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CHAPTER 1.

A TESTIMONIAL from some in the university of Cambridge concerning Cartwright’s readings. His letters to sir William Cecil concerning himself. But is discharged the college and university.

Richard Greenham. Dr. George Downham: the odd tempers of several of Cartwright’s followers; and their affected separation.

Anthony Gilby’s letter to Coverdale, &c. Exiles. Dangers from papists. The archbishop of Cassil’s discovery. Steukley comes to the king of Spain. The dangerous condition of Ireland from the Spaniard and French. Caution for the Low Countries.

CHAPTER 2.

A determination of the general assembly of the church of Scotland, for obedience to the new king. Queen Elizabeth in perplexity about restoring of the Scots queen. Match for the queen with the French king’s brother. The queen how affected towards it. Astrological inquiry into her nativity about it. The pope’s bull against the queen set up at Paris A secret popish design against England.

Wrecks upon the coast of Sussex claimed by the bishop of Chichester. A suit with the lord admiral about it. Proclamations about pirates. The governor of the Isle of Wight sends out ships after them.

CHAPTER 3.

Orders and injunctions for preventing frays and rightings in London. Constables to carry staves. The queen’s daily learned studies. Secretary Cecilcreatedlord Burghley. His troubles. Sir Tho. Smith becomes secretary in his place. Walsingham ambassador in France, his complaint. Sir Nicolas Throgmorton; his death; disease and character. Earl of Sussex. Mr. Thomas Cecil’s letter to him: who had recommended him to the queen. Sir Francis Englefield’s presumptuous letter. Bishop Sandys nominated for London: his excuse; and acceptance: his first visitation. The Italian church in London. Fox’s second edition of his Martyrology. Lambard’s Perambulation of Kent. Dr. Wylson’s translation of Demosthenes.

CHAPTER 4.

Motions and letters concerning the queen’s marrying with duke D’Anjou. The matter of religion the great article. The queen will not allow him the exercise of the mass. Ambassadors from France move for that article. The queen’s resolution. The treaty put off.

Renewed again: but to no purpose. Fears and apprehensions hereupon. Amity however endeavoured with France. Motion of the match revived. Discourse about it between the French ambassador and the queen. She hath no inclination that way. Practice of Spain.

Sir Tho. Smith sent into France for cultivating amity. Promotes the marriage between the prince of Navar and the French king’s sister

CHAPTER 5.

Scottish affairs. Dangers by means of the queen of Scots.

Walsingham’s intelligence thereof; and advertisement. Money brought over from the pope for her service. The French king moves for her liberty. What passed between him and the English ambassadors. The Scottish queen practiseth with Spain. Monies sent into Scotland for her use from France; intercepted. Letters of hers intercepted, of her depending upon Spain; and taking that king for her and her son’s and kingdom’s protector. The Spanish ambassador dismissed by the council: and why. Lord Burghley to the earl of Shrewsbury, keeper of the Scottish queen. Bishop of Rosse’s book concerning her title to this crown. Answered by Glover, Somerset herald. Rosse in the Tower. His letter thence to the lord treasurer.

CHAPTER 6.

Amity judged, more advisable with France than Spain. Treaty with France. Aid required in case of invasion for religion. The Low Countries, in conference between count Lodowic and Walsingham at Paris, move for the queen’s assistance. Spain plays the tyrant.

Arguments used to move the queen on their behalf. Archbishop of Cassils, a pensioner of Spain, comes to Walsingham at Paris.

False. A rebellion in Ireland, hatching in France. The French king and queen-mother privy to it. Deny it to the English ambassadors.

CHAPTER 7.

A parliament. The succession; and matters of religion, transacted there. The bill for reformation. The queen displeased at it, as encroaching on her prerogative. Debates about it. Divers bills for religion brought in. Motion for a new confession of faith.

Reformatio legum ecclesiasticarum produced in parliament. Bills about religion and the state of the church that passed. Acts against papists. Act for subscribing and reading the Thirty-nine Articles.

Many are deprived upon this act.

CHAPTER 8.

A convocation. Matters done there. An act made, very beneficial for employing of multitudes of poor. The queen’s con-cel nments with Scotland. Endeavours a reconcilement of the two parties there. Her resolution against the restoring of the Scottish queen: and why. Articles of pacification propounded by the queen to the two parties in Scotland. The queen’s agent’s notable letter to Graunge and Lidding-ton. Sends a challenge to the French ambassador. His letters to the lord regent of Scotland, duke of Lenox, and to earl Morton, intercepted. A book writ in favour of the queen of Scots.

CHAPTER 9.

The duke of Norfolk unhappily engaged with the Scottish queen.

The discovery thereof; by French money intercepted, sent to the duke, for her use in Scotland. A letter in cipher to him from that queen. The duke’s confession; and of his servants. The duke’s words at his condemnation: the execution put off by the queen: and why. One Rolph, a concealer, executed: and why. Mather and Verney hired to kill the lord Burghley; executed. Dr. Story executed. Some particular accounts of his death; and of his cruelty. His last will. Darbishire the Jesuit; his discourse about the English affairs.

CHAPTER 10.

Thc present concerns of the nation for the queen’s safety. Her marriage thought necessary. She falleth sick. Her verses upon the Scottish queen and her favourites. She requires liberty of religion for her merchants in France. Orders and exercises of religion in Northampton; with their confession of faith. The ecclesiastical commissioners sit at Lambeth. Christopher Goodman cited before them: his protestation of allegiance.

CHAPTER 11.

Zanchy writes to the queen concerning the habits. And to bishop Jewel. His advice. Blackal, a pretended minister, does penance.

Popish priests officiate in the church. Bishop Jewel’s death. His answer to Harding. His Apology. Friendship between him and bishop Parkhurst. William Kethe. Loans. Walsingham’s diligence.

Earl of Rutland. Sir Tho. Smith, ambassador. Victory over the Turks.

CHAPTER 12.

Campion, the Jesuit, persuades the bishop of Gloucester to renounce his religion. Many now leave off coming to church. Of this sort were some gentlemen in Norwich diocese. The bishop’s letters thereupon, moved by orders from the privy council. The said bishop’s sermon for satisfaction of puritans. Their exceptions to it in divers articles. A case of matrimony. The earl of Sussex to the bishop of Norwich, about buying and selling an advowson. The Dutch church in Norwich

CHAPTER 13.

The queen’s progress this year. Treaty with France about the match renewed. Sylva, an Italian physician, in London. The lord Burghley’s troubles, by means of the Spanish ambassador. Who charges him before the council. Falls sick. Marries his daughter to the earl of Oxford. Whose beha-viour creates great trouble to the lord Burghley. An adulterer brought before the commission ecclesiastical in York. Does penance at Bury in Suffolk.

CHAPTER 14.

A new parliament. The lord keeper’s directions to them from the queen; particularly relating to the doctrine ami discipline of the church. Bills for rites and ceremonies brought in; which gives the queen offence. Her message thereupon. Severely reflected upon by one of the members, viz. Peter Wentworth: for which he is sequestered. The parliament earnest upon a bill against the Scottish queen. Dashed by the queen. Duke of Norfolk: his virtues: his fall. The practices of the Scottish queen. The parliament’s proceedings against her.The queen’s directions to them in that matter.

CHAPTER 15.

The thoughts of the wisest men concerning the state, by reason of the Scottish queen. Her crimes under five articles. The queen’s instructions to her ambassador going to France, concerning that queen. Waisingham’s fears of a Bartholomew breakfast. Talk of putting the Scottish queen to death. Account given of her by the earl of Shrewsbury, her keeper. Linen sent to her, with secret writing on it.

CHAPTER 16.

A league offensive and defensive with France. Deliberation about the assistance of the prince of Orange. Duke Mont-morancy comes over ambassador. His reception. Sir Philip Sydney goes into France with the English ambassador. A motion made by the French ambassador for duke d’Alencon’s matching with the queen. His qualities. Lord Burghley’s. thoughts and advice concerning it. The queen irresolute. Sir Philip Sydney’s letter to her against the match with France. Cases of conscience in respect of marrying with a papist; and suffering mass to be said. Answered favour-ably.

CHAPTER 17.

The massacre at Paris. Many nobles and others of the English nation preserved in Walsingham’s house there. Among the rest, sir Philip Sydney. Walsingham about departing home. The king relates to him the reason he took this course. Walsingham writes of these matters into England. The French ambassador comes to the queen. Her excellent speech to him of the admiral’s murder; and her advice to the king. Some account of the massacre. Nothing but extremity towards those of the religion. England now upon its guard. Roulard, a catholic, murdered.

CHAPTER 18.

The motion renewed for the marriage. Walsingham declares his scruples to that court. An interview desired between the queenmother and queen Elizabeth. The jealousy conceived thereof.

Declined. The French’s dissimulation. Walsing-ham’s letter thereupon. The resentments of the English court. Still more bloodshed. The king hurt. Two put to death as conspirators: unjustly. The French king sends to the queen to christen his daughter. Her excellent answer. England a harbour for the persecuted French protestants. The queen protects them.

CHAPTER 19.

The carl of Worcester goes into France to assist at the christening of the French king’s daughter. The earl a Roman catholic; but loyal. The protestants fly to Rochel; and hold it against the French army. The new star in Cassiopeia. Divers of the murderers slain before Rochel. Rochel still holds out. Some others of the murderers slain. Some English offer to raise an army to go to Rochel. Books set forth to palliate the massacre. How the Scots resent the massacre. Now more inclinable to an amity with England. France false to England in Scottish affairs; and to the religion. That king and Spain privately conspire. A plot hatching to invade England. The pope’s legate in France practising.

CHAPTER 20.

A libel printed in France against the state of England. Thc queen would see duke d’Alencon: who still courted her. Her resolutions.

The Scots move for a league with queen Elizabeth. The papists hope for a golden day. Massmongers practise conjuring. Several of them taken, anti sent up. The disciplinarians busy. Admonition to the parliament. Divers deprived upon the act 13. Eliz. Divers disaffected to the government of the church. Chark, of Peterhouse, expelled for a clerum at St. Mary’s. His appeal to the chancellor of the university. Dering, reader of St. Paul’s, writes a reflecting letter to the lord Burghley. His answer to it. And Dering’s vindication of what he had writ.

CHAPTER 21.

A sermon preached by Cooper, bishop of Lincoln, at Paul’s Cross, in vindication of the church of England and its liturgy. An answer thereto sent to him by some disaffected person. Observations therein made, of bishops maintaining an ignorant ministry. Of the Service-book. Of the titles anti ho-hour of the bishops. Of the government of the church. And the applying of some places of scripture.

CHAPTER 22.

Serious deliberation about a reformation of divers things in church and state. Memorials. Lent enjoined. Commissions for concealed lands abused: revoked: but granted again. An act against concealers. Grants for penal statutes checked and regulated. Massmongers at the Portugal ambassador’s house. The queen’s progress. Earl of Northumberland executed. The queen hath the small-pox. Her letter thereof, and of her recovery, to the earl of Shrewsbury. She hath fainting fits.

CHAPTER 23.

The Great English Bible, called, The Bishops’ Bible, printed.

Some account of this edition; and other older editions.

Prophesying set up at Bury by the bishop. The said bishop’s admonition to a contentious clergyman. Stays admitting a clerk into a living: and why. His advice to his chancellor, upon a disturbance of divine service. His trouble with a fraudulent receiver of his clergy’s tenths. Occasions a statute.

CHAPTER 24.

Walsingham, the queen’s ambassador in France, impoverished in his embassy, comes home. Dr. Wylson sets forth a learned book against usury. Bishop Jewel’s letter in commendation thereof.

Epigrams formerly made by bishop Parkhurst, printed. Divers historical matters, both of himself and others, gathered from them.

CHAPTER 25.

Remarks upon particular men. Sparks, a suffragan bishop. John Fox. John Cottrel. John Rugg. Justinian Lancaster. Bartholomew Clark: his testimonial. John Hales: his epitaph. Cardinal Chastillion: poisoned in England. The villain that poisoned him confesseth it two years after. Nowel, dean of St. Paul’s, founds a free-school in Lancashire. His letter to the lord Burghley about it.

One Blosse reports king Edward to be alive, and that the queen was married to Leicester. Mines of silver in Cumberland: a corporation for the managery thereof.

CHAPTER 26.

Dr. Valentine Dale goes ambassador to France: the condition of Rochel. The ambassador’s letter concerning the successes there against the besiegers. Pacification with the protestants. The queen instrumental therein. Occurrences of matters in France, sent hither by Dale. Monsieur elected king of Poland. A safe conduct desired for him from the queen: and also for duke d’Alencon. Liberty granted for the Scottish queen to go to Buxton well. Orders to the earl of Shrewsbury. The queen suspicious of the lord Burghley’s favouring the Scottish queen. His caution in that respect. Earl of Leicester esteemed by that queen to be her enemy. How far he was so, as he declared. Queen Elizabeth’s real concern for that queen.

A plot to deliver her from the custody of the earl of Shrewsbury.

His chaplain and another of the clergy accuse him falsely: examined.

CHAPTER 27.

Foreign popish princes conspire to invade England. A French gentleman at the Spaw gives information thereof. Papists fled abroad, called home. Edward lord Windsor one of these: his plea.

Theses propounded in Louvain, against the jurisdiction of temporal princes. Bishop of Durham’s judgment of them. A commission in every county, to punish the breakers of the orders of the church service: the bishop of Norwich gives order to his chancellor for information of such. Several ministers suspended hereupon in the diocese of Norwich: but get licence to catechise and preach. A letter upon this to that bishop. He restrains them.

The lady Huddle-ston, a great papist in Ely diocese, searched for.

CHAPTER 28.

Chief puritans. Sampson and Dering checked. Their letters and apologies: for a reformation of the church’s government: and against the civil power and lordship of bishops. Their solicitations of the lord treasurer to further their discipline. Sampson’s intercession for his hospital: and for Mr. Heton. Dering brought into the Star-chamber for words. His letter to the lord treasurer thereupon. Articles required of him to subscribe. Other articles of inquiry, for him to answer. Moor, of Norwich, confutes Dr. Pern’s sermon. Mr. Cartwright. An order from the commission ecclesiastical for seizing him.

CHAPTER 29.

The privy council warns those of the Dutch church against receiving any puritans. That church’s answer. Letters between Rod. Gualter, an Helvetian divine, and the bishops of Ely and Norwich, concerning the puritans. The papists grow confident.

Fears and jealousies of them. The high esteem had for the city of Zurick, and the divines of that city. A commission for executing of Bircher by martial law. The earl of Sussex to the lord treasurer to prevent it. The queen’s order for his examination. A husbandman comes to the bishop of Norwich for orders: refused. A gentleman hath words with, the bishop about it: reconciled. A puritan stands to be schoolmaster at Aylsham: refused by the bishop: and why.

CHAPTER 30.

Pilkington, bishop of Durham, desires the queen’s leave to come up this winter. Lands of the bishopric detained. His letter thereof to the secretary Cecill. A contest between the bishop of Norwich, doctor Gardiner, and others, about the archdeaconry of Norwich.

The case. Gardiner gets the deanery of Norwich. The bishop and he reconciled. Gardiner’s good service to the church of Norwich.

The bishop of Ely visits St. John’s college. Bingham, a great soldier, recommended to the lord treasurer. Rare Lane’s characters of Leicester, Burghley, Sussex, Hatton, and other courtiers. A controversy in Bene’t college, Cambridge. Books now set forth. The queen’s progress into Sussex and Kent. The bishop of Norwich’s letter to the bailiff of Yarmouth, concerning the punishing of wickedness there the unseasonable weather this year.

CHAPTER 31.

Bullinger and Gualter, their judgments of the new discipline. The exercises: in what order and manner performed in Hertfordshire; by the direction of the bishop of Lincoln. The exercises forbidden in the diocese of Norwich. Some privy counsellors write to the bishop of Norwich in favour of them: which occasions his letter to the bishop of London for direction; and to the bishop of Rochester.

Notice given to the archbishop of the suppression of them. Not suppressed in other dioceses. The book of the Troubles at Frankford printed. Reprinted, 1642. Some pretend to cast out devils. Account of two persons afflicted with Satan, in a letter of the bishop of Norwich to Bullinger. An innovation in the cathedral church of Norwich. The bishop’s letters thereupon. Arianism and the family of love in Cambridgeshire.

CHAPTER 32.

Many papists set at liberty upon sureties. Dr. Yong moves the lord treasurer to go out of the Marshalsea for his health. Sampson writes a smart letter to the treasurer on this occasion. Pensioners of the king of Spain, the queen’s subjects; and their particular pensions. Practice to poison the lord treasurer. Mass said in London in divers places. A token sent from the Scottish queen to queen Elizabeth. Her majesty melancholy. Her progress. The queen checks the young earl of Oxford: resented by him. The bishop of Ely’s revenues aimed at. Slandered. He refuseth to lend his house at Holborn. Story, bishop of Hereford, sues to the lord treasurer in behalf of some of his clergy; vexed by pretence of the statute of suppression of colleges. The trouble the town of Wells gave the bishop thereof. The death of Parkhurst, bishop of Norwich. His character.

CHAPTER 33.

Bishop Parkhurst’s regulation of abuses in his registers. About wills and testaments. Dr. Toby Matthew hath a prebend in Wells: some account of him. The ill condition of Manchester college.

Rafe Lane offers to go against the Turk, in the king of Spain’s service. A corporation for turning iron into copper. Dee’s offer to discover treasure hid. Proclamation against excess in apparel. Sir William Pickering, an accomplished gentleman, dies. Wolf, the printer, dies: his cosmo-graphy. Message of the protestant princes of Germany to the queen.

CHAPTER 34.

A parliament: and convocation. The troubles of the bishop of Ely, for the preserving of the revenues of his see. His excellent letter to the queen thereupon; and to Dr. Masters; and to the lord treasurer, upon articles of accusation preferred against him to the queen and council. The malice and slanders of them. His satisfactory answers. Comes up to answer before the council. The lord treasurer his friend. Reconciles him to the queen. The case of Downham park; claimed by the lord North, from the bishop, upon account of an old lease.

CHAPTER 35.

St. John’s college in Cambridge in disorder. The bishop of Ely visitor thereof: concerned therein. His advice for new statutes for that house. His letters to the lord treasurer in that behalf. A case between Westminster school and Christ’s Church, Oxon. A sect called the family of love. Their apology set forth. Their confession.

A principle or two of theirs. The family of the Mount. The family of the Essentialists. Etchard one of this sect: his letter. Anabaptists: some recant. Two burnt: and why. Cartwright’s second Reply.

Sampson to the lord treasurer, in behalf of his hospital at Leicester. Bishop Pilkington refuseth to grant a lease of Norham waters. Peter Baro is made lady Margaret professor in Cambridge.

CHAPTER 36.

The lord treasurer suspected by the queen to favour the queen of Scots. His thoughts thereof in a private letter to the earl of Shrewsbury. News at court. The prince of Orange offers the queen the Low Countries. Addresses to her from France and Spain.

Divers fly hither from the Low Countries. New privy counsellors. A project for translating of bishops. The state of Ireland. The good service of the earl of Essex there. Nic. Morton, the pope’s great factor: his family. Their treasons and conspiracies. A deappropriation. Knights’ fees, and relief, due from the earl of Salop. The queen’s progress.

CHAPTER 1.

A testimonial from some in the university of Cambridge concerning Cartwright’s readings. His letters to sir William Cecil concerning himself. But is discharged the college and university.

Richard Greenham. Dr. Geo. Downham: the odd tempers of several of Cartwright’s followers; and their affected separation.

Anthony Gilbie’s letter to Coverdale, &c. Exiles. Dangers from papists. The archbishop of Cassils discovery. Steukley comes to the king of Spain. The dangerous condition of Ireland from the Spaniard and French. Caution for the Low Countries.

As in the conclusion of the former volume somewhat was related concerning Cartwright, one of the public readers of divinity in the university of Cambridge, and of his deprivation for certain positions delivered in his lectures; so I shall begin this book with several other notices concerning him; being the head and most learned of that sect of dissenters then called puritans.

In this year, 1570, the heads of that university contended with the said Cartwright, B. D. and late lady Margaret pro-lessor, for his readings, wherein he vented his dislike of the established discipline of the church of England, (as deviating from the primitive institution and practice,) and the habits enjoined to be worn by the ministers of it; and in effect, the whole constitution ecclesiastical. What his opinions and assertions were, have been specified in the first volume of the Annals of the Reformation of religion. He had indeed a great party in the university, and some of them men of learning, who stuck close to him, exceedingly admiring him; though some of them, better informed, fell off afterwards. Great differences and animosities by these means were bred among the scholars; which being past the power of the heads to allay, they complained thereof to sir William Cecil, secretary of state, their high chancellor, desiring him to interpose his authority; but chiefly informing him of the unsoundness of Cartwright’s late lectures.

Nor were the favourers and hearers of Cartwright less forward to write their letters to the same; testifying in his behalf how sparing and tender he was in treating of those subjects, for avoiding offence; whose testimonial ran in this tenor: Percrebuit tuae prcaestantiae mag. Cartwrightum hoc esse suspectum nomine, quod in theologae professionis munere quosdam discordiae igniculos, qui post in incendium creve-runt, sparserit, et in controversiis de ministerio et re ves-tiaria omnino se immodice jactaverit. Nos veto, quorum nomina subscripta sunt, et qui illis lectionibus interfeuimus, ex quibus iste rumor fluxit, testamur nullas quas unquam audire potuimus, unde simultates aut discordias emersisse; de vestibus controversiam ne attigisse quidem: de mini-sterio proposuisse quaedam, quorum ad amussim nostrum hoc formari cupiebat, sed ea et cautione et moderatione, quoe illum debebant, merito tueri, et ab ista quoe circumfertur calumnia vindicare.

Robertus Tower, Robertus Willan, Chrlstoph. Kirkland, Rob.

Soome, Johan. Swone, Thomas Barbar, Simon Bucke, Richard Chambers, Richard Howland, Lau-rentius Washington, Thomas Aldrich, Alan Par, Jo-hah. Still, Wilhelm. Tabor, Johan. More.

So that, if this testimony be to be relied upon, Cartwright’s reading touched not the contest about the garments, but only about the ministry; taking occasion from some part of scripture which he read upon, to wish it reformed according to certain rules he then spake of.

Besides this testimonial, Cartwright himself pleaded his own innocency in an elegant Latin letter to Cecil, (accompanying the testimonial,) written in the month of July; complaining, “How he was slandered; troubled especially that these his slanders should reach as far as the court and him. Then he declared and freely professed to him, that none was so averse to sedition and the study of contention: and that he had taught nothing which flowed not naturally from the text which he treated of. And that when an occasion offered itself of speaking concerning the habits, he waved it. He denied not but that he taught, that our ministry declined from the ministry of the ancient and apostolical church, which he wished might be framed and modelled according to the purity of our reformation. But that he did this sedately, that none could find fault with it, but some ignorant or malign hearers, or such as catched at something to calumniate him. That of these things he heard he was accused before him, their chancellor. But how false and unjust the reports of his reading were, he offered the testimonial of a great many sincere persons that were present: asserting further, that he had well nigh gotten the whole university for the witness of his innocency; and had not the vice-chancellor denied him a congregation, he doubted not he had obtained it. That he had not room in his letter to relate every little particular of that lecture that raised the rumour; but promised the chancellor, that he would deny nothing to him of those things he then proposed, if he would require it. And as he refused not to suffer, if any real guilt were discovered in him, so, as far as his cause was just, he implored his patronage: praying him, that he would not suffer him nor the truth to be over. thrown by some men’s hatred; who, while they privately hated him, had a mind to set themselves against the honourable and glorious name of peace and the church.” But it will give better satisfaction to read the whole letter, as he penned it himself in his own behalf, which I have therefore put into the Appendix. To which I have added two letters more, written by several men of the university to the same, in his behalf.

Cartwright wrote also another letter to Cecil, in the month following, having been lately suspended from his reading; which was in answer to the said Cecil, who had humanely, in the midst of his weighty affairs, spared some time to give some advice to him by his own hand. He seemed to have signified to Cartwright., how his adversaries had charged him with a factious innovating, and that he brought into suspicion of novelty that most ancient cause that sprung up with Christ and his apostles. But he answered, “that he was no neoteropoiostirrer of new things; and yet that he would not be affrighted, by the envy of novelty, from the truth. That he hoped, that Cecil was not of that number, that charged that proverb, ta< ajki>nhta kinei~n , [i.e. to move things that ought not to be moved,] upon whosoever innovated in any thing whatsoever. And that he knew whose words those were; palaioumouv lie>an aJplou~v kai< barbarikoulaws were very weak and rude.] But he added, that he needed not at all to plead in the defence of novelty, since the cause, being almost 1570 years old, was venerable enough for its antiquity.”

And whereas the heads had denied him the liberty of his public reading, he complained of them to Cecil, and accused them of injustice, since upon some conditions, which he, the chancellor, had propounded to them, he allowed him to read, (which conditions, notwithstanding he was willing to comply with,) yet they would not suffer him to read again. This was dated Aug. 18. In this letter he was very earnest with Cecil, to hear and judge of his cause, being very willing to leave it to him. But lest that statesman might say, that his abilities were not equal to judge in such a cause, nor yet his leisure did permit, he urged him with this reply; “That if the cause were just, if it were necessary for the church, if without it the commonwealth were dissolved, and the parts in danger to fly asunder from one another, (which without discipline must needs be,) the cause was worthy for him to undertake; and wherein he might bring forth that rare light of his own understanding, and those divine endowments of his own mind. And the cause would again, in recompence, embrace him, and render him a person, however eminent before, still more honourable, and however oppressed with infinite business, he dared to promise, would revive and refresh him, and, though ready to sink, would uphold him with strong and mighty supports.” These were the overweening conceits he had of his discipline.

I do not find any thing more done with Cartwright in the university, being discharged of his lecture, outed the college, stopped of his degree of doctor, and silenced from preaching in or near the university. But we shall hear of him hereafter in his writings and attempts of setting up the discipline in certain places in the land, which brought him into further trouble, and restraint of his liberty, from the ecclesiastical commission; which could not but take notice of him, making himself the chief preacher and head of the new form of church government. Only I must give a hint concerning some of his zealous and well meaning followers in Cambridge, who upon more mature deliberation afterwards fell off from him. Two whereof I will mention among others.

One was Rich. Greenham, of Christ’s college, Cambridge, a pious and good man; whose name we see subscribed to the earnest letters that were sent to Cecil in his commendation and the high character given him. The young men in the university were diverted by Cartwright’s readings from the more necessary study of the grounds and principles of divinity, and the substantial doctrines of Christianity, as rescued from popery, to controversies of the right way and manner of governing the church. This was afterwards justly disliked by the said Greenham, who thought fit to reprove it in the pulpit; blaming the young divines, who, before they had studied the grounds of theology, would overbusy themselves in matters of discipline: “and (as he said) before they had laid the foundation of their studies, would be setting up, as it were, the roof.” This passage Dr. George Downham, of the same college, tells us, he heard himself, when he was a young student in Cambridge: who himself consorted among the youth there of that faction that disliked the habits, and other established ceremonies of the church, and was a hearer of Cartwright’s lectures, in his consideration about this church of England and the differences in it. Who tells us of himself what course he took; “That at first, seeing things grew so hot, he thought it the best course for himself and the rest to be no meddlers on either side. But afterwards I considered with myself, said he, that this church of England, wherein I was called to be a minister, did hold and profess all substantial points of divinity, as sound as any church in the world, none excepted, neither in this age, nor in the primitive times of the church. And, secondly, that it had the testimony of all other true churches. And, thirdly, that in it the means of salvation are ordinarily and plentifully to be had. And therefore to make a separation from it, I took to be schismatical, and damnable presumption.”

This Greenham was alive many years after, a godly preacher, living in London. For I find a letter of his dated anno 1591, from Warwick-lane, London. And when in the year 1599 his works were published by H.

Holland, in his epistle he gives this character of the pious and peaceable spirit that was in him, (shewing, that though his judgment in some points differed from the church established, yet he was no separatist.) “That in his ministry he was ever careful to avoid all occasion of offence; desiring in all things to approve himself as the minister of Christ. He much rejoiced and praised God for the happy government of our most gracious queen Elizabeth, and for this blessed calm and peace of God’s church and people under it. And spake often of it, both publicly and privately, as he was occasioned; and stirred up the hearts of all men, what he could, to pray and praise God with him for it continually: yea, this matter so affected him, that the day before his departure out of this life, his thoughts were much troubled, for that men were so unthankful for that strange and most happy deliverance of our most gracious queen from the dangerous conspiracies and practices of that time.”

The writer saith further of him, “that he was the special instrument and hand of God in bringing many, both godly and learned, to the holy service of Christ in the ministry; and to restrain and reduce not a few from schism and error; striving always to retain such in obedience of laws: and thereby to esteem and regard the peace of the church and people of God.”

To which I may add, that this party of men that thus divided and distinguished themselves by this schism, were observed also to divide from the rest in their behaviour, in their tempers and qualities, and in their strangeness and aversion from their Christian brethren who adhered to the established church. For this is their character, that Dr. Whitgift gave of them about this time; comparing them unto the pharisees: “That when they walked in the streets, they hung down their heads, looked austerely; and in company sighed much, and seldom or never laughed: their temper was, that they sought the commendation of the people: they thought it an heinous offence to wear a cap or surplice; but they slandered and backbit their brethren, railed on them by libels, contemned superiors, discredited such as were in authority; in short, disquieted the church and state.

And as for their religion, they separated themselves from the congregation, and would not communicate with those that went to church, neither in prayer, hearing the word, nor sacraments: they despised all those that were not of their own sect, as polluted, and not worthy to be saluted, nor kept company with. And therefore some of them meeting their old acquaintance, being godly preachers, had not only refused to salute them, but spit in their faces; wishing the plague of God to light upon them; and saying, they were damned, and that God had taken his Spirit from them.”

And all this, because they did wear a cap; which strange unchristian speech and behaviour, T. C. in his reply did not deny, but that they neither defended nor allowed of any such beha-viour: and that the fault of one should not be imputed to so many. No; but it was brought to shew what ill effects and prejudices Cartwright’s doctrines against the present constitution of this church had occasioned in many.

This year (if it were not before) did a brother of this party, Mr. A. G. [Anthony Gilby, I suppose,] write a very hot and bitter letter to several reverend divines, that had been exiles for the gospel, and returned upon queen Eliza-. beth’s access to the crown; exciting them with all their might against the bishops, for imposing the habits to be worn by ministers in their ministration; and rather to lay down their ministry than comply. It was directed, To his reverend fathers and brethren in Christ, Mr.

Coverdale, Mr. Turner, Mr. Whittingham, Mr. Sampson, Mr. D. Humfrey, Mr. Leaver, Mr. Crowly, and others, that labour to root out the weeds of popery; grace and peace. Where in one place he thus expresseth himself: “I wot not by what devilish cup they [the bishops] do make such a diversity between Christ’s word and his sacraments; that they cannot think the word of God to be safely enough preached and honourably enough handled, without cap, cope, or surplice; but that the sacraments, the marrying, the burying, thc churching of women, and other church service, as they call it, must needs be declared with crossing, with coping, with surplicing, with kneeling, with pretty wafer-cakes, and other knacks of popery. — — Well, by God’s power, we have fought with the wolves, for these and such like popish chaff, and God hath given [us] the victory: we have now to do with the foxes, [i. e. the bishops.] Let us not fear.”

As for the papists, the other adverse party to the legally established church, and to the queen, the supreme governor thererof on earth, the great apprehensions of them were not yet blown over; though the rebellion in the north was now quieted. Cox, bishop of Ely, was an old experienced courtdivine, and that by long observation knew what a dangerous sort of men they were, and what a mortal hatred they bore to the gospel, and all those about the queen that sincerely professed it. He was therefore, in this juncture, very solicitous for secretary Cecil, the queen’s faithful and able counsellor, who, for his wisdom and stability to religion, was hated by them: and in this dangerous and rebellious time, I find him in one of his letters making this prayer for him: “I heartily wish you from our heavenly Father and his dear son Christ, the full strength of his holy Spirit, to the confusion of the enemies of God and of the queen’s majesty, and of us all, God’s true servants, and her grace’s true subjects.” But let me open some light into the practices of papists at this time.

And in order to that, I shall begin with an embassy the queen despatched into France to the king in the month off August, by Francis Walsingham, esq. sir Henry Norris, knt. then her resident there. The chief and main of his business was for the sake of the reformed religion, and for an accord between that king and the protestant princes, viz. the prince of Navarre, the prince of Conde, and the admiral, with the rest being the king’s subjects. That it might be made as favourable, for the reasonable contentation and surety of the said princes and their party, as might possibly be: to the maintenance and continuance of them in the liberty of their consciences: there being no small labour made by some directly to impeach this accord, and by others (though not openly) to withstand it, yet by double dealing in the granting of their requests to ruin the said princes and their party in the end. “Therefore,” as it ran in the queen’s instructions to the said ambassadors,” she found it the more necessary to use all good means to countervail such contrary labours, and to procure not only a good accord, but therewith a continuance thereof; as in a matter which in her conscience and honour she thought good both for the king and his whole estate.”

The petitions and demands those protestant princes made, were, first, that they might be restored to his grace and favour as humble and faithful subjects; and consequently, to serve him with their lives, lands, and goods.

Next, that they might be permitted to serve Almighty God by the exercise of Christian religion, according to their profession and to the quietness of their consciences. And lastly, that they might have assurance thereof in some better sort than by former experience they had: which petitions the queen had herself considered. And the first she esteemed a thing most meet for a king to grant both readily and bountifully. The second was, she said, to a king most profitable to embrace and accept. And the third, a thing in the sight of God most commendable and needful of all Christian subjects.

And the last, a matter of the most moment to be regarded, for a full perfection of all the rest. But this peace and accord between the king and his said subjects was finished before Walsingham came. So that when he came, he congratulated the king on the said good accord; and offered on the queen’s part all her endeavours to further the good continuance thereof. Arid he gave the admiral and his party to understand the queen’s good intentions in sending of him at that time; and to make it appear how careful she was of their well doings.

The archbishop of Cassils in Ireland, a papist, was an exile in Spain; and (whether it were to reconcile himself to the queen, or upon some personal pique) comes in January this year 1570 into France; where, at Pards, resided Wal-singham, the queen’s ambassador: to whom in March following he made a visit. When Walsingham in discourse asked him concerning the report that went abroad of the king of Spain’s intent of invading Ireland, the archbishop then brake, and said, that about September last, the last year, viz. 1569, one Steukley arrived in Spain with a design to address to that king for an army to reduce Ireland to his obedience: who (as Camden writes) took upon him with 8000 Italians or Spaniards to reduce all Ireland under the subjection of the Spaniard; and with one or two pinnaces to fire the English fleet. This bravo, soon after his coming to Madrid, before he went to the king, came to the said archbishop, (as he related it himself to Walsingham,) telling him he came to see him there, whom he knew to be catholicly bent. And that his intent in coming into that country was to deal with the king of Spain about the reducing of the kingdom of Ireland to his government, whereby heresy might be expelled, and true catholic religion planted. And that therefore he, by his interest with the president of the council, would procure him access to the king.

But upon some pretences, as the archbishop proceeded in his relation to the ambassador, of loyalty to the queen and love to his country, not to see it under any government than that of the queen and her successors, he declined Steukley’s motion. Whereupon he applied himself to duke Feria, who brought him to the king: and the king had conference with him; used him honourably; and appointed him a very fair house, and gave him ducats, and a daily allowance for the maintenance of his table: so that he spent thirty ducats a day at least.

The archbishop, continuing his speech, added, that within a day or two after, the king sent for him, and asked him concerning Steukley. He said, he never saw him but there in Spain: but that he had heard of him, that he had been a pirate upon the sea, of life dissolute, in expenses prodigal, of no substance, neither a man of any great account in his country; notwithstanding he heard he was a gentleman born, and descended from a good house. Then the king told him of the offer he had made touching the business of Ireland; and that he had assured him, that he had dealt so before his coming with the Irish nobility, as the king would find them ready to receive such forces as he should send. The archbishop wished the king not to be so light of belief: for that Steukley was not a man of that credit with the Irish nobility, to be able to bring any such matter to pass; whom they knew to be but a shifter, and one who, for the maintenance of his prodigality, sought to abuse all men. The king said, that beside his own report, he was recommended unto him by his ambassador, who wished the king to credit whatsoever he reported.

Duke Feria afterwards meeting the archbishop, asked his opinion of Steukley. To whom he said, he feared he would abuse the king. Then said Feria, the likelihoods that Steukley shewed the king of the enterprise were such, as they gave great cause why the king should embrace the same. For beside the Irish nobility, added he, he had won a great number of the garrison to be at his devotion, as well soldiers as captains. Well, said the duke further, I perceive you are not willing the enterprise should go forward: and therefore you seek to deface the gentleman whom we honour here with the name of duke of Ireland. To which the archbishop replied, that that title and calling was more than ever Ireland was acquainted with.

The effect of this was, that Steukley came afterwards and challenged the archbishop, and told him, if he were not a man of the church, he would be revenged of him for the report he made of him. And when Walsingham had asked the archbishop, when Steukley was likely to embark, he answered, about the end of April: and now it was March.

All this was the matter of discourse this archbishop had with Walsingham; as he gave the queen’s secretary Cecill intelligence in his letter: though he had a suspicion even of this archbishop, notwithstanding all this that he had said. He pretended by all this discovery to shew himself loyal to the queen; and by this means to obtain a pardon from her majesty, in leaving his own country without her leave; and to have liberty to return back again: and that archbishopric being now void, and his successor dead, that he might be restored to it again. This man being put out of his bishopric about two years past, (viz. 1568,) and another substituted in his room, made a great disturbance and outrage: which he confessed to Walsingham: whereby he had justly incurred the lord deputy’s displeasure. But in excuse of his departure without the queen’s leave, added, that it was of necessity to seek maintenance otherwhere. That the king of Spain relieved him, and honourably entertained him, and gave him yearly 2000 ducats pension. But before he came to Spain he was at Nantes in France.

Certain it is, that what this archbishop of Cassils or Cashel had communicated to Walsingham gave great offence in Spain, and begat great jars between Steukley and him. Which the earl of Leicester observed to Walsingham in a letter he wrote him April 1571, acquainting him, that his brother, sir Henry Sidney, deputy of Ireland, who was then arrived in England, had shewed him the same; and that it had caused such a great dislike of the archbishop in Spain, that it might possibly recover him, and get him into England. This archbishop’s name was Maurice Gibbon, alias Reagh: and having the pope’s bull for the said archbishopric of Cassil or Cashel, by virtue of that demanded possession of the same: which being refused, the other barbarously stabbed him with his skean. But the archbishop escaped with his life, and the other fled abroad.

But to return to Steuktey. He came into such favour with the king of Spain, that he knighted him: and he was commonly called there duke of Ireland. This Walsingham took notice of to Olivarez, the king of Spain’s ambassador at Paris. To which he answered, the king was willing to entertain a gentleman of countenance that offered him service, and to honour such with the honour of knighthood. Then Walsingham acquainted him with the course of Steukley’s life: and also how little he had to take to.

And therefore willed him to consider how unworthy he was of any honour or entertainment in respect of himself. But being, said Walsingham, a rebel unto the queen’s majesty, with whom the house of Burgundy had had so long amity, this gave her occasion to think that kind of amity not to answer best to such good-will as ordinarily was professed.

Our historian tells us moreover, what honours the pope also conferred upon this dissolute man, viz. the title of marquis of Leinster, earl of Wexford, and viscount and baron of other places in Ireland: and that in a vapour he proraised to make the pope’s base son king of Ireland. The same historian, under the year 1578, gives an account of his death; being slain in a battle in Africa with the king of Fez, going thither with Sebastian king of Portugal. For after the king of Spain had bestowed much upon him, he found him at length not worthy of any more. And his practices were abated in Spain, by discovery at last of his looseness and insufficiency: as secretary Cecill wrote to Walsingham about him.

But upon the said English ambassador at Paris, his intelligence in France, and other intelligences from Spain, concerning the invading of Ireland, the queen sent a gentleman out of hand to that king, to understand the Spaniard’s intention; and who should deal plainly and roundly with him in that matter. And in the mean time she gave order, against all events, for the withstanding of any enterprises; as well by sending of ships to the seacoasts of Ireland, as by other land forces to be sent thither. And ordered her ambassador there in France (if he should have any occasion) to deal with the Spanish ambassador, and to shew him these reports. And that if he should hear of the queen’s preparations by sea and land, he should tell him, that it was for her defence: and that in case she should be offended, she would use them not only for defence, but to offend for her own revenge: as she wrote in her letter to Walsingham her ambassador. Of these affairs now happening concerning Ireland, our historians are silent: and therefore I relate them the more particularly, and proceed therein.

And it appears that that realm was but in an ill condition, consuming the English treasure. Letters, August the 30th, from the council in Dublin the last year, made all things almost desperate; viz. “That the Butlers, brothers to the earl of Ormond, increased their rebellion, and would not cease upon their said brother’s motions made to them. And that the rebels in the north were coming to invade the English pale. That the power of the pale was not able to withstand both the north and the Butlers. This secretary Cecill wrote in his private letters to his friend Nicolas White, seneschal of Wexford. And that they, the queen’s council, would attend to the north, and leave the Butlers.”

And many such advertisements came daily. But that other news from Ireland came, that the Butlers now had stooped to the earl their brother; and that the lord deputy had had good success. Yet the wars and hostilities went on this year, and peace went rather backward than forward: insomuch that the secretary called it, a loathsome charge to the crown: adding, Paene mihi nauseam movet ista profusio, et inutilis inanitas fisci regii: praying God to send some stay.

Some Frenchmen the latter end of this year, underhand, had invaded unhappy Ireland by De la Roche; who discovered to a kinsman, that the enterprise in Ireland was to have executed a plot of conquest devised by Peter Strozza in king Henry’s time: and which, if the match then in hand between Monsieur and the queen went not forward, he was promised he should go in hand withal. This was the queen’s secretary’s intelligence to Walsingham, ambassador in France. For notwithstanding the correspondence between the French king and queen Elizabeth at this time, one De la Roche, of that king’s chamber, was the captain that led a party of French that had lately made an invasion in Ireland: but, it seems, without success. And of this the queen was informed from her viceroy in Ireland.

The faction of Guise were the great doers in this enterprise. This when Walsingham had complained of to the French king, he denied his knowledge of it: though it was thought he was privy to it.

It was discovered to be the pope’s nuncio that laboured to draw Monsieur, the king’s brother, into this practice: promising for the maintenance thereof, to be paid in Paris 100,000 [crowns] for his encouragement; and made no difficulty to bring the same to pass, in respect of the great intelligence that they had both in England and Ireland. And that the same being won, it would be an easy step to a step of more consequence; meaning England. But that if Monsieur would not accept this promise, yet notwithstanding it was resolved to go forward: and that the bill of credit for the said sum of an hundred thousand crowns was already at Paris. All this an intelligencer employed by sir Henry Norris, ambassador before Walsingham, came and informed Walsingham of, Norris being gone home.

And about this time Steukley in Spain presented an instrument unto the king there, not only subscribed with the names of the most part of the Irish nobility, but of divers of England of good quality, ready to be at his devotion. But further concerning De la Roche, Walsingham told the French king, that he had been in Ireland, and had left certain soldiers there; for whose safety he, the said De la Roche, had brought to France two sons of one Fitz-Morice to be in place of hostages: who then remained at Brest in Brittany, at a kinsman of La Roche’s.

By the means of duke d’Alva’s seizing the effects of the English merchants in the Netherlands the last year, and the queen in reprisal seizing of the Netherlanders’ goods and merchandises in her dominions, all the ancient traffic between England and the Low Countries was at a stay: and great damage was done by the English to the Low Country merchants at sea, by taking their ships, and by the trade removed to Hamburgh and other parts.

But after some time, about this year, or near it, a motion was made for the renewing of trade and intercourse between the two nations. Concerning this it was now seriously debated, and thought convenient to proceed more cautiously with Spain; both because of the popish league against the state of religion reformed, and of the Spanish malice against the queen and her realms: also withal lest any commodities might be carried from hence to Flanders, that might turn to the disadvantage or inconvenience of the prince of Orange and the reformed in those countries; that were now struggling for their liberty and religion, against that tyranny and oppression then exercised in those countries.

And for the better understanding of these things, and how matters stood between England and Spain at this juncture, one Aldersey, an understanding merchant, thus wrote to Cecill wisely, and to the reputation of his memory. “Whereas it hath pleased the queen’s majesty to agree unto the opening of traffic between this realm and the dominion of the king of Spain, I doubt not to her majesty’s honour and the benefit of the common weal; so do I assuredly think the duke of Alva, &c. hath sought and doth embrace the same, in hope thereby the sooner to supplant and overthrow the prince of Orange, with the states of Holland and Zealand. And considering the determination of the papistical league, and the particular malice of the Spaniard, and namely, the duke of Alva, it is greatly to be feared, that if God should permit the said prince and countries to be overthrown, there would small faith be kept towards her majesty, her highness’ realms and subjects. Wherefore there is great cause to proceed in good po]icy: how by the use of this traffic the said prince, &c. may take the least hurt that may be. Wherein hoping of your lordship’s goodness to take my meaning in good part, I am bold to shew my simple opinion. “I hope there is no need by this agreement to permit any more liberal trade of her majesty’s subjects into the Low Countries, but by the merchant adventurers, and of the staple, who have privileges in the said Low Countries; whereby of right, and by long use, other her majesty’s subjects might not occupy into the said countries with any commodities of this realm more than to buy those country commodities. “If the same and none other may be permitted by her majesty, there may so good order be taken, that by, &c. only those commodities of the realm, &c. to be vented, may be shipped into the Low Countries; which can no way so much hurt the prince [of Orange,] Holland, and Zealand, as may the carrying of corn, wood, hay, coal, beef, butter, and other victuals into Flanders and other places under the duke of Alva. “And herein is to be considered, that as most of these things be stolen out in creeks, and in the night time, and by pretence of going from port to port within the realm without paying any custom; so may greedy desire of gain (which is like to be great) cause so much to be transported, as this realm may thereby find lack. And as the doers thereof be for the most part fishermen, and of other occupations, who leave their faculties to follow these things, and much more will do if they may be suffered; even so the restraining of them will enforce them to use their several sciences, to the benefit of the realm. Where it may be said, the Flemings will send these things, and serve the said parties very amply; it is to be answered, that those of Zealand will by no means suffer them; but so to keep the coast of Flanders and other places, that the Flemings shall not stir: and yet none of them restrained by her majesty, &c. “And if they of Zealand may without offence restrain such Englishmen as shall carry things into those places which shall not be free by the said privileges, nor allowed by such order as may be taken with them of Zealand, they will cause much better order to be kept in that behalf than any provision of her majesty will do. “And these things well provided for, in my judgment the prince and the said countries shall receive small hurt by this opening of traffic, they having liberty to use this realm as other subjects of the king.

And so craving pardon for my boldness, I pray God long to preserve your honour in health.

Your lordship’s at command, Tho. Aldersey.”

CHAPTER 2.

A determination of the general assembly of the church of Scotland, for obedience to the new king. Queen Elizabeth in perplexity about restoring of the Scots queen. Match for the queen with the French king’s brother. The queen how affected towards it. Astrological inquiry into her nativity about it. The pope’s bull against the queen set up at Paris. A secret popish design against England.

Wrecks upon the coast of Sussex claimed by the bishop of Chichester. A suit with the lord admiral about it. Proclamations about pirates. The governor of the Isle of Wight sends out ships after them.

THE affairs of Scotland and the Scots queen affected England also at this time. And the fear of popery from that quarter disturbed this kingdom: insomuch, that those of the court, and the rest of the land that favoured the reformed religion, were secretly well-disposed to the action in that realm, of deposing that queen, and to the succession of her son. Which was done by the states of parliament there. And a solemn decree was also made by the Scotch clergy in their general assembly in the month of July, 1570, and obedience accordingly enjoined to be given by all the clergy to the king, and to pray for him. Which I have seen among the papers of Randolph, the queen’s ambassador to that kingdom: which also was printed, and ran in this tenor. “A determination of the general assembly of the church of Scotland, halden in Edinburgh, the 7th day of July, 1570, anent the obedience to be given to the king’s majesty his authority, and for praying for his grace’s prosperous reign, &c. “It was concluded by the whole assembly convened, as wel superintendents, commissioners to plain churches, commissioners of towns, universities, provinces, churches, baronies, and gentlemen, with uthers of Christes congregation: that as it hath pleased God of his mercy to erect the authority of the king’s majesty over us by publicte consent of the estates in parlament, even so the same ought and should be universally obeyed throughout this realm, without acknowledging any other authority, whatsoever title be pretended. “Moreover, al ministers are commanded, in their pub-licte sermons, to pray publictly for the preservation of his majesties person and authority: assuring them, that al such as shal be found negligent or inobedient heirinto, shal be punished as the church shal think expedient. “And further pronounceth, that if any subject or subjects of this realm (of what estate they) shal presumptuously take upon them to inhibit any minister to obey this ordinance of the general church, what cloik or colour soever he or they shall pretend, or by manasing make impediment unto them, so that without fear ministers may not serve God in their vocation; that in that case such troublers shall be summarlie, upon the notoriety of the fault, excommunicate; and shal be halden as rotten members, unworthy of the society of Christ’s body, &c. “And last, commandes al superintendents of commissioners of provinces to cause this determination to be published in al parish churches, that none hereafter pretend ignorance, &c. Geven in the general assembly of the church of Scotland, and third session therof. Sub-scrived by the clerk of the same: day, year, and place aforesaid. M. J. Gray.

Queen Elizabeth, apprehensive of her danger from the popish party in Scotland, and queen Mary’s friends there, yet remained unresolved what to do; and whether to consent to what was done in Scotland towards their queen. However, her own security inclined her on the other hand; that is, to favour what the protestants had done: of whom she was better assured that they were on her side. And therefore, when commissioners were sent out of Scotland to the queen in March to adjust the Scots queen’s affairs, (viz. the bishops of Galway and Ross, and lord Leviston, on that queen’s part; and earl Morton, and two more, on the king’s,) and both parties were very stiff; one, for the queen to be restored to her government; the other, for the king her son to reign: the English court stood variously affected: which the earl of Leicester, in the said month of March, gave this account of to Walsingham, then the queen’s ambassador in France: “That the queen was scrupulous about it. The unworthiness of their queen to rule she granted but the instances of their cause, to depose her from her dignity, she could hardly be persuaded in. And so she remained much perplexed. That on the one side she was loath to set her up, or to restore her to her estate again: and on the other side, as loath to defend that which she was not yet well persuaded to have justice with it. Between these, her council sought for these two things, viz. that herself might be preserved in surety, and the true religion maintained assuredly. For that as the state of the world stood, and upon true examination of this cause, it appeared, that both the ways were dangerous touching the queen of Scots. For as there was danger in delivering her to her government, so there was danger in retaining her in prison: her friends abroad beginning to speak proudly for her.”

Thus the earl of Leicester. But it was known, that all that was done in this conference was sent by special messengers from the Scotch queen’s party to the French king, the king of Spain, and the pope; and succours conveyed at this very time from them; as appears by a paper of secretary Cecill, which may be read in the Annals of the Reformation.

Religion was also very much concerned this year, in the motions that were made about queen Elizabeth’s marriage. For though her subjects earnestly desired her marriage, to secure a protestant succession, yet they dreaded her matching with a popish foreign prince. But even they that were in the true English interest, out of a fear of the Scots queen’s succession, could have been glad to see her married with whomsoever it were, equal in dignity with herself. This appeared, and also how the queen herself pretended, for the good of her people, to be affected that way, by expressions in secretary Cecill’s correspondence (in a letter dated March the 3d) with Walsingham, ambassador in France; instructing him from the queen, “That if any should deal with him to understand his mind, in the case of her marriage, he might say, that at his coming from England, upon some common bruit of such a matter concerning her majesty and monsieur d’Anjou, the French king’s brother, he [Walsingham] was assured, that her majesty, upon consideration of the benefit of her realm, anti to content her subjects, resolved to marry, if she could find a person in estate and condition fit for her to match withal. And that she meant not to marry but with a person of the family of a prince.”

And that Walsingham should say, that he could not by any means perceive, that her majesty was altered from that disposition. So as that he might conclude, that if any such matter should be moved to him by any meet person to deal therein, he would advertise her majesty thereof. And that her majesty would have him so to do. And then that wise counsellor added his own judgment; “That if God should permit this marriage, or any other, to take place, he [Walsingham] might well judge, that no time was to be wasted, otherwise than honour might require. That he was not able to discern what was best: but that he saw no continuance of her quietness without a marriage. And that therefore he remitted the success to Almighty God.”

But this, he said, he writ privately to him, as he trusted it should remain to himself. How matters proceeded in duke d’Anjou’s courtship of the queen will be shewn under the next year.

And because the welfare of the nation did so much depend upon the queen’s marriage, it seems some were employed secretly, by calculating her nativity, to inquire into her marriage. For which art even secretary Cecill himself had some opinion. I have met among his papers with such a judgment made, written all with his own hand. Which iudgment I am apt to believe (if not done secretly by himself) he had either from one Bomelius, a Dutchman, and famous for physic and this art, and resiant in England about this time; or perhaps from sir Thomas Smith: who studied astrology much; and by this scheme he found that the queen had not much inclination to marriage: yet that her wedlock would be very happy to her: that she should be somewhat elder when she entered into matrimony: and that then she would have a young man that was never before married: that she then should be in the 31st year of her age: that she should have but one husband. Then for the quality of the man, that he should be a foreigner.

That (especially towards the middle of her age) she should not much delight in wedlock: that she should obey and reverence her husband, and have him in great respect. That she should arrive at a prosperous married estate; but slowly, and after much counsel taken, and the common ru-mour of it everywhere, and after very great disputes and arguings concerning it for many years, by divers persons, before it should be effected. And then she should become a bride without any impediment. That her husband should die first: and yet she should live long with her husband; and should possess much of his estate. For children, but few, yet very great hope of one son, that should be strong, famous, and happy in his mature age: and one daughter. The calculation of all this, by judgment and aspects of the planets, is set down in the Appendix. It was drawn up, no doubt, privately, for Cecill’s own instruction, to judge the better of so weighty an affair, by what might be gathered from astrology; the good estate of the whole realm so much depending on the queen’s marriage.

The bull of pope Pius V. against queen Elizabeth was set up in Paris at Pont St. Estienne, containing the selfsame matter, and on the same day (March the 2d) that Felton set it up at St. Paul’s, London: putting her under a curse, and all that adhered to her; and absolving her subjects from their oath of allegiance: and those that should obey her to be involved under the said curse. This insolent bull may be read at length in our histories; and particularly in Camden’s Elizabeth. The people of Paris flocked mightily together about it. The queen’s ambassadors then in France were the lord Buckhurst and Mr. Walsingham. Whose servant went boldly and tore it down, and brought it to his master. Who with the lord Buckhurst, after some conference, repaired to the king; and immediately broke with him in that behalf. He calling Walsing-ham unto him, asked him the contents of the said bull. Whereof being advertised, and Walsingham presenting to him so much of the said bull as was given him by his servant, the king shewed himself very much moved thereat, in such sort as that both might very well see he was unfeigned. And forthwith he called Lansac unto him, to take order with the judge criminal, for the searching out of the setter up of the same. And assured the ambassadors, if by any means he could be found, he should receive such punishment as such a presumption required; considering the good amity between him and his good sister.

Walsingham then shewed the king, that if he did not take order in this, the like measure might be measured to himself. To which he answered, that he did perceive that very well; and that whosoever he were, that should seem to touch in honour any of his confederates, he would make account of him accordingly. After Walsingham departed from the king, Lansac told him in his ear, that he had great cause to guess, that this was done by some Spanish practice.

It may open a door to the dangerous practices that followed the next year, by reason of the Scots queen and the duke of Norfolk, what was told to Walsingham the latter end of this. Which was, that one who desired his name to be in cipher, gave him to understand, that a friend of his, in talk with an Italian bishop, (who came lately to Paris from the pope to congratulate the marriage of the French king,) had learned of him, that he had a practice in hand for England; which would not be long before it brake forth: and further shewed, that one merchant in that town had 14,000 crowns to be employed in that behalf.

Dr. Curteis was this year consecrated bishop of Chichester, in the room of Barlow, deceased. This bishop had some controversy with the lord admiral for sea-wrecks; which he claimed, as bishop of Chichester: not only such as were within his lands and manors, but also some miles out at sea, on the coast of Chichester. Whereupon a suit was commenced. Several writings whereof remain in the Paper-office. There it appears, that information was brought against the bishop, that a hull of a ship was brought by one Walkaden, and seized by the lord admiral’s deputy, in the haven’s mouth of Chichester: which was sold by the bishop of Chichester, or his officers, to a servant of his: and was afterwards broken up by one John Bulke, his servant. For the which there was process served upon the said John Bulke, out of the court of admiralty. There it was pleaded, that the said bishop had nine or ten slyages of iron, pieces of cables, sails, and divers other things, fetched from a ship sunk at the shoals, twelve miles from the land, about a year and half past. And that there was no process against the said fetchers of the same, because they were poor men; and that it was thought his lordship would take order for it without suit. That although the said bishop had by charter wrakea maris, within his lordship’s manors, lands, tenements, fees, and possessions; yet he might not meddle with the hull of the said ship, considering it was a pirate’s, and possessed and seized by the lord admiral before it came near the place where the bishop did claim that privilege. The other goods were let from the sea, twelve miles from the land. That the charter which the bishop shewed for the jurisdiction of admiralty, made in Harry the Sixth’s time, was resumed by the statute of resumption in the twenty-eighth year of his reign. And besides, that the queen’s majesty had now the lands where he did now so challenge the admiral’s jurisdiction, so that unless he had reserved the said jurisdiction when he departed with his lands to the queen, his said jurisdiction did pass away with the lands. This was the plea on the side of the lord admiral: what that on the bishop’s was, I find not. But the charter of Henry VI. before mentioned, granting the privilege of wrecks to this see, may be read in the Appendix.

This, it seems, had been a cause tried before, in king Henry the Eighth’s time, between a bishop of Chichester that then was, and sir Arthur Lisle, lord admiral: who was laying hands upon a wreck in the coast of Sussex.

Whereupon the bishop of Chichester claimed it as his right: and withal, to satisfy him therein, produced to him a copy of the foresaid patent from the said king Henry, granting to Adam the bishop all such privileges: who was bishop of Chichester anno 1445, 24 Hen. VI. Whereupon the said lord Lisle sent this letter to the said bishop. “My lord, “In my hertiest wise, I commend me unto you, plesyth yt you t’understond, that I have perused your graunt of your libertyes; which is sure and good, as I am informed by lerned men. Wherfore I am very wel contented that you sell this late wrack, as yours; for I wyll not, in no wyse, be against you nor your church, to break any such your liberties or franchises, which by your graunt I perceive you have: and also of old tyme, accordingly to the tenour hereof, have occupyed and used. And thus fare your good lordship hartily well. From London, this vii of March.

Your own Arthur Lysley .

The wreck, about which the suit above mentioned was commenced, was, it seems, of a pirate’s ship: which the admiral made his plea for claiming it from the bishop. I find, indeed, the pirates were now very stirring upon our seas. Which gave occasion of the queen’s issuing out a proclamation, dated in June this year from Hampton-court, against them; who made good spoils of the goods of the king of Spain’s subjects, as well as of others. These seemed to be chiefly Flemings. She therefore minding to give as little offence as possible to that great and proud king, and that he might have no real cause of quarrelling with her, (as he sought occasion,) as she had therefore restrained sea-rovers by a strict proclamation the last year, so now by another she forbade any of her subjects on the coast of the sea to receive the commodities such pirates should bring to sell. It set forth, “how that by a special proclamation last year given at Oteland, she had directed sundry good orders to her ports, for the removing and expelling of all pirates out of the narrow seas upon the coast of her realms. And that thereupon several evil persons were apprehended in her ports; and were, as it was notorious, executed of late times as pirates. But that though no manifest pirates were then known to resort to any her majesty’s ports; yet it was supposed, that, by the fraud and greediness of some negligent officers in some small ports or creeks of the realm, certain goods and merchandises were secretly brought into those ports, as was said, from some ships of war of other countries; being upon the high seas, and out of the danger of her majesty’s castles or bulwarks to be stayed; and were thought to be by her majesty. “For remedy, she eftsoons commanded all manner of persons to have a more earnest regard to the observation of all things contained in the foresaid proclamation, upon several pains therein contained, and the same proclamation now publish and observe.”

And her majesty preently addeth, “that if any officer in any port or creek should have any knowledge or information given of any person that should buy, or any ways attain to any manner goods or merchandises, brought in otherwise than ordinarily and publicly by merchants’ ships, as lawfully trading merchandise; the said officers, for not apprehending the offender, and for not withstanding such frauds, to be deprived of their offices, and committed to prison without bail, if their offices be of her majesty’s gift: and if by grant of any corporation, the whole liberty of the corporation, for such misuses, shall he secured into her majesty’s hands, and be extinguished, &c. Given at Hampton-court, the 6 of June, 1570, the 12 of her reign.”

Notwithstanding, complaint was made, about the latter end of the year, by the Spanish ambassador in Paris, to the English ambassador there, of pirates, haunting the narrow seas, (especially about the Isle of Wight,) that robbed the king’s ships. It was true; but the crimes were committed by some belonging to the prince of Orange: as Cecil wrote to Walsingham: a thing the English could not help. But Mr. Horsey, governor of the Isle of Wight, was despatched with authority to set forth certain ships, either to take them, or to drive them from the coasts. For he confessed to Walsingham privately, that they were too much favoured lucri causa. But, however, he might avow truly, as he added, that the queen did not favour them.

CHAPTER 3.

Orders and injunctions for preventing frays and fightings in London. Constables to carry staves. The queen’s daily learned studies. Secretary Cecil created lord Burghley. His troubles. Sir Tho. Smith becomes secretary in his place. Walsingham ambassador in France, his complaint. Sir Nicolas Throgmorton; his death; disease and character. Earl of Sussex. Mr. Thomas Cecil’s letter to him: who had recommended him to the queen. Sir Francis Englefield’s presumptuous letter. Bishop Sandys nominated for London: his excuse; and acceptance: his.first visitation. The Italian church in London. Fox’s second edition of his Martyrology.

NOW for more domestic affairs, and observations of divers persons of character or quality. This year, or near it, a notable proclamation was set forth by the lord mayor of London, for the regulation and good order of that great metropolitical city, not only upon the queen’s charge to him to preserve peace in that her chief city, but also because lately there had been great frays and rightings, and murders too, committed in and about the said city, by cudgels, called bastinadoes, and other weapons. The latter forbidden to be drawn, and the former to be carried, by a very strict and well-penned proclamation published in print. Which all constables, for their better direction and remembrance, were to have in their houses: and they enjoined to carry a white staff. It was entitled, For the suppressing of frays, and fray-makers, and disturbers of the queen’s peace. “It began with the mention of a law of king Edward I. in the third of his reign; wherein he did enact, that the peace of the holy church and of the land should be well guarded, kept, and maintained in all points; and that egal justice should be done, as well to the rich as to the poor, without respect of persons. And that king Richard II. in his parliament the first of his reign, did in like manner well and straitly command, that peace in his realm should be surely observed and kept: so that all his lawful subjects might from thenceforth safely and peaceably go, come, and dwell, according to the law and usage of the realm; and that justice and right should be indifferently ministered. It set forth likewise, that the queen’s most excellent majesty, as well by her own mouth, as by her honourable council, had sundry times given strait charge and commandment to the lord mayor and his brethren the aldermen, and to their predecessors, that they should well and diligently conserve and keep the peace of our sovereign lady within the city and suburbs. “And forsomuch as a far greater confluence, as well of the lords, great men, prelates, knights, and gentlemen of this land, and other the common people, was made to this honourable city of London than to any other part of the realm, as well for their suits in the queen’s highness’ courts, as for other their negociations; and for these causes there was required a far greater and more diligent care, within the city especially, for the conservation of her majesty’s peace; and chiefly for that thin city is the principal city and spectacle of the whole realm; by the government whereof all other cities and places do take.example: and also, whereas the lord mayor is the queen’s highness’ lieutenant in the same city; and by the charters, liberties, franchises, and customs thereof, hath the full execution of the queen’s prerogative royal for the conservation of the peace and defence of bearing armour within all parts of this city and the suburbs thereof: “And forasmuch as of late times, within this honourable city, and the liberties and suburbs, upon quarrels begun, as well in other parts of the realm, as within this city, and in other places near adjacent, great and desperate affrays have been foughten within the said city: whereupon hath ensued horrible murder and desperate manslaughters; to the great displeasure of Almighty God, and to the manifest contempt of the queen’s most excellent majesty, her crown and dignity: “For reformation whereof the lord mayor, by the good and grave advice of his brethren the aldermen, did in the queen’s name most straitly charge, will, and command, that as well all her majesty’s subjects, as all other persons, resorting, dwelling, or abiding within the said city, or the liberties and suburbs of the same, shall from henceforth firmly keep, guard, and maintain in all points the peace of our said sovereign lady. And that no person presume to draw or use any weapon to fight, upon pain of forfeiture of the same, and to have prisonment of his body during her majesty’s pleasure, and to make fine and ransom for the same offence. “And for the better repressing of such as be common disturbers and breakers of her majesty’s peace, he commanded all her majesty’s good subjects diligently to assist the constables, and other her majesty’s officers, in pacifying of affrays, and apprehending of such as were breakers and disturbers of her majesty’s peace, as often as they shall be called upon by the said constables, upon pain of imprisonment, and further punishment. And that the constables within the said city and liberties may at the time of such affrays be the better known, the lord mayor did hereby charge and command, that every constable should have a white staff, or rod, of the length of one ell and an half, and of the bigness of a standard shaft. Which staff, or rod, he or his deputy shall bear in his hand at all such times as he shall go to the appeasing of such affrays. And that no persons but constables only, or their deputies, do use the like staves, upon pain of imprisonment. “Herewithal charging all the constables, as often as need shall require, to raise the inhabitants of their several precincts, and to take and apprehend all such as shall draw or use any weapon to fight, or make an affray, or otherwise break her highness’ peace.

And all such affray-makers and peacebreakers to carry forthwith to one of the counters, there to remain, until such further order be taken with him or them, as may be to the terror and example of others. “And further, he did straitly command and charge, that no person presume to bear or carry in their hands, or otherwise, within the city of London, and liberties thereof, any manner of ragged or smooth cudgel, commonly called a bastinado, either with a pike of iron or without. And such as now offended therein, to be attached by the constables, or their deputies, and brought before the lord mayor or the recorder, or before some other justice of peace of the same city; there to receive such punishment for the same as shall be thought expedient. And to the intent that the constables may not excuse themselves by ignorance, the lord mayor commanded every constable of the same city to have one of these proclamations fixed upon a wall within his dwelling-house, in a place meet and convenient for the same. “Imprinted at London, by John Day.”

If we turn our eyes from the city to the court: the queen was now at Windsor; where, besides the public and weighty affairs of the state, she customarily set apart some hours every day in her privy chamber in learned studies; as in reading Greek, in conversing with ancient authors of philosophy and divinity, and in fair writing, and indicting letters and discourses in divers languages. Wherein she used the conduct of the learned and ingenious Roger Ascham: which he looked upon as one of the greatest felicities of his life. And reproached the young gentry of the nation, nay, and many of the elderly divines, by her example. And with what words he addressed himself to them upon occasion of the queen’s studies, to excite them to learning, is set down elsewhere.

One of this learned queen’s wise counsellors was sir William Cecil, her secretary of state, learned himself, and also a chief patron of learning and religion: whom this year she worthily advanced to the honour of a baron of this kingdom, by the title of baron of Burghley, the name of his noble house in Northamptonshire; and still giving title to his eldest son’s issue, the earls of Exeter: not advanced for his wealth, but for his worth. But he remained secretary for some time after: though it was thought then, (as the earl of Leicester wrote to Walsingham,) that ere long he should have the office of privy seal. If we will take his title from his own pen, thus he wrote to Nicolas White, his friend in Ireland; “My style is lord of Burghley, if you mean to know it for your writing, and if you list to write, truly the poorest lord in England. Yours, not changed in friendship though in name, William Burgh ley.” And about this time he wrote to Walsingham in France, March the 1st, 1570, subscribing, his letter, By your assured, as I was wont, Wil.

Cecil; and as I am now ordered to write, William Burghley. And in his own Journal he wrote, “that he was created baron the 25th of February, being Shrove Sunday; yet called lord Burghley some time before.”

The bishop of Ross, the Scottish queen’s ambassador, (but for his pragmatical and seditious spirit committed to the Tower,) thought fit, in a letter to this lord, to give him this compliment upon his new honour: “When I was going to wreit your lordship’s accustomed style of honour upon my letter, I was warned of your late honourable promotion. Wherof I am most heartily glad. For your vertue, wisdom, and experience hath mereit that, and much more. And happy is that commonwealth whair the magistrates are so elected: et quum aut sapientes gubernant, aut gubernantes philosophantur.

If this wise and good man took any delight in titles of honour, it was some recompence to him for the severe troubles and dangers he was oppressed with, for his public and faithful services. For the last year he had certainly sunk under the malicious combinations of the great men at the court against him, had not the queen seasonably interposed; knowing well the worth of the man, and, on that account, the zeal she had, and must have, for such a man, obliged her on his side. And this present year, 1570, also, he had his share of trouble; and the court itself was full of changes. And how it stood with him now, take his own words, in a letter to his dear friend in Ireland. “I cannot well resolve what to write, such are the varieties and changes of time, that may alter my advertisements between my writing and your receipt. Therefore I will write of things not subject to change by me while I live. I do continue, nor will desist, to love heartily the honest virtues which I am persuaded are settled and rooted in you. For which I love you, and so will, [however mutable he found the love of others to him,] except you make the change. I am, as you have known me, (if not more,) tormented with the blasts of the world: willing to live in calm places; but it pleaseth God otherwise to exercise me, in sort as I cannot shun the rages thereof; though his goodness preserveth me, as it were with the target of his providence, from the dangers that are gaping upon me. Vita hominis est militia super terram. I use no armour of proof against the dart and pellet, but confidence in God by a clear conscience.”

He was a man that affected meditation and retirement, but could not be spared from the public. For to repeat one expression more, dropped in the same letter: “God send me some intermission from business, to meditate privately upon his marvellous works, and to exercise my thankfulness for his mercies and benefits.” This was writ in May. But, instead of a recess from business, the queen laid more weighty employment upon him not long afterwards. For upon the death of the lord marquis of Winchester, lord treasurer, in the year 1572, she advanced him to that place. But yet the drawing up of most of the state writings, as instructions to ambassadors, and declarations, and letters, lay upon him even then, and long after.

He was succeeded in the office of secretary of state by sir Tho. Smith, knt. another very faithful, wise, and learned counsellor of the queen’s: but not before June 24, 1571; who had late been the queen’s ambassador with the French king. He was first called to assist the said new baron in the office of secretary; and was, in order to that, admitted to the council, March the 4th, as the earl of Leicester; but the day before wrote to Walsingham, that the said sir Thomas should be admitted to the council to-morrow; and shortly after to be secretary.

Happy was the queen in her secretaries; who were both faithful, able, and diligent. Such was Mr. Walsingham, afterwards secretary, viz. in January 1575, being then admitted joint-secretary with sir Thomas Smith. Which Wal-singham, by serving her majesty faithfully in his embassy, to his great cost, in housekeeping and intelligence, ran himself deep in debt: insomuch that, in a letter he wrote this year from France to the earl of Leicester, he shewed him, that his charges grew to be so great, through the excessive dearness of the place, (the like to which was never known,) that necessity forced him at that present to make his moan unto his lordship, and to desire his aid, that he might not be, as he was, overburdened: whereby his care how to live might not hinder the only care he ought to have, how to serve.

And that though his service could not deserve so much as he was allowed, yet his place and his state required, he said, consideration to be had of the present time; otherwise he should not be able to do that which should be for her majesty’s honour and service: adding, that always change of time brought change of allowance.

This year, February 12, died sir Nicolas Throgmorton, knt. who had been the queen’s ambassador jointly with sir Thomas Smith; and employed in other embassies and matters of state: and a great creature of the earl of Leicester’s. He died ex pleurisi et peripneumonia, as Cecil, in a diary of his, expressed it. The loss of whom Leicester signified in a letter two days after (viz. February 14) to Walsing-ham, in these words: “We have lost, on Monday, our good friend, sir Nic. Throgmorton: who died at my house, being there taken suddenly in great extremity on the Tuesday before. His lungs were perished. But a sadden cold he had taken was the cause of his speedy death. God hath his soul: and we his friends great loss of his body.”

Some apprehended his sudden death came by poison: but whether by Leicester’s means, being in his house when he died, it is uncertain. He was a busy, intriguing man. Cecil also wrote the same news of his death to the same correspondent, viz. “That he had been sick, and past six or seven days, of a pleurisy, joined with a disease called peripneumonia: ” adding piously, “he doth but lead the way to us.” Walsingham, in his letter back to Leicester, taking notice of the said sir Nicolas’s death, (whom he called a dear friend to him,) gave this judgment of him; “That by the lack of him, if it were private to his friends, the loss were great: but if weighed generally in respect to her majesty and the country, the want of him would appear greater. For be it spoken, said he, without offence to any, for counsel in peace, and for conduct in war, he hath not left of like sufficiency his successor, that I know: concluding, that he would no more insist upon that matter, unpleasant for his lordship to read, as for him to write.”

He was buried in the church of St. Katharine, Creechurch, London; where he hath a fair monument, with his figure in stone.

In the month of October the earl of Sussex was admitted into the privy council: who had merited, well. He was lord president of the council in the north: and the last year, being the queen’s lord lieutenant in the north, he had great success against the rebels in the north: and was accompanied with a great many English gentlemen, volunteers. And, among the rest, by Mr. Thomas Cecill, secretary Cecilrs eldest son: who, for his signal service, and some promise, expected some reward with others. And having been particularly recommended unto the queen by the said earl, he wrote this handsome letter in acknowledgment to him; expressive also of his modesty and virtue, agreeable to the spirit of his worthy father. “That it might please his good lordship: Understanding that such as served under his lordship in the late rebellion of the north did generally look at this time, by his recommendation, for some recompence of their service; among whom, accounting himself one, and his suit already being most favourably recommended unto the queen’s majesty by his lordship’s special favour unto him, more than any desert of his part; he was the bolder to remember himself unto his lordship by these his letters: not as one, in respect of his particular gain, meaning to be importunate with him; but as he, who neither meant to attempt other men’s credits in this behalf, neither to be bound or thankful unto any, but unto his lordship only. And should think himself happy, if at any time it might be in him, by any service, to acknowledge that duty and good-will which he remained indebted unto his lordship. In the mean time he remained as his most bounden; and wishing his lordship his heart’s desire.” It was dated from Burghleigh, the 26th of December, 1570; subscribing, Your lordship’s at commaunment, Tho. Cecill .”

November the 18th, sir Francis Englefield wrote a presumptuous letter to the earl of Leicester, against the queen’s majesty’s authority. It is only so briefly set down by Cecill in his diary: grounding it, as it seems, upon the pope’s late excommunication of her, and discharging her subjects from their allegiance, and giving her kingdoms to the king of Spain. He was a great popish zealot; and had been a privy counsellor to the late queen Mary, and master of her wards and liveries: but now living abroad upon pretence of his religion, and a pensioner to the king of Spain, held a correspondence with the queen’s enemies. Though the queen deserved better at his hands, as hath been related at large elsewhere. For she allowed him the revenues of his estate here in England; and retained only a small part of it for the necessary maintenance of his wife; who was an heiress, and brought a considerable fortune to him. And whereas he pretended his conscience for refusing, at the queen’s command, to return to his own country, because he might not enjoy his religion here; she ordered her ambassador, then in Spain, to inform that king, (who had by his ambassador interceded for him,) that none of her subjects were disturbed for their religion, if they were quiet in the state; nor should sir Francis. But his seditious spirit and animosity against the queen and her authority still remained, as appears by writing after this manner to one of her chief statesmen.

Grindal being the beginning of this year translated from the see of London to that of York, Sandys, bishop of Worcester, was concluded upon by the queen to be the fittest person to be removed into that room; a man dear to the citizens, and earnestly desired by them to be their pastor. Secretary Cecil, who was the great instrument of this intended remove, despatched a message to him, to acquaint him with the queen’s resolution: and therefore prayed him to hasten to London for that end. But the good bishop, conscious to himself of his own inability for so great a charge, and not caring, perhaps, to be placed so much in view of the court and the whole realm, pleading withal his want of health, and bodily infirmity, laboured to decline it as much as he could. And thereupon sent up his chancellor to lay before the secretary his unwillingness on those accounts to remove from that see, where he hoped he did God service. But the chancellor did his message after that manner, as though the bishop were not in earnest, and as though it were but a faint excuse, and that he required only some further solicitation to accept it. Which caused a gentle reprimand of him from Cecil; shewing him, how the queen was not disposed to think of any one else for that place; and likewise, that the citizens began to be much displeased with him for his denial. This troubled him; and concluding this a call from God to this bishopric, he sent up a pious and modest letter to the secretary, importing his no longer standing out; and that upon the queen’s and council’s summons he would obey and come up. Which letter, deserving to be inserted, as affording some character of this godly prelate, was as followeth: viz. “Sir, “I shall humbly pray you not to be offended, that thus often with my letters I molest your honour. My former and whole suit was simple, my meaning plain; saying of myself as I thought of myself: [i.e. declining to be translated, because of his mean opinion of himself and his abilities.] If my chancellor hath otherwise insinuated, he did it without commission or knowledge of me. The wants in mind, and the infirmities in body, were the chief causes of my refusal. Yet hearing by my chancellor that you were offended with me, and understanding that the queen’s majesty misliked to alter her highness’ determination; and being sundry ways advertised of the clamour of London against me for my refusal, and how that with universal joyfulness the people desired me; this touched my conscience very near, and made me write to your honour in such sort as I did. “Sir, your answer unto my man was such as hath wonderfully troubled me. I looked for comfort and good advice, but I fear to reap grief and displeasure. I have given no just cause of offence: my conscience standeth clear. I have ever honoured and loved you, before all other men. I have been and will be very ready at your commaunment in what I can. Whcrein I cannot otherwise pleasure you, I daily in my prayers commend you unto Him, who can in all things benefit you. This to be simple and true, I call the true God to record. My deserving being not to the contrary, I hope to find your old wonted favour. You will not in honour and good nature cast away your poor friend without all cause. If you glome upon me, I shall serve Christ’s church with less comforth, and to less profit.

The world understandeth that you are my good friend, and that I may do somewhat with you. If the papists may-learn misliking, they will easily over-crow me; and it will much weaken my work in God’s church. I have, as it were, already lost the earl of Leicester, because I wrote privately to you, and not to him. He told my chancellor, that therewith he was much offended. If you shall mislike of me also, evil is my hap. “Sir, if the queen’s majesty and the privy council be not otherwise resolved, if you bid me come up, I will, and take that office upon me, whatsoever become of me; and stand to your favour and courtesy. For in that matter you shall wholly dispose of me. The full consent and calling of the people of London doth not a little touch me. If a meeter be already chosen, I shall be most glad of it: so that I may live here, and wheresoever, with your favour and wonted friendship. Which I humbly crave at your hands; more esteeming the same, than the best bishopric in the realm. Good master secretary, stand my good friend. Commaund me, and I will obey.

Bid me, and I will do. Your advice will I follow fully. The calling of the prince and of the privy council, the calling and consent of the whole people, and my private friends earnestly requiting the same, hath narrowly touched my conscience; and moveth me to think that this calling is of God. I pray you write me three lines, that I may certainly know what to do, and whether I be fully discharged, or no. Thus commending me wholly unto your friendship, I commend you to the grace of God. In haste, at Hartilbury, this 26th of April, 1570.

Your honour’s in Christ, Ed. Wigorn .

Thus the good bishop, partly to recover himself from the displeasure taken at him, and especially being now touched in conscience, that this universal appointment of him to the charge of London was a calling from God, was fain, with much submission, to comply, and revoke his former refusal.

He visited his diocese this first year of his translation. And January the 10th he held his visitation in London. Some Articles and Injunctions of the bishop then given the clergy, I learn from a journal of one of these London ministers. “We are straitly charged, I. To keep strictly the Book of Common Prayer.

II. No man to preach without a licence.

III. To observe the appointed apparel: that is, to wear the square cap, the scholar’s gown, &c. And in all divine service to wear the surplice.

IV. None to receive strangers; that is, any of other parishes, to their communion.

V. All clerks’ tolerations to be called in.”

This will be better understood, when we are informed, that there had been divers ministers, who had private meetings in houses: where they preached, baptized, administered the communion after a new way, different from the public liturgy, and also condemned it, and the established government of the church. For which, some of them were imprisoned. But such was the clemency of the government, that the former bishop, by permission and order of the privy council, granted them, after about a year’s restraint, their liberty; and upon promise of their peaceable beha-viour, and a certain subscription, allowed them some toleration. But they misbehaved themselves; among whom the chief were Crane and Bonham. Which was the cause of this article of calling in all tolerations. “VI. That parish clerks intrude not into the priests’ duty, as before they had sometimes done.”

That is, they had taken upon them, on some occasions, to say common prayer, and use some of the offices. This was presumption not to be suffered; and thought fit therefore to be taken notice of by the bishop in.his visitation, and to be made one of his articles to the clergy, no longer to suffer it.

The Italian church in London, which first began in the time of king Edward VI. was continued under queen Elizabeth, and had the favour of the state, for the liberty of religious worship for such Italians as embraced the reformed religion. Whereof there were many residing in that city, both merchants and others, that had fled thither from some parts of Italy, where the gospel had been preached, but now persecuted. Which church was thought profitable also for the use of such English gentlemen as had travelled abroad in Italy. That by their resorting thither, they might both serve God, and keep their knowledge of the Italian language: which by disuse they might otherwise have soon forgotten. But it was an observation now made, of the evil consequence of young men’s travelling from hence into those parts, viz. that they lost all the good and sober principles they carried out of England with them, and became negligent of religion, and little better than atheists. Which caused Mr. Ascham about this time to say, “These men thus Italianated abroad, cannot abide our godly Italian church at home. They be not of that parish, (they say,) they be not of that fellowship. They like not the preacher: they hear not his sermons; except sometime for company, they come thither to hear the Italian tongue naturally spoken; not to hear God’s doctrine truly preached.”

This year John Fox set forth the second time his laborious book of confessors and martyrs. Which bore this title; The Ecclesiastical History, containing the Acts and Monuments of things passed in every king’s time in this realm; especially in the church of England, principally to be noted.

With a full discourse of such persecutions, horrible troubles, and sufferings of martyrs; and other things incident, touching’ as well the said church of England, as also Scotland, and all other foreign nations, from the primitive times, till the reign of king Henry VIII. Newly recog-nised and enlarged by the author John Fox. This was the first volume.

The prolegomena before the work consisted of divers tracts, viz. these that follow. The first is, “To the true and faithful congregation of Christ’s universal church, with all and singular the members thereof, wheresoever congregated or dispersed through the realm of England, a protestation or petition of the author, wishing to the same abundance of all peace and tranquillity, with speedy coming of Christ the spouse, to make an end of all mot-tal misery.” The running title is, A protestation to the whole church of England. The second is the epistle dedicatory, entitled, “To the right virtuous, most excellent, and noble princess, queen Elizabeth, our dread lady, by the grace of God, queen of England and Ireland, defender of Christ’s faith and gospel, and principal governor both of the realm, as also over the said church of England and Ireland, under Christ the supreme head of the same, John Fox, her humble subject, wisheth daily increase of God’s holy Spirit and grace, with long reign, perfect health, and joyful peace, to govern his flock committed to her charge; to the example of all good princes, the comfort of his church, and glory of his blessed name.”

In which epistle, near the beginning, are these words, expressing what high displeasure the papalins conceived against him, only for exposing, by way of historical relation, the barbarous usages expressed by them towards such as professed the gospel. “That when he first presented those Acts and Monuments unto her majesty, &c. which her rare clemency received in such gentle part, he well hoped that those his travels in that kind of writing had been well at an end: whereby he might have returned to his studies again, to other purposes, after his own desire more fit, than to write histories, especially in the English tongue. But that certain evil disposed persons, of intern-perate tongues, adversaries to good proceedings, would not suffer him to rest; fuming and fretting, and raising up such miserable exclamations against the first appearance of the book, as was wonderful to hear. A man (as he expressed himself) would have thought Christ to have been new born again, and that Herod and all the city of Jerusalem had been in an uproar; such blustering and stirring was there against that poor book, through all quarters of England, to the gates of Lovain. So that no English papist almost in all the realm thought himself a perfect catholic, unless he had cast out some word or other, to give that book a blow They clamoured against it, to be full of lies, &c. As though there were no histories else in all the world corrupt, but only this story of Acts and Monuments. That with tragical voices they exclaimed and wondered upon it: sparing no cost (said he) of hyperbolical phrases, to make it appear as full of lies as lines.....

And this only for three or four escapes in that book committed.

And yet some of them were in the same book amended: they neither reading the whole, nor rightly understanding that they read, inveighed and maligned so perversely the setting out thereof, as though neither any word in all that story were true, nor any other story false in all the world.” But then concerning such matters related by him that were errors indeed, he added, (for the satisfaction of all sober, unprejudiced readers, if not for the silencing of those calumniators,) “That nevertheless, in accusing these his accusers, he did not so excuse himself, nor defend his book, as though nothing in it were to be spunged or amended, therefore he had taken pains to reiterate his labours, in travelling out the story again: doing herein as Penelope did with her web, untwisting that she had done before: or as builders do sometimes; take down again their buildings, either to transpose the fashion, or to make the foundation larger: so he in recognising this history had employed a little more labour, partly to enlarge the argument he took in hand, partly also to assay, whether by any pains-taking he might pacify the stomachs or satisfy the judgments of these importune quarrellers.”

A third prefatory tract to this book is addressed to the true Christian reader, on this subject, What utility is to be taken by reading of these histories. A fourth is written, To all the professed friends and followers of the pope’s proceedings; four questions propounded to them. Then follow the names of the authors alleged in this book: and of the martyrs that suffered. Then are set down corrections of sundry faults, defects, and oversights in both volumes of this history: and next, certain cautions of the author to the reader, of things to be considered in reading this story, What these cautions are, I refer the reader to the Appendix, to inform him in.

Where we may observe the dispositions of many to find fault with Mr.

Fox’s pains, by the frivolous exceptions that were taken at several things, and at very minute mistakes or omissions.

This year did William Lambard of Lincoln’s Inn send in writing the antiquities of Kent to Tho. Wotton, esq. a worthy and learned gentleman of the same county: a book abounding with variety of ancient and curious historical collections of places and matters of that county; entitled, A perambulation of Kent, containing the description, history, and customs of that shire. Which Mr. Wotton five or six years after published, with his own recommendatory epistle before it, to the gentlemen of the county. Mr.

Lambard’s genius led him to gather, out of all ancient as well as modern histories of this island, sundry notes of such quality, as might serve for the description and story of the most famous places throughout this whole realm; which he called, A topographical dictionary, because it was digested into rifles by order of alphabet, and concerned the description of places. Out of which he meant in time (if God granted him life, ability, and leisure) to draw, as from a certain storehouse, fit matter for each particular shire and county. And resolved first to begin with Kent; as he wrote in his epistle to Mr. Wotton, when he sent him the said MS.

This year Dr. Thomas Wylson, a learned civilian, master of St. Katharine’s, near the Tower of London, set forth certain orations of Demosthenes, the famous orator of Athens, translated by him into elegant English, being a man of polite learning in Latin and Greek; which I took some notice of in the former volume. He set about this translation with the greatest care and exactness, that it might be looked upon in that age as a perfect piece of eloquent English language; and that it might answer the tongue and oratory of the first and chiefest orator of Athens; as he writes in his preface. And in this his translation he made use of the Latin translation made by that singular learned man sir John Cheeke, sometime the king’s Greek professor in Cambridge; who had read some of these orations formerly to this Wylson and other English scholars in Padua; whither they were retired for their safety in the persecuting times of queen Mary. The interpretation whereof Wylson had from his own mouth, who kindly took care over all the Englishmen there. And the very argument of those causes that orator handled, so agreeing to those times of queen Elizabeth, made him the rather to enter upon this work of translating into our own tongue; for the people of this nation to read these orations against king Philip of Macedon: that king Philip, and Philip king of Spain, equally ambitious to overrun other countries more than their own. And that England might stand upon her guard against one Philip, as Athens was counselled to do against another.

Thus we have that orator addressing himself to his Athenian auditors with respect to king Philip: “Counselling them to take heed of him, as a justly suspected enemy; and no ways to trust his forged peace: under shadow whereof he doth, saith he, all the mischief he can. And therefore willed them to look well to their business, and to trust to themselves, making ready against all assays; because that Philip did nothing else but lie in wait for them, and all Greece besides, to conquer them, and to become a tyrant over them, &c. making it plain, that king Philip did hate them deadly; and warning them for that cause not to trust his fair promises: for that he had most cruelly abused other cities and countries with like craft and subtilty. The orator then inveighed against those traitors that were king Philip’s hirelings: and shewed, that their promises and king Philip’s doings agreed not together, and declared him to be their mortal enemy. And therefore advised them to take up arms, and proclaim open war, for the better safeguard and defence of their whole estate and country.”

It is easy to see how parallel the case of England now was with that of Athens then, in divers particulars: which the publisher of these orations, no doubt, had his eye upon.

It partly also gave him occasion, (as he tells us,) to set about this work, whilst once, being solitary among his books, he recollected his former felicity under the teaching and instruction of that foresaid learned man, while they conversed at that university in Italy. Of whom he could not refrain to speak with much honour and respect. And of him, and such other incomparable men for piety, learning, and usefulness in that age, I take all opportunities to retrieve the precious memory. Take then Dr. Wylson’s words of him; “That he deeply thought, and often, of that learned man and singular ornament of this land. And as the remembrance of him was dear unto him, for his manifold great gifts and wonderful virtues, so he thought of his most gentle nature and godly disposed mind, to help all those with his knowledge and understanding, that any way made means unto him, and sought his favour. And to say for myself, as he proceeded, among others, I found him such a friend to me, in communicating his skill, and the gifts of his mind, as I cannot, but during my life, speak reverendly of so worthy a man, and honour in my heart the heavenly remembrance of him.”

He mentioned a saying of this Cheek concerning Demosthenes; viz. “That none ever was more fit to make an Englishman tell his tale praiseworthily in any open hearing, either in parliament, pulpit, or otherwise, than this orator alone was?

But his main motive for his translating and printing these orations may be worth our hearing more at large; namely, “That he could not suffer so noble an orator, and so necessary a writer for all those that loved their country’s liberty and welfare, to lie hid and unknown, especially in such a dangerous world as this was.” Other reasons moving him lie in these words of his: “He that loveth his country, and desireth to procure the welfare of it, let him read Demosthenes, and he shall not want matter to do himself good. For he that seeketh common quietness, Demosthenes can teach him his lesson. He that would gladly prevent evil to come, Demosthenes is for his purpose. He that desireth to serve his country abroad, let him read Demosthenes day and night: for this is he that is able to make him fit to do any service for his country’s welfare. For never did glass so truly represent a man’s face as Demosthenes doth shew the world to us. And as it was then, so it is now; and will be so still, till the consummation and end of all things.

The Devil never ceaseth from the beginning of the world to make division, and contrive to stir civil wars; to embolden the commons against their superiors; to put evil thoughts into counsellors’ head; to make people ambitious and covetous, and corrupt the hearts even of the messengers and preachers of God’s word: continuing his practice still in all places, with all men. And therefore, seeing Demosthenes is so good a schoolmaster for men, to decipher the Devil and his ministers, for the advancement of uprightness in all things, I would wish that all men would become his scholars.”

To the title of this book, The Orations of Demosthenes, chief orator among the Grecians, &c. was added, Most needful to be redde in these daungerous dayes, of al them that love their countryes libertie, and desire to take warning for their better avayle, by example of others. He dedicated this his translation in a large epistle to sir William Cecil, knight, to whom he had sent the copy for his judgment before he would publish it; and a private letter in Latin accompanying it: which I have transcribed from his own pen, and put into the Appendix; as a remembrance of one who was, besides his great learning, sometime the queen’s ambassador, and afterwards one of her principal secretaries.

CHAPTER 4.

Motions and letters concerning’ the queen’s marrying with duke d’Anjou. The matter of religion the great article. The queen will not allow him the exercise of the mass. Ambassadors from France move for that article. The queen’s resolution. The treaty put off.

Renewed again: but to no purpose. Fears and apprehensions hereupon. Amity however endeavoured with France. Motion of the match revived. Discourse about it between the French ambassador and the queen. She hath no inclination that way. Practice of Spain.

Sir Thomas Smith sent into France for cultivating amity. Promotes the marriage between the prince of Navar and the French king’s sister.

THE queen’s matching with Henry duke d’Anjou, the French king’s brother, as it was moved the last year, so it was earnestly pursued this. A matter that had its conve-niencies, it being the best means of securing queen Elizabeth against the Scotch queen’s pretences; and its dangers to the state of religion established. I shall therefore collect what I find in letters of ambassadors, and papers of state, concerning this important affair; avoiding what our historians have already written of it. The embassy of Mr. Wal-singham was chiefly for this end. And the great aim was, to bring about the changing of duke d’Anjou’s religion. And then it was in all fair probability to take effect. As for monsieur, he declared a mighty affection for the queen to Walsingham: and that though he was but young, yet that any time these five years there had been overtures of marriage made to him; and that he found in himself no inclination unto this present time to yield to any. But that he must confess, that through the great commendations that was made of the queen his mistress, for her rare gifts as well of mind as of body; being, as even her enemies said, the rarest creature that had been in Europe these five hundred years; his affections, grounded upon so good respects, had now made him yield to be wholly hers. This was the noble lover’s protestation to the English ambassador.

And of the amendment of his religion, the said ambassador had hope.

Which when Cecil the secretary (now newly created lord of Burghley) understood by the lord Buck-hurst, late ambassador also in France, he thus expressed himself in a letter to Walsingham, “That if monsieur were not rooted in opinion of evil religion, as by reason of his young years it was likely such a change might by argument be brought about; then by his marrying within England, and becoming a professor of the gospel, (considering his towardness to be a martial prince,) he might prove a noble conqueror of all popery in Christendom, with such aids as might join with him in the empire and otherwhere. And of such a design the secretary wished he might be capable.” But this, which he wrote from the court at Greenwich, he enjoined him to keep secret within his own breast; saying, “The more he writ, the more open he was; considering the trust he had in his secrecy, and trusting notwithstanding, that nothing thereof should have light, to do him any hurt.”

Therefore it was privily resolved in the English court, that monsieur, if he married the queen, must not use any religion different from that of the queen. For so it ran in the instructions given to sir Thomas Smith, (who was ambassador in France immediately before Walsingham,) in these terms; “That although it may be sufferable to have an outward exercise of Christian religion in divers sorts among the subjects of one realm; yet to have a diversity, or rather a contrariety in outward exercise of religion between us, (being queen of the realm, and so the head of the people,) and him that should be her husband, seemeth not only dangerous, but also absurd, yea, almost impossible. This must be for a principal argument.

And when it was required on the French part, that monsieur might have only the private exercise of the popish religion, the counsellors would not admit of it; “Forasmuch as the granting unto him the exercise of his religion, being contrary unto the laws of the land, might, by an example, breed such an offence as was likely to breed much trouble.” Walsingham discoursed with the queen-mother on this argument. When she insisted much upon it, and used the argument of her son’s honour, to obtain this liberty, he beseeched her to consider as well the queen his mistress’s danger as her son’s honour; shewing her, that of this permission great danger would ensue: as, I. The violating of her laws. II. The offence of her good and faithful subjects. And lastly, The encouragement of the evilaffected.

Which three mischiefs, if she would but weigh with her son’s honour, she would find them to be of great moment. This discourse Walsingham had with this French queen, upon command from queen Elizabeth’s letters brought by Cavalcant, the French ambassador, lately returned to Paris. Who acquainted Walsingham that it was the queenmother’s pleasure, that he should come to her at St. Cloud’s about four miles from Paris. Then he desired to know of her, how she was satisfied with an answer the queen had sent her by Cavalcant, unto certain articles propounded by the king and her, to the end that he might advertise her majesty. She then told him, among other things, that the second article, which was concerning religion, was very hard, and narrowly touched the honour of her son. Insomuch that should he yield thereto, the queen herself would receive also some part of the blemish, by accepting for an husband such an one, as by sudden change of religion might be thought drawn by worldly respects, and void of all conscience and religion. To which Walsingham replied, that he was willed to say to her, that monsieur, she doubted not, but that by her good persuasions, would accept in good part the said answer. And that she meant not such change of a sudden, as that he and his household should be compelled to use the rites of the English church, contrary to his or their consciences. And so the ambassador proceeded in his discourse as is above mentioned. This I have extracted from Walsingham’s original letter to the lord Burghley, in the Paper-office, endorsed thus by that lord’s own hand: April 23, 1571, Mr. Wal-singham to me, after the return of Cavalcant into France: and by another hand, Upon the permission or toleration of popery, what mischief will ensue?

The whole letter containing this more fully, with other matters, I have transcribed into the Appendix.

De Foix, employed by the French in this business, made answer to this; viz.

That to live without exercise of religion, was as much as to be of no religion. And he knew, the queen’s majesty in honour would not have him touched with so great a spot, as to be thought an atheist. To this it was replied, that if it were true, that he, the ambassador, had heard, monsieur was not so far from our religion, having had some introduction therein by Carnvallet, his governor, lately deceased. And therefore, if it pleased him to water those seeds which he had already received, by some conference, he should be able easily to discern, that the change of his religion would breed unto him no dishonour.

The queen stood well affected to proceed in the marriage, in case reason might take place in the conditions, as the earl of Leicester told Walsingham in his letter. And how likely this article of religion was to succeed, the ambassador informed the said earl: “That he conceived great hopes thereof, by certain speeches lately passed between the French king, monsieur’s brother, and Teligny; viz. that religion should not be the let, which was the chiefest thing respected in this match.” For that the king entering into discourse with that French gentleman, who had said, that it seemed strange to the world, that monsieur grew every day more suspicious than other, appearing much bent to his religion; the king replied, that his brother, if there fell out no other lets but religion, would be ruled by him. “And because,” said the king, “that I may bring the matter the better to pass, I will have my brother with me out of this town, and deliver him from certain superstitious friars, that seem to nourish this new holiness in him. And that he doubted not, within a few days, so to work upon his brother, as he would yield to any thing he should require.”

And two days after, the king called Teligny again unto him, and asked him, whether he had lately any talk with his brother. Teligny then shewed the king, that the same day at dinner monsieur called him unto him; and that his whole course of talk was only in commendation of the queen’s majesty, and of the great desire he had to have so happy and so honourable a match.

Whereby, said he, I see him so far, as I hope he will not make any difficulty at religion; which will be the chief matter the queen will stick at. To which the king said, No; observe my brother well; and you shall see him every day less superstitious than other. By this speech it appeared what great hope Walsingham conceived of the king’s revolt also from papistry: using these words to Leicester; Surely I am of opinion, that if this match go forward, it will set the triple crown quite aside. But our good ambassador was not yet sufficiently acquainted with that king’s dissimulation.

In the mean time, that monsieur might the more oblige the queen, the queen-mother told the English ambassador, that her son would send over marshal Montmorancy, [a person very acceptable unto this court,] because the queen her sister desired it. And that he desired again, that she would send thither, into France, the earl of Leicester, [her favourite.] Whom he desired to see and honour, for the good affection that he bore to the amity between the two realms, and to requite him for the presents which he had at divers times sent unto him. And then she doubted not all things should be done as her majesty desired.

This business therefore, about the article of religion, was earnestly transacted here at the English court: whereof the queen made a relation to her ambassador in France. The French ambassador and Cavalcant, an Italian gentleman, there, (but one that had long lived in England, and was well affected towards it,) were come hither from the French king about this affair. And the earl of Leicester and the lord Burghley were appointed by the queen to be her commissioners to treat with them. The ambassador began with the article concerning the celebration of the matrimony by the English book. And here he said, he doubted that the usage of matrimony by the order of this church might contain matter repugnant to the duke’s conscience. And namely, that he should be urged at that time to receive the sacrament according to the institution of this church. The queen, as to this point, directed Walsingham to tell monsieur de Foix, that that was the very order of the book, viz. that “it was convenient the married couple should receive the communion.” But however, that being not of necessity, he might give them some hope, that it might, for reasonable respects, be forborne. But for the other and main article, that the duke d’Anjou, should have no liberty for himself and his domestics, to use his own religion, the French ambassador urged to have it permitted, with these cautions and conditions; “That he should use his religion ill secret place and manner, and with such circumspection, as thereby no manner of public offence should grow to the queen’s subjects.”

But to this the queen would not yield: being answered, that she doubted not, but that monsieur al’Anjou would, by the advice of the queen-mother, be contented with the queen’s answer, being well weighed; in that she will be contented, that by no means neither he nor his domestics should be compelled to use the rites of our religion, otherwise than should be agreeable with his conscience. But as for the exercise of his own religion, being especially forbidden by our laws, she could not, without manifest offence and peril to her state, accord thereto. And having acquainted Walsingham with all this, she told him, that he should use all good persuasions to induce them to be content with her answer in that behalf.

And that for the better maintaining thereof, he should require that it might be considered, what peril it might be to the quietness of her state, to have one that should be her husband, (by his example in her house,) to give comfort to her subjects to break her laws, that presently were devoted to obey them. Which might so fall out in process of time, as it might repent her that ever she had been so illy advised, &c. And in any wise, she bade her ambassador give them no other comfort in this behalf. And she thought meet, that before any other things were treated of, this matter concerning the point of religion were first on both parties determined. And this being accorded, there would be no great difficulty in the rest. And that considering this matter for religion seemed of such substance, as none of the rest were, she thought it best to have this first treated of; and so enter to proceed or forbear.

Other articles relating to religion were, that the duke should accompany the queen at the usual times to her chapel and oratory; and there remain in some convenient place, until the queen returned back. And that the duke neither by himself nor any other should procure that a change or alteration be made or attempted of the evangelical laws of religion set forth in the realm of England; nor afford favour to any subject of the queen’s; whereby in any part to violate these ecclesiastical laws; but should rather endeavour that such a violator of them be brought to punishment.

When Walsingham had treated at large, according to these instructions, with the queen-mother about this great article, she said, it was generally feared by the catholics, that this match would breed a change of religion throughout all Europe. And then concluded, that neither monsieur her son, nor the king, nor herself could ever yield to any such sudden change for any respect whatsoever. Adding, that her son would soon be overcome by the queen’s persuasions, he being more zealous than able to defend his religion.

This put some stop to proceedings. Afterwards De Foix writ letters, that this matter might be continued; as though there would be other offers made by them. But the queen handled the matter exceeding well with the ambassador, and gave him no hope, without yielding on their part. And this the earl of Leicester signified to Walsingham; and that, as far as he could perceive, they would rather yield than break off. Walsingham observed, how the French protestants did earnestly desire this match; and the papists, on the other side, did seem earnestly to impeach the same: which made him the more diligent and eager to further it. And that upon wise considerations, observing how her majesty’s estate, both at home and abroad, stood, as he in his poor eyesight, as he said, could discern; and how she was beset with foreign perils; the execution whereof stayed only upon the event of this match; he saw not how she could stand, if this matter brake off. These were that statesman’s apprehensions; and this was the reason he laboured to promote this affair, and wrote so earnestly for it, upon no other particular respect, as God, he said, was his witness, but only the regard he had to God’s glory and her majesty’s safety.

It was now the month of May, when the queen wrote herself a letter to him, treating of this matter at large; bidding him tell the queen-mother, or the king, that she found more great and urgent causes to move her to persist in her former answer in that article of religion, both for her conscience, safety, honour, and quietness, than could be alleged or imagined for the conscience and honour of monsieur d’Anjou. She spake here about our public prayers; that duke d’Anjou might very well be present at them: for that in them there was no part that had not been, yea, that was not at that day used in the church of Rome; and that if any thing more were in ours, the same was part of the holy scripture. That if it were said ours was in English, we had them translated in other languages, as in Latin or French: either of which his own ministers might use in places convenient. That whereas it might be objected, that hereby he would make a change of his faith in matters of religion, the queen meant not to prescribe this to him, or any person, that they would at her motion, or in respect of her, change their religion in matters of faith. Neither did the usage of the divine service of England properly compel any to alter his religion, in controversies in the church, only the usage thereof did direct men daily to read and hear the scripture, to pray to Almighty God by the daily use of the psalter of David: and the ancient prayers, anthems, and collects of the church were even the same which the universal church had used, and yet did use.

This favourable representation of our reformed service, or liturgy, to monsieur and these Romanists, the French king and queen-mother, was used also by the lord Burghley. For when the French ambassador had asserted to the earl of Leicester and him, that monsieur would never sustain that dishonour, to come hither with that account to be made of him, that he had no religion, if he should not be allowed to have mass; then Burghley answered, as it was contained before in the queen’s letters, setting out the nearness of our divine service to such things as were good and sound in the Roman: adding, that we in our book wanted nothing but such things as were either impious, or doubtful to be against the scriptures.

And that this that had been said of our liturgy might be the better known and read in France, Walsingham desired, that by the next, a Common Prayer translated into French might be sent unto him, to present it unto monsieur, saying, that he had seen of them printed at Guernsey, [for the use of the churches there.] And accordingly, in June, a French Common Prayer Book was sent over. But all these endeavours succeeded not.

For it was about July the queen put off the match, on the account of religion, she refusing absolutely to permit the use of the mass, which was so stiffly insisted on in that article, viz. that the duke of Anjou should not be molested, propter usurpationem aliquorum divinorum rituum et ceremoniarum, Whereupon great were the fears and disturbances of the minds of the best men. “I have done my utmost,” said the lord Burghley, “and so have other counsellors. The lord keeper hath earnestly endeavoured it. the earls of Sussex and Leicester have joined vigorously in it.” And he knew none directly against it. From Spain likewise came no good answer; and therefore that great and good statesman concluded that amity to be needful for them. “But God,” said he, “hath determined to plague us. The hour is at hand. His will be done with mercy.” Such dreadful apprehensions had the wisest on this emergence.

If we would know what the earl of Leicester’s thoughts were of this matter, who knew best the queen’s mind, he signified it in July, to this purpose, in his letter to Walsing-ham: “That for his opinion in this great matter, he would deal plainly with him, even as he found her majesty’s disposition. What as for her desire of marriage, he perceived it continued still as it was; which was very cold. What nevertheless she saw it so necessary, as he believed she yielded rather to think it fit to have all husband, than willing indeed to have any found for her. And he feared so it would appear in this matter of monsieur. And so it might be perceived by the articles passed already, that there was among them all, but one that made that difficulty; namely, this demand to have the private exercise of his religion: which as they all [of the privy council] liked of, that is, her majesty’s denial to allow of the papistical religion, so it did appear, that if he would omit that demand, and put it in silence, yet would her majesty straitly capitulate with him, that he should in no wise demand it hereafter at her hand: which scruple, he believed, would utterly break off the matter.”

And then the earl brake his own apprehensions; praying God some other amity might be accepted, as concluding (as the lord Burghley did) a breach with France. Albeit, as he added, he distrusted not the goodness of God: but that, whatsoever shall fall out, it was God’s providence for the best, or at least for our just scourge for our deservings towards him. And no more could he say, but that Almighty God would strengthen her majesty’s true zeal for religion; and that, not favouring this match, she would ally herself with some princes abroad, as would earnestly join with her therein.

The people of England we now see at their prayers, having a dismal prospect of two powerful neighbouring nations, their enemies, Spain and France, besides no good understanding with other states and countries: for they looked upon this refusal of monsieur to be nothing but the opening a door to hostility with France. Leicester expressed this in his correspondence with the English ambassador there, after this manner: “In Spain we have no cause to look for any friendship. What terms we stand in to other places is easily known. Thus we are with our neighbours in all places without friendship. God protect and defend us; who is only able, and must do it, for any policy used.”

The strength and safety of England now depending wholly, in all human appearance, on the friendship of France, whereof there was now little hope.

But notwithstanding all these fears and jealousies in the wisest heads, by Walsingham’s means, and God’s good providence overruling and concurring, though the match with France went off, a league was concluded with the French king. For to this import the said ambassador’s next despatch to Leicester tended: “That he was put in hopes, that though the matter so much laboured succeeded not, yet that the king’s intention was to send some person of good quality, as well to thank her majesty for her honourable proceedings in this cause, as also to desire continuance of good amity.”

And he advised, that it behoved her majesty to look about her, being environed with so many practices, the execution whereof had stayed, as he said, upon the event of the match. And that he did what he could to procure continuance, or rather increase of amity. And that the king himself, as he learned, was very well inclined thereto, and the rather through a mislike he had to Spain.

And this must be looked upon in this extremity as a singular point of God’s gracious providence to this state and church at this dangerous juncture, in turning that king’s heart towards the queen. For he willed her ambassador to tell her majesty, “That whatsoever became of the cause, that in respect of her honourable and sincere dealing in the same, and the confidence she shewed to repose in him, she might assure herself as much of his friendship as of any others in the world; and that she had full power to dispose of him and of his realms, to the benefit of herself and of her subjects. And that his sword should be always ready to defend her against any that should attempt any thing against her. And he joined, as this letter added, his words and countenance so together, as great demonstration outwardly, of his inward good will: which could not but be seen thereby.”

Such were the king’s obliging terms, unless there were a mixture of deceit and fraud therein. For he was indeed the greatest and most artificial dissembler in the world.

Yet still the match was not in such despair, but the motion about it soon began to revive again; listened to on the part of the English, for the preserving France fast to England; and on the part of the French, on account of the greatness and honourableness of wedding with such a mighty princess, as well as for other ends of their own. The hinderers of the good proceedings therein in France appeared now to Walsingham; who were the pope’s nuncio, together with Spain and Portugal, who daily laboured in dissuading the match; and the clergy also, who had offered to monsieur a great pension to stay from further proceeding in it. And in conclusion, nothing was left undone that might be thought fit to put impediment to it; and there were some enemies of the queen within her dominions that had wrote into France, that the queen had nothing less than intention to marry, whatever she pretended. And hereof he who sent this news was well assured by those that were about her: and therefore willed them there to be of good comfort, and never to doubt of the matter. This person was the Scottish ambassador, then at London, as Walsingham afterwards understood; who pretended to know all secrcts of state.

Whence the ambassador judged there was bred in them there, in France, on this occasion, some doubt of late of her majesty’s disposition to marry, so as they knew not how to proceed. Which doubt was now made an advertisement from the said Scottish ambassador, who was the busy bishop of Rosse.

But the protestants in France hung all their peace and happiness upon either this match, or at least amity with France. So that if neither amity nor marriage might take place, (writeth Walsingham,) the poor protestants here do think then their case desperate. And so they told him with tears.

Monsieur de Foix was now sent over on purpose to compromise (if possible) the matter, to mollify the article of religion, so much controverted. There was a phrase added in this article, which was, that “the duke should not be molested for using any rite not repugnant unto the word of God.” Which words being delivered unto them in the month of August, they disliked the expression, viz. the word of God. So that by their importunity it was altered from verbo Dei to ecclesiae Dei; which in the queen’s judgment was all one. But with that, though they were better contented than with the other, yet they insisted upon changing that to catholicae ecclesiae. Whereunto she did not assent. But that there should be no mistake, the queen by speech declared to De Foix, “That as she would be well contented that her answer might satisfy monsieur d’Anjou for his honour, [which was the great pretence,] for that she had in sort yielded unto him, to use other ceremonies than those of her religion, so that they were not repugnant to the word of God; so her meaning was to be declared plainly to him, that she could not permit him at his eoming to have the use of any private mass. That so there might be no misconceiving gathered from her answer; whereby the duke might hope for any sufferance: for that she could not find it without peril of her estate and quietness to yield thereto.”

The ambassador had good entertainment in all external offices of respect, well used by her majesty, defrayed for his diet, while he was at court.

And it being now September, and the queen in her progress at Audley End, near Saffron Walden, he was attended very courteously and honourably by the lord Buckhurst, during his being there, in going and returning. And the lord Burghley, for the more honour, caused the earl of Oxford, his son-inlaw, to attend on him in divers places: and in the way from London to Walden the said lord entertained him at his house at Theobalds. And there De Foix and the other ambassador resident saw his hearty devotion to the marriage. And this he did to shew how confirmed his judgment was for it, (as he wrote to Walsingham,) and that he was not ashamed to utter himself, however it might be perilous to him, if it should not take place.

For he reckoned, (as he, now full of concern for the public, expressed his thoughts,) “that blessing or vengeance was now to be ex-petted at God’s hand. And in the mean time his beholding of this cloud, and the time to creep nearer, called upon him and all good Englishmen to implore God’s mercy, and to beseech him to direct her majesty’s heart to choose that which might be most for his glory.”

After seven or eight special conferences with her majesty and her council, (wherein several there were that secretly obstructed this great affair, and threw in on purpose hard terms, and answers given to the ambassador in words were altered in writing, as to the point of religion,) yet it was at last resolved; “and so the queen pronounced to her council, whom she saw earnestly bent by all means to further this marriage, for her own surety, and for avoiding the in evitable ruin of this monarchy, (I do but repeat the words of that great and honest counsellor,) that surely, so as monsieur will forbear the mass, she will assent to the marriage. And this she confirmed with all good speeches to give credit. But yet all her counsellors (whereof that lord was one) were not so persuaded; not as doubting her assertions, (which surely were agreeable to her mind, when she uttered them,) but for doubt that other misliking the same, might indirectly draw her from her determination.”

The three chief articles required on the French part, concerning monsieur, which were, that he should be crowned king of these realms, and that he should be joined with the queen in the administration and government of the kingdom, and for the toleration of the exercise of his religion, with the cautious answers thereunto, may be found in the Complete Ambassador.

De Foix was now gone home with the resolutions taken in England, and the queen and her statesmen were in expectation of the result thereof in France. The queen was persuaded, that they would yield in the matter of religion for monsieur. And if they did so, she seemed to her council that she would, according to her word, proceed. But the earl of Leicester, who knew her temper best, said, that to speak his conscience, he thought she had rather he [the ambassador] had increased some hard points than yielded to them. And therefore the hopes of the court were small, that ever the match should take place. And Leicester declared, in his correspondence with the English ambassador in France, “that he was persuaded her majesty’s heart was not inclined to marry at all, since the matter was ever brought to as many points as could be devised: and she was always bent to hold with the difficultest. And it grieved (as he said) his very heart to think of it, seeing no way he could think of might serve how she could remain quiet and safe, without such a strong alliance as marriage must be.

For the amities of others (as he added) might serve for a time; but no account was to be made of them longer than to serve the turn of each party. And her majesty’s years running away so fast, caused him to despair of long quietness.”

It fell out so indeed. It was now October; and the treaty about the match was laid aside. Walsingham’s great business now was to cultivate a good amity between the French and our queen Elizabeth; which that king seemed very much inclined to. And a new embassy from England was preparing for that purpose. Now towards the declining of the year sir Thomas Smith goes again to France, to make a firm treaty, offensive and defensive, between that nation and the queen; and withal to speak with that king secretly concerning the marriage. He was appointed to go in December, though he came not there till towards February following. Of whom the lord Burghley gives this character; that he was one, he thought, of such dexterity in his actions, and of such dutiful good-will towards England, that no advice or direction could be given to our prejudice.

But Spain all this while had a jealous eye upon these transactions between France and England, and endeavoured all she could to obstruct the friendship now laboured between the two crowns, and particularly to hinder the match in concert between the queen and monsieur; which was so much desired by the English, as tending to strengthen them against the attempts of Spain. In order to which perhaps it was, that in December this year comes a Spaniard, in quality of some secret messenger, as from queen Elizabeth, to the elector of Saxony, pretending himself to be one of her chamber, to signify to him, that the queen being now minded to marry, had sent him to treat thereof with him concerning the prince his son. It looked strange to the elector, especially since he had brought no letters of credence with him. But that was omitted, as he said, for the more privacy.

But to be better informed, the elector thought fit to inquire of Christopher Mount, the queen’s agent at Strasburgh, concerning this matter. The account of this whole matter take from the agent’s own pen, in a letter or two to this purport. “That a certain Spaniard, calling himself Jacomo, Antonio, Gromo, alias Pacheco, in the end of December last, came alone to Heidelberg, and requiring a secret audience, was admitted to the elector himself. There he expounded, that he was sent out of England by the queen, to note and see the person and form of the son of the elector, Christophero: for that the queen had altogether brought her mind to marry. And that he was sent with. out the knowledge of her counsellors, that so she might conceal and hide this her deliberation. That the elector asking, whether he had brought any letters to him from the queen, he answered, that to keep this matter in the deepest silence, and by reason of the various dangers of journeys, and especially through the Dutch quarters, he durst not bring letters;’ but he was in good hope that he should within a little while be present again before him with commands and letters. That to make the elector more apt to believe him, he said, that seven years before he studied in the university of Heidelberg, and had familiar conversation with certain noblemen, whom he named. And that they might give a testimony of his former life. “That the elector, having received his message courteously, graciously dismissed him. That the elector afterwards called for those noblemen whom he named, and asked them whether they knew this Spaniard: who affirmed, that a certain Italian some years ago did study at Heidelberg; but they knew not whether he were the same. Upon this, Mount adds, that the said elector, by a proper messenger, sent for him, in the middle of the cold winter, viz. on the 7th of January. Being come, he asked Mount, whether he knew a certain noble Spaniard, named Jacomo, Antonio, Gromo, alias Pacheco, servant to the queen, and one of the gentlemen of her majesty’s chamber. Mount answered, he knew none such.

Whereupon the elector told him the story. To which the other answered, that he thought it a fable; and that these things were invented by fraud, that he might allure the noble youth with hope, and bring him in a snare, if he could.”

All this the said agent wrote to the lord Burghley, March the 25th, by some English merchants at Frankford mart. The further event of this business was this. On the 26th of March a letter was brought to the agent, by the command of the elector’s chancellor, that the Spaniard with four names was returned to Heydelberg, without any letters of credit, sounding to the same song. And that prince’s counsellors, being offended with this impostor’s fraud, as presuming to abuse a very excellent prince, had taken him into custody, till he should discover the authors of this rashness, and open the causes of this dissimulation. That then he referred himself to one Baptist, whom he gave out to be the fourth man of the number of the queen’s chief chamberlains, and asserting that he had now written letters to him. Mount added, that the said chancellor then called upon him, that he would be instant with Walsingham, the queen’s ambassador, (to whom he wrote what is before related,)that he, with secretary Smith and Killigrew, (the queen’s joint ambassadors at Paris,) would take notice of this matter, and examine whether there were such a mandatarius in the queen’s court.

And since that Spaniard had dared to speak contumeliously of that most worthy and just lord Burghley, (which they looked upon as a great argument of his fraud,) that his excellency would do a deed worthy of his pains, to certify the elector of this device; inasmuch as it concerned the public, that evil deeds should not go unpunished. And that to deceive a prince was a great crime; as it is proved, they said, in the last law of the code, De his qui a non domino manumitt.

But whatsoever lay under the practice of this deceitful Spaniard, it is certain, Spain was now playing her private game with the French against the queen. In the latter end of the year, March the 23d, Standen, an English fugitive, lately come out of Spain, arrived secretly at Blois, where the English ambassadors were: who gave out some speech unto a Frenchman, whom he trusted, of some hope there should be in England, or ever summer ended. And after he had stayed one night, went to Paris, (whither the English ambassador writ, to have his doings observed.) Who coming there, repaired to the Scottish ambassador; where they had their conferences, together with Higgins, who was concerned about the duke of Norfolk’s business. Which Higgins had lately come to Paris from Rome.

And at his departure from Paris, protested secretly to a friend of his, that he would not return thither [i. e. to Paris] in one or two years; saying, he saw no way with his master [the duke, perhaps] but one. His sudden return shewed there was somewhat a brewing. There was then also at Paris Egremond Ratcliff, a busy man, (who came to an untimely end, by the sentence of duke d’Alva against him,) and Genny, who came out of Spain, and also one Chamberlain; who conferred there with the king of Spain’s secretary, and repaired thence to duke d’Alva. Steukley also, another of the queen’s traitorous subjects, (of whom mention was made the last year,) was there also; and now returned to Spain, in company of J. Doria. He had received great honour from that king, and was put in hopes shortly to be employed by him in some traitorous attempts against the queen. A great boaster he was, and promised great matters to that king. But after he had bestowed much money upon him, he found him at length not worthy of any more; the opinion of him being greatly abated in Spain, by discovery of his lewdness and insufficiency, as Burghley afterwards wrote to Wal-singham concerning him. The coming and going of these traitors of England, and creatures and pensioners of Spain, evidently bespeak the ill offices they were doing the queen in France.

It was also signified to secretary Smith from Walsing-ham, (that I may lay these Spanish matters together,) that a Spanish marquis, that was come to Paris to congratulate the French queen’s delivery, under colour of the same, as he learned, had commission secretly to treat of three points. First, for the French king to enter into a league, [called the holy league.] Secondly, for a marriage between monsieur and his master’s sister. Thirdly, to propound some way for the Scottish queen’s deliverance; being procured thereto by the house of Guise, in recompence of the execution done upon them of the religion. Whereby the king of Spain acknowledged to have saved the Low Countries. And it was observed by the said Walsingham, some time before the arrival of the said marquis, that upon a courier arrived at Paris, out of Spain, from the French ambassador there, that though there had been some unkindness grown before, between those two crowns, upon some complaint made, now it was thought there was never so great amity between them as at that present was like to be. And these were the doings and endeavours of Spain, all along this and the next, year.

Our ambassadors now in France (who were three, viz. Walsingham, Killigrew, and Smith) stirred as much as they could in a matter which they reckoned would tend much to the interest of the protestant religion, and the greater liberty and peace of the French protestants particularly; and that was, the marriage in hand with the prince of Navarr, a protestant, and the lady Margaret, the French king’s sister. That by this conjunction with a protestant prince, those of the religion in France might have the greater countenance: though it proved all wicked hypocrisy in the end. The great difficulty in accomplishing this marriage was in the form to be used in the solemnization of it: which the queen of Navarr would not be brought to condescend to be done after popish manner. Here Smith, Walsingham, and Killigrew took the liberty to interpose. And that neither the popish office, nor the marriage office used in the protestant churches in France, might be used, it was devised by them, that instead thereof, the office of the church of England might be admitted: the like case happening formerly in England, upon a treaty of marriage between king Edward VI. and the late queen of Spain, the present French king’s sister; wherein it was agreed that she should be married according to the form of our church. This treaty the English ambassadors sent a copy of to the queen of Navarr. This she liked well. And sending to speak with them, she told them, that it had stood her in good stead, and declared to them how the marriage stood between their majesties of France and her; and that there was no difference between them, but only in the manner of the solemnization. And that she had mentioned the said treaty to them, but that they had pretended it was no true copy. She therefore now desired to know of sir Thomas Smith, (he having been a dealer in the same,) whether he would justify it to be true.

He answered, that knowing the great good-will that queen Elizabeth did bear her, and how much she desired the good success of that marriage, as a thing that tended to the advancement of religion, and the repose of the French realm, he did avow it to be the same, and would further be ready to do any office that might advance the said marriage.

CHAPTER 5.

Scottish affairs. Dangers by means of the queen of Scots.

Walsingham’s intelligence thereof; and advertisement. Money brought over from the pope for her service. The French king moves for her liberty. What passed between him and the English ambassadors. The Scottish queen practiseth with Spain. Monies sent into Scotland for her use from France; intercepted. Letters of hers intercepted, of her depending, upon Spain; and taking that king for her and her son’s and kingdom’s protector. The Spanish ambassador dismissed by the council. And why. Lord Burghley to the earl of Shrewsbury, keeper of the Scottish queen. Bishop of Rosse’s book concerning her title to this crown. Answered by Glover, Somerset herald. Rosse in the Tower. His letter thence to the lord treasurer.

THE Scottish affairs, that touched the English state and religion, were interwoven with those of France. Mary the queen of Scots, a zealous papist, and related to the Guisian bigots, was now in custody in England, whither she had fled from her own subjects. And now all the foreign princes, obedient to the see of Rome, were mightily concerned for her deliverance, and the Enghsh nation at the same time as much afraid of her liberty. And what danger accrued by her appeared by a letter of Walsingham, writ in the beginning of March, being still ambassador in France, viz. that the English there were labouring by all means to stir up foreign states to set the Scottish queen free; and their next step, to dethrone queen Elizabeth, and set the crown upon Mary’s head. And that however some of their attempts had failed, yet more were in hand. And that there were great numbers, even in the English dominions, heretics as well as catholics, that had a sincere kindness and concern for her. And when in discourse between an English Jesuit in France, named Darbishire, and another that pretended himself a catholic, (but was a spy,) he told the Jesuit, that for his part he could never hope to see her at liberty, nor long to see her keep her head upon her shoulders: and therefore could receive no great comfort that way. “Well,” replied the Jesuit, “I tell you truly, that I dare assure you, that she shall have no harm: for she lacketh no friends in the English court. And as for her liberty,” added he, “it standeth all good catholics in hand so much to seek it, either by hook or by crook, as no doubt but there were some good men that would venture a joint to bring it to pass. And that if she were once possessed of the crown of England, it would be the only way and means to reform all Christendom, in reducing them to the catholic faith. And therefore you must think,” said he, “that there are more heads occupied in that matter than English heads; and that there are more ways to the wood than one, [meaning the heads of foreign princes.] And therefore he bade him be of good courage; and ere ever one year were at an end, he should hear more.”

The conclusion Walsingham made of this was, the great danger England was in by reason of that queen. That his conferring and weighing this with the former intended practices, made him think it worth his advertisement, that the queen should see how much they built upon the possibility of that dangerous woman’s coming to the crown of England: whose life was a step to her majesty’s death. For that they reputed her an undoubted heir, or rather (which was a greater danger) for a right inheritor. And though he knew, as he proceeded, her mischievous intentions were limited, that they could reach no further to her majesty’s harm or prejudice than should seem good to God’s providence, yet her majesty, he said, was bound, for her own safety, and that of her subjects, to add to the same, his good providence, her policy, so far as might stand with justice.

In March, the lord Seton, a great instrument for the said Scottish queen, came to Scotland, having escaped privately through this realm, with a rebel, one of the countess of Northumberland’s men; the ship that brought them over being forced into an haven in Essex. Which ship was forth coming, and some of the servants, and such secret writings and devices of his, and of the queen’s rebels, as were left in the ship, to have been conveyed after him by sea into Scotland; brining to light such things as contained dangerous practices against the queen and state of the realm; as the queen by letter informed Mr. Randolph, her agent now in Scotland, dated March the 19th. In this expedition, this lord Seton had received in Flanders from the pope 20,000 crowns, being now ready to repair into Scotland. This money, whether it was seized in the ship, or carried with him, it doth not appear: but no mention being made of it when ship and papers were seized, he seems to have got it safe with him into Scotland.

But the French made earnest interest for her. For a league being now in hand between the queen and that crown, and Walsingham there resident, and sir Tho. Smith late come over ambassador [viz. in February] for that purpose, the king told them,” That he must have his request put into the treaty for the queen of Scots, and said, she was his kinswoman and his sister-in-law, and was once his sovereign; and you know, said he, the league between that realm and my realm. I can do no less than have the same inserted into the league.” To which sir Tho. Smith said, that they had no commission or authority to treat of any such matter. And that as touching the late queen of Scots, that she was his sovereign once, thanks be to God, said Smith, she is not now, [since that queen’s husband was dead, and he advanced to be king.] Whereat the king laughed. “And that it was thought,” added Smith, “that when she was queen there in France, she deserved not very well of your realm nor of your house. And where the king had said, she was his kinswoman; so she is also, said Smith, to the queen my mistress. But if she were your daughter, or your son, if he or she would procure your death, or to have your crown from you, would you not see justice done on him or her that should attempt it, rather than to be still in danger?”

To which I add, that Smith had it in his instructions concerning that queen’s delivery, that before the time of her malicious attempts against the queen’s majesty were discovered, she did never refuse to yield to reasonable conditions, and an end to be made between both princesses, and between her and her subjects of Scotland; and that this intention took no effect, there was no default in the queen of England. But since she had dangerously concluded a bargain to the ruin of the queen’s majesty, there was just cause to detain her, until her majesty’s surety should be better provided.

Mr. Henry Killigrew, who was also the queen’s ambassador, and present at this conference with the French king, added to what Smith had said, “That fire and water could not be together. That one was contrary to the other. That the league was made for a perpetual and strait amity between him and the queen’s majesty; and that he would not treat for the queen’s most mortal and dangerous enemy. That this could not stand together. That he must take her now for dead; and that he [the king] could not tell whether she were dead or alive.

And why, said he, should you then require her to be put into the league? ” For indeed the parliament had intended to call that queen into question, upon the discovery of a plot against queen Elizabeth, wherein she was concerned, as we shall hear by and by.

We meet with the French’s tampering for the Scottish queen some months past, viz. in September, when the secretary of the French ambassador comes to the court (the queen now either at Audley End, or Mark Hall in Essex) for relief of the queen of Scots, considering that she had her number [of attendants] now lessened. Whereat the queen was offended, that he should meddle with that queen’s mat-rets; and bade the lord Burghley tell him, that she could not like his manner of intermeddling with the queen of Scots’ matters; considering her majesty found her doings [that is, by the discovery of the duke of Norfolk’s treason; of which by and by] not only dangerous to her quietness, but bent also to depend upon other than the French king, [meaning Spain, and other popish powers.] And therefore she required him to forbear, and give her leave to consider in her own realm what was meet for her surety. And when it should seem meet, it should well appear that she had done nothing towards the queen of Scots, but in reason and honour she might have done more. And so she deferred the French ambassador’s coming to her, [being now in her progress,] till she should be at Richmond.

About the latter end of this year the French king interceded again for the said queen, that she might be permitted to go over to France. And when, in March, Malvesire had insisted much, by the desire of the French queen, that queen Elizabeth would send her into France, Smith and Walsing-ham shewed him how by her letters, lately seized, she had practised with the duke of Alva, to convey the young king out of Scotland into Spain: and that the original letters thereof were shewn in England to the king’s ambassadors there. And hereupon they told him how she shewed what good favour she bore to Spain, to make a perpetual broil, if she could, between England, Scotland, and France: for she had practised by letters since the duke [of Norfolk’s] troubles. And then they asked that ambassador, what would she do there in France, and at liberty, when being straitly kept, and the matter so plainly known how busy she had been? And so they desired Malvesire to acquaint the king with what they had told him.

And when he came again, he brought word to Smith and Walsingham, that it was true which they told him; and that De la Motte had written the same from England to the king. And the king acknowledged to him, that it was true; and added, “Ah! poor fool, she will never cease till she lose her head. In faith, they will put her to death. I see it is her own fault and folly. I see no remedy for it. I meant to help; but if she will not be helped, I cannot help it.”

The French ambassador Viracque was this summer in Scotland, acting secretly for that queen. And a great sum of money was remitted privately from France to that ambassador, to be managed for her; but by intelligence it being understood, was seized by the English. The French ambassador laboureth to have his money again. The lord Burghley answereth the ambassador’s secretary, who came to him with that message, that it must be demanded of them to whom he delivered it. He came again, and desired he might have the French king’s money lately intercepted, sent to Viracque. The duke of Norfolk had a chief hand in the conveyance of this money; and some that he employed in it, out of fear, discovered it.

There was nothing as yet done towards that queen, notwithstanding the discoveries against her, but that she was restrained from having such free conference and intelligence as of late she had with the queen’s subjects; otherwise right honourably entertained and well used, and so the lord Burghley bade Walsingham inform the French king. I am the larger and more particular in this relation of matters concerning Mary queen of Scots, to shew what just apprehensions the English court and nation had of imminent dangers by means of her; especially Camden being sparing of shewing her faults, and representing her as fair as might be; publishing his history in the reign of her son.

As we have therefore seen what concern France had for this queen, so I shall proceed to relate the great jealousy queen Elizabeth had of Spain; being very zealous to deliver her, and (more than barely that came to) to invade the realm, and dethrone the queen herself. For letters of that queen to the king of Spain had been intercepted; and so much found out, viz. of her soliciting that formidable enemy of the queen’s to invade England. And so in a letter dated in September, writ from the lord Burghley to Walsingham, then in France, he told him, that he might boldly affirm, that her majesty was able to prove, that the queen of Scots had, by advice of the duke of Alva, resolved to depend upon the king of Spain, and to match herself with Don John of Austria, and her son with the king of Spain’s daughter. And this the queen required her ambassador to acquaint the French king with. And therefore that the queen had just cause to proceed otherwise than hitherto she had done, to restrain the practice intended towards her by that queen. And that he, the ambassador, should further say to the French king, that she trusted that he would ho-nourably think of her actions on this account.

But what violences Spain intended upon the realm may be taken knowledge of from sir Tho. Smith’s mouth, in his relation made to the queen-mother of France, in the month of March,when things came to be fully known; viz. that Har-wich was to have been the port appointed for the Spaniards and Flemings to arrive at, from the duke of Alva, if the treason had gone forward in behalf of the Scottish queen. That the lord Seton [one of the chief of the Scottish noblemen on the queen’s party] did arrive there, and from thence, with two of the earl of Northumberland’s men, went into Scotland, and were at that present in the castle of Edinburgh. That that being understood, the lord that brought them was seized; and among other things found, there were the Scottish queen’s letters, importing, that she gave herself, and her son, now king of Scotland, into the hands of the king of Spain, to be governed and ruled only by him; and to assure him, that if he would send any power, the young king should be delivered into his hands. For, by a paper of instructions left in the ship, it did appear, that the lord Seton was named the Scottish queen’s ambassador towards the duke of Alva. And there in the ambassage he offered the young king to be delivered into his hands, to be conveyed into Spain. And to animate him more to set up the Scottish queen again, and take the protection of her, he shewed that she had right, both by God’s laws and man’s laws, to be queen of England, and also of Scotland. And further, that she had not only all those that were in trouble, [viz. papists, and such as were concerned in the late rebel]ion,] but a great sort more in England, on her part. So that the king [of Spain] in setting her up, would not only govern both these realms, but should also set up, in both, the catholic religion again.

All this was told by Smith to the queen-mother: to which she answered, as owning, and perhaps privy to the business, Alas! that head of hers shall never be quit.” Smith added, how that in the same ship where Seton’s instructions, as aforesaid, were taken, among other papers, a letter was found of the countess of Northumberland, who was one of the chief stirrers in the last rebellion, to her husband, the earl, now a prisoner in Scotland for the same cause. In which letter she writ to the said earl, that the duke of Guise, disguised, had of late been with the duke of Alva; and affirmed for a certainty, that the duke of Guise, and that faction, would follow in all points the direction of the king of Spain.

This correspondence with Spain was aggravated on that queen’s part by the circumstance of time when it happened, namely, when De Crocque, the French ambassador, arrived in England with commission to help Scotland to a quietness within herself, and to confer with one whom queen Elizabeth should send for that purpose. Even at the same time these letters of that queen to the duke of Alva were intercepted; whereby she gave herself, her realm, and her son, to be in the protection and government of the king of Spain.

All this was brought to light by God’s providence, the ship, wherein the lord Seton, with his papers and credentials, was, being driven by a tempest into the English haven aforesaid; which was the very port appointed, when the Spaniards and Flemings should arrive in England; Seton himself escaping, being disguised in the habit of a mariner; and so went thence, and came to the castle of Edinburgh in Scotland. But a paper of instructions being found aboard the same ship, declared, that in the name of her majesty [the Scottish queen] he had assured the duke of Alva, that with a small party they might bring into their hands the young king of Scotland, and so carry him into Spain. All this, when Walsingham had related at large to the queen-mother of France, it spoiled De Crocque’s message with the king’s letters, that required the Scottish queen to be set at liberty, and to be sent into France.

But upon this the queen and her council would no longer suffer the ambassador of Spain to abide in her dominions, having carried things so deceitfully and treacherously against her majesty; so that he was in December sent for to the council, and in the queen’s name commanded to depart. The same thing had been often intended before, but never put in execution before this present; when the state was provoked by the intelligence of certain new practices within this realm, to persuade the subjects that the king, his master, would aid them with power this spring, and such like promises. He was dismissed, and Mr. Knolles appointed to attend on him at his house. This was December the l3th: and he was to depart by Dover to the Low Countries. But he could not be got out of town till the 24th, when he went to Greenwich; and on St. Stephen’s day to Gravesend. A few days after, he removed to Canterbury. And captain Hawkins, one of the queen’s great sea officers, was appointed to pass him over in a ship of the queen’s. After a dangerous passage he came to Calais in February. And coming to Graveling, to shew his displeasure against the English nation, he turned out all the English that he found there, notwithstanding that he knew that here in England remained monsieur Sweringham, at the request of the duke of Alva. This ambassador, according as some letters of the lord Burghley relate, had used himself crookedly, perniciously, and maliciously against the state, and the chiefest of the queen’s counsellors, and openly against that lord.

All this came out about August and September, viz. how the Scottish queen practised both with France and Spain, and the pope, and also with the duke of Norfolk, unhappily brought into this business, and several other of the queen’s own English subjects; not only to procure her own escape, but to embroil her majesty’s kingdom in a war, and in an endeavour to dethrone her. Therefore the queen consulted for the keeping that queen more straitly, and more confined in Tutbury castle. And the charge of her being committed to the earl of Shrewsbury, her majesty, provoked by these practices, gave order to the said earl to expostulate with her freely and plainly, to urge her to speak what she could for herself; giving the lord Burghley commission to write to him to that intent. Whose letter accordingly ran to this tenor. “That after he had closed up his letters, her majesty willed him to let his lordship understand, that she would have him use some round speech to the queen of Scots in this sort; that it was now fully discovered to her majesty what practices that queen hath had in hand, both with the duke of Norfolk and others, upon the sending away of Ridolphi [the pope’s secret agent here, under the show of an Italian merchant] into Spain. And though it were known to her majesty by writings extant, in deliberation, what were best for her to do for her escape out of this realm, and thereof caused the duke of Norfolk to be conferred withal, and that she chose rather to go into Spain than into Scotland or France; yet her majesty thought it now just cause to be offended with these devices, tending to her liberty: neither was she offended with her purpose to offer her son in marriage to the king of Spain’s daughter. In which matter the late queen of Spain had solicited her; neither that she sought to make the king of Spain believe that she would give ear to the offer of Don John de Austria. But the very matter of offence was, that her majesty understood certainly her labours and devices to stir up a new rebellion in this realm, and to have the king of Spain to assist it. And that finding the said queen so bent, she must not think but that her majesty had cause to alter her courteous dealing with her. “And so in this sort (continued that lord) her majesty would have you tempt her patience to provoke her to answer somewhat. For of all these premises her majesty is certainly assured, and of much more.” He adds, “Her majesty told me a while ago, that a gentleman of my lord of a coming to your house, was by your lordship asked, whether he had seen the queen of Scots, or no. And he said, No. Then, quoth your lordship, you shall see her anon.

Which offer her majesty misliking, I said, that I durst say it was not true in this manner. I perceive her majesty would have the queen kept very straitly from all conference: insomuch, that it is more like that she shall be committed to ward, rather than have more liberty.”

And then he advised the earl to send up the names of those servants that should remain about her, and of such as should depart. This was writ in September.

The bishop of Ross, the Scottish queen’s agent, being a very busy man, and being privy to all these dangers to the realm, was, August the 17th, carried to Ely, to be there with the bishop. And in October he was brought from Ely to London, and the next month committed to the Tower: and there, upon examination, he uttered many things very plainly; but concerning the queen of Scots her application to Spain, and the expected assistance thence, and concerning the duke of Norfolk’s treason, nothing. This bishop of Ross (that I may mention it here) wrote a book in Latin for the Scottish queen’s title to this crown: which Glover, Somerset herald, a learned man, answered in a large discourse, never, I think, printed, about the year 1580.

It beginneth thus: “A few years past the bishop of Ross, being agent for the queen his mistress, to our sovereign lady, the queen’s majesty, wrested his wits (with the assistance of certain lawyers of this land) to write a discourse in defence of the queen of Scots’ title to the crown of this realm. Which his discourse being then hatched in a dangerous time of practices and rebellions, and with a malicious intent against her majesty and her estate, is now, after many years mewing, let fly abroad into the world, in the like time, and with like intent. For what other cause than malice to her majesty can be imagined to move this man, after so many years suppression, to publish his discourse at this present, and that in the Latin tongue, and to all the estates of Europe? May it be thought so long to have stayed in his hands, because he could never, until now, find in his heart to advance his mistress’s title to the eye of the world? It were no reason to charge him with so careless a mind of her prosperity and happiness, &c. “I must needs be of opinion, that the present publication proceedeth hereof: that he being persuaded that this year, 1580, some great attempt should be made by the pope and his adherents, against her majesty and her estate; and no whit doubting but that his mistress’s cause should by that greatest colour thereof appear; thought good (that the pope’s and his adherents enterprise might seem the juster) to publish at this present her title to the crown of this realm; meaning not only to prove her heir apparent to the crown, after her majesty’s death, but presently queen de jure, by a popish consequent, even in her majesty’s life. For that the Antichrist of Rome hath deposed her, and pronounced her no queen,” &c.

And as this was the author’s exordium to his MS. tract, so I will subjoin his conclusion: “Thus have I plainly proved the title of the crown of England to be examinable by the common laws of the realm, and none other. And by the same laws all strangers to be barred from claiming any interest therein: and further, the queen of Scots to be a mere stranger; and therefore her title to be of no account. I have further answered all Ross’s vain objections. I have confuted his examples; and, I trust, satisfied the world, that if any man have been heretofore persuaded his mistress’s title to be any thing, he will now alter his mind, and condemn it as nothing.” Whether there were any things in this book that made it advisable not to publish it, let others inquire.

This bishop of Ross I find lying in the Tower till July the next year; and then, by means of the mild lord treasurer, he seems to have his liberty granted. In which month he wrote to that lord a letter to this tenor: “That he had put his lordship in remembrance, a fortnight past, by a letter, of his cause, committing the same to his lordship’s hands, having none of his own to suit for him at this time. And thinketh me debt bound grietly for your gentle and gud aunswer sent unto me.

And although I have not heard of the resolution taken thairin, yet I abstained to trouble your lordship, being persuade with me, that as time and occasion should serve, to have gud expedition thairof; chiefly be the queen’s princely nature and gud-ness, with your lordship’s labours and patience. And now, my gud lord, I trust the tyme is fullie comin to put an end thairto, &c. I pray theternal God to preserve your lordship. At the Tour, the 17th day of July, 1572.

Your lordship’s affectionat to command with service, Jo. Rossen.”

CHAPTER 6.

Amity judged more advisable with France than Spain. Treaty with France. Aid required in case of invasion for religion. The Low Countries, in conference between count Lodowic and Walsingham at Paris, move for the queen’s assistance. Spain plays the tyrant.

Arguments used to move the queen on their behalf. Archbishop of Cassils, a pensioner of Spain, comes to Walsingham at Paris.

False. A rebellion in Ireland, hatching in France. The French king and queen-mother privy to it. Deny it to the English ambassadors.

Now it came to be maturely deliberated, whether of the two nations, Spain or France, it were more advisable, and for the profit of England, to enter into alliance with. This consultation was consequent upon the going off of the match with France: and, it seems, the potency of Spain made the queen somewhat dubious to which prince to offer her amity. Walsingham, the queen’s ambassador in France, was uneasy at these counsels, and thus shewed his thoughts in this matter unto the earl of Leicester: “That if the dangerous greatness of the house of Austria were well considered, the miscontentments they had in respect of the injuries received, [i.e. from England,] their natural inclination to revenge, and the unseen traffic of our merchants at present, [he seems to mean the small traffic they had then in Flanders.] These considerations well weighed, the cause may seem somewhat altered, [from what it was beforetime, in the benefit of the ancient leagues between England and Burgundy.] And that though France could not yield like profit that Flanders did, yet might it yield some profit, with less hazard and more safety. That in this cause he considered two things chiefly: first, that the house of Austria was become the pope’s champion, and the professed enemy unto the gospel, and daily practised the rooting out of the same: and therefore that we, that were protestants, ought to oppose ourselves against it. The other, that the entrance into the league with France would not only be an advancement of the gospel there, but elsewhere.” [So good Mr. Walsingham then conceived, and so did every protestant beside: so closely and treacherously were the cruel designs of that French king carried.] And therefore he concluded, “That though it yielded not so much temporal profit, yet in respect of the spiritual fruit that thereby might ensue, he thought it worthy the embracing. Or rather to say better, I think, saith he, we have cause to thank God that offereth us so good occasion both to advance his glory, and also to provide for her majesty’s safety.”

A sure amity therefore with France was now transacting by our ambassadors there, in the midst of these fears at home. And among the articles drawn up for the league between France and England, queen Elizabeth propounded one that was very strange at this juncture, namely, in favour of the king of Spain, to make provision for his safety. This was much disgusted by the French; who shewed, that the end of this treaty was only to bridle his greatness. And therefore to provide for his safety, who sought both their destructions, they could not tell what it meant; especially since of late he had no way deserved any such favour at the queen’s hands. “Therefore, (as Walsingham in his correspondence did write,) if her majesty thought that prince [viz. the French king] was of any value, who was towards all men sincere, [so he now appeared,] toward her majesty well affected, towards religion pius inimicus, she should not balance him in one balance with Spain: who was of words insincere, in affection towards her majesty maliciously bent, and the common enemy to our religion. That if her majesty meant to take profit of Spain’s friendship, the next way should be to strengthen herself with the amity of others, in such sort as she should have no need of it. For that was the nature,” said he, “of a proud man, to make best account of him that least esteems him: for whosoever yieldeth to him increaseth his pride. Which thing those that dealt with the Spanish nation found to be most true.”

He added, “That so long as the late catholic league did remain in force, neither her majesty, nor any other princes of the religion, could promise themselves any thing at Spain’s hands, but as much mischief as he could do them. Which thing her majesty, with the rest, should find to be true by too dear an experience, if the same were not holpen by some counter-league.”

This treaty with France was for a mutual assistance of each other in case of invasion, chiefly feared from king Philip. And in that article the queen required it to be thus expressed; Etiamsi fuerit [invasio] religionis causa proetextu aut colore. Which clause stuck. The queen, in her instructions to Smith, would very earnestly that he should press this; and to cause those of the religion there to understand the demand, and to help to further it. But that if he could not obtain these words to be inserted, then to run in more general words, Sub quocunque proetextu, vel colore et quavis de causa: and in some secret manner to move, that some special promise might be made in a secret writing betwixt the king and the queen, signed mutually with both their hands, for that purpose expressly, if any invasion should be made. And without this the queen would not have her ambassador to accord.

But this the king would not comply with; as likewise to sign any private assurance about it between the queen and him. But he said he would write a private letter to her, assuring her of it. This, Walsingham (who was deceived with this dissembling prince, and was apt to think well of him) thought the queen might be contented with, for the great benefit of a league, offensive and defensive; as he wrote to the earl of Leicester. “We can,” writeth Walsingham, “by no means draw the king to any other interpretation of the meaning, touching the point of religion, than by private letter. That for his own private opinion, seeing this league was to endure but during the life of the two princes, and that the substance of all leagues consisted chiefly in the sincerity of the matters, and that this prince had given great show to the world of great sincerity, [the greater hypocrite,] he thought that private letter did bind as much in honour, as any other instrument or contract that passed between them could do in law. For if they should break, the matter was not to be tried in the chamber emperial by way of pleading of what value the instruments were. God and the sword must be judges. That if her majesty could content herself with this private interpretation of the king’s meaning, then if she would please to use some words of assurance towards the ambassador at her court, of the great good opinion she had of the king’s sincerity, and that she built more upon his word than upon contracts, he knew nothing could more content him. For he desired, he said, to be a prince that esteemed his word and honour above his life.

Besides, he wished himself to be in her majesty’s good opinion, before all other princes. And had often taken occasion to say, that he hoped there would be no less earnest good-will and strait amity between him and her, than was between her grandfather and his grandfather.”

To nourish this opinion of amity between them, Walsingham took it, as he said, to be the office of all those who truly loved their majesties; “as that league that tended greatly to both their sureties, being knit together in per-feet amity: which, beside their particular safety, would breed a great repose in all Europe, especially for the cause of religion.”

About this time, while Walsingham was in Paris, the queen was solicited by those of the Low Countries, grievously oppressed by Spain, to protect them. Count Lodo-wie, of Nassau, (brother to the prince of Orange,) who came with a message to the French king, having agreed with Walsingham upon a private conference, came to him in the month of August, to discourse some secret points, for setting those countries free of that tyranny. With which that English gentleman was so taken, that he called him in one of his letters, the rarest gentleman with whom he had talked since he came into France. The count shewed him at large how the king of Spain was setting up violently the inquisition against papists and protestants; who all disliked it. And that they saw him establishing an arbitrary power over them, who were a free people. He offered the queen Zealand, in case she would come to their assistance. He shewed our ambassador, that the cause in the Low Countries proceeded only upon that the king of Spain sought to plant there, by inquisition, the foundation of a most horrible tyranny, the overthrow of all freedom and liberty; a thing which his father Charles V. went about to have established there. But seeing the same so much impugned by the inhabitants of the said countries, and that without consent it could not be received, unless he would violently, by tyranny, seek the establishment of the same, contrary both to his oath and their privileges, he forbore to proceed in that behalf. They saw it would overthrow all foreign traffic, by which that country was chiefly maintained. And this they urged to the cardinal of Arras, who by sundry ways practised to plant the said inquisition, and by persuasion would have induced the people to like thereof. And when persuasions would not do, he endeavoured to do it by violence: for the emperor had given but a cold ear to them at the assembly at Spires, where they related their grievances.

Thus when they saw themselves (as the count proceeded in his relation) void of all help, their natural prince being carried away by corruption of counsel, from the due consideration that belonged to a good prince to have of good subjects, as he neither regarded his oath, nor maintenance of such privileges as were confirmed by his predecessors, nor the dutiful manner of the proceeding of the nobility, it seeking by way of humble petition to redress their griefs, they thought their consciences discharged from all duty of obedience. And on this occasion the people took arms.

Count Lodowic had first applied himself to the French king this year, to take this people into his protection, and to procure their deliverance from the present tyranny. To which he seemed inclinable, on condition the queen of England might be brought to be a party, and to join with him and the princes of Germany in the same enterprise. And this he privately acquainted Walsingham withal; and that he should move it to her as from himself. And then to propound to her majesty, on his behalf, these particulars following.

I. Whether she could be content to join with him and the prince of Orange in the enterprise.

II. Whether upon former assurance offered, she could be content to lend unto them the sum they required.

III. That it would please her majesty to suffer captain Hawkins underhand to serve them with certain ships; and also to license them to furnish them with certain victuals to be transported from thence, whereof they had present need.

He further backed his request with these arguments; that it would be no less honour for her to unite Zealand [which had been offered her] to the crown of England, than it was dishonour to her sister to lose Calais. And that by having Zealand, she would have the key of the Low Countries, and a place always for her ships to enter in unto; to avoid thereby the danger of the enemy, as also of any tempests; and other considerations. And that this enterprise being done by protestants, the receiving the honour thereof, should be better able, by increase of credit with the French king, to continue his good devotion towards the queen, in respect of the rare favours they had received at her hands, which they did and would always acknowledge. And further, that the queen would consider how ill affected Spain was towards her; how naturally they inclined to revenge, though outwardly, till convenient time served, they could dissemble their malice; how that king entertained rebellious subjects of her majesty, at his great cost, and how he was become a protector of the queen of Scots, the queen’s dangerous enemy.

This was all communicated in the month of August by Walsingham, as advantageously as he could, both to Burghley and Leicester: who extremely approved of it, and resolved to move it to the queen as effectually as they could. But the queen could not be persuaded to meddle any further in this matter, unless to be a mediator, till several years after.

Concerning the archbishop of Cassil, or Cashell, (whose repair to Walsingham we spake of under the last year,) he had instructions sent him to use his interest to get him into the queen’s dominions; which that archbishop seemed to be very desirous of, in case he might have the queen’s pardon, and his bishopric restored to him again. The earl of Leicester had directed the ambassador to labour to deal so with him as to bring him into England: for they suspected the man as a practiser with Spain, notwithstanding his pretences. And he received instructions from the queen about him, viz. that she did not so much disallow of his request of her pardon, and for the restitution of his bishopric, as of the slender manner of his suit; as he had signified it to Wal-singham. And that if he would not humbly desire pardon of his offences, and shew himself repentant, and disposed to live hereafter in Ireland, like a faithful subject, she meant not to bestow upon him either pardon or bishopric. And this Walsingham was to let him know, and to express the same to him in such sort as he should see cause. Otherwise there was no great account to be made of him; nor was he of kin to the earl of Desmond, as he alleged, nor of any credit in England. And yet that she was content to draw him home by means not dishonourable.

The lord Burghley gave him no better a style than the lewd lozel of Ireland.

And this not without reason: for there were no small grounds to suspect this archbishop to be, notwithstanding all his pretenees, false to the queen; for he had a great interest with the queen’s professed enemies, and had large allowances from the king of Spain. For when one captain Thomas, an Irishman, (but a spy for Wal-singham,) upon that bishop’s desire, got him access to the cardinal of Loraine, [who was of the house of the Guises,] they talked together for the space of two hours. And when he departed, he told not the said captain what their discourse was, but only that there might be some occasion afterwards to employ him [the captain] in some good service; [that is, in some insurrection in Ireland, which was now a hatching.] And that therefore he should do well to make such report of him, [the archbishop,] that he might grow into credit in that court. And that he should say, that the archbishop was a man of a noble family, and of great reputation in that country: and that Ireland of itself was but weak, and easy to be gotten by the enemy. All this the captain afterwards made Walsingham privy to; who appointed the said captain to attend upon him.

This archbishop also had told that ambassador’s servant, that the king of Spain had entertained him honourably; having had, during the time of his abode there, besides 2000 ducats for an annual pension, sometimes 100, sometimes 200, sometimes 300 ducats, when the court did remove. And he related moreover, that D’Alva had offered 136,000 ducats for the earl of Northumberland, (the queen’s rebel,)who was then a prisoner in Scotland.

So well was this archbishop acquainted with the Spanish affairs.

The queen also, in another letter of instructions to the said ambassador, signified to him, that considering that party, and the profit that might ensue by his discovering of the practices, wherewith he was so truly acquainted, she was content, that if he meant dutifully to ask pardon, as he pretended by his speech, then the ambassador should give him comfort to continue the same dutifulness and loyal meaning, and provoke him to make repair into England, and to assure him that he should not find lack of grace, if he humbly desired it, and by his truth hereafter deserved it. And to add, that he the ambassador had power from the queen (to whom he had written about him) to warrant him to come into her realm safely, and to make his means unto the queen for her favour. And that if he would shew himself penitent for his former fault, and be disposed hereafter to live dutifully, he should be provided of as good a living as heretofore he had. And that if he obtained not of the queen at his coming according to his liking, the ambassador would give him his warrant under his hand to return safely out of the realm. Which manner of usage the ambassador should tell him was very rare in the queen. But that upon his instance she had yielded thereunto. And so accordingly the ambassador was ordered to give him such a warrant under his hand. But that if he [the ambassador] found that the other had sought but to abuse him, as by his letters there was some reason to doubt, then to forbear to deal with him in the former sort. But yet to procure as much intelligence as he might from him, and to discover his continuance in falsehood and practice there, as he could see occasion for it, and could gather matter against him, to deal with the king there, that he might be delivered as an open known rebel and traitor, especially in those practices used by him in Spain. And that there was the more cause to doubt his lewdness, because Rogers, that brought the ambassador’s last letters, met with an Irishman about St. Deny’s, who told him that the archbishop had been secretly at the court, and was ready to be despatched away into Spain by the means of the cardinal of Lorain.

This was afterwards [viz. in the month of February] spoken of by sir Tho.

Smith and Mr. Walsingham to the French king: to whom they related an endeavour of a rebellion in Ireland, by the said cardinal’s means, as appeared by the confession of one Stackbold, then a prisoner in Ireland; who confessed, that the cardinal set him on to stir up a rebellion there, to the maintenance of James Fitz Mortice, a traitor and rebel to the queen; who was to have the counties of Ormond and Ossory. And that he promised them men and munition to rebel against the queen. And withal, that the French king and the queen-mother were privy to it. It was true enough, notwithstanding their great protestations of mighty friendship with her majesty; as appeared by their behaviour, when Smith, by the queen’s commandment, acquainted them both with it. To the king he thus harangued it freely: “That that cardinal had not done enough to raise up trouble to her majesty in your realms, and to trouble England and Scotland, but he could not let the poor realm of Ireland alone, by encouraging Fitz Morrice the queen’s rebel there. And that in your majesty’s name.” Whereat the king laughing heartily, said, In my name? And professed, he never so much as heard of it: and that he could never think any trouble or hurt to his good sister. Upon which, Smith shewed him the articles of Stackbold’s confession, who affirmed it. And when the same day, by the like order from the queen, he acquainted the queen-mother with the same matter of the cardinal’s evil endea-yours in Ireland, and her knowledge of it, she also turned it off with a question, whether he dared to say this? And moreover the said ambassador told her, that the cardinal said, he did it in the king’s name and hers; and that the queen his mistress ordered him to declare this unto her. But withal, that she knew it well enough not to be true, for the good-will that they bare to her. Smith added, that Walsingham could tell her more.

Who then declared the case unto her; and that he had moved her in it almost a year ago. She said, she remembered that there was such a thing about to be done by the stirring of a bishop that came from Spain. [That was the archbishop of Cassils, of whom before.] To this, Smith also mentioned De la Roche’s attempt upon Ireland; who was a knight of the order, and gentleman of the king’s chamber; and the conductor of that expedition, and could tell the whole proceeding. And so prayed that order might be taken in it. She replied, that the king disavowed it; and that he had stayed De la Roche, that he should not go to Ireland, and revoked all his power. But Walsingham then told her, that there were then twenty harquebussiers there, or thereabouts, remaining still, and had remained ever since in a castle. Whereupon the queen promised they should be recalled, if any were there. Thus did the French falsehood begin to appear, by the industry of the queen’s ambassadors, and the secret intelligence procured by Walsingham, to his great expense and impoverishing.

CHAPTER 7.

A parliament. The succession; and matters of religion, transacted there. The bill for reformation. The queen displeased at it, as encroaching on her prerogative. Debates about it. Divers bills for religion brought in. Motion for a new confession of faith.

Reformatio legum ecclesiasticarum produced in parliament. Bills about religion and the state of the church that passed. Acts against papists. Act for subscribing and reading the Thirty-nine Articles.

Many are deprived upon this act.

NOW let us look at home. In the parliament that began to sit April 2, anno 13 Elizab, a motion was made for the succession. And many of the members had but little kindness to the Scottish queen. Insomuch that they laboured to put by her pretended right of succession; and to fix upon the line of the lady Mary, that married to Brandon duke of Suffolk, king Henry VIII. his younger sister; as that queen sprang of his elder. And the ground they went upon was king Henry VIII. his last will. Wherein he expressly put the heirs of the lady Frances first, and next the heirs of the lady Eleonor, daughters of his said sister Mary, in remainder and reversion, to succeed to the crown, in case of failure of issue in his children, Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth. And this by virtue of certain statutes made the 28th and 35th of Henry VIII. whereby such power was granted to that king, to appoint the succession, “according to such estate, and after such manner, form, and fashion, order, or condition, as should be expressed and limited in his letters patents, or by his last will in writing, signed with his hand.”

Now for the making this of none effect, and that the line of king Henry’s elder sister might take place, it was urged in those times by some, that that king made no will at all; and by others, that if he did make any, it was not according to the statute, nor signed by his hand.

Now for the clearing of these things, there was a member who made a notable speech, and of good length; to prove that there was a true will made by the king. And therefore, if there were no records remaining then in chancery of any letters patents, nor original will to be found; it must have been defaced and destroyed in queen Mary’s reign. That there was a real will was evident, because of the performing of the legacies of it; which were made to many, both of lands and money, after his decease: and divers indentures tripartite were made between king Edward VI., his immediate successor, and the executors of king Henry’s will, and others. And divers letters patents passed under the great seal, in consideration of the accomplishment of the said king’s will. And that there was a will in the name of king Henry, enrolled in the chancery, and divers constats thereof made under the great seal. All which, as he urged, were arguments that king Henry died not intestate. And then, that it was without all doubt, that as the subjects of England had taken them for king and queens of England, that were expressed in the statute by name, so they were bound to accept them that were declared by the will in remainder, or reversion; viz. the heirs of the lady Frances and lady Eleonor.

But then further, in case of no will, he proceeded to enervate the Scottish queen’s title to this crown; as not being inheritable by her, according to the laws of this realm, proving only such inheritable, as were born in the king’s allegiance of father and mother English; or out of the king’s legiance, one parent English, and in the king’s legiance. But I had rather leave the reader to the whole speech of this member of parliament, carefully transcribed by me from a MS. in the Cotton library, as it is set in the Appendix. But though this bold step in parliament, from a disgust of the Scottish queen, succeeded not; yet a notable act or acts were made this session, for the security of the queen’s person and government, and for the succession.

Especially the statute 13 Eliz. cap. 1, wherein, among other things of that nature, it enacts to be treason, “for any to hold or affirm, that the common law of the realm (not altered by parliament) ought not to direct the right of the crown of England; or that the queen, by the authority of the parliament, might not make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity, to limit and bind the crown of this realm, and the descent, limitation, and government thereof:” as we shall hear more, before we conclude this chapter.

Now let us see what was done, or endeavoured to be done, in this session, in matter of religion. The first bill that was read, which was April the 4th, was for coming to church, and receiving the holy communion. April the 6th, read the second time. When sir Thomas Smith spake, and argued for the observance and maintenance thereof. And in part wished the bishops to have consideration thereof. Fleetwood, recorder of London, moved, that the penalties of the statute should not go to promoters; a device but lately brought in, in the time of king Henry VIII. And he shewed the evils and inconveniences that grew thereby: wherein no reformation was sought, but private gain. And as for the matter of going to church, or for the service of God, he urged, that it did directly appertain to that court; [i.e. the court of parliament.] And that they had as well learnt, that there was a God to be served, as had the bishops. And then he proved by old laws, that princes in their parliaments had made ecclesiastical constitutions. And so this bill was referred to committees. This bill, among others, with additions and provisos, was brought down from the lords May the 19th. But I do not find it passed into an act this parliament, though there was great pains taken about it.

There was a strong party in the house, that resolved to press, as vigorously as might be, a further reformation of religion; namely, by altering several things in the Common, Prayer, and the ceremonies established. Mr.

Strickland, an ancient gentleman, of hot zeal, offered a bill for reformation.

Who ushered it in with a long speech, for some reformation of several things in the Book of Common Prayer, though he acknowledged it was drawn up very near to the sincerity of the truth. But yet that there were some superstitious things in it, as, in the Office of Baptism, the sign of the cross, and some other ceremonies and errors, as he called them: which might be changed, without note of changing of religion; whereby the enemy might slander us. He further spake of the abuses of the church of England, and of churchmen: as, that known papists had ecclesiastical government and great livings: that boys were dispensed with, to have spiritual promotions: that, by faculties, unable men were allowed: and some other men allowed to hold too many livings. In the mean time, godly, honest, and learned protestant ministers, had little or nothing. April the 14th, the bill for reformation, preferred by Strick-land aforesaid, was read the first time. Upon which ensued divers arguments. Mr. Treasurer of the queen’s household was one that spake against it to this purport; “That if the matters mentioned to be reformed were heretical, then they were presently to be condemned. But if they were matters of ceremonies, then it behoved them to refer the same to her majesty; who had authority, as chief of the church, to deal therein. And for them to meddle with matters of her prerogative, he said, were not convenient.” Mr. Comptroller of the household argued to the same effect. Another, whose name was Snagg, entered into discourse of some of the articles, which Strickland had laid down before. Whereof one was, not to kneel at the receiving of the holy sacrament; but to lie prostrate, (to shun the old superstition,) or to sit, every man at his own liberty. And the directions were also thought fit to be left out of the book [of the Office of Communion] for that posture. Which should be a law; and every man to do according to his conscience.

But the queen liked not at all of these proceedings; reckoning it struck at her prerogative, (as was hinted before by her treasurer,) as though she might not appoint ceremonies to be used in the worship of God. So that during the time of Easter, (the parliament being adjourned,) in the holydays, Strickland, for his exhibiting a bill for the reformation of ceremonies, and his speech thereupon, was sent for before the lords of the privy council; and required to attend upon them; and in the mean season to make stay from entering into the house.

But this caused no small disturbance. For on Friday, April 19, in Easter week, being the next day after the parliament sat again, the house wanted their member. And one of them signified, “How a member of the house was demanded from them. By whose commandment, or for what cause, he knew not. And that forasmuch as he was not now a private man, but to supply the room, person, and place of a multitude, especially chosen, and therefore sent; he thought that neither in regard of the country, which was not to be wronged, nor for the liberty of the house, which was not to be infringed, they should not permit him to be demanded from them.” To this a courtier, namely Mr, Treasurer, spake mildly, as the point was tender: “That the man that was meant, was neither demanded nor misused; but on consideration was required, to expect the queen’s pleasure upon certain special points. And that he durst to assure, that the gentleman should have neither cause to dislike or complain, &c. That he was in no sort stayed for any word or speech by him in that place offered; but for exhibiting a bill to the house against the prerogative of the queen; which was not to be tolerated. And that oft it had been seen, that speeches [in parliament] had been examined and considered of.”

Others were for sending for him. Yelver-ton urged, “That the precedent was perilous. And that though, in this happy time of lenity, under so gracious a princess, nothing of extremity or injury was to be feared; yet the times might be altered; and what was now permitted, might hereafter be construed as a duty, and enforced even on the ground of the present permission. That all matters, not treason, or too much to the derogation of the crown, were tolerable there; [i.e. in the parliament house;] where all things came to be considered of; and where there was such fulness of power, as even the right of the crown was to be determined: that to say, the parliament had no power to determine of the crown was high treason. He remembered them, how that men are not there for themselves, but for their country. That it was fit for princes to have their prerogative; but yet the same to be straitened within reasonable limits. That the prince could not of herself make laws: neither might she, for the same reason, break laws, &c. That the speech that had been uttered in that place, and the offer made of the bill, was not to be condemned as evil. But that if there were any thing in the Book of Common Prayer, either Jewish, Turkish, or Popish, the same might be reformed. He said also, that among the Papists it was bruited, that by the judgment of the council Strickland was taken for an heretic:” [meaning, that being so misrepresented, the house had the more reason to stand by him.] Another said, that care was to be had for the privileges of the house.

Fleetwood, recorder of London, a wise man, advised, that they should be humble suitors to the queen; and neither send for him nor demand him of right. Those of the queen’s council, while this speech was making, [fearing undoubtedly the consequence,] whispered together. And then the speaker moved, that the house should make stay of any further consultation thereupon. And on the next day, being Saturday, Strickland came to the house; upon an advertisement, as it seems, from her majesty’s council; and coming just upon the time, when the bill for coming to church and receiving the communion was in referring to committees, the house did, in witness of their joy for his restitution, presently nominate him one of those committees.

I find no more of this bill for the reformation of the Common Prayer and for the ceremonies, but that April the 25th, several of the committees, viz. sir Robert Lane, sir Henry Gate, Mr. Henry Knowles, sen. Mr. Astley, master of the jewel house, Mr. Sandes, Mr. Wentworth, were appointed to attend the lord of Canterbury his grace; for answer touching matters of religion. I suppose this was in pursuance of a former act, whereby the queen, with her metropolitan, was to appoint, and regulate, and reform matters in religion.

The bills for religion, and regulation of church affairs, began in the parliament 8 Eliz. and agitated and prosecuted in this parliament 13 Eliz. were seven. But some of them in the issue, dashed by her majesty, saith D’Ewes, persuaded unto it, as it should seem, by some sinister counsel.

I. For the articles printed anno 1562, for sound religion. First read on the 5th of Dec. 8 Eliz. All the rest of them that follow had their first reading Dec. the 6th, in the said session; viz.

II. The bill for the order of ministers.

III. For the residence of pastors.

IV. For the avoiding of corrupt presentations.

V. For leases of benefices.

VI. For pensions out of benefices.

VII. Touching commutation of penance by the ecclesiastical judge.

Which last was first preferred in this parliament. These were read several times in the house, and countenanced; and some of them came to effect.

The first of these, offered in the beginning of this session, and introduced by Mr. Strickland in a long speech before mentioned, (which was for a new confession of faith, to be made and used in this church,) may be better understood, if we relate some further passages of that speech; viz. “That he thought it worth the while for the parliament to be occupied for some time; that all reproachful speeches of slanderers might be stopped; drawbacks in religion brought forward; and overrunners, that exceeded the rules of the law, reduced: that a confession of faith should be made, and published, and confirmed; as was among other professors of religion in foreign parts. As those of Strasburge and Frankford: and as learned men also formerly in this land travelled in; as Peter Martyr, Paulus Fagius, and others.

And that an offer thereof, that had been formerly made in parliament, might be approved.” He added, that the book [which was the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Laws, effected chiefly by archbishop Cranmer, by the command of king Henry VIII. and Edward VI.] rested still in the custody of Mr. Norton, a member of the house. And thereupon requested, that the said Norton might be required to produce the same. Which he after did. And shewed that it was the book drawn up [under king Edward] by thirty-two persons, i.e. eight bishops, eight divines, eight civilians, and eight temporal lawyers: who had in charge to make ecclesiastical constitutions, and took the same in hand: and that Mr. Fox [the martyrologist] took some pains about the said book, and had newly printed it: which the said Norton then and there shewed. I add, that Fox also set a large preface before it, ad doctum et candidum lectorem; and concludeth with his wish, “That what, by the premature death of that king, was then denied to the church’s happiness, might be supplied in the more happy times of queen Elizabeth, by the authority of that present parliament, [viz. this, as it seems, of the l3th of the queen,] and by the consent and favour of learned men.” This book was printed again in Latin, in the year 1640, at London.

I have this further to add concerning this book. It was said, that Dr.

Haddon, that learned civilian, and master of the requests to the queen, had in a former parliament delivered this book, which had with so much pains, labour, and learning, been prepared and finished in king Edward’s days: and wherein Haddon himself, having an excellent Latin style, was concerned in drawing up. And that then in that parliament, it was ordered to be translated into English for their better considering it. For this, I make no doubt, was that book of discipline which Penry (that was executed for sedition about 1591) hinted at in one of his books, (called, Reformation no enemy to her majesty and state, printed anno 1590,) where, after his preface, he makes this request to the reader: “Mr. D. Haddon delivered in parliament a Latin book concerning church discipline, written in the days of king Edward VI. by M.

Cranmer and sir John Cheeke, &c. This book (saith he) was commitred by the house to be translated, unto the said M. D. Haddon, M. George Bromley, M. Norton, &c.” His request follows: “If thou eanst, good reader, help me, or any other, that labour in the cause, unto the said book, I hope, though I never saw it, that in so doing, thou shalt do good service to the Lord and his church.”

So he, supposing it had much favoured his admired discipline. But if he had been helped to a sight of it, he would have found it would not have served his purpose.

The said Mr. Strickland, in his speech aforesaid, made several motions, “That they should not, for any cause of policy, permit any errors in matters of doctrine to continue longer among them. And that the reformation he urged should not by this be called a chopping and changing of our religion, [as some had objected,] but pursuant to our profession; that is, to have all doctrines brought to the purity of the primitive church. And at last he moved, that certain of them might be assigned, to have conference with the lords of the spirituality, for consideration and reformation of these matters.”

But what stop these earnest motions had, we have shewed before.

Only let me add what happened to the said committee for religion, when, according as it was appointed, they attended the archbishop of Canterbury with their model for reformation; wherein, as some articles of religion were allowed by them, so others, already received into the church, were left out.

The archbishop, taking a view of this draught, asked them, why they put out of the book the article for homilies, and for the consecrating of bishops, and some others. Mr. Peter Wentworth, (who was one of that committee,) a hot man, answered, (as he gave an account of it himself in his speech the next parliament,) because they were so occupied in other matters, that they had no time to examine them, how they agreed with the word of God. Whereat the archbishop replied, that surely they mistook the matter: saying further, You will refer yourselves wholly to us [the bishops] therein. To which Wentworth, in some heat, and somewhat rudely, answered; “No, by the faith I bear to God, we will pass nothing before we understand what it is. For that were but to make you popes. Make you popes, who list; for we will make you none.” But this gentleman taking the like freedom to talk concerning the queen in the next parliament, 18 Eliz. and using several bold expressions concerning her, (as, how rumours ran in the house, “Take heed what you do; for the queen liketh not such a matter,”) he was sequestered the house, and committed to the sergeant as a prisoner for some time.

But what bills about religion and the state of the church took place in this parliament, I shall proceed now to relate. Some were brought in against papists; who at that time endeavoured to deprive and depose the queen in favour of the Scottish queen Mary. This became enacted. “Where it was made high treason to compass, imagine, invent, &c. the queen’s death, or any bodily harm, tending to death, maiming, or wounding her royal person; or to deprive or depose her from the style, honour, or kingly name of the imperial crown of this realm; or to levy war against her; or to move any foreigners or strangers with force to invade this realm or that of Ireland; or to utter or declare, by any printing, writing, ciphering, speech, or words, that the queen is not or ought not to be queen of this reahn, and of the realms of France and Ireland; or that any other person ought by right to be king or queen of the same realms; or that should by writing, printing, preaching, speech, &c. publish, set forth and affirm, that queen Elizabeth is an heretic, schismatic, tyrant, infidel, or usurper of the crown of the said realms. And further, such to be utterly disabled, during their natural lives, to have or enjoy the crown of England, or any style or title thereof, [this was aimed at the queen of Scots,] at any time in succession, of whatever degree, condition, place, &c. they be, that in any wise claimed or pretended themselves to have a right or title to the crown of England in the life of queen Elizabeth; or should usurp the royal style, title, or dignity of this crown; or should hold and affirm, that the queen had not right to hold or enjoy the said crown and realm: or after any demand should not acknowledge her to be, in right, true and lawful queen of these realms.” “And he was adjudged a high traitor by this act, that during the queen’s life should affirm or maintain any right, title, &c. in succession or inheritance in or to the crown of England after queen Elizabeth, to be rightfully in, or lawfully due unto any such claimer, pretender, &c. or not acknowledger. And he also to be judged an high traitor, that shall not affirm that the common laws of this realm, not altered by parliament, ought to direct the right of the crown of England: or that the queen’s majesty, by and with the authority of the parliament, is not able to make laws and statutes, of sufficient force to limit and bind the crown of this realm, and the descent, limitation, and inheritance, and government thereof: or that this present statute, or any other statute, to be made by authority of the parliament, with the royal assent of the queen, for limiting of the crown, or any statute for recognising the right of the said crown and realm to be rightly and lawfully in the person of our sovereign lady and queen, are not or ought not to be for ever of good and sufficient force and validity to bind, limit, restrain, and govern all persons, their rights and titles, that any wise might claim any interest or possibility in or to the crown of England, in possession, remainder, inheritance, succession, or otherwise.”

By the same act provision was made against contentious and seditious spreading abroad of titles to the succession of the crown; and against books or works printed and written, that did directly or expressly declare and affirm, before any act of parliament were made, to establish and confirm the same, that any one particular person is or ought to be the right heir and successor to the queen’s majesty, except the same be the natural issue of her majesty’s body; or shall publish or set abroad any book or scrolls to that effect: or the abettors and counsellors of such: upon the pain of imprisonment, and forfeiture of half his goods, for the first time. The second time, the pains and forfeitures in the statutes of Provision and Premunire.

There was another act made this parliament against bringing in of popes’ bulls, or putting them in execution; and against bringing in writings, or instruments, or other superstitious things from the see of Rome. This was made on purpose against such as had procured and obtained from the bishop of Rome divers bulls and writings, to absolve and reconcile all those that would be contented to forsake their obedience to the queen, and to yield themselves to the foreign, unlawful, and usurped authority of the see of Rome: and by colour of the said bulls, wicked persons secretly, in such parts of the realm where the people were most weak and simple and ignorant, [as it ran in that statute,] had, by their lewd and subthe practices and persuasions, so far wrought, that sundry such weak and ignorant persons had been contented to be reconciled to the said usurped authority; and to take absolution at the hands of such naughty and subthe practisers.

Whereby had grown great disobedience and boldness in many, not only to withdraw and absent themselves from all divine service, now most godly set forth in the realm; but also thought themselves discharged of and from all obedience, duty, and allegiance to the queen. Whereby most wicked and unnatural rebellion had ensued. All such bringing in of such bulls, and such reconcilers to the see of Rome, were made guilty of high treason to the queen and the realm.

By the same act they incurred the statute of Premu-nire and Provision, made 16 Rich. II. that brought into the realm any token or tokens, thing or things, called Agnus Dei’s, or any crosses, pictures, beads, or such like vain and superstitious things, from the bishop or see of Rome: the former of which were said to be hallowed or consecrate by the bishop of Rome in his own person. And the crosses, pictures, beads, either by the same bishop, or by others having power, or pretending to have power for the same, by or from him or his said see: divers pardons, immunities, and exemptions pretended, being to be conferred upon such as should receive and use the same.

Another act for papists was against fugitives over the seas. This was against such persons, who as (though they were sovereign rulers themselves, and not under rule) casting away most wilfully and obstinately the service, obedience, and defence of their prince and country, secretly, in great numbers, without licence of the queen, departed the realm into foreign parts and dominions of other princes: under whose obeisance and protection they submitted themselves, and became their subjects. And there did unnaturally discover the secrets of this realm, and their native country.

And conveyed with them great sums of money; being naturally a part of the common treasure of the realm: spending the same to the profit and commodity of strangers: and in sundry places to the relief of rebels, and fugitives, and traitors. And not so satisfied, did practise in those parts traitorous and rebellious seditions, and slanderous things, as well by writing as otherwise; as the expressions of that statute were. The penalty laid upon all such was the loss and forfeiture of all their manors, lands, tenements, &c. to the queen, during their lives, unless they returned home within six months; and yielded their bodies to the high sheriff of the county, or some of the queen’s council. And that all benefices, prebends, and other ecclesiastical promotions, belonging to spiritual and ecclesiastical persons, so offending in departing the realm, and not returning, should be utterly void to all intents and purposes. There was also a bill brought in (though I think passed not into an act) against priests disguising themselves in serving-men’s apparel.

Another act made this session of parliament with respect to religion and the good of the church, was against frauds; defeating remedies for dilapidations of ecclesiastical livings; and for leases to be granted for collegiate churches. The reason of this statute was for the stopping the practice of some bishops and dignitaries, or other ecclesiastical persons; who had ancient palaces and mansion-houses, and other buildings and edifices, belonging to their preferments: and suffered the same, for want of repairs, to run into great ruins, and some parts utterly to fall down to the ground. And had converted the timber, lead, and stones, to their own benefit and commodity, and made deeds of gift, and co-lourable alienations, and other conveyances of like effect, of their goods and chattels in their lifetimes; to the intent after their death to defraud their successors of such just actions and remedies, as they might or should have had for the same by the laws ecclesiastical, against their executors; to the great defacing the state ecclesiastical, and intolerable charges of their successors. This act did empower the successor of him or them that should make such deeds, to commence suit, and have such remedy in any court ecclesiastical against him or them, to whom such deeds should be made, for the amendment and reparation of so much of the said dilapidations and decays, as happened by his fact or default.

Also, this act provided against colleges, deans and chapters, parsons, vicars, &c. who made long and unreasonable leases, which were the great causes of dilapidations and decays of all spiritual living and hospitality, and the utter impoverishing of all successors, incumbent in the same: that henceforth no leases should be made longer than one and twenty years, or three lives. All other leases, grants, &c. to be utterly void and of none effect.

Another act was made this session touching leases of benefices. The intent of this act was, that livings appointed for ecclesiastical ministers might not, by corrupt and indirect dealings, be transferred to other uses. No lease after the 15th day of May, to be made of any benefice, or ecclesiastical promotion with cure, not being impropried, to endure any longer than while the lessor shall be ordinarily resident, and serving the cure of such benefice, without absence above fourscore days in any one year. But that every such lease, so soon as it or any part thereof shall come to any possession or use above forbidden, or immediately upon such absence, shall cease and be void. And the incumbent so offending, to lose one year’s profit of his benefice; to be distributed by the ordinary among the poor of the parish. All chargings of such benefices with any pension, or with any profit out of the same, hereafter to be made, other than rents to be reserved upon leases hereafter to be made, to be utterly void.

In the same act, it was allowed such persons as had two benefices, to demise one of them, upon which he shall not be most ordinarily resident; but only to the curate that shall then serve the cure. The reason whereof seems to be, that hospitality might be the better preserved from the revenues of the church. But this was but temporary.

There was yet another act made touching religion. Which was to reform certain disorders touching ministers of the church. This act was intended to keep out from ministering in the church such as would not comply with the doctrine established in this church of England in the beginning of the queen’s reign; and that the queen’s dominions might be served with pastors of sound religion, as the preamble ran. It concerned all such persons as pretended to be priests and ministers of God’s word and sacraments under the degree of a bishop, by reason of any other form of institution, consecration, or ordering, than the form set forth in the late king Edward’s time, and now used in thc reign of the queen. [Meaning undoubtedly to comprehend papists, and likewise such as received their orders in some of the foreign reformed churches, when they were in exile under queen Mary.] The act enjoined all such and all others, having any ecclesiastical living, to declare their assent, before the bishop of the diocese, to all the articles of religion, (which only concern the confession of the true Christian faith, and the doctrine of the sacraments,) comprised in the book imprinted, entitled, Articles, whereupon it was agreed by the archbishops and bishops, &c. being the thirty-nine articles, framed in the synod anno 1562. And to subscribe them. Which was to be testified by the bishop of the diocese, under his seal. Which testimonial he [the priest or minister] was openly, on some Sunday, in time of public service before noon, in the church where he ought to attend, to read, together with the said articles, [as his confession of faith.] Otherwise to be ipso facto deprived; and all his ecclesiastical promotions to be void.

And no ecclesiastical person advisedly to maintain or affirm any doctrine, directly contrary or repugnant to any of the said articles; and being convented before the bishop, or ordinary, or queen’s commissioners ecclesiastical, shall persist therein, or not revoke his error; or after such revocation, again affirm such untrue doctrines; in such case it was made lawful for the bishop or ordinary, or the said commissioners, to deprive such person. And upon such sentence of deprivation to be actually deprived.

None to be admitted hereafter to any benefice with cure, except he be of the age of three and twenty years at the least, and a deacon; and first have subscribed the said articles, in presence of the ordinary, and publicly read the same in the parish church of that benefice; with declaration of his unfeigned assent to the same. And every person after the end of that session of parliament, to be admitted to a benefice with cure, within two months after his induction publicly to read the said articles in his parish church; and to do all as aforesaid. Otherwise to incur deprivation immediately ipso facto.

Also it was enacted in the same statute, that none should be made minister, or admitted to preach, or minister the sacraments, being under the age of four and twenty years; nor unless he should first bring to the bishop of the diocese from men known to the bishop, a testimonial both of his honest life, and of his professing the doctrine expressed in the said articles; nor unless he be able to answer, and to render to the ordinary an account of his faith in Latin, according to the said articles; or have special gift and ability to be a preacher.

None to be admitted to the order of a deacon or minister, unless he shall first subscribe the Articles. None to be admitted to a living of or above the value of 30l . a year in the queen’s books, without he be bachelor of divinity, or a preacher lawfully allowed by some bishop of this realm, or by one of the universities.

All admissions to benefices, institutions, and inductions, contrary to the form of any provision in this act; and all tolerations, dispensations, qualifications, and licences whatsoever, that shall be made to the contrary, to be merely void in law.

Provided, no title to confer, or present by lapse, to accrue upon any deprivation ipso facto; but after six months after notice of such deprivation given by the ordinary to the patron.

By force of this act many that held benefices and ecclesiastical preferments were deprived in this and the following year. I find these two among others in the diocese of Bath and Wells. Henry Thorn, A. B. was presented by Geo. Speke, knight, to the church of East Dolish, Jan. 28, 1571, by the obstinacy and disobedience of Thomas Elyot, refusing, or at least neglecting to subscribe in his proper person to the articles set forth anno 1562. And so was deprived. Again, June, 1572, Edward Bremel, alias Cable, was presented to the church of Wayford, by the deprivation of John Haunce, by virtue of a statute, (as it runs in the register,) 13 Eliz. entitled, An act to rearm certain disorders touching ministers of the church.

CHAPTER 8.

A convocation. Matters done there. An act made, very beneficial for employment of multitudes of poor. The queen’s concernments with Scotland. Endeavours a reconcilement of the two parties there. Her resolution against the restoring of the Scottish queen: and why. Articles of pacification propounded by the queen to the two parties in Scotland. The queen’s agent’s notable letter to Graunge and Liddington. Sends a challenge to thc French ambassador. His letters to the lord regent of Scotland, duke of Lenox, and to earl Morton, intercepted. A book writ in favour of the queen of Scots. THERE was now also a convocation; and what was done there is related at large in the Life of Archbishop Parker. Only we may take notice of some things observed as done in this synod, set down in the dedication Of bishop Jewel’s works to king James; namely, that the synod 1571 did then set forth this canon among others, for the direction of those that were preachers and pastors, “That they should never teach any thing, as matter of faith, religiously, but that which was agreeable to the doctrine of the Old and New Testament; or collected out of the same doctrine by the ancient fathers and catholic bishops of the church.”

I find a treatise among the MSS. of William Petyt, esq. of Dr. Thomas Wylson’s own hand, (who was master of St. Katharine’s near the Tower, and afterwards seeretary of state, a very learned civilian,) being Orders in ecclesiastical jurisdiction, Which seems to have been drawn up, to be confirmed in this synod. There is a title, For punishment of persons convicted. Another, What order is to be taken with false writings, &c.

To the bills passed into acts this parliament, there is one more, (besides those mentioned above,) which I judge not amiss to be taken notice of, though it have no other relation to religion than charity, which comes very near it. It concerned the queen’s care of employment for her poorer sort of subjects. It was for continuance of making and wearing woollen caps, in behalf of the trade of cappers; providing, that all above the age of six years (except the nobility and some others) should, on sabbath-days and holydays, wear caps of wool knit, thicked, and dressed in England, upon penalty of ten groats. But notwithstanding this statute, these caps went very much out of fashion, and the wearing of hats prevailed. Which caused the queen, two or three years after, to take such notice of it, as to set forth a strict proclamation for the enforcing of the wearing of caps, the benefit whereof being of more public good than at present was perceived; namely, the employment of such vast numbers of idle, poor, and impotent people throughout the whole nation, that otherwise must either have starved, begged, or robbed. Which thus that proclamation expressed, (mentioning the said act made in the parliament the 13th of her reign,) “That it was for the relief of divers poor towns, and of great multitudes of her poor subjects, who otherwise were like to perish, or to become unprofitable or dangerous unto the commonweal: and that by means of this statute, great numbers of idle, poor, and impotent persons were set on work, while the awe of the said statute, and fear of due execution thereof continued, to the marvellous great commodity of this realm, and help of the needy, and redress of evil occupied persons; as by experience thereof had been notably proved.”

But these caps, it seems, not long after went out of fashion; and so the trade decayed: which caused the queen to set forth the said proclamation.

It set forth further, “How that by little and little the disobedience and wanton disorder of evil-disposed and light persons, more regarding private fantasies and vanity, than public commodity or respect of duty, had increased by want of execution of the said law. Whereby those good and honest subjects, that had by means of the said statute set to work a great number of poor people, were like to be driven to give over their said trades, and to send abroad again into idleness and misery those multitudes that had been by them relieved. Whereby was like to grow great enormity and inconvenience, if speedy remedy were not provided. Therefore she charged and commanded all justices of assize, justices of peace, mayors, sheriffs, &c. that every of them, according to their office, place, and calling, should do their uttermost, for the due execution of the said statute. And that bailiffs, constables, churchwardens, &c. every Sunday and festival day, make diligent view and search, in all churches, chapels, and all other places, within the circuits and compasses of their offices, for all and singular breakers and offenders of the said statute; and without delay cause the names of such offenders, and of their parents, guardians, governors, and masters of every child, servant, and ward so offending, together with the day and place of the offence committed, to be then written, and lawfully ordered and presented,” &c.

The great importance of this manufacture, for the support of the lower rank of the queen’s people, was more fully declared in that act aforesaid, in these words, worthy of note: “That the company of cappers, by means only of their trade and science of capping, not only maintained their wives, children, and families, in good and convenient state and degree, but set on work a great number and multitude of other poor persons, men, women, and children; and also such as were halt, and decrepid, and lame; using them in sundry exercises belonging to that occupation, as carders, spinners, knitters, parters of wool, forcers, thickers, dressers, walkers, dyers, battelers, shearers, pressers, edgers, liners, bandmakers, and other exer-cises: who had in manner thereby maintained and relieved themselves and their families. And by reason of their labour and exercise therein, had eschewed and avoided not only the great annoyance of the towns they dwelt in, who for lack of exercise must have been forced to beg, but also had kept them from ranging and gadding through the realm, in practising sundry kinds of lewdness, as too many of them now did.

And also, by the means of this good exercise and occupation, a great many of personable men had at all times been ready, and well able, when they were called, to serve the queen, or her most noble progenitors, in time of war, or elsewhere; until of late days, that most, or in manner all men had forborne and left off the using and wearing of caps. This tended also to the great impoverishing and utter undoing of the company of cappers; and to the decay, ruin, and desolation of divers ancient cities and boroughs, which had been the nourishers and bringers up in that faculty of great numbers of people; as London, which by good report maintained eight thousand persons, exercised in this faculty: also Exeter, Bristow, Monmouth, Hereford, Rosse, Bridgnorth, Bewdley, Gloucester, Worcester, Chester, Nantwich, and many more.”

Affairs abroad affected the nation, and the state of religion here at home, especially the intrigues of the Scottish queen, and the match with the duke d’Anjou.

The queen was so certainly informed of the Scottish queen’s and her friends’ intrigues against her, that she found it necessary to keep her strait; suffering none (but persons of her own) of all sorts to be about that queen’s person. Now she pretended a great fear of her life, and craved a ghostly father, being catholic, to be with her: for in truth many of her servants had been discharged, having been found to be dangerous practisers. And queen Elizabeth, upon this experience, plainly noted to the states of Scotland, that she would never suffer that queen to have her government in Scotland restored to her. Her business now was to further the young king of Scots his affairs, (who was set up by the protestant party in that kingdom,) and his friends, against the Scottish queen’s party. The lord Hunsdon at Berwick had a commission in October, to set a good face upon the matter, to bring Graunge (who held out the castle of Edinburgh for that queen) to the king’s devotion: but if he could not, they of the queen’s council were of opinion that he should force them. And the queen was now in hand (as the lord Burghley writ in certain of his letters) to make an accord between Liddington and Graunge in the castle, and the regent, two considerable parties, the difficnlty between them being rather particular than public. They in the castle looked to have their offices and lands restored; and first, surety to be given, that Graunge might remain captain of the castle. The other party [for the king, who were protestants] were to keep what they had catched, as bishoprics and abbeys. Wherein the lord Burghley’s judgment was, that he thought the next avoiding [of these bishoprics and abbeys] might help. But that greediness and mistrust kept them asunder: and he feared more the wilfulness of the king’s party, than the conformation of the adverse.

The account queen Elizabeth gave the French ambassador, of her concern in this Scotch quarrel, was, that she had no other intention in the matter of Scotland, but to have the hostility and civil wars there to cease, and the government of the realm to be established to the contentation of the nation.

For which purpose she had sent to both parties at difference, to accord an abstinence from war; so as they might the better treat and act among themselves.

And for this good end and purpose she propounded to them articles of pacification, containing the queen’s majesty’s intention for reducing the realm of Scotland to an inward peace, (as the preface to the articles ran,) and so to continue free from civil wars and dissensions, [which now were between the lords on the Scottish queen’s side, and the protestants, who had set up her son to be king.] The first article was, “That the whole state of Scotland, in all degrees of subjection, may submit themselves to the authority of thc king, and do, give, acknowledge, and yield full obedience to him. And that the principal states of the land, that is, the nobility, prelatie, and the cities and boroughs, do acknowledge the same by oath, and subscription in writing. And that all the same be confirmed by a general consent ill parliament. And in the same parliament to reestablish, as cause shall require, all things concluded in the late parliament, for the cause of religion.” [Which was mentioned under the last year.] There was also an addition to these articles, of more secrecy, with some enlargements to some other shorter and general articles; according to the instructions given to Randolph, her agent.

As, “To the first, the adverse party to the king must directly understand, that the queen of Scots (whose person is now in England) hath of late attempted such and so many enterprises against her majesty, both by stirring of rebellion in her majesty’s realm, and by provoking of foreign power to enter into the realm; all which had been enterprised indeed, if God had not this last August given to her majesty cause to stay it, by committing the duke of Norfolk to the Tower of London; as none can trust, that her majesty will ever of herself suffer the said queen of Scots to have liberty with power to attempt the like again. And therefore, without any further question, for the queen to rule alone by restitution, or jointly with her son, it must be answered, that the expectation thereof is in vain. And to imagine any other government of such a realm as Scotland is, but by the king, who is the native prince in blood, and in possession invested, is a mere fantasfical device, and not to be heard of. So as this article must be clearly answered for the king, or else the rest are in vain to be treated.”

Now to bring over the abovesaid Graunge and Liddington from the Scottish queen, Mr. Randolph wrote them a notable eloquent letter in March, after divers communications with them together, to little effect. His letter was pursuant to the queen’s command, to deal with them to obey the king, and to acknowledge the regent. Against which they alleged for themselves conscience, honour, and safety. For the satisfying them in the first, he urged, “that that queen was not worthy to live, whose cause they defended, that had committed such horrible offences. And that there was therefore no matter of conscience in putting her down, and less in obeying her. That this they knew themselves; this they had spoken of themselves; and that they had wrote against her, fought against her, and were the chiefest cause of her apprehension and imprisonment, and dimission of the crown: if at that time there was nothing done against conscience, he asked, what moved them to make it a matter of conscience now to leave her, and to allege conscience for setting up her that had been the overthrow of their country? “Neither should the point of honour move them, in which the world was chiefly respected: that might be solved, and themselves by all honest and godly men better allowed of. That in respect of their country’s weal, they should yield somewhat of their own, yea, though to their disadvantage, than to see daily so much blood shed.

That honour was to be respected, where justice proceeded. That if the cause they defended were unjust, what honour could there be to maintain it? But rather shame to stand so long by it as they had done.”

And as to the third, viz. their safety, he applied himself first to Liddington. “They [the queen and state of England] were with him in care of mind, had compassion of his present hard state and extremities apparent to ensue; as friends, they lamented it. Thus far therefore they promised, that his state by composition should be no worse than theirs presently was, that had been of their part and mind with them. Safety to their lives they dared to promise; restitution.to their lands and livings they dared assure them of; for the recovery of their losses, there should be as much clone as lay in them. That if they doubted of the regent, they seemed to know less now than beforetime they had done; whose honesty towards the world they had allowed of in time past; and whose particular goodwill towards them was well reported and thought of. Of his zeal and love towards the word of God, and love to his country, no man ever doubted. And that such a reverence he bore to queen Elizabeth, to follow her advice, that neither should his promise be broken unto them, nor any thing be left undone by him, that was in his power to perform. If they doubted the lord Morton, they should have the like security of him. Further, they should have the queen and England their friends, &c. faithful, and indifferent any way that they could to do them good. But if nothing would do, he bade them trust him upon his word, they stayed to their destruction.”

But the whole letter, as opening the transactions at that time between England and Scotland, and the infamy the Scottish queen then lay under, I have put into the Appendix.

This Randolph had been lately sent to bring the Scottish queen’s party over to the king. And on the 25th of March (which was hard at hand) the assembly of the friends of either party was to be at Leith, where Randolph was. And being to make a judgment of this affair, he was not long to continue there after, as he wrote to the bishop of Durham: “And that they of the castle attended La Croke, a Frenchman, that was coming; thinking to find more comfort and assistance at his hands, than England could or would give them, except they would acknowledge their obedience to the king and regent; which hitherto they refused to do. But England without that could do nothing for them;” as he added in his letter to that bishop.

While Randolph was here, Viracque, the French ambassador, was also in Scotland, transacting the contrary part. But he had, it seems, falsely reported of the said Randolph, in some private intelligence, and likewise of the queen:which coming to the ears of that English gentleman, he shewed an English courage by a challenge he sent Viracque, in these words, as I find it in Randolph’s own MSS. “Monsieur Virac, I have seen, as I am informed, some writings of yours in cipher, containing these words, &c.: which toucheth me greatly in honour, and I doubt to the queen my mistress, as to have trafficked with Mr. Ar. D. for the conveyance of the French ambassador’s letters in England to you. Wherefore this I write, and signify unto you by these presents, that if you have written the words above mentioned, you have not done the part of an honest man; and that in so writing, you have lied falsely in your throat: which I will maintain with my body against him, you, or any man living, of my quality, or under the same, my charge at this time set apart. For that I never had any such talk with him, or he with me.

Answer hereunto, if you think good.”

Randolph soon returned back to London. And from thence, on the 10th of April, he despatched a letter to the earl of Lenox, [Matthew Stuart,] lord regent of Scotland, (grandfather to the king, and his governor, and slain this year by the adverse party, that held for the queen,) and on the next day to earl Morton. Both letters had respect unto a conference at queen Elizabeth’s court, for compromising matters between Mary the Scottish queen, and those that had the government of the king’s person, (who was now but five or six years old,) by certain commissioners on both sides.

Which brake up without any peaceable issue; especially those of the Scottish queen’s side, who required absolutely her liberty. But both these letters were seized; the postboy delivering them to the bishop of Galloway, one of that queen’s commissioners, and was gone from London unto her.

Which letters should have been delivered to earl Morton, being a commissioner on the king’s side, that was also going to Scotland. The said intercepted letters were brought to the Scottish queen; and by her sent to queen Elizabeth, with heavy complaints of Mr. Randolph, by the French minister, notwithstanding the letters were written by her majesty’s commandment. These letters, to aggravate some passages in them, (having lines drawn under them,) had postils or notes set in the margin, which were the Scottish queen’s, or made by some about her, to aggravate the matter the more against him. This complaint was written in a paper that wrapped up these letters. Both these letters and the notes I shall exhibit, taken from the very originals, late in my hands and possession. “To my lord regent’s grace of Scotland. “Your grace shal hear so much of the state of al.things here [at the English court] by my lord Morton, and other lords in his company, that I need not trouble your grace with any long letters; only testifying my good-wil, and desire to have al matters succeeded to your grace’s contentment. But seeing that cannot be, I trust your grace wil take the next best, having in the mean time this cause to rejoyce, that your grace’s enemies have had mich less of their wills than they looked for: and by my lord of Morton’s grave and wise dealings, gotten unto your grace mo friends in your actions than ever you had. In whose wil, if al things were, your grace should find a short end to al these cumbers now your grace is in. I am hartily glad of the good success your grace hath had in taking of Dunbriton; a happy turn to your grace’s country, no smal benefit to yourself, and such a displeasure to your Brace’s adversaries, as none can be greater, except God should deliver you of her that is the cause of your whole troubles. I doubt not but your good grace wil see to the keeping of it. And as God in this hath shewed a great good beginning of his favour towards your grace and country, so I doubt not but he shal receive the worthy honour due unto him for so great a benefit. God have your grace in his keeping. At London the x. of April, 1571.

Your grace’s humble at commaundment, Tho. Randolph.” That to earl Morton, dated the day following, was to this tenor. “Since your lordship departed hence, we have had no news of any great importance, trusting and looking hartily to hear from the lord regent some confirmation of that which was written to your lordship touching Dumbriton; which the bishops of Rosse and Galloway in no cage wil admit to be true, but give out that it is Dumbar, and not Dura-briton. And immediately after they heard the novels, they sent a post to their mistress, not to believe any report until they came themselves. “The bishop of Galloway hath been among many of our bishops, laying out his learning to defend his mistress’s honour with great eloquence. As also his son hath written a book in Latin, approving her authority, excusing the murther, blaming the disobedience of her rebellious subjects, that deposed her from the crown, Treat him ill when he comes home, and if it be possible, let a copy of it be gotten. This day they depart out of this town [London] towards their queen; and then what becomes of them I know not. Now I must pray your lordship to take al our doings here in good part. I trust that there is better meant than doth yet appear. I pray you, cast not the cools with us over hastily. You see how God blessed al your actions unlooked for; and so wil from time to time prosper them, so long as they are guided under his fear. With my very harty commendations to both my other good lords with you, I pray God send you a happy journey, and safe to return to your country. At London, the xi. of April, 1571.

Your honourable lordships at commaundment, Tho. Randolph.”

CHAPTER 9.

The duke of Norfolk unhappily engaged with the Scottish queen.

The discovery thereof; by French money intercepted, sent to the Duke,for her use in Scotland. A letter in cipher to him from that queen. The duke’s confession; and of his servants. The duke’s words at his condemnation: the execution put off by the queen.

And why. One Rolph, a concealer, executed. And why. Mather and Verney, hired to kill the lord Burghley; executed. Dr. Story executed. Some particular accounts of his death; and of his cruelty. His last will. Darbi-shire the Jesuit; his discourse about the English affairs. THOMAS duke of Norfolk, a protestant, and one of the prime nobility of England, and beloved of the people, was unhappily engaged with the Scottish queen, that gave the nation so much disquiet, and the queen so much jealousy, as we have heard. But engaged he was in that queen’s cause, out of hope of marrying her. The first discovery of the renewing of that matter was in August or September. Of which the lord Burghley informed Walsingham, the ambassador in France, viz. “That some matter was discovered, that my lord of Norfolk should still mind the matter of the Scottish queen. For that there was inter-cepted a good portion of money, that was by letter in cipher, directed to the lord Herris, (which, as appeared afterwards, was French money, and delivered to the duke by the French ambassador,) for help of the Scottish queen’s party in Scotland.” And that the same was sent by one Higford; the duke’s secretary; who was by order from Audley-inn (where the court now was) taken and committed at London. And September 2, was examined by sir Tho. Smith, who the day before went from Audley-inn thither for that purpose. The lord Burghley subjoined, that he was sorry that duke should be found undutiful; but if it were so, he was glad it should be known: which caused him to inquire of Walsingham after another servant of the duke’s, viz. one Liggons, that had long been about Paris and the court there.

Of the same matter, about the same time, did the earl of Leicester give Walsingham these hints: “That the cause went hard against the duke, even by his own confession: and that vehement suspicions were of more evil than he ever thought could fall out in him. And he believed the queen would proceed according to equity and justice; and added, that she had cause to use but small mercy.

After a little while this matter came more fully to light. Which the lord Burghley declared, in his correspondence with Walsingham, to this tenor: “That De Foix, the French ambassador, delivered money to the duke or his order: and that so Walsingham might aver the truth of it.” That the money was taken, being by the duke’s com-mandment (as he averred and confessed) received by Barker his man, from the French ambassador; and was to have been sent to Banister, the duke’s man, dwelling at Shrewsbury, and so to one Lowther and others of the duke’s servants, secretly kept upon the west borders.

And by him should have been sent to the lord Harris, and by him to Liddington. That there was also in the bag letters in ciphers from the French ambassador to Virac, the French agent in Scotland. That hereof Monsieur de Foix (who was now gone) made mention before his departure, and thought there was no other matter against the duke, which I would, added the lord that wrote this letter, there were not. But it appeared there was much more of great danger; and that God was to be thanked that it was discovered; as now it was. For there was found a long discourse about the duke, sent from the queen of Scots in cipher to him the 7th of February last.

By which the said queen layeth before the duke, how she was counselled from Spain to fly thither; misliking utterly of the French, by reason of the doubt of the queen’s marriage with Anjou: that she used hard words against the queen-mother, that she did in this discourse conclude, that she would make a semblance to the Spaniard of her liking of Don John of Austria, although she assured the duke of her countenance. That she moved, that Ridolph [an Italian merchant here in London, and privy to these concerns,] might be sent to Rome; and to be directed wholly by the duke of Norfolk.” With many other things of like sort in that letter.

The lord Burghley added, that the duke confessed the receipt of this from the queen of Scots: but denied that he was privy to Ridolph’s going, otherwise than that he was earnestly desired of the bishop of Ross to instruct him, and to write by him to the duke of Alva, to require aid of men and money for the queen’s party in Scotland. But that in it he refused to deal, because of the peril thereof. He confessed four letters he had received from the Scottish queen within these, twelve months, and did answer them by writing, and all in cipher: but that they were all of thanks, and to move the queen to depend only upon the queen’s majesty. But herein the duke could make none of them [of the queen’s council] credit him. The duke said also, that before the sending of this money, he helped the French ambassador to send his packet to Virac in July. They had also found his cipher between the Scottish queen and him; but that all the writings were conveyed away; which he said were by him burnt. That now they had great cause to think that he was privy to the dangerous practice, in which they found Ridolph to have been with the duke of Alva; in offering him that a rebellion should be moved here this summer, if that duke would assist it.

But of this the duke of Norfolk would not be known.

The duke’s servants soon confessed all. Barker, one of them, being arraigned, (as the lord Burghley writ about the beginning of February,) confessed the treason, and said, that the beginning of the offence was, in that he regarded more the love and pleasing of the duke his master, than of his prince and his country; and so freely confirmed the duke’s guiltiness.

The next, Higford, his secretary, did also confess, terming it a concealment of his master’s treasons; and added, that he did oftentimes dissuade the duke from the same. These open acts fortified the duke’s condemnation.

In the midst of these discoveries, so much to the shame of the French ambassador, (and his master too,) he had the confidence to send his secretary to the court, requiring to have his money again. To whom the lord Burghley answered, that it must be demanded of them to whom he delivered it. And notwithstanding this answer, he came again, desiring he might have his majesty’s money intercepted, sent towards Virac to Scotland.

From a journal of Cecill’s, I have these particulars of the duke of Norfolk’s business, set down by Cecill’s own hand. “July the 1st, the duke was prisoner in his own house, called Howard-house. August 2, Higford, the Duke’s secretary, deciphered the two tickets, taken [in the bag, wherein was the money, viz. 1606/. that was to have been sent into Scotland.

September the 4th, sir Ralph Sad-leir was sent to guard the duke of Norfolk at Howard-house; [now called Charter-house.] September the 5th, the duke, examined at Howard-house, denied all that Higford confessed. The 7th, the duke committed to the Tower by sir Ralph Sadleir, sir Tho. Smith, sir Henry. Nevil, and Dr. Wylson.

The 8th, the duke confessed many things denied before. The 10th, the duke made means to have the lord Burghley come to the Tower to him: who did so. October -the duke of Norfolk in the Tower confesseth the receipt of a message from the earl of Arundel and lord Lumley. October -the lord Cobham kept as prisoner in the lord Burghley’s house at Westminster.”

These particulars may not be unworthy the relating, taken out of such an authentic paper. The whole trial of this nobleman, and his condemnation and execution, I shall omit, our historian relating them at large. Only let me note, that among the peers mentioned by Camden, at the duke’s trial, the earl of Worcester is omitted, who was present, according to a MS. in the Cotton library, where William earl of Worcester stands immediately after Reginald Grey, earl of Kent. And the speech in another volume of the said library, as spoken by him at his execution, (which happened not till the next year,) doth somewhat vary.

The relation of the words spoken by the duke after his condemnation do somewhat vary also; unless perhaps Camden would not set down all that was spoken by him at that time. The Cotton MS. relates it thus.. That after his condemnation he used these words: “I have been found by my peers worthy of death; whereof I do acquit them. For I come not hither to justify myself, nor to charge them with injustice. In dealing in matters temporal towards the queen of Scots, I dealt not as a good subject, for that I made not the queen privy thereunto. For this offence I was committed to the Tower: but upon my humble submission, I was delivered; promising the queen to deal no more in those matters. But contrary to my submission and promise, I dealt therein: for saving my life, and other causes, I took my oath upon that matter. But I never received the communion, as it hath been bruited. I had conference with none but only with Ro-dolpho, and that but once; and that not against her majesty. For it was known, I had to do with him by reason I was bound unto him by a recognisance for a great sum of money. I saw two letters which came from the pope; but I never consented unto them, neither to the rebellion in the north. I thank God I was never a papist, since I knew what religion meant. But I did always detest pa-pistry in all the vain toys thereof; embracing ever, from the bottom of my heart, the true religion of Jesus Christ; trusting the full assurance of my faith in his blood, that is only my Redeemer and Saviour. Indeed I must confess I had servants and friends that were papists: but if thereby I have offended God’s church, or any protestant, I do desire God and them to forgive me.”

Yet perhaps these were only some short collections of the duke’s speech at his execution, (where Camden placeth them,) rather than what was said by him at his condemnation.

The queen put off the execution of the duke for some months, out of compassion to this unhappy nobleman and her kinsman; and, out of respect to his high quality, was not easily brought to pass her warrant. Of this her mercy in delaying his execution, her statesmen did not much approve. The lord treasurer Burghley’s expressions, suggesting his thoughts, were: “The queen’s majesty hath always been a merciful lady. And by mercy she hath taken more harm than by justice; and yet she thinketh she is more beloved in doing herself harm. God save her to his honour long among us.”

So he writ in one of his letters, apprehensive of the queen’s danger. And Thomas Randolph, the queen’s agent now in Scotland, liked as little the deferring of the duke’s execution. Who in a letter to the bishop of Durham, from Leith, dated March the 21st, (that is, two months after his condemnation,) writ thus: “Out of London we hear yet no other, but that he remaineth yet alive [meaning the duke] that is to be wished, that long since he had been despatched. I fear, added he, the bishop of Lincoln’s words, in his sermon before her ma,. jesty, grow true, alleged out of Augustine, that there was misericordia puniens, and crudelitas parcens. In consideration whereof in government great evil did ensue.”

In another of the lord Burghley’s letters to Walsingham, dated February 11, he shewed him how the queen’s majesty was diversly disposed.

Sometime, when she spake of her danger, she concluded, that justice must be done. Another time, when she spake of the nearness of blood, of his superiority in honour, and such like, she stayed. On Saturday she signed a warrant to the sheriffs of London for his execution on Monday. And so all preparations were made, with the expectation of all London and concourse of many thousands. But their coming was answered not with his, but another extraordinary execution of Mather and Berney, [of whom by and by,] for conspiring the queen’s death, [and his own death, he might have added,] and of one Rolph, for counterfeiting the queen’s hand twice, to get concealed lands. The cause of this disappointment was, that suddenly on the Sunday before, late in the night, the queen sent for him, [the lord Burghley,] and entered into a great misliking, that the duke should die the next day, and said, she was and should be disquieted; and would have a new warrant made that night to the sheriffs, to forbear till they should hear further. And accordingly they did so. After that lord had made this relation of this sudden stop, he only added his fears in this ejaculation, “God’s will be fulfilled, “and aid her majesty to do herself good,” [which he thought this mild course tended not to.] But though this execution were deferred for some months longer, yet in the beginning of June, 1572, he was beheaded at Tower-hill, as we shall hear in due place.

The said lord Burghley, that wise statesman and sound counsellor of the queen’s in this dangerous juncture, was so hated by her enemies, but especially the Spaniard, that Bor-gest, that ambassador’s secretary, had hired two desperate men, viz. Mather and Berny, [alias Verny,] to murder him; nay, and the queen too. For they at last confessed, that they intended to kill him; and afterwards plainly confessed also their intention and desire to have been rid of the queen: (as the said lord wrote in his correspondence with the queen’s ambassador in France:) and added, “But I think she may “by justice be rid of them.” And accordingly they underwent the just pains of death in February, (as was hinted before,) being drawn, hanged, and quartered. It is remarkable, that when Mather had, in the presence of Leicester, Mr. Secretary, and Mildmay, charged that ambassador’s secretary, that both his master and he had enticed him to kill the lord Burghley, that secretary denied it: upon which, Mather offered to try it con la spada, i. e. by the sword.

Another execution, in the month of June, before, was done upon John Story, LL.D. who suffered at Tyburn on Friday; and there refused to give allegiance to the queen’s majesty, (as the lord Burghley wrote to Walsingham,) and professed to die as the king of Spain’s subject, [being indeed a pensioner of Spain.] And so having been arraigned on the Tuesday before at the king’s bench, he would not answer to the indictment; alleging, that he was not a subject of this realm. Whereupon, without further trial, he was condemned as guilty of treason, contained in his indictment. For his treason, inveterate hatred to the queen, and cruelty exercised towards the protestants, I refer the reader to other histories. But some particular passages of him, omitted by our historians, I shall here relate. In his execution he is thus described by Dr. Fulk, (in his Retentive, and in his book against Gregory Martin, at the end of it, where he writ a confutation of the papists’ quarrels against his writings:) “Story, for all his glorious tale, in the time of his most deserved execution by quartering, was so impatient, that he did not only roar and cry like an hell-hound, but also strake the executioner doing his office, and resisted as long as strength did serve him, being kept down by three or four men, until he was dead. He used,” saith the same writer, (that lived at that very time,) “no voice of prayer in all the time of his crying, as I heard of the very executioner himself, besides them that stood by, but only roared and cried, as one overcome with the sharpness of the pain; as no martyr, as the papists did mightily boast of him. God, added he, for his cruelty shewed against the patient saints, [in queen Mary’s days,] had not only given him a taste of such torments as he procured to others, but also made him an open spectacle of the impatient and uncomfortable state of them that suffer, not in a good cause, nor with a good conscience.”

This Fulk said, to vindicate himself against a popish writer, that had writ, that upon a little groaning [of the said Story at his execution] Fulk had gathered that he was no true martyr.

Now, what a sort of man this Story was, and how addicted to cruelty towards the professors of the gospel under queen Mary, that short epitome of him, drawn up by Mr. Fox’s own hand, and perhaps upon this occasion, will shew; which I have inserted in my Annals, under the year 1569.

I cannot omit here the reciting of some old rhymes concerning this Story and his fellow bigots; which I meet with written by one Lawrence Ramsey, a poet, near about this time, in a book, entitled, The Practice of the Devil; wherein the Devil is brought in, speaking thus to them: Stand to it, Stapleton, Dorman, and Harding, And Rastal, that Rakehell, to maintain my order.

Boner and Gardiner are worth the regarding, For keeping articles so long in this border.

O Story, Story, thou art worthy of recorder; Thou stoodst to it stoutly against God and the king; And at Tyburn desperately gay’st me an off’ring.

I have met with this man’s last will, made by him divers years before his death, viz. 1552, while he was at Lovain; fled thither in the time of king Edward VI. out of ill will to the religion then professed in the nation: wherein are some passages that may be remarked. “He gave laud and praise to God, for leading him out of his native country, that was swarved out of the sure ship of our salvation, our mother, the catholic church; and that he had belief and full trust in all and every article, clause, or sentence, that his said mother, holy church, from the time of the apostles, hath or shall decree, set forth, and deliver to be kept and observed by her children. That for the breaking any command, set forth by the authority of the same church, and for the non-observing of any of her decrees, and especially for his offence in forsaking the unity of it, by the acknowledging of any other supreme head than Christ’s deputy here in earth, St. Peter, and his succes-sots, bishops of the see of Rome, he did most humbly and penitently cry God mercy, and desired all Christian people remaining in the unity of the said mother catholic church to pray for him. Then he gave to his daughter Elen, six hundred and threescore florins. But if by God’s good motion she entered into religion, then he gave and bequeathed to the house and company where he should be professed, florins; desiring them of their good charity to pray for the souls of his father and mother, and for his soul, and all Christian souls. His body to be buried in the Grey Friars in Lovain. And to the same covent, for the exequies done and solemnized for the wealth of his soul, twenty florins; and forty florins more, that of their charity, in their daily celebration of mass, they would pray for the soul of Nicolas and Joan, his parents, and for his soul, and all Christian souls: and to appoint one devout person of their company, by the space of three years next after his burial, daily to make a special memory to God for his soul, and for all Christian souls.”

I refer the reader to the Appendix, for his other superstitious bequests; and to observe what sort of wills and testaments were framed by popish zealots, acted by the craft of monks and friars, to draw treasure to themselves. And lastly, he charged his wife Joan not to set foot on the land of England, or carry his daughter thither, (according to a promise she had made to God and him,) until it were restored to the unity of the church.

Darbishire, a Jesuit, may be mentioned next to this zealous, hot civilian; who was such another persecutor in this church under queen Mary; having been canon of St. Paul’s, London, archdeacon of Essex, and chancellor to bishop Boner, who was his uncle by his sister. Walsingham, understanding this man was in Paris, found a means to feel the man and his principles. He caused one, under colour of a catholic, to repair unto him there; knowing that there was a concurrence of intelligence between him and those English papists of Lovain, and also with those of the Scottish queen’s faction. The party sent did seem very much to bewail the ill success of the late practices in Scotland; and now he feared that their case would grow desperate: especially, for that Mather’s enterprise was also discovered. To this the Jesuit answered, “That the ill handling of matters was the cause that they took no better effect. But bade him notwithstanding to be of good comfort; and assure himself that there were more Mathers in England than one: which would not scruple, when time should conveniently serve, to adventure their lives in seeking to acquit us of that lewd woman, (meaning her highness.) For, said he, if she were gone, then would the hedge lie open; whereby the good queen, that is now the prisoner, in whom rested, he said, the present right of this crown, should easily enjoy the same. For besides that all the catholics in the realm of England were at her devotion, there were, said he, (and thanked God,) divers heretics that were well affected towards her. Which was no small miracle, that God had so blinded their eyes, as that they should be so inclined to her, that in the end would yield unto them their just deserts, unless they returned to the catholic faith.”

And so went on in further discourse, assuring the other, that that queen would have no harm. For that she lacked for no friends in the English court: and what assistance she was like to have to deliver her, though they ventured their lives for her, as others had done before; and that there were divers ways to bring it to pass. And that chiefly considering how this matter would tend to the good of the catholic cause, and utter ruin and extirpation of heresy. And that this should be brought to pass ere a year were at an end. And besides his villainous and undutiful language of her majesty, he used very lewd bitter speeches against the earl of Leicester and the lord Burghley. This, as that ambassador concluded, was the sum of their talk. By the way, one might hence make an observation upon what a prejudiced person the chief evidence of the Nagg”s Head ordination doth depend. For the popish writers do allege this Darbishire’s evidence with the greatest confidence.

I add only one thing more of Darbishire. That in his conference with Hawks, (afterwards burnt for the profession of the gospel,) he called the Bible, in contempt, his little pretty God’s book.

CHAPTER 10.

The present concerns of the nation for the queen’s safety. Her marriage thought necessary. She falleth sick. Her verses upon the Scottish queen and her favourites. She requires liberty of rellgion for her merchants in France. Orders and exercises of religion in Northampton; with their confession of faith. The ecclesiastical commissioners sit at Lambeth. Christopher Goodman cited before them: his protestation of allegiance.

IF we now turn our eyes to the queen, about the month of March her people had two extraordinary concernments for her; whence they apprehended the kingdom to be in great danger.

The one was for her marrying; which the wisest of her statesmen saw to be the only way for safety, as things then stood. I allege the judgment of some of them. Walsing-ham, in December last, was in pursuit of some ways to establish her majesty’s state; which was threatened, as he observed, with two lacks, viz. the want of friendship abroad, and our doubtful state at home. Whom the earl of Leieester, seconded in their correspondence, by acknowledging, that it fell out too manifest daily; and that without some remedy it would prove a danger irrecoverable. But the means, as he added, were easily seen and perceived; [meaning the marriage with monsieur, and peace with France;] and which he supposed not yet without hope to be obtained. But now two or three months were past, and little or no hope appeared thereof.

For though sir Thomas Smith was lately despatched to France, to renew the treaty about it; yet the queen herself seemed to have little or no inclination that way, as was well perceived. Whereat Smith, in a letter from Blois, thus writ: “That all the world saw that they [her people] wished her majesty’s surety and long condition. That her marriage, and issue of her highness’ body, should be the most assurance of her highness, and of the wealth of the realm, &c. What, doth her majesty mean to maintain still her danger, and not proceed for her surety? I assure your lordship I can see no reason. God preserve her majesty long to reign over us, by some unlooked for miracle. For I cannot see by natural reason that her highness goeth about to provide for it.” And again, soon after, in another letter, thus he expresseth his thoughts: “There is nothing whereof we are more sorry, and do lament in our hearts, than to see such uncertain, so negligent, and irresolute provision for the safety of the queen’s majesty’s person, and of her reign over us. God of his almighty and miraculous power preserve her long to reign over us.”

These expressions shewed the dismal apprehensions the best of men, and most concerned, had for the good of the queen, the state, and the religion of the land. But the good hand of God preserved all safe and well, though this marriage, so much desired and depended upon, took not place. For a good understanding with the French king was thought then sufficient to balance the mischievous purposes of Spain: but the French king’s heart being disposed to a league with the queen, that way the English security was provided for; as shall be shewn in the following year, when the league was made.

The other terror upon the nation now was the queen’s falling sick. In the month of December, her subjects took great satisfaction, that notwithstanding their danger in other respects, she enjoyed perfect good health. So Leicester, in his correspondence, writes to Walsingham: “That they had no news, but of her majesty’s good state of health; which was such as he had not known to have been these many years;” [as though she were none of the healthfulest constitutions.] And this he the rather informed the ambassador of, because that in October before, she was taken very ill. Of which malady, thus did the lord Burghley write to the said ambassador: “That a sudden alarm was given him by her majesty’s being suddenly sick in her stomach; but that she was relieved by a vomit.

You must think, said he, (speaking not only his own sense, but of all that loved the present state of the nation,) such a matter would drive me to the end of my wits. But God [as he comforted himself] is the stay of all that put their trust in him.”

But now, in March, the queen fell sick again; yet in a few days recovered, to the great joy of all. Of this sickness of the queen, (sweetening it also with the news of her restoration to perfect health,) the same lord writ to the two ambassadors then in France. They both read the letter in a marvellous agony, (as Smith expressed their concern in his answer.) But having the medicine ready, that her majesty was within an hour recovered, it did in part heal them again..And when the said lord had wrote, that the care had not ceased in him, Smith replied, “That he might be sure it did as little cease in them; calling to their remembrance, and laying before their eyes, the trouble, the uncertainty, the disorder, the peril, and danger, which had been like to follow, if at that time God had taken from them the stay of the commonwealth, and hope of their repose; that lanthorn of their light, next to God; whom to follow, nor certainly where to light another candle [they knew not.]” But, added he, as to their present negotiation, “if her majesty still continued in extremity to promise, and in recovery to forget, what shall we say, but as the Italians do, Passato il pericolo, gabbato il faute?” Queen Elizabeth would sometimes, in the midst of her cares, divert herself by study and reading; and sometimes versifying, as she did in composing a copy of verses upon the queen of Scots, and those of her friends here in England near this time: which Dr. Wylson hath