CHAPTER 1.

The plunder and massacre at Antwerp by the Spaniard. The damage sustained by the English merchants there; and the barbarous usage of them. Other cruelties exercised in the Low Countries. Which causeth the queen to interpose in their behalf; and of her own subjects; by embassies to the States; and to the king of Spain. Jealousy of the French’s coming into the Low Countries to aid them. The French protestants prepare to fly into England. News out of France. Order for intercepting letters to the Scottish queen. The bishop of Chichester visits his diocese, The disaffected to religion there. Account of his proceedings with them.

His letters to the lords of the council. Many of the queen’s subjects at mass in the Portugal ambassador’s house, at the Charter-house.

The recorder of London gives account to the court of what was done there. Name, of popish fugitives; certified into the exchequer.

IN the month of November, the next year, viz. 1576, the king of Spain’s soldiers sacked and spoiled the famous city of Antwerp; wherein they committed most cruel massacres,and many barbarous violences and oppressions, not only at the first heats, when they entered and took it, but many days after; killing ia cool blood any Walloons they met with, and seizing upon the wealth, treasure, goods, and merchandise of all in the place, the English merchants not excepted, notwithstanding the king’s privilege of peaceable living and trade granted them. Which insolences I shall here the rather give some brief account of, because of several earnest embassies the queen despatched on this occasion soon after. Which I take from an English gentleman, that was at that very time at Antwerp, and was an eyewitness of what was done, and escaped thence after imminent danger of his life, and faithfully reported when he came home. He seemed to be some public person and agent of the queen’s, and (as I am apt to believe) was Dr. Thomas Wylson, who was sent over but the month before. Which account was soon after published by him. “That there lay seventeen thousand dead bodies of men, women, and children, in the town, slain at that time by the Spaniards. That they neither spared age nor sex, time nor place, person nor country, profession nor religion, young nor old, rich nor poor, strong nor feeble; but without any mercy did tyrannously triumph, when there was neither man nor means to resist them. For age and sex, young and old, they slew great numbers of young children, but many more women, more than fourscore years of age. For time and place, their fury was as great ten days after their victory, as at the time of their entry. And as great respect they had to the church and churchyard (for all their hypocritical boasting of the catholic church) as the butcher hath to his shambles or slaughterhouse. For person and country, they spared neither friend nor foe, Portugal nor Turk. For profession and religion, the Jesuits must give their ready coin; and all other religious houses, both coin and plate, with all other things that were good and portable in the church, were spoiled, because they had; and the poor was hanged, because they had nothing.

Neither strengthcould prevail to make resistance, nor weakness move pity to refrain their horrible cruelty. And this was not done when the chase was hot, but when the blood was cold, and they now victors without resistance. “I refrain to rehearse the heaps of dead carcasses which lay at every trench they entered: the thickness whereof did in many places exceed the height of a man. I forbear also to relate the huge numbers drowned in the new town. I list not to reckon the infinite number of poor Almains who lay burnt in their armour. Some, their entrails scorched out, and all the rest of the body free. Some, their heads and shoulders burnt off; so that you might look down into the bulk and breast, and take there an anatomy of the secrets of nature. Some, standing upon their wastes, being burnt off by the thighs; and some, no more but the very top of the brain taken off with fire, while the rest of the body did abide unspeakable torments.

I set not down the ugly and filthy polluting of every street with gore, and carcasses of men and horses, &c. I may not pass over with silence the wilful burning and destroying of the stately townhouse, and all the monuments and records of the city; neither can I refrain to tell their shameful rapes and outrageous forces presented unto sundry honest dames and virgins. It is a thing too horrible to rehearse, that the father and mother were forced to fetch their young daughter out of a cloister, (who had fled thither as unto a sanctuary, to keep her body undefiled,) and to bestow her in bed between two Spaniards, to work their wicked and detestable will with her.”

And now to come to their dealing with the English there. “A poor English merchant, having redeemed his master’s goods for three hundred crowns, was yet hanged until he was half dead, because he had not two; hundred more to give them: and the halter being cut down, and he coming to himself again, besought them upon his knees with bitter tears to give him leave to seek and try his credit and friends in the town for the rest of their unreasonable demand. At his return, because he sped not, (as indeed no money was then to be had,) they hung him again outright; and afterward, of exceeding courtesy, procured the friars minors to bury him. And of the seventeen thousand carcasses found, when the view of the slain was taken, I think in my conscience, that five thousand, or few less, were massacred after their victory, because they had not ready money to ransom their goods at such prices as they pleased to set on them?”

As for the injuries done by them on this nation, he thus described the same. “We were quiet in the house appointed for the mansion of the English merchants under safe conduct, protection, and placard of their king having neither meddled any way in these actions, nor by any ways assisted the estates of the country with money, munition, or any kind of aid. Yea, the [English] governor and merchants (foreseeing the danger of the time) had often demanded passport of the kings governors and officers to depart. And all these, with sundry other allegations, we propounded and protested unto them before they entered the English house, desiring to be there protected, according to our privileges and grants from the king their master; and that they would suffer us there to remain free from all outrage, spoil, or ransom; until we might make our estate known unto the castellane, and other head-officers, which served there for the said king. All which notwithstanding, they threatened to fire the house, unless we would open the door. And being once suffered to enter, they demanded presently the ransom of twelve thousand crowns of the governor. Which sum being not indeed in the house, neither yet one third part of the same, they spared not, with naked swords and daggers, to menace the said governor, and violently to present him death, because he had not wherewith to content their greedy minds. But in the end, all eloquence notwithstanding, the governor being a comely, aged man, and a person whose hoary hairs might move pity and procure reverence in any good mind, (especially the uprightnessof his dealing considered,) they forced him with great danger to bring forth all the money, plate, and jewels which was in the house; and to prepare the remnant of twelve thousand crowns at such days and times as they pleased to appoint. “And of the rest of our nation, which had their goods remaining in their several packhouses and lodgings elsewhere in the town, they took such pity, that four they slew, and divers others they most cruelly and dangerously hurt; spoiling and ransoming them to the utmost value, that might be made or esteemed of all their goods.

Yea, some they forced to ransom his goods twice, yea thrice: and all that notwithstanding, took the said goods violently from them at the last. And all these injuries being opened unto their chief governors in time convenient, and while yet the whole sum set for several ransoms of our countrymen, and the English house in general, were not half paid; so that justice and good order might partly have qualified the former rigours proffered by the soldiers; the said governors were as slow and deaf, as the others were quick and light of hearing to find the bottom of every bag in the town. “So that it seems they are fully agreed in all things. Or if any contention were, the same was by strife who or which of them might do greatest wrongs: keeping the said governor and merchants there still, (without grant of passport or safe conduct,) when there is scarcely any victuals to be had for any money in the town, nor yet the said merchants have any money to buy it where it is. And as for credit, neither credit nor pawn can now find coin in Antwerp. “In these distresses,” said this writer, “I left them the 12th of this instant November, 1576, when I parted from them; not as one who was hasty to leave and abandon them in such misery, but to solicit their rueful cases here: and to deliver the same unto her majesty and council, in such sort as I beheld it there.”

So that within three days, Antwerp, which was one ofthe richest towns in Europe, had now no money nor treasure to be found therein, as the said English gentleman reported, but only in the hands of murderers and strumpets. For every dom Diego must walk strutting up and down the streets, with his harlot by him in her chain and bracelets of gold. And the notable burse, which was wont to be a safe assembly for merchants, and men of all honest trades, had now none other merchandise therein, but as many dicing tables as might be placed round about it, all the day long.

And here we may take a view of bloody duke d’Alva, in the Low Countries, where he set up the inquisition. Under whose government infinite were the numbers and horrible the executions of all people falling under his hands; whose main crime was their profession of the gospel.

Whereof take this brief account from the relation thereof given in at a great and solemn assembly of the princes of the empire at Wormes, anno 1578.

Where the lord Aldegond made an oration before them, shewing them the miserable state of the Netherlands, and the tyranny of duke d’Alva and don John, and the danger the empire was in thereby. And how that duke, at a banquet made before his departure, boasted, that within the time of his government in those Netherlands, being about six years, he had caused about eighteen thousand six hundred men to be put to death by the common minister of justice, the hangman; besides an innumerable number that were consumed and murdered by the uproars, mutinies, tumults, and cruelties of the soldiers in many places of the same: accounting them also that were killed in the wars, &c. Besides the spoil by the oppression and insolence of the soldiers in all places Where they came. And shewing also, by common account, that they had spent in making war against the two provinces of Holland and Zealand, and in building castles, &c. above thirtysix millions of guilders. And that they sought to conquer the kingdom of England, under pretence of aiding the imprisoned queen of Scotland; and thereby to obtain the dominion of the sea, and therewith the rule of the whole world. For these causes, and upon these considerations, the queen despatched three embassies; all of them chiefly, that she might keep fair with Philip king of Spain, and withal be a seasonable mediator for the suffering Low Countries, as well as for the indignities offered her own subjects. In the month of October, she sent Dr. Wylson, master of the requests, to the States of the Low Countries, to know the cause of the alteration, and what the States purposed; and whether her majesty might do a good office, to pacify their troubles: and what safety and assurance our merchants might have for their traffick there in these troubles: to discover whether the French would enter that country, and to dissuade it.

The instructions bore date the 22d of October; the substance whereof was, “to know of them the true cause of the arrest and committing to prison of those that were of the king of Spain’s council in those Low Countries; and of the besieging of Gaunt castle, kept by a garrison of Spaniards. “To let them understand the continuance of desire her majesty always hath had, and yet hath, to help pacify the troubles of that country: if from them she might be advertised which way she might best deal herein. “To understand of them what safety and assurance our merchants have, during these troubles, for their traffick. “To procure access unto Rhoda: the better, by talk with him, to discover, whether the said State mind to renounce their obedience to the king his master, and to cast themselves into the protection of any foreign prince. “To signify to the same Rhoda, that her majesty cannot suffer the States to put themselves under the protection of any foreign prince: and that she would do her best to compound the differences between the king and them. “To discover what foreign forces either the Spaniard or the States look and hope for: namely, whether they look for any aid of the French.”

The next month, viz. November, sir John Smith was sent ambassador to the king of Spain. The cause of sending him was, “to declare to that king the cause of her majesty’s sending Dr. Wylson into the Low Countries. And that in her opinion, no way was so good to pacify and retain those countries under his government, as to remove his garrisons, and restore their privileges.

And likewise to present to him the supplication and request of the States exhibited to that end to her majesty by monsieur d’Obignie.

Likewise to certify, that nothing was performed that was promised sir Henry Cobham at his being last in Spain. To excuse the going over of Englishmen to serve the prince of Orange. That her majesty would not suffer these Low Countries to be reduced to a martial government. And finally, to crave a general redress of all wrongs done to her subjects:

For thus more at large the instructions given to her said ambassador, ran, dated the of November, “That notwithstanding heretofore she had often, and all in vain, persuaded him to an honourable composition with his subjects in the Low Countries; yet, now at the request of his States, who of late sent the baron d’Obignie to her, she becometh a mediator to him in that behalf. “That there were two chief means to the said composition. First, to remove all his garrisons and soldiers of foreign countries from thence, the country being willing to satisfy them touching their pays. Secondly, to restore them to their ancient liberties in as ample manner as they enjoyed them in Charles the Fifth’s time. “That the cause of her sending Dr. Wylson to the States, was to discover the entrance of foreign powers, of which there was great number brought. And whether they minded to swerve from his obedience: minding to do all her best offices to keep those countries in dutiful subjection to him. “That the keeping of his garrisons there, which of late had, in Antwerp and Maestricht, committed great outrages, was the way to bring the people and states to such desperation, that of force they must all combine themselves to shake off his government. “That if there were any offence in them, yet that it was more profitable and more honourable for a prince, as he was, to recover them rather by pardon than by sword. “That there was no part of that performed, that the duke of Alva, and secretary Saias, by their handwriting, in his name, promised. “That he [the ambassador] deal earnestly with the king for the release of the English imprisoned there, and their goods: requiring the continuance of intercourse, without such usage hereafter towards her subjects. Whereunto if he yielded, to have it assured under the signature of his own hand. “To excuse the going over of some Englishmen that served the prince in Holland. Which were such as had served in Ireland, and could not work at home; and went over by stealth against her commandment. That their chief captain had been punished for conveying of them. And that they could not find in their hearts to serve the king there; hearing how ill their countrymen were used in Spain by the inquisitors. “That the denying sir Henry Cobham’s request, made in her majesty’s name, to have an ambassador resident in each other’s dominions, with freedom for exercise of prayer in their own families, ministered just cause of suspicion that he made no estimation of her friendship. “That if he purposed to make a conquest of the Low Countries, and to plant a martial government there, that was so prejudicial to her state, she neither could nor would endure it. “Lastly, to crave redress generally of all injuries done to her subjects by them of his dominions: and namely, for the late outrageous spoil committed upon them and their goods in Antwerp.”

The next month, viz. December, she despatched sir Edward Horsey to don John of Austria, that became this year governor of the Spanish Netherlands. The cause of sending him was, to declare the reason of Dr. Wylson’s going into Flanders; and of D’Obignie’s coming hither: asalso of sending sir John Smith into Spain. To wish him to grow to some peaceable end with the States, rather than to put in peril the loss of all those countries. And that her majesty would not suffer them, through desperation, to cast themselves into the hands of the French. And lastly, to crave restitution of her merchants’ goods, and liberties for them to depart from Antwerp.

This was in short Horsey’s message; as appears by the instructions more at large given him, bearing date the 14th of December; viz. “That the cause of sending Dr. Wylson to the States was to discover, whether they had any purpose to withdraw themselves clean from the obedience of the king of Spain or no. If he should understand that they had no such purpose, but that they stood only upon enjoying of their privileges, to tell them, that she would be glad, if she knew how to be a mean between the king and them, for a good end of these troubles. But if they had any intention to renounce the said kings authority, which he had over them, in the fight of his inheritance of the dukedom of Burgundy, that she would, as a confederate of the said king, aid him and his true servants, to compel them to their ancient obedience. “That the States had sent monsieur d’Obignie to her majesty, to assure her, that they meant nothing less than to withdraw themselves from the kings obedience; that their taking arms, and doing as now they did, was to defend themselves against the great spoils and intolerable outrages of the Spaniard; and that they desired nothing more than that her majesty would be a mean to the king, that these present calamities there might be appeased otherwise than by arms. To which effect they had a supplication, which they desired to be presented to the king on their behalf by her majesty. “That thereupon her majesty sent sir John Smith to present the said supplication unto the king in Spain; and the said Mr. Horsey now to don John. Following that course which she had always taken, by good mediation between the king and his ministers in those Low Countries, and the people of the said countries, to do her best endeavour to reduce them to some good pacification. “That she hoped don John, seeing the present state of those countries, would follow that way of redress which should seem best for the kings honour, and the continuance of these countries under his government, and restore them to such quietness, as the ancient intercourse between her subjects and that nation might be recontinued.

Wherein, if he took not present order, the States were entered into such a secret combination with the French, as would put the king of Spain in peril of the loss of all those countries. “That seeing the open actions of the said States declared that they were otherwise affected than heretofore, and ready to run any course, rather than to endure the oppressions which they have long time felt; making their demands with the sword in their hand; he should do very well, having large authority thereto, to grow to some peaceable and quiet end with them: and so to be a mean to convert the kings forces against the common enemy of Christendom; against whom he had done himself great honour. “That if don John shall go on by force, and seek to alter the ancient form of government in these Low Countries, whereby they should be forced to cast themselves into the hand and protection of the French, her majesty saw it a matter so perilous to her state, that, as well in respect of herself, as for the compassion she had for those Low Countries, with which her nation had so long amity, would in no wise suffer the same; but use such remedies as necessity required, both for her own safety, and the preservation of their state. “That contrariwise, if her majesty might be plainly made to understand, that the States’ meaning was to withdraw themselves from the kings government, in demanding that which was not honourable for him to grant, she would join her forces with his, against them and their fautors. “That in his way to don John he should confer secretly with some of the chiefest of the States; and to persuade them to demand nothing that was unfit for subjects to ask, or a prince to grant.

Otherwise they should, whatsoever in word they professed, declare their inward meaning to be other than they pretended. “And that if don John should not yield to reasonable requests, but would prosecute the matter with force, she minded not to see them oppressed, but would aid them by all the good means she might. “That if he could learn the said States’ proceedings and intelligence with France; to dissuade them from the same; as well by offering them assistance from hence, as by threatening; and assuring them, that she would join with don John to impeach their said intelligence. “That while he remained with don John, to observe all his actions, both secret and other, as much as he could: what forces he had, or was like to have, and from whence: how he was affected towards her majesty: how he was persuaded of her sincere meaning touching the king of Spain: how he accepted and liked that she should interpose herself as a mediator between the king and his subjects. “And lastly, that he demand of don John restitution and recompence of all things taken away in Antwerp; and of all wrongs offered to her majesty’s subjects and merchants there, in the late massacre; with liberty and safe conduct for them all to depart from thence, with their goods that were left, and ships; according to the good amity and intercourse betwixt her realms and those Low Countries.”

The queen was the more jealous of the disturbances in those Low Countries, because she was informed of the French designs there, upon their application to them for aid: which she by no means liked of, (as appeared above,)as being a course to betray them to their enemies. And this a notable paper of intelligence discovered, being sent from somebody nameless in those Low Countries; adding this advice in the conclusion, which was as follows: “They are about to play such a tragedy in this country, touching matters of the state and religion, as if her majesty do not bear therein such a part as she ought, she is like, out of hand, to see what she would not. “The duke of Alencon prepareth great forces in France, which will be in a readiness before midsummer. He doth openly confess that he doth nothing without his brother’s will and consent; without the which, men of judgment had never any great hope of him. Hereby the end of his departure from the king is known. And indeed it could no longer be hidden from those that are acquainted with Bussis voyage to Paris, and his conference had with the duke of Guise, the Spanish ambassador, and such like. His demands of the States are very. small, and in effect almost of no weight. He promiseth to drive don John out of the country at his own costs and charges. After which time, if they do resolve to change their lord, he prayeth to be preferred before any other. He giveth it out, that he will give an example, or pattern, in these countries, of the manner how he meaneth to carry himself in two enterprises, which he intendeth against two kingdoms, which he nameth to be Naples and Sicilia. But it is feared the nations he meaneth are nearer unto France, [viz. England and Ireland.] “He must needs shoot at one of these two marks. The first, and that which is most to be feared, under colour of assisting the States, to oppress them. Which is gathered by three sound reasons: first, by his former dealing towards these of the religion. Secondarily, by the interest that the crown of France hath in the example of dissolving or reforming of this state, [viz. to bring it under a more arbitrary government.] And thirdly, by the amity and secret intelligence which the king, his brother, and he, have with the Spaniard: having lately procured a truce between the Turk and him, for the furtherance of his affairs in these parts. By this first mark, the tyrannous authority of the Spaniard shall be established in these countries; to their prejudice that know the in-conveniencies likely to follow of the same, and have opposed themselves thereunto. “The other mark is, to be pricked forward with desire of greatness, by winning these countries, or a great part of the same, to the crown of France: which, in outward show, he seemeth to pretend.

And being come with great forces, and having great intelligence in the said countries, to lay wait for duke Casimire’s person, to despatch him out of the way; the better afterwards to deal with those of the religion: which have none elsewhere to trust unto in Germany but him. And finally, that having possessed himself of these countries, France may be able on every side to overtop England, while they do practise new troubles in Scotland. “Having these two strings to his bow, he doth so earnestly press the States here in this negociation; as whether it be to their liking or disliking, he is fully resolved to come. The poor men having, as the common proverb is, the wolf by the ears, cannot resolve whether it should be less hurtful and dangerous for them to have his open enmity, by refusing of him; or to have him in continual jealousy, by accepting him to them. “To meet these two inconveniencies, the queen is to use two remedies. The one is, the war earnestly followed; the other is, to procure a peace. But that would hinder greatly her majesty’s affairs. For that by such means the Spaniard would be put again in authority, if not as great as heretofore, yet likely to come to that, by the only accident of the prince of Orange’s death, if he should happen to die. Besides, her majesty should greatly discourage such as were devoted unto her here, by procuring unto them a very hurtful and dangerous peace. Andfurther, there is small likelihood here of acceptation of peace, the change of the lord, or alteration of the state, being intended, if not already resolved on. “ It remaineth that the queen should take in hand a secret war, by strengthening duke Casimir, in such sort as he may be able secretly in her name to make head against the king and his brother, as long as he shall be here; and to send him over into France, if need should require, to divert the course of their enterprises. For it will be more profitable and necessary, that in case this state be driven to change master, they should rather choose a new one, than by yielding themselves unto France, to make the same so strong, that they may be able to bridle their neighbours. “For which purpose it were requisite her majesty did not only secretly strengthen the said duke Casimir with the two thousand corslets already required, but also with as many more at her own charges: to the end, that having armed him to withstand all enterprises against her, he may do her some worthy service in these troublesome times, and upon this so happy occasion; as, if her majesty do not take her benefit of it now, she is not like to have the like again.”

This Casimir was son of Frederick, elector palatine of the Rhine; who came into the Low Countries about this time, or before, to assist the States: to whom queen Elizabeth sent supplies, according to the advice above given.

And so also came d’Alencon. But with what success, I leave it to the historians of those Low Country wars to relate.

But the great desire and endeavour of those of the Low Countries, and their friends here, was to bring the queen to receive them under her protection, and to take the government of them upon her, with convenient forces: which they earnestly offered her majesty; having no great inclination to venture themselves with the French: under one of the two they found it necessary to commit themselves. And for what reasons and considerations the queen should accept their offer, a discreet and knowing merchant, (whose manewas W. Villers,) then at Middleburgh, thus wrote to a great lord, lord Burghley, as I think: out of whose original letter, dated March 26, I had the ensuing lines, viz. “And for further intelligence, it may please your ho-nour to understand, it is no small grief unto me to hear in this country that which I do hear; considering the offers that have been made by his excellency [the prince of Orange] and the states of the countries, to her majesty; and to be utterly refused [viz. to take them into her protection, and openly to aid them against the king of Spain’s tyranny.] I cannot think but that there are some great hinderers of the same; wherein they may have a good meaning. But I beseech Almighty God to open their eyes, and to turn their hearts; that they may rather be helpers and setters forward of noble and worthy deeds, than to be hinderers thereof. “There never could have happened the like safety to our most worthy queen and country, as for her majesty to have such a government offered unto her; the which without comparison are the strongest, and of the greatest consequence, that be in the world.

God preserve and keep her majesty from the malice of her enemies and ours, and grant that she may long reign over us: Amen. If it be true, that her majesty hath utterly refused the offer, (as it is here said she hath,) undoubtedly it will fall into the government of the French, or it be six months. It is of a very truth, that there is at this present with the prince certain commissioners out of France for the same. And it is said there shall come ten thousand men from thence, if her majesty do refuse the same. And for the good wills of the French towards us, we do well know they do make account of us to be their ancient enemies: and if the kings of England, in times past, did find it was not for the safety of our realm to have such a neighbour as Calais was, before it was taken by king Edward the Third, how much more are we to consider of these countries, and of the consequence of them every way; and what will follow, if the French may once possess them? “And on the other side, if the Spaniard should prevail therein, according to his desire, (as I pray God that I do not live to see that day,) unhappy may we then think ourselves to be, and in worse case than if the French have it. For the settled hatred of the Spaniard doth so abound in their hearts towards us, that they do not let to utter their minds in such speeches to them at Serick seas against her majesty, that no good subject, with a patient mind, can abide the report thereof. I pray God confound them and their evil inventions. I am not altogether out of hope, but that her majesty will be a mean that the enemy may be stayed from his purpose. The provision that the prince hath made for the succour of Serick seas is great. God grant them good success: they do stay only for wind and weather.”

Yet in the mean time the States, by their privateers, did great damage to their enemies that traded to and with Spain, and took abundance of their ships and goods; insomuch as the aforesaid merchant writes in the same letter, “That the great booties they had taken within the two last months were to the value of an hundred and twenty thousand pounds sterling. And yet for the means of the great preparation that was made to remove the enemy from Serick seas, and paying off mariners and soldiers, they were stir bare of money.”

I add one piece of intelligence more in this letter, as it relates to England: “It is said here, there is six hundred Englishmen arrived within this month in Holland. I wish it were, or that it may be very shortly, six thousand; or else I would those that be ready here, to be called home again; else they will be but as a prey to the Spaniard or the French. For undoubtedly the prince must either receive succours from the French, or else be overcome by her enemies, if her majesty do not even shortly assist them with a great force.”

In the mean time the protestants in France were in very ill case, and great resolutions taken up to be rigorous with them; insomuch that those innocent and poor people meditated nothing now but to leave their country, and to fly into England for their safety: against which, France made all the provision she could to stop them. For, notwithstanding the French kings promise to allow them the liberty of their religion, and so some pacification had been made between them, yet now all things looked towards a severe persecution of them. And the popish (called the holy) league, between the pope, the French king, and the Spaniard, was now taking vigorous effect: which those of the religion per-ceding, found it necessary to fly to England for refuge; concerning which, and the present state of affairs in France, as fresh news brought over to Portsmouth, the lord Henry Radcliff, brother to Thomas earl of Sussex, gave him intelligence, in the month of January, tothis import. “That such news as he had received out of France, he thought good to advertise his honour; although he knew, as he wrote, that; he [the earl] received the true certificate, and he [his brother] but report from friends. That on Thursday last, there came a ship from Deep, which arrived there upon Sunday. By which he understood that the French king published and proclaimed, that there should be no more preaching of the gospel in his country. Whereupon divers of the religion were fled; and divers that would fly, could not: for that all the coasts of Normandy, and the seacoast adjoining, were restrained and stopped. That mons. Melleroy, the governor of Normandy, did assemble force for the king; and that there had been brought into Normandy divers bands of soldiers, by small companies, which now were discovered; and that mons. Melleroy had taken order with mons. Sigonie, the governor of Deep, that there should be within Deep four or five ensigns, which Sigonie had agreed to receive. That there should be garrisons also in most towns upon the seacoast. That the protestants, as many as could get away, were gone to the prince of Conde, who had been in Rochel, and had taken order there. That mons. de Montpensier, and mons, de Bedon, being with the king of Navarr, to know what he should do, the kingsanswer was, that if the French king would not keep his promise, he would make war. That there was great preparation made on both sides, and cruel war was thought to follow. That the pope, and king of Spain, and the French king, had all agreed to make the duke of Guise general of these wars. That duke Casimir hsd sent word to the French king, that he would prepare great numbers of men of war against him. That the merchants and common people of France, upon the seacoasts, were at their wits end, for fear of this war towards. That there was prohibition made that no Frenchman be suffered to fly into England.” And then concluding, “Thus have I certified your honour of such news as I have received, although not confirmed. I humbly commit your honour to God. From Portsmouth, Jan. 15, 1576.

Your honour’s brother, Most humble to command, Henry Radclyff.” This news was the more strange, because the king, Henry III. but lately come to the crown, had made a general peace with the confederates, proclaimed through France, and had done divers things in favour of the protestants, and would have it called his peace. So that they of the religion concluded it the more firm. Yet by the incessant intrigues of the pope, with the duke of Guise, and the popish faction in France, that king soon broke his word, and entered again into a civil war.

And in fine, by another letter from court, namely, from the earl of Leicester to the earl of Shrewsbury, may be observed how matters stood at this critical time between the Low Countries and the queen; and likewise with respect to Scotland; and what great care was then thought to be had for keeping a fair correspondence with that king, for her better security from all her enemies abroad. The words of the said letter, dated February 15, were these. “For the matters of the Low Countries, they go hardly. And truly, my lord, I look for no good from thence. FromScotland there is even this day some advertisement of better hope of the kings good proceedings there, and with her majesty, than of late we looked for.

And it is the greatest care I have,” as he added, “that her majesty may have good amity with that king. For, if so it may be, I have no great fears, as the world standeth, of all the rest of her enemies abroad whatsoever. And I do not see but that this king may be had, without any very great charge to her majesty. We hear that of late he hath dealt very well against his chiefest papists. God grant that he may so go forward. For if both these and the princes join in maintaining the true religion, it will be the safety and preservation of them both, and of their countries. Your lordship doth hear, I am sure, that the ambassadors are departed towards Flanders, on her majesty’s behalf, six days ago; but the wind doth yet hold them on this side. God send their travail to bring forth good and profitable fruit. The best news I can write your lordship is of her highness good and perfect health. Which God long continue,” &c.

As for the dangers at home, the greatest proceeded from the queen of Scots’ between whom and divers in Scotland, there was much secret correspondence, as well as with foreign princes, her friends. But queen Elizabeth was watchful, and had secret intelligence: as in the beginning of this year she knew that there were letters passing, and messengers coming towards that queen’ a matter which required the earl of Shrewsbury to have his eyes about him. Sir Francis Walsingham now let the earl know, that her majesty gave him order to let him understand, that she was lately and credibly informed of certain secret messengers come out of Scotland, with letters to that queen, his charge; and who were already entered England, and by all likelihood not far from his lordship’s house. That her majesty’s pleasure therefore was, that he should use all the best and secretest means he could in belaying the country round about, for their apprehension and the intercepting the said letters. And by an enclosed note sent, he should read their names, and some more circumstances hereof.

This was dated from the court, the 29th of March, 1576.

Besides these popish practices in the north, in the south parts also the papists increase, and religion went backwards: as appeared by what Richard Curtess, bishop of Chichester, signified to secretary Walsingham, concerning what he found in his triennial visitation, finished this year, viz. that they that were backward in religion, in the county of Sussex, grew worse and worse; and that chiefly upon the coming of don John of Austria, the king of Spain’s bastard brother, into the Low Countries this year, to be governor there; to vex the professors of the gospel, and to destroy the liberties of that free people. The bishop, therefore, had cited such as were most suspected, by his ordinary authority in that visitation. And their names, and the articles whereupon he examined them, he thought fit to send withal to the secretary: “Thinking it fit (as he wrote) to shew the same to his honour, because there were some of them [i. e. justices of the peace] that pretended well, and yet were not sound in religion, that went about to make the worst of it, [that is, of this his examination and course he took with those he suspected.] And therefore he advised, if it might seem good to their honours, and others of her majesty’s most honourable privy council, either to have such of them clean put out of the commission of peace as were in it, or else at least that theremight be a Dedimus potestatem to some, to take their oaths openly at the next sessions, to the queen’s supremacy; which would be a great stay to the country. For it was commonly and credibly thought, that some of them never took that oath, although it were otherwise returned. And so with his most humble and hearty prayers, he most humbly and heartily commended his honour to God, his good will and pleasure. Dated from Aldingburn, March 24, 1576. Subscribed, Ri. Cicestren.”

Then follow, in the said bishop’s letter, the names of those justices and others so suspected; and the articles ministered to them.

THE NAMES OF THEM THAT WERE CALLED WERE THESE.

Sir Thomas Palmer , the elder knt.

Henry Gosford , of Stansted Lodge, gent.

William Shelly , of Michel Grove esq.

Jasper Gunter , gent.

John Navye , of Racten, yeoman Rich. Shelley , late of Worminghurst, gent.

John Bickley , gent.

Thomas Lewknor , of Selsey, esq.

John Riman , gent.

One Hare , of Mr. Carrell’s house Wm. Dawtre , of Moor, esq.

Richard Ernly , esq.

Scot , of Iden.

Jeffrey Pole.

One Tichbourn , of Durford, gent Edw. Gage , of Rentley, esq.

John Gage , of Fides, esq.

Cryer , parson of Westmeston.

Tho. Gage , of Firles, esq.

Gray , parson of Withian.

Edward Gage , of Firles, esq.

The curate of Shepley.

George Gage , of Firles, esq.

John Taylor , parson.

J. Shelley , of Pateham, esq.

Dr. Bayley . With others.

But for summoning so many, he seemed to have some reprimand from above. For which he made his vindication afterwards, as we shall see.

THE ARTICLES WERE THESE.

I. How often have you been at common prayer in your parish church, since the first of January, 1575, last?

II. How often have you been partaker of the sacrament, otherwise coena dominica, since the same time?

III. How many sermons have you heard since the same time?

IV. Whether do you send any letters or money, or receive any letters, from such as be fled beyond seas?

V. Whether have you any of the books of Harding, Stapleton, Rastal Saunders, Marshal, or of such others as be supposed to be beyond the seas, and answered by the learned father, bishop Jewel, or some other learned men of the religion; or of such as they have answered, printed without their answers?

VI. Whether do you keep in your house any that come not at all to common prayer: or, whether do you dwell in the house of any that do not come; or doth receive any books or pictures from such as be beyond the seas, since the first of January, 1575?

This visitation was the more carefully managed by the bishop aforesaid, by diligent inquisition after the disaffected in religion; because of certain letters sent from the privy council, and some orders of the ecclesiastical commission. The proceedings and effects whereof, with the discreet method used, the bishop thought fit, the next month, to acquaint the lords withal, to this tenor: “That it might please their honours to understand the true circumstances of his late proceedings in the matters of religion.

That in his late visitation, the ministers, and others of that country, complained to him, that divers had come out of Kent, Surrey, and Hampshire, not sound in religion. And that of late some of them in that country waxed worse and worse. Whereupon he thought it his duty to deal with them. And for the better countenancing and strengthening his ordinary jurisdiction, he mentioned their lordships’ letters, and the authority of the high commission: yet using his own ordinary authority. And thinking with himself that he might be both blamed and charged, if he called some, and left out others, he thought good to cite them all: yet with these cautions, and promises, (which in his opinion might satisfy all reasonable persons,) first, that if any knew himself clear, he might certify him [the bishop] under the hand of the curate and churchwarden of the parish; and then he should not need to appear. Secondly, if any hereafter meant to conform themselves, notwithstanding any thing past, if they did but write to him, he released them also from appearance. Thirdly, if any were not yet satisfied, and would be content to admit charitable and learned conference; if they would but come to him the day before, they should have that time and respite which they could reasonably desire. As divers did, and had it accordingly granted. And such only to appear, who refused all these. And that for such as refused them all, and appeared otherwise than they needed, he granted them both copies of the articles, and what else either for time or manner they themselves desired. Concluding, thus in most humble and hearty wise he beseeched the Almighty long to preserve their honours, to the maintenance of the gospel, Ri. Cicestren.” It bore date April 1577.

But popery was discovered yet nearer the court; mass being publicly said in the Portugal ambassador’s house, at the Charter-house, many English, the queen’s subjects, being present at it, the Spanish ambassador being there.

Fleetwood, the recorder of the city, hearing thereof, and by order, as it seems, of the lord treasurer Burghley, from court, interrupted them, while they were at their ceremony. Upon complaint whereof made by the said ambassador to the queen, she was so complaisant as to command the recorder to be committed; and ordered the lords of her privy council to inquire more particularly into the matter, that so she might the better and more fully understand it, and be able to give the ambassador (who made a great clamour) a more absolute answer. Whereupon the lords of the council appointed the lord keeper, the lord treasurer, and sir Walter Mildmay, chancellor of the exchequer, to take the examination of this matter: writing thus to them; “After our hearty commendations to your good lordships. Her majesty being given to understand, that the ambassador of Portugal doth not rest satisfied with the punishment extended by her highness’ order upon the recorder; insisting greatly upon the outrage committed by the said recorder, in the manner of his proceeding, in the late search made by him of the said ambassador’s house; as, the beating the porter, the entering in with naked swords, the laying violent hands upon the lady his wife, the taking of the host and chalice, and the breaking open of certain doors; and such other like violences; wherewith the said ambassador hath acquainted you, the lord treasurer: she thinketh it very convenient, lest happily he might aggravate the matter more than there is cause, that due examination be made by you of the said particularities, by calling before you, as well such strangers as you can learnwere there, (not being of the ambassador’s family,) as also such others as accompanied the said recorder, whom you shall think fit to be examined in that matter. Which examination being by you taken, her pleasure is, you shall send hither with all speed; to the end, that thereupon her majesty may be the better able to answer, in case he shall urge any further satisfaction. And so we bid your lordships heartily farewell. From Hampton Court, the 7th of November, 1576. (Signed) E. Lincoln.

T. Sussex.

Arundel.

A. Warwyke.

R. Leycester.

Fra. Walsingham?” The more regard was now given to this ambassador, because he. was ready to depart, having concluded upon a traffick between both nations. So that the sheriffs and the recorder were sent for before the council; before whom they spake for themselves. And the lords made a true report thereof to her majesty. And at their return they said to them, that they had done but according to law: yet notwithstanding, for honour’s sake, and that now seigneur Gi-raldo was upon his despatch; and for that by his good means there was an honourable conclusion of traffick brought to pass: therefore it was thought meet by her majesty that they should go to the Fleet. And thereupon, at the board, they received their warrant to Mr. Warden of the Fleet, to receive them. All this the recorder writ out of the Fleet the same day, (November 7,) wherein they were committed, to the lord treasurer: and lastly, thanking him for his great care for their well doing; and that he would thank the lords, who did as much at that present as possibly they could. But the queen’s will must stand.

The lord treasurer had, by a postscript to the council’s order, advised the recorder to give a just and true relation of this whole matter in writing.

And accordingly so he did, accompanied with his letter: which letter, with his declaration at large of his proceedings, I will set down from the very original, that the merits of the cause may more fully appear: together with other passages; not unworthy our taking notice of.

In his letter he shewed the treasurer, together with the lord keeper, and the chancellor of the exchequer, “That he had required Mr. Spinola, [a merchant in London,] in time past, to give seignior Giraldie (that was the ambassador’s name) counsel to amend divers things that were amiss; and especially touching the repair of these lewd people, the queen’s subjects, that came to his mass. That seignior Giraldie said to his friends, that he [the recorder] bare him malice, and that he did this for malice.

Upon which occasion he used these words: My lord, I refer that to God and your lordship’s own conscience, I never said we heard that your lordship ever touched any man for malice; and I thank God even from my heart, that I never used any man living with any malicious dealings. He added, that seignior Giraldie’s faults were such, that he did not only malice, but did abhor. Our Lord make him a virtuous man. And then he beseeched his lordship to thank Mr. Warden [of the Fleet] for his most friendly and courteous using of him. And he thanked God for it, that he was quiet, and lacked nothing that he or his bedfellow were able to do for him; and that it was a place where a man might quietly be acquainted with God.

And so prayed the Lord God to bless his good lordship, the lord keeper, and sir Walter Mildmay. It was dated the 9th of November.”

Then he began his information touching his proceedings in the Portugal ambassador’s house, with this preface, that he had, according to the lord treasurer’s postscript, writ with his own hand, set down (and sure he was thereof) the very truth, without adding or informing any thing more or less than the simplicity of the matter was in action. “Upon Sunday last, at eleven o’clock in the forenoon, Mr. Sheriff Kimpton and Mr. Sheriff Barnes, and I, the recorder, did repair unto the Charter-house; and knocking at the gates, no man answered. Mr. Sheriff B. by agreement went upon the back-stairs, to see that no mass-hearers should escape. And after divers knockings at the gate, the porter came, being a Portugal, who did speak English, and said my lord was not at home. Then, quoth we, let us speak with you, Mr. Porter, for we have brought letters. And the porter answered us very stubbornly. And at the length he opened the gate, and I, the recorder, put in my left leg, meaning to enter in at the gate. And being half in and half out, the porter, knowing me very well; said, Back, villain; and thrust the gate so sore upon my leg, that I shall carry the grief thereof to my grave.

Sithence that time my pain hath been so great, that I can take no rest. And if Mr. Sheriff Kimpton had not thrust the gate from me, my leg had been utterly bruised into shivers. And besides, the porter began to bustle himself to his dagger, and took me by the throat: and then I thrust him from me; for indeed he was but a testy little wretch. And so I willed Mr. Sheriff and the officers to stay the fellow from doing any hurt to any other in his fury. “After this we passed quietly, all doors being open, out of the hall up the stairs: and at the stair-head there was a great long gallery, that in length stood east and west. In the same gallery all the masshearers, both men and women, were standing. For the priest was at the gospel, and the altar-candles were lighted, as the old manner was. After this, we knocked at the outer door of the gallery, and all they looked back. And then Mr. Sheriff K. and I charged all such as were Englishmen born, and the queen’s subjects, to come forth of that place. And then came all the strangers running towards us: some of them beginning to draw first their daggers, and then after they buckled themselves to draw their rapiers. And by that time two bailiffs, errants of Middlesex, (whose names I remember not,) being at the door, did draw their swords. And immediately Mr. Kimpton caused the strangers to be quiet; and I caused the bailiffs to put up their swords. And then Mr. K. with all the mass-hearers, with seignior Giraldie’s wife, and her maids, were all in a heap, forty persons at once speaking in several languages. “And then I said to Mr. Sheriff, I pray you, let me and you make a way for my lady. And so he making way before, I kissed my hand, and took my lady Giraldie by the hand, and led her out of the press to her chamber door, and there made a most humble curtsey unto her. And after, I put out my hand to the rest of her gentlewomen, and first kissed it, and delivered them into their chamber also. And Mr. Sheriff Barnes came into the gallery, and so we three examined every man what he was. And first, such as were seignior Giraldie’s men, we required them to depart. And after many lewd and contumelious words used by them against us, we by fair means got them out of the gallery into their lady’s lodging. And then proceeded we to the examination of the strangers that were not of seignior Giraldie’s house, nor of his retinue. And they most despitefully, against all civility, used such like words in their language against us, that if our company had understood them, there might have chanced great harm. “But in plain terms I said unto them, Sirs, I see no remedy but ye must go to prison; for most of you be free denizens. And then I willed the officers to lay hands on them; and immediately every man suddenly most humbly put off his cap, and begun to be suitors, and sought favour. And so upon their submission, we suffered them to depart, all, saving Anthony Guarras; who was not willing to depart from us, but kept us company. And all this done, we examined the English subjects, and sent them to prison; who, to say the truth, provoked the strangers into fury and disorder against us. For if the English then had, according to our direction, departed from the strangers, and come forth unto us, the strangers had been quiet, and we without trouble. But truly the greatest fault was, that as well the English mass-mongers, as also the free denizens, for the covering of their own offences, practised rather to have murder committed, than to be taken as they were. “All this while the mass-sayer stood at the north end of the altar; and no man living said a word to him, nor touched him; saving that he did give to divers of our servants singing cakes: wherewith I was offended with them for receiving that idolatrous bread. And all being done, and we ready to depart, it was said by a stander by, If ye look in at that door, near the altar, said he, you shall find a number of mass-mongers. And then did the priest take a key out of his pocket, and smiling, opened the door; and Mr. Sheriff Kimpton, with the priest, looked in, and there was nobody. “And then Anthony Guarras took me by the hand, to see the altar, how trim it was. For Mr. Barnes and I stood afar off in the gallery.

And I said to Guarras, Sir, if I had done my duty to God and to the queen, I had taken two hundred here upon All Hollown day last, and as many upon All Souls day also. Ho, sir, said Guarras unto me, become of this religion, and surely you will like it well, and it will be a ready means to make you a good Christian. And so we went near the altar; where neither he nor I touched any manner of thing. And so we bade the priest farewell; who gently saluted us.

And I suddenly looking back, saw the priest shake his head at us, and mumbled out words, which sounded diable, and male croix, or to that effect. And then I said to Mr. Sheriff, Sirs, let us depart, for the priest doth curse. And so we departed. Anthony Guarras brought us to the utmost gate; where Mr. Sheriff and I invited him to dinner with us: but he departed back to hear out the aforesaid mass. “The foresaid Guarras, at this business, said, that he himself was an ambassador to a greater person than and so did shake his head.

What! quoth I, do you mean a greater personage than the queen our mistress? Na, na, said he, I meant not so. No, quoth I, it were not best for you to make comparison with the queen our mistress.

Whose ambassador are you then? quoth I. The pope’s? And then he departed further off in an anger. This Guarras was a very busy fellow in this action. “Among all these strangers, I marked one Swygo, who is a free denizen, married to an English woman. He is a broker, and hath his chief living by our merchants. This fellow made himself more busy than it became him. There was a tall young fellow, an Italian, that was very wanton with us; and it hath been told me sithence, that he and others are kept here for two causes: the one for uttering the pope’s allom; and the other to serve for intelligencer: which, I think, are very spies. This youth was very busy, and bestirred him as though he had been treading of a galliard. There was one John Chivers, an Irishman, student of the inns of the chancery; who, as it appeared unto me; (I having a vigilant eye of all sides,) was a great stirrer of the strangers against us. This young man, when he could not prevail, then he gat up to the south end of the altar; and there he confronted the mass-sayer, with his cap on his head, who was on the other end, and stood there as though he had been an Italian. His garments were a cloak and a rapier, after the Italian fashion. And when I demanded what he was, be bowed on the one side and the other, as though he had not understood me; much like the fashion of seignior Giraldie: by which I did note that he had been often there. “This is all that I do remember; and in my conscience, and as I shall answer before God at the latter day, we used ourselves with such humble reverence unto his lady and her family, as more we could not do to the queen, our mistress, save kneeling. “ I sent seignior Giraldie word, as I remember, at Easter last, by Mr. Benedict Spinello, that he should not suffer the queen’s subjects to repair to his mass: yea, and that other things also should be amended; wherewith the people did wonderfully grudge at him: and I am sure Mr. Spinello did my message to him in a decent order.

This is not the first time that his house hath been dealt withal by the sheriffs. Strumpets have been gotten with child in his house; and we of the hospital driven to take order for their keeping. The masters shall justify this. I never saw any ambassador sent out of England, but that he was both wise and virtuous, and was not indebted to any. And whether seignior Giraldie was an ambassador or not, surely, my lord, I knew not, until my lords of the council had told me thereof upon Monday last, at the council board.”

This shews how jealous the state at that time was of papists and massmongers, as they called them, and what watchfulness to prevent the subjects from lapsing into that religion.

The state was concerned to be watchful in these times, the queen having so many enemies of the popish faction her subjects, both at home and abroad; of the latter sort were the fugitives, entertained by the pope and Spaniard.

This year, 1576, Jan. 29, were certified into the exchequer such as were fled over the seas, of noblemen, gentlemen, priests, and schoolmasters, to near the number of fourscore; contrary to the statute reg. Eliz. 13. Their names, conditions, and in what counties they inhabited, may be read, taken from an authentic paper, in the Appendix.

CHAPTER 2.

The bishop of Exon sends up some that refused going to church.

Another of hls diocese makes nothing, of a book-oath. His dealing with him. He opposeth the sending down a commission ecclesiastical: and why. The bishop of Lincoln preacheth at court.

The suitableness of his subject, He is concerned as visitor of king’s college, Cambridge. Great differences in that college. Articles of accusation against Dr. Goad, the provost: his answers: his good service to that house. Sandys, bishop of London, translated to York: his farewell sermon at St. Paul’s. Endeavours used to get Bishopthorp from that archbishop. His reasons why he will not part with it. Elmer, that succeeded in the see of London, contests with the archbishop about the revenues. The case brought before the lord treasurer.

Now to come to some matters occurring this year, wherein the bishops were concerned both with the papists and with other schismatics and heterodox men, or otherwise employed. It was ordered about these times, that such of either sort, disturbing the peace of the church, and disagreeing to the religion and worship established, should be sent up to the privy council, or to the commission ecclesiastical, held at Lambeth; there to be dealt withal, in order to their reducement.

Bradbridge, bishop of Exeter, had now to deal with both sorts. Some Cornish gentlemen, being of his diocese, came not to church, and were informed of, and brought before him. But he could not prevail with them, to work them to any good conformity. “Whether the cause was, as he conjectured, the boldness that they had conceived by reason of the lenity used in these days, (mild usage hitherto being exercised towards the papists,) or rather their hope of alteration in time to come: because he saw they craved ever respite of time, and in time grew rather indurate than reformable; as the bishop now, December 3, wrote to the lord treasurer; when three of them were sent up, viz. Rob. Beckote, Richard Tremain, and Francis Er-myn; and now commanded to wait there above. As he had in some letters before, so now in this, he desired his lordship to prevail with the archbishop of Canterbury or the bishop of London to take some pains with them; they [there of the ecclesiastical commission] wanting no assistance of learned men and books: adding, that the whole country longed and desired to hear of their godly determination; namely, what success they should have with these gentlemen.”

Such letters from the lords were not unusual in those times, to call upon the bishops to look to recusants in their dioceses, that came not to the public service. So afterwards, in the year 1581, the archbishop received a letter, reminding of an act made for the retaining of her majesty’s subjects in their due obedience, as abusing her highness’ former great goodness and lenity, and refusing to conform: and that the bishops should make inquiry as well according to former certificates heretofore made of recusants, as by others. And the next year other letters came from the lords to the archbishop and bishops, against recusants, for a diligent search to be made of such persons; and certificates to be made, under their hands, of such offenders, and their residences, and to send them up.

The same bishop also this year was concerned, and took pains about a dangerous opinion broached in his diocese. There happened a dispute between two, a preacher and a schoolmaster. Whereof the one affirmed, that an oath taken upon a book of the holy evangelists was of no more value, than an oath taken upon a rush or a fly. Because it was nothing, he said, but ink and paper. He that asserted this, was one that lived at Liskerd in Cornwall, and taught a grammar-school; a young man, lately come thither, and not entered into the ministry; licensed to catechise and expound the scripture by Dr. Tremayn, who was in commission to visit for the archbishop of Canterbury, and commissary in all the peculiars. This doctrine being strange, offended the ears of the simple Cornish men. And the bishop fearing (as he wrote to the lord treasurer on this occasion) some danger that might arise thereby, rode himself to the town of Liskerden, which he found in great contention and heat one against another: the young man stoutly bent to stand in that he had taught. His assertion he