathers of the said councell beynge condescended and agreed in all matters of controversye, moved in that ther assembly, wrotte unto the pope, desiringe to have ther decrees confirmed by his aucthorytie, as it dothe more at large appeare in ther epistle writen in that behalfe. Further, Athanasius, which was present at the said councell, and after patriarche of Alexandria, dothe not onelye acknoledge the cure and charge of the universall churche of Christe to be gyven to Peter and his successors, but also, beinge universally depryved, did appeall unto the pope of Rome, and by him was restored againe. And likewise the sixt courtcell of Carthage makethe nothinge for ther purpose: for the supremacie of the pope was not called in question ther, but some varyaunce ther was in dede, which consistith in this point onelye, whether a bisshoppe or a preste beinge accused and troubled, and thinkinge hymselfe to have wronge, myght appeall to Rome for the better examynation and tryall of his cawse or no: as one Appiarius, a preste, had done then in Afrike. Ther was alledged for appellations to be made to Rome, a canon of Nicene councell, which indede was sought for, and coulde not be founde. Which was no marvell; for whereas the fathers in Nicene councell made seventy canons, throughe the wickedness of heretickes, ther was then but founde remayninge onely twenty-one. Yet that notwithstandinge the bisshoppes of Africke did not longe after submytte themselves to the churche of Rome in that point. Also, they use to inculcate the aucthoritie of this councel, for bycause that St. Augustine was present at it; as he was indede, which makethe directly againste them.

For saint Augustyne dothe everye where in his workes acknoledge the supremacye of St. Peter and his successors; as is in his 162 epistle, sayinge thus, In Romana ecclesia semper viguit apostolicae cathedrae principatus: In the churche of Rome hathe allways ben strengthened or florysshed the rule or aucthoritie of the apostolike chayre.

And where I heard a question moved here of late, whether that ever the Greke churche did acknoledge the superiortie of the church of Rome or no? Of the which matter I marvell that any man dothe doubt, seynge that the Greke churche did not onely acknoledge, but also contynue in obedience under the said churche of Rome, by the space of eight hundrethe yeres at the least, so far as I can read my self, or learne of others. And after that it did first renounce the said aucthodtie, it did returne againe with submyssion fourteen several tymes, as good authors write, and as we may partely gather by the councell of Florence, which was about a hundred and fourty-one years ago; whereas the patriarche of Constantinople hymself was present amongest other bushoppes and learned men of Grece, in the which this matter in controversy was determyned and agreed upon, as it dothe manifestely appeare in the canons of the said councell. Moreover, if the Greke churche wer not under the aucthoritie and rule of the churche of Rome, what shall we think of the storye of Anthemas, patriarche of Constantinople, which was deposed for the heresye of Eutyches, by the pope Agapetus: for whose restitution earnest and longe sute was made by the emperesse Theodora that then was, first to the pope Silverius, and after to his successor Vigilius, and coulde in no condition be obtayned. But as touching the Greke churche, and the departure of the same from the churche of Rome, thus we maye briefely say and conclude, that after it did divyde it self from the churche of Rome, it did by lyttel and lyttel fall into extreme myseryes, captivity, and bondage; in the which at this present it dothe remayne. And as concernynge other countryes that have renounced the foresaid aucthoritie, as Germany, Denmarke, and as it was here said, Polonia; this I have to saye, that the myseryes and calamityes that Germany hathe suffered synce ther departure from the churche of Rome, may be a warnynge and example to all other nations to learne by, and beware of the like attempt. And as for Denmark, I do hear indede they be very Lutherans, and have also renounced the pope’s aucthoritie, but yet I cannot learn, nor heare, that eyther the kinge of Denmarke, or yet any prince of Germany, doth take upon hym to be callyd supreme head of the churche. And as for Polonia, althoughe it be trobled with heresyes, as other realmes be, yet I cannot leame, that eyther the kinge or the clargie therof hathe or dothe gyve any place to the same, but of the contrarye dothe most earnystly withstand them, as may ryght well appeare by certeyn bookes set out this last yere, that is 1558, by a bushoppe of Polonia, called Stanislaus Hosius; in the which it is declared, amongest many other things, that earnest sute was made by the protestantes to have three things graunted and suffered to be practyssed within that realme; that is to saye, that prestes myght have wyves; to have the publyke servyce in ther vulger tongue; and the sacrament of the aulter mynistred under bothe kyndes; which all three were denyed them. Whereby it apperethe playnly, that Polonia is not in that case that men reported it to be in. But and if it were so, that all these realmes, yea, and mo, were gone from the obedyence of that churche, dothe it therefore followe, that the aucthoritie thereof is not juste? I thinke not so.

For as Ferdynandus, now emporour, descendinge justely by election from Constantyne the Great, if the empire which was under Constantyne’s rule were divyded into twentye parties, it hathe scarcely one of the twentye, and yet the aucthoritie of an emperour contynuethe in hym still. And as the departure of Gascoygne, Guyne, Normandye, Scotland, and Fraunce, which were all sometymes under th’imperial crowne of England, dothe not take away th’aucthoritie thereof, but that it is an imperial crowne still; even so dothe not the departure of these countreyes from the sea of Rome dymynyshe the aucthoritie gyven unto the same by God. Besides that St.

Paul sayethe, That ther shalbe a departinge befor the day of judgment, which allthoughe some understand of th’empyre, yet the most part referre it to the churche of Rome, from whence men shall faull and departe by infidelitie and heresies; but whether it shalbe in all countryes at one tyme or dyvers tymes, it is uncertayne.

Thirdly, ther is alledged a provyncyall countell or assembly of the bisshoppes and clargy of this realme of England, by whom the aucthoritie of the bisshoppe of Rome was abolisshed and disanulled: which now some inculcate against us, as a matter of great weight and aucthoritie, wheras in very dede it is to be taken for a matter of small aucthoritie; or else none.

For first, we knowe that a particuler or provyncyall countell can make no determination against the universall churche of Christe. Secondarily, of the learned men that were the doers ther, so manye as be dead, before they died were penytent, and cryed God mereye for that acte; and those that do lyre, as all your lordshippes do knowe, hathe openly revoked the same, acknowledginge ther error. And wher some here dothe saye, that they will never trust those men, which once denyed the pope’s aucthoritie, and, nowe of the contrary, stand in the defence of the same; in my judgment, their sayings be not greatly to be allowed. For it may happen, as often tymes it dothe chaunce indede, that a man of honestie, worshippe, yea of honour, maye comytte treason against his prince, and yet by the goodness of the same prince be pardoned for that offence, shall we determinately saye, that man is never after to be trusted in the prince’s affaires? Nay, God forbyd: but rather thinke of the contrarye, that he which once hathe rune so hastely and rashely, that he hathe over-throwne hymself, and fallen, and broken his browe or his shynne, will after that take hede to walke more warily. As we may learne at the apostles of our Saviour Christe, which did all forsake hym, and rune away, when he was apprehended [and brought] before the Jews; and specially of St. Peter, which did thrice denye hym.

And yet after, as well Peter as all the rest of th’apostles did returne againe to their master Christe, and never woulde after, for neyther persecution nor deathe, forsake or denye him any more. So that it may appear, although men have once gone astraye, if they returne to the truthe agayne, their testimonies in the truthe be not to be discredetid. And so I truste that you see that all these reasons and objections, made against the aucthoritie of the churche of Rome, be of none effect, if they be indifferently wayed and considered.

And wheras ther was a reason made here, that a temporall prince, unto whom no ecclesiasticall jurisdiction or rule is gyven or committed by God, cannot himself be head of the churche of Christe; so he cannot substitute nor appoint another to exercise any suche jurisdiction or aucthoritie in spirituall matters in or over the churche of Christe under hym: for as it was then sayd, no man can gyve to another that thinge which he hathe not himself: whereunto this answer was made, that a prince may gyve to another that aucthoritie which he hathe not hymself, neyther may exercise; as for example, they alledge, that a kinge of himself is not a judge, and yet he hathe aucthoritie to appoint judges to mynyster justice. And likewise they said, that a kinge hymself is no capitayn, and yet hathe aucthoritie to appoint capitayns under hym, for defence of his realme, and overthrowe of his enemyes: and even so, say they, he may appoint and substitute one under hym to exercise spirituall jurysdiction, allthoughe he have no suche aucthoritie hymself. Which reasons appeare unto me not only to be verye weake and feble, but also to be playne false, and against scripture, which dothe declare, that the office of a kinge dothe consiste especially in these two points, which these men denye to be in hym; that is, in playinge of the judge, and mynistringe of justice to his subjects, and likewise in playinge the valiant capitayne, in defendinge of the same his subjects from all injurye and wronge, as the 8th chapter of the first Book of Kings declarethe in these wordes, Judicabit nos rex noster, et egredietur ante nos et pugnabit bella nostra pro nobis; that is, Our kinge shall judge us, and he shall goe fourthe before us, and he shall fyght our battallies for us. And likewise Nathan said unto Davyd’s own person, Responde mihi judicium: Make me answer accordinge to justice. And likewise Solomon hymself did gyve sentence and judgement between the two common women, which of them two was mother of the child which was alive. And as for to prove that those kings with other in the Olde Testament were capitayns themselves, in the defence of their realmes, is more manylest, than I shall nede to trayell in provinge of the same.

And thus to drawe unto an end, I trust your lordshippes do see, that for unytie and concord in faithe and religion, to be preservid and contynued in the churche, our Saviour Christe, the spouse thereof, hathe appointed one head or governour, that is to wit, Peter, and his successors, whose faithe he promysed shoulde never decaye, as we see manyfestely it hathe not indede.

And for those men which wryte and speake against this aucthoritie, if therwith their wrytings and their doings be well considered, they shall appear to be suche, as small credit or none is to be gyven unto in matters of weyght, suche as this is. For who so redith the third chapter of the second epistle of St. Paul to Tymothie, may see them there lively described with their doings. And specially one sentence therein may be applyed and verified of them most justely; that is, Semper discentes, et nunquam ad scientiam veritatis pervenientes; that is to saye, Alwayes learnynge and never comminge to the knowledge of truthe. For as we see them varye amongeat themselves, one from another, so no one of them dothe agree with himself in matters of religion, two yeres together. And as they be gon from the sure rocke and staye of Christe’s churche, so do they reel and waver in their doctryne, wherin no certeyntie nor staye can be founde.

Whereof St. Paul dothe admonyshe us, and teache us in the person of his scholer Tymothie, to be constante in doctryne and religion, and not to follow suche men. For after, in the same chapter he sayeth thus; Tu vero permane in iis quae didicisti, et quae credita sunt tibi, sciens a quo didiceris. But as for thee, saythe St. Paul, speaking unto every Christian man in the person of Tymothe, contynue in those thinges which thow hast learned, and which be credited unto thee, knowinge of whom thou hast learned them. In which wordes we myght understand that St. Paul dothe not move any man to continew in any false or untrue doctryne. Wherfore he movethe every man to consider, not onely his religion and doctryne, but also, or rather, the schoolemaster of whom he learned the same. For of the knowledge, constancye, and worthyness of the schoolemaster, or teacher, may the doctryne, taught by him, be knowen to be good and sound, or otherwise. Now if a man shoulde aske of these men in this realme, which dissent from the catholike churche, not onely in this point of the supremacie, but also in dyvers of the cheffe mystryes of our faithe, of whom they learned this doctryne which they holde and teache, they must nedes answer, that they learned it of the Germaynes. Then we may demande of them agayne, of whom the Germaynes did learne it?

Whereunto they must answer, that they learned it of Luther. Well, then of whom did Luther learne it? Wherunto he shall answer hymself in his booke that he wrote De Missa angulari, seu privata: where he saythe, that suche thinges as he teachethe against the masse, and the blessed sacrament of the aulter, he learned of Sathan, the Devyll. At whose hands it is lyke he did also receave the rest of his doctryne. Then here be two points diligently to be noted. First, That this doctryne is not yet fifty yeres old; for no man taught it before Luther. And secondarily, That Luther dothe confesse and acknowledge the Divell to be his schoolemaster in dyvers points of his doctryne. So that if men wolde diligently mind St. Paul’s wordes, where he bidethe us knowe of whom we have learned suche doctryne as we holde, they wolde refuse this perverse and wicked doctryne, knowinge from whom it came. But if they will aske us of whom we learned our doctryne, we answer then, that we learned it of our forefathers in the catholike churche, which hathe in it contynuedly the Holye Spirit of God for a ruler and governour. And againe, if they aske of whom our fathers learned this same, we say of their forefathers within the same churche. And so we manually ascend in possession of our doctryne, from age to age, unto the apostle Peter, unto whom, as St. Cyprian sayeth, our Savyour Christe did betake his shepe to be fed, and upon whom he founded his churche.

So that howe we may be bolde to stand in our doctryne and religion against our adversaries, seyng that thers is not yet fyftye yeres olde, and ours above fifteen hundrethe yeres olde. They have for aucthoritie and commendation of their religion Luther and his schoolemaster before mencyoned; we have for ours St. Peter and his master Christe. So that nowe, by the doctryne of Ireneus, every man may knowe wher the truthe is, and whom he should followe; which saythe thus: Eis qui in ecclesia sunt presbyteris, obedire oportet; his qui successionem habent ab apostolis, qui cum episcopali successione charisma veritatis certum secundum placitum Patris acceperunt; reliquos vero qui absistunt a principali successione, et quoeunque loco colliguntur, suspectos habere, vel quasi haereticos, et make sententiae, vel quasi studentes [partium ] et elatos sibi placentes: aut rursus ut hypocritas queestus gratia et vanae gloriae hoc operantes: qui omnes decidunt a veritate. That is, “To those prestes, which be in the churche, we ought to obaye, those which have their succession from the apostles, who with bisshoppelike succession have receaved a sure gracyous gifte, according to the good will of the Father.

But for the other, which departe from the pryncipall succession, and be gathered in whatsoever place, we ought to have them suspected, either as hereticks, and of an evil opinion, or as makinge divisions, and proude men, and pleasing themselves; or againe as hypocrytes, doing that for advantage and vayn glorye, which all do fall from the truthe.” And thus I make an end, most humbly thankinge your good lordshipps for your gentill pacyence, desiringe the same lykewise to weye and consider these thinges which I have spoken, as shalbe thought good to your wysdomes.

NUMBER 8.

The heads of a discourse concerning the supremacye. THE first byshopps of Rome were particular byshopps of a certein precinct, beginning, contynuinge, and endinge their byshoppricks in persecutions and povertye. In what aftayres they busied themselves, and under what emperors.

Under what emperours the byshopps of Rome began to decline from the perfections of their predecessors; the cause thereof; and that they had no dignities nor possessions, but of the gift of the emperours and other princes; and howe the same from tyme to tyme were enlarged, and had their continuance.

The cause whereupon the byshoppe of Rome claymed to be an universal byshoppe; usurped an universal jurisdiction. Howe farre the bounds thereof did then extend; his practises to be an erthly monarche or kinge; and howe he e’er since, with every age, hath maynteined his state.

In what age the name of papa had his original. To whom it was attributed, and howe it became the proper name of the byshoppe of Rome; and what byshoppes of Rome first claymed the swordes, and triple, double, and single crowne.

What mischiefs and inconveniences have ensued upon all commonwealths, by the usurpinge of the saide jurisdiction. And howe touche thereby the Christen commonweale is decayed; and of the beginninge of the Turkishe empire, and Mahomet’s religion.

General countells summoned by the emperours; and for what causes.

Under what emperours; when the byshoppe of Rome first summoned a general counsell; and howe he hath accrochyd the same unto himself.

The popes have entermedlyd in there generall counsells with princes affayres, and have, as well at other tymes as then, taken upon them to bestowe empires and kingdomes, and that none should rule or be crowned, but at his pleasure. And what great broyles have ensued thereupon, especially in England, as appeareth in the lives of Henry the II. king John, Henry the III. and divers other kings.

Of the censures of the churche. And howe the popes have abusyd the same, in revenge of there owne private quarrels, and advancement of their owne estates.

Howe and when the Christian faythe first began in England. The king’s authoritie: archebishoppes, bishoppes, and ecclesiasticall lawes, made by kinge Lucius, without the pope. The continuance of the same faythe, until Augustin; and after, until the cominge of the Normans into England. The innovations of religion brought in by Augustine, and the practices used for the bringinge in of the same, and what opinion or estimation was had therof.

The cause why the Romaines left or forsooke their government here in England; and that sythence it hath not been tributary or subject to any forein estate, albeit it hath been divers tymes conqueryd by strangers; and that those conquerours have forsaken their owne countreys, and become as it were natural born in Englande, conforminge themselves wholly to the laws thereof.

That the realm of Engiande hath been alwaies governyd by private lawes and customes; as well in causes ecclesiastical as temporal. The antiquitie, establyshinge, allowance, and commendation of them. The difference between the canon, civil, and temporal lawes. And when the canon and civil lawes were first receavid into Englande.

In what cases the common lawes of Englande have ad-mittyd the civil and canon lawes, and upon what consideration.

In what age the pope’s jurisdiction crept into Englande, and the practices used from tyme to tyme for the establyshinge therof.

What innovations, as well of lawes as of estates, have been made in Englande by the pope’s legates, cardinalles, Italians, beinge byshoppes in Englande, and others of the Englyshe clergye.

Practyss of the byshoppes, and others there adherents, for the bringinge into Englande of the pope’s jurisdiction.

The king’s jurisdiction in ecclesiastical causes, by the common lawes of the realme: and that ecclesiasticall persons derive their jurisdiction from the kinge.

There is no magistrate in any cause above the kinge in his realm: and what lawes the kings of the realme have gyvin to the clergye; and the same have been observid.

The king’s demesnes dischargid of tythes; and that his tenants in chief shall not be empleadid in the ecclesiasticall court for any tythes.

Licences and dispensations made by the kinge in ecclesiasticall causes.

Licences, graunts, and dispensations made by the pope adjudged voide by the common lawe.

That the pope cannot erecte in England any sanctuary, or exempte any person from the king’s jurisdiction. And of the beginninge of sanctuaries.

The probate of the testaments, and committinge of administration of the goodes of the intestate, by the ordre of the common lawes, belonginge to the kinge. And when the same were grantyd to the clergie.

Ecclesiasticall discipline belonginge to the kinge: and how the same hath bene executid. And that temporail judges be judges of ecclesiasticall causes.

Disgradinge, deprivinge, deposinge, suspendinge, and sequestringe, by the king’s commandment and aucthoritie.

By the common lawes of the realme one person maye not enjoye more benefices than one, or dignities in one churche.

Imprisoninge, fininge, ransominge, abjuringe, arrayninge and banishinge of ecclesiasticall persons, by the king’s commandment and aucthoritie.

Temporalities of bisshoppes seisid; and of the seiser of the goodes of the clergie.

Ecclesiasticall persons restreynid from purchasinge of landes, from buyinge and sellinge and takinge landes in ferme.

Seiser of temporalities in the tyme of warre.

Temporail persons juges in allowance of the clergye to prisons upon their arreygnments: and of the commencement therof.

The king’s power and aucthoritie in causes of excomunication. And that the king’s temporail courts beinge [judges] of the validitie and invaliditie of excommunications.

Causes of heresie, witchcraft,