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CHAPTER 1.

The plunder and massacre at Antwerp by the Spaniard. The damage sustained by the English merchants there; and the barbarous usage of them. Other cruelties exercised in the Low Countries. Which causeth the queen to interpose in their behalf; and of her own subjects; by embassies to the States; and to the king of Spain. Jealousy of the French’s coming into the Low Countries to aid them. The French protestants prepare to fly into England. News out of France. Order for intercepting letters to the Scottish queen. The bishop of Chichester visits his diocese, The disaffected to religion there. Account of his proceedings with them.

His letters to the lords of the council. Many of the queen’s subjects at mass in the Portugal ambassador’s house, at the Charter-house.

The recorder of London gives account to the court of what was done there. Name, of popish fugitives; certified into the exchequer.

IN the month of November, the next year, viz. 1576, the king of Spain’s soldiers sacked and spoiled the famous city of Antwerp; wherein they committed most cruel massacres,and many barbarous violences and oppressions, not only at the first heats, when they entered and took it, but many days after; killing ia cool blood any Walloons they met with, and seizing upon the wealth, treasure, goods, and merchandise of all in the place, the English merchants not excepted, notwithstanding the king’s privilege of peaceable living and trade granted them. Which insolences I shall here the rather give some brief account of, because of several earnest embassies the queen despatched on this occasion soon after. Which I take from an English gentleman, that was at that very time at Antwerp, and was an eyewitness of what was done, and escaped thence after imminent danger of his life, and faithfully reported when he came home. He seemed to be some public person and agent of the queen’s, and (as I am apt to believe) was Dr. Thomas Wylson, who was sent over but the month before. Which account was soon after published by him. “That there lay seventeen thousand dead bodies of men, women, and children, in the town, slain at that time by the Spaniards. That they neither spared age nor sex, time nor place, person nor country, profession nor religion, young nor old, rich nor poor, strong nor feeble; but without any mercy did tyrannously triumph, when there was neither man nor means to resist them. For age and sex, young and old, they slew great numbers of young children, but many more women, more than fourscore years of age. For time and place, their fury was as great ten days after their victory, as at the time of their entry. And as great respect they had to the church and churchyard (for all their hypocritical boasting of the catholic church) as the butcher hath to his shambles or slaughterhouse. For person and country, they spared neither friend nor foe, Portugal nor Turk. For profession and religion, the Jesuits must give their ready coin; and all other religious houses, both coin and plate, with all other things that were good and portable in the church, were spoiled, because they had; and the poor was hanged, because they had nothing.

Neither strengthcould prevail to make resistance, nor weakness move pity to refrain their horrible cruelty. And this was not done when the chase was hot, but when the blood was cold, and they now victors without resistance. “I refrain to rehearse the heaps of dead carcasses which lay at every trench they entered: the thickness whereof did in many places exceed the height of a man. I forbear also to relate the huge numbers drowned in the new town. I list not to reckon the infinite number of poor Almains who lay burnt in their armour. Some, their entrails scorched out, and all the rest of the body free. Some, their heads and shoulders burnt off; so that you might look down into the bulk and breast, and take there an anatomy of the secrets of nature. Some, standing upon their wastes, being burnt off by the thighs; and some, no more but the very top of the brain taken off with fire, while the rest of the body did abide unspeakable torments.

I set not down the ugly and filthy polluting of every street with gore, and carcasses of men and horses, &c. I may not pass over with silence the wilful burning and destroying of the stately townhouse, and all the monuments and records of the city; neither can I refrain to tell their shameful rapes and outrageous forces presented unto sundry honest dames and virgins. It is a thing too horrible to rehearse, that the father and mother were forced to fetch their young daughter out of a cloister, (who had fled thither as unto a sanctuary, to keep her body undefiled,) and to bestow her in bed between two Spaniards, to work their wicked and detestable will with her.”

And now to come to their dealing with the English there. “A poor English merchant, having redeemed his master’s goods for three hundred crowns, was yet hanged until he was half dead, because he had not two; hundred more to give them: and the halter being cut down, and he coming to himself again, besought them upon his knees with bitter tears to give him leave to seek and try his credit and friends in the town for the rest of their unreasonable demand. At his return, because he sped not, (as indeed no money was then to be had,) they hung him again outright; and afterward, of exceeding courtesy, procured the friars minors to bury him. And of the seventeen thousand carcasses found, when the view of the slain was taken, I think in my conscience, that five thousand, or few less, were massacred after their victory, because they had not ready money to ransom their goods at such prices as they pleased to set on them?”

As for the injuries done by them on this nation, he thus described the same. “We were quiet in the house appointed for the mansion of the English merchants under safe conduct, protection, and placard of their king having neither meddled any way in these actions, nor by any ways assisted the estates of the country with money, munition, or any kind of aid. Yea, the [English] governor and merchants (foreseeing the danger of the time) had often demanded passport of the kings governors and officers to depart. And all these, with sundry other allegations, we propounded and protested unto them before they entered the English house, desiring to be there protected, according to our privileges and grants from the king their master; and that they would suffer us there to remain free from all outrage, spoil, or ransom; until we might make our estate known unto the castellane, and other head-officers, which served there for the said king. All which notwithstanding, they threatened to fire the house, unless we would open the door. And being once suffered to enter, they demanded presently the ransom of twelve thousand crowns of the governor. Which sum being not indeed in the house, neither yet one third part of the same, they spared not, with naked swords and daggers, to menace the said governor, and violently to present him death, because he had not wherewith to content their greedy minds. But in the end, all eloquence notwithstanding, the governor being a comely, aged man, and a person whose hoary hairs might move pity and procure reverence in any good mind, (especially the uprightnessof his dealing considered,) they forced him with great danger to bring forth all the money, plate, and jewels which was in the house; and to prepare the remnant of twelve thousand crowns at such days and times as they pleased to appoint. “And of the rest of our nation, which had their goods remaining in their several packhouses and lodgings elsewhere in the town, they took such pity, that four they slew, and divers others they most cruelly and dangerously hurt; spoiling and ransoming them to the utmost value, that might be made or esteemed of all their goods.

Yea, some they forced to ransom his goods twice, yea thrice: and all that notwithstanding, took the said goods violently from them at the last. And all these injuries being opened unto their chief governors in time convenient, and while yet the whole sum set for several ransoms of our countrymen, and the English house in general, were not half paid; so that justice and good order might partly have qualified the former rigours proffered by the soldiers; the said governors were as slow and deaf, as the others were quick and light of hearing to find the bottom of every bag in the town. “So that it seems they are fully agreed in all things. Or if any contention were, the same was by strife who or which of them might do greatest wrongs: keeping the said governor and merchants there still, (without grant of passport or safe conduct,) when there is scarcely any victuals to be had for any money in the town, nor yet the said merchants have any money to buy it where it is. And as for credit, neither credit nor pawn can now find coin in Antwerp. “In these distresses,” said this writer, “I left them the 12th of this instant November, 1576, when I parted from them; not as one who was hasty to leave and abandon them in such misery, but to solicit their rueful cases here: and to deliver the same unto her majesty and council, in such sort as I beheld it there.”

So that within three days, Antwerp, which was one ofthe richest towns in Europe, had now no money nor treasure to be found therein, as the said English gentleman reported, but only in the hands of murderers and strumpets. For every dom Diego must walk strutting up and down the streets, with his harlot by him in her chain and bracelets of gold. And the notable burse, which was wont to be a safe assembly for merchants, and men of all honest trades, had now none other merchandise therein, but as many dicing tables as might be placed round about it, all the day long.

And here we may take a view of bloody duke d’Alva, in the Low Countries, where he set up the inquisition. Under whose government infinite were the numbers and horrible the executions of all people falling under his hands; whose main crime was their profession of the gospel.

Whereof take this brief account from the relation thereof given in at a great and solemn assembly of the princes of the empire at Wormes, anno 1578.

Where the lord Aldegond made an oration before them, shewing them the miserable state of the Netherlands, and the tyranny of duke d’Alva and don John, and the danger the empire was in thereby. And how that duke, at a banquet made before his departure, boasted, that within the time of his government in those Netherlands, being about six years, he had caused about eighteen thousand six hundred men to be put to death by the common minister of justice, the hangman; besides an innumerable number that were consumed and murdered by the uproars, mutinies, tumults, and cruelties of the soldiers in many places of the same: accounting them also that were killed in the wars, &c. Besides the spoil by the oppression and insolence of the soldiers in all places Where they came. And shewing also, by common account, that they had spent in making war against the two provinces of Holland and Zealand, and in building castles, &c. above thirtysix millions of guilders. And that they sought to conquer the kingdom of England, under pretence of aiding the imprisoned queen of Scotland; and thereby to obtain the dominion of the sea, and therewith the rule of the whole world. For these causes, and upon these considerations, the queen despatched three embassies; all of them chiefly, that she might keep fair with Philip king of Spain, and withal be a seasonable mediator for the suffering Low Countries, as well as for the indignities offered her own subjects. In the month of October, she sent Dr. Wylson, master of the requests, to the States of the Low Countries, to know the cause of the alteration, and what the States purposed; and whether her majesty might do a good office, to pacify their troubles: and what safety and assurance our merchants might have for their traffick there in these troubles: to discover whether the French would enter that country, and to dissuade it.

The instructions bore date the 22d of October; the substance whereof was, “to know of them the true cause of the arrest and committing to prison of those that were of the king of Spain’s council in those Low Countries; and of the besieging of Gaunt castle, kept by a garrison of Spaniards. “To let them understand the continuance of desire her majesty always hath had, and yet hath, to help pacify the troubles of that country: if from them she might be advertised which way she might best deal herein. “To understand of them what safety and assurance our merchants have, during these troubles, for their traffick. “To procure access unto Rhoda: the better, by talk with him, to discover, whether the said State mind to renounce their obedience to the king his master, and to cast themselves into the protection of any foreign prince. “To signify to the same Rhoda, that her majesty cannot suffer the States to put themselves under the protection of any foreign prince: and that she would do her best to compound the differences between the king and them. “To discover what foreign forces either the Spaniard or the States look and hope for: namely, whether they look for any aid of the French.”

The next month, viz. November, sir John Smith was sent ambassador to the king of Spain. The cause of sending him was, “to declare to that king the cause of her majesty’s sending Dr. Wylson into the Low Countries. And that in her opinion, no way was so good to pacify and retain those countries under his government, as to remove his garrisons, and restore their privileges.

And likewise to present to him the supplication and request of the States exhibited to that end to her majesty by monsieur d’Obignie.

Likewise to certify, that nothing was performed that was promised sir Henry Cobham at his being last in Spain. To excuse the going over of Englishmen to serve the prince of Orange. That her majesty would not suffer these Low Countries to be reduced to a martial government. And finally, to crave a general redress of all wrongs done to her subjects:

For thus more at large the instructions given to her said ambassador, ran, dated the of November, “That notwithstanding heretofore she had often, and all in vain, persuaded him to an honourable composition with his subjects in the Low Countries; yet, now at the request of his States, who of late sent the baron d’Obignie to her, she becometh a mediator to him in that behalf. “That there were two chief means to the said composition. First, to remove all his garrisons and soldiers of foreign countries from thence, the country being willing to satisfy them touching their pays. Secondly, to restore them to their ancient liberties in as ample manner as they enjoyed them in Charles the Fifth’s time. “That the cause of her sending Dr. Wylson to the States, was to discover the entrance of foreign powers, of which there was great number brought. And whether they minded to swerve from his obedience: minding to do all her best offices to keep those countries in dutiful subjection to him. “That the keeping of his garrisons there, which of late had, in Antwerp and Maestricht, committed great outrages, was the way to bring the people and states to such desperation, that of force they must all combine themselves to shake off his government. “That if there were any offence in them, yet that it was more profitable and more honourable for a prince, as he was, to recover them rather by pardon than by sword. “That there was no part of that performed, that the duke of Alva, and secretary Saias, by their handwriting, in his name, promised. “That he [the ambassador] deal earnestly with the king for the release of the English imprisoned there, and their goods: requiring the continuance of intercourse, without such usage hereafter towards her subjects. Whereunto if he yielded, to have it assured under the signature of his own hand. “To excuse the going over of some Englishmen that served the prince in Holland. Which were such as had served in Ireland, and could not work at home; and went over by stealth against her commandment. That their chief captain had been punished for conveying of them. And that they could not find in their hearts to serve the king there; hearing how ill their countrymen were used in Spain by the inquisitors. “That the denying sir Henry Cobham’s request, made in her majesty’s name, to have an ambassador resident in each other’s dominions, with freedom for exercise of prayer in their own families, ministered just cause of suspicion that he made no estimation of her friendship. “That if he purposed to make a conquest of the Low Countries, and to plant a martial government there, that was so prejudicial to her state, she neither could nor would endure it. “Lastly, to crave redress generally of all injuries done to her subjects by them of his dominions: and namely, for the late outrageous spoil committed upon them and their goods in Antwerp.”

The next month, viz. December, she despatched sir Edward Horsey to don John of Austria, that became this year governor of the Spanish Netherlands. The cause of sending him was, to declare the reason of Dr. Wylson’s going into Flanders; and of D’Obignie’s coming hither: asalso of sending sir John Smith into Spain. To wish him to grow to some peaceable end with the States, rather than to put in peril the loss of all those countries. And that her majesty would not suffer them, through desperation, to cast themselves into the hands of the French. And lastly, to crave restitution of her merchants’ goods, and liberties for them to depart from Antwerp.

This was in short Horsey’s message; as appears by the instructions more at large given him, bearing date the 14th of December; viz. “That the cause of sending Dr. Wylson to the States was to discover, whether they had any purpose to withdraw themselves clean from the obedience of the king of Spain or no. If he should understand that they had no such purpose, but that they stood only upon enjoying of their privileges, to tell them, that she would be glad, if she knew how to be a mean between the king and them, for a good end of these troubles. But if they had any intention to renounce the said kings authority, which he had over them, in the fight of his inheritance of the dukedom of Burgundy, that she would, as a confederate of the said king, aid him and his true servants, to compel them to their ancient obedience. “That the States had sent monsieur d’Obignie to her majesty, to assure her, that they meant nothing less than to withdraw themselves from the kings obedience; that their taking arms, and doing as now they did, was to defend themselves against the great spoils and intolerable outrages of the Spaniard; and that they desired nothing more than that her majesty would be a mean to the king, that these present calamities there might be appeased otherwise than by arms. To which effect they had a supplication, which they desired to be presented to the king on their behalf by her majesty. “That thereupon her majesty sent sir John Smith to present the said supplication unto the king in Spain; and the said Mr. Horsey now to don John. Following that course which she had always taken, by good mediation between the king and his ministers in those Low Countries, and the people of the said countries, to do her best endeavour to reduce them to some good pacification. “That she hoped don John, seeing the present state of those countries, would follow that way of redress which should seem best for the kings honour, and the continuance of these countries under his government, and restore them to such quietness, as the ancient intercourse between her subjects and that nation might be recontinued.

Wherein, if he took not present order, the States were entered into such a secret combination with the French, as would put the king of Spain in peril of the loss of all those countries. “That seeing the open actions of the said States declared that they were otherwise affected than heretofore, and ready to run any course, rather than to endure the oppressions which they have long time felt; making their demands with the sword in their hand; he should do very well, having large authority thereto, to grow to some peaceable and quiet end with them: and so to be a mean to convert the kings forces against the common enemy of Christendom; against whom he had done himself great honour. “That if don John shall go on by force, and seek to alter the ancient form of government in these Low Countries, whereby they should be forced to cast themselves into the hand and protection of the French, her majesty saw it a matter so perilous to her state, that, as well in respect of herself, as for the compassion she had for those Low Countries, with which her nation had so long amity, would in no wise suffer the same; but use such remedies as necessity required, both for her own safety, and the preservation of their state. “That contrariwise, if her majesty might be plainly made to understand, that the States’ meaning was to withdraw themselves from the kings government, in demanding that which was not honourable for him to grant, she would join her forces with his, against them and their fautors. “That in his way to don John he should confer secretly with some of the chiefest of the States; and to persuade them to demand nothing that was unfit for subjects to ask, or a prince to grant.

Otherwise they should, whatsoever in word they professed, declare their inward meaning to be other than they pretended. “And that if don John should not yield to reasonable requests, but would prosecute the matter with force, she minded not to see them oppressed, but would aid them by all the good means she might. “That if he could learn the said States’ proceedings and intelligence with France; to dissuade them from the same; as well by offering them assistance from hence, as by threatening; and assuring them, that she would join with don John to impeach their said intelligence. “That while he remained with don John, to observe all his actions, both secret and other, as much as he could: what forces he had, or was like to have, and from whence: how he was affected towards her majesty: how he was persuaded of her sincere meaning touching the king of Spain: how he accepted and liked that she should interpose herself as a mediator between the king and his subjects. “And lastly, that he demand of don John restitution and recompence of all things taken away in Antwerp; and of all wrongs offered to her majesty’s subjects and merchants there, in the late massacre; with liberty and safe conduct for them all to depart from thence, with their goods that were left, and ships; according to the good amity and intercourse betwixt her realms and those Low Countries.”

The queen was the more jealous of the disturbances in those Low Countries, because she was informed of the French designs there, upon their application to them for aid: which she by no means liked of, (as appeared above,)as being a course to betray them to their enemies. And this a notable paper of intelligence discovered, being sent from somebody nameless in those Low Countries; adding this advice in the conclusion, which was as follows: “They are about to play such a tragedy in this country, touching matters of the state and religion, as if her majesty do not bear therein such a part as she ought, she is like, out of hand, to see what she would not. “The duke of Alencon prepareth great forces in France, which will be in a readiness before midsummer. He doth openly confess that he doth nothing without his brother’s will and consent; without the which, men of judgment had never any great hope of him. Hereby the end of his departure from the king is known. And indeed it could no longer be hidden from those that are acquainted with Bussis voyage to Paris, and his conference had with the duke of Guise, the Spanish ambassador, and such like. His demands of the States are very. small, and in effect almost of no weight. He promiseth to drive don John out of the country at his own costs and charges. After which time, if they do resolve to change their lord, he prayeth to be preferred before any other. He giveth it out, that he will give an example, or pattern, in these countries, of the manner how he meaneth to carry himself in two enterprises, which he intendeth against two kingdoms, which he nameth to be Naples and Sicilia. But it is feared the nations he meaneth are nearer unto France, [viz. England and Ireland.] “He must needs shoot at one of these two marks. The first, and that which is most to be feared, under colour of assisting the States, to oppress them. Which is gathered by three sound reasons: first, by his former dealing towards these of the religion. Secondarily, by the interest that the crown of France hath in the example of dissolving or reforming of this state, [viz. to bring it under a more arbitrary government.] And thirdly, by the amity and secret intelligence which the king, his brother, and he, have with the Spaniard: having lately procured a truce between the Turk and him, for the furtherance of his affairs in these parts. By this first mark, the tyrannous authority of the Spaniard shall be established in these countries; to their prejudice that know the in-conveniencies likely to follow of the same, and have opposed themselves thereunto. “The other mark is, to be pricked forward with desire of greatness, by winning these countries, or a great part of the same, to the crown of France: which, in outward show, he seemeth to pretend.

And being come with great forces, and having great intelligence in the said countries, to lay wait for duke Casimire’s person, to despatch him out of the way; the better afterwards to deal with those of the religion: which have none elsewhere to trust unto in Germany but him. And finally, that having possessed himself of these countries, France may be able on every side to overtop England, while they do practise new troubles in Scotland. “Having these two strings to his bow, he doth so earnestly press the States here in this negociation; as whether it be to their liking or disliking, he is fully resolved to come. The poor men having, as the common proverb is, the wolf by the ears, cannot resolve whether it should be less hurtful and dangerous for them to have his open enmity, by refusing of him; or to have him in continual jealousy, by accepting him to them. “To meet these two inconveniencies, the queen is to use two remedies. The one is, the war earnestly followed; the other is, to procure a peace. But that would hinder greatly her majesty’s affairs. For that by such means the Spaniard would be put again in authority, if not as great as heretofore, yet likely to come to that, by the only accident of the prince of Orange’s death, if he should happen to die. Besides, her majesty should greatly discourage such as were devoted unto her here, by procuring unto them a very hurtful and dangerous peace. Andfurther, there is small likelihood here of acceptation of peace, the change of the lord, or alteration of the state, being intended, if not already resolved on. “ It remaineth that the queen should take in hand a secret war, by strengthening duke Casimir, in such sort as he may be able secretly in her name to make head against the king and his brother, as long as he shall be here; and to send him over into France, if need should require, to divert the course of their enterprises. For it will be more profitable and necessary, that in case this state be driven to change master, they should rather choose a new one, than by yielding themselves unto France, to make the same so strong, that they may be able to bridle their neighbours. “For which purpose it were requisite her majesty did not only secretly strengthen the said duke Casimir with the two thousand corslets already required, but also with as many more at her own charges: to the end, that having armed him to withstand all enterprises against her, he may do her some worthy service in these troublesome times, and upon this so happy occasion; as, if her majesty do not take her benefit of it now, she is not like to have the like again.”

This Casimir was son of Frederick, elector palatine of the Rhine; who came into the Low Countries about this time, or before, to assist the States: to whom queen Elizabeth sent supplies, according to the advice above given.

And so also came d’Alencon. But with what success, I leave it to the historians of those Low Country wars to relate.

But the great desire and endeavour of those of the Low Countries, and their friends here, was to bring the queen to receive them under her protection, and to take the government of them upon her, with convenient forces: which they earnestly offered her majesty; having no great inclination to venture themselves with the French: under one of the two they found it necessary to commit themselves. And for what reasons and considerations the queen should accept their offer, a discreet and knowing merchant, (whose manewas W. Villers,) then at Middleburgh, thus wrote to a great lord, lord Burghley, as I think: out of whose original letter, dated March 26, I had the ensuing lines, viz. “And for further intelligence, it may please your ho-nour to understand, it is no small grief unto me to hear in this country that which I do hear; considering the offers that have been made by his excellency [the prince of Orange] and the states of the countries, to her majesty; and to be utterly refused [viz. to take them into her protection, and openly to aid them against the king of Spain’s tyranny.] I cannot think but that there are some great hinderers of the same; wherein they may have a good meaning. But I beseech Almighty God to open their eyes, and to turn their hearts; that they may rather be helpers and setters forward of noble and worthy deeds, than to be hinderers thereof. “There never could have happened the like safety to our most worthy queen and country, as for her majesty to have such a government offered unto her; the which without comparison are the strongest, and of the greatest consequence, that be in the world.

God preserve and keep her majesty from the malice of her enemies and ours, and grant that she may long reign over us: Amen. If it be true, that her majesty hath utterly refused the offer, (as it is here said she hath,) undoubtedly it will fall into the government of the French, or it be six months. It is of a very truth, that there is at this present with the prince certain commissioners out of France for the same. And it is said there shall come ten thousand men from thence, if her majesty do refuse the same. And for the good wills of the French towards us, we do well know they do make account of us to be their ancient enemies: and if the kings of England, in times past, did find it was not for the safety of our realm to have such a neighbour as Calais was, before it was taken by king Edward the Third, how much more are we to consider of these countries, and of the consequence of them every way; and what will follow, if the French may once possess them? “And on the other side, if the Spaniard should prevail therein, according to his desire, (as I pray God that I do not live to see that day,) unhappy may we then think ourselves to be, and in worse case than if the French have it. For the settled hatred of the Spaniard doth so abound in their hearts towards us, that they do not let to utter their minds in such speeches to them at Serick seas against her majesty, that no good subject, with a patient mind, can abide the report thereof. I pray God confound them and their evil inventions. I am not altogether out of hope, but that her majesty will be a mean that the enemy may be stayed from his purpose. The provision that the prince hath made for the succour of Serick seas is great. God grant them good success: they do stay only for wind and weather.”

Yet in the mean time the States, by their privateers, did great damage to their enemies that traded to and with Spain, and took abundance of their ships and goods; insomuch as the aforesaid merchant writes in the same letter, “That the great booties they had taken within the two last months were to the value of an hundred and twenty thousand pounds sterling. And yet for the means of the great preparation that was made to remove the enemy from Serick seas, and paying off mariners and soldiers, they were stir bare of money.”

I add one piece of intelligence more in this letter, as it relates to England: “It is said here, there is six hundred Englishmen arrived within this month in Holland. I wish it were, or that it may be very shortly, six thousand; or else I would those that be ready here, to be called home again; else they will be but as a prey to the Spaniard or the French. For undoubtedly the prince must either receive succours from the French, or else be overcome by her enemies, if her majesty do not even shortly assist them with a great force.”

In the mean time the protestants in France were in very ill case, and great resolutions taken up to be rigorous with them; insomuch that those innocent and poor people meditated nothing now but to leave their country, and to fly into England for their safety: against which, France made all the provision she could to stop them. For, notwithstanding the French kings promise to allow them the liberty of their religion, and so some pacification had been made between them, yet now all things looked towards a severe persecution of them. And the popish (called the holy) league, between the pope, the French king, and the Spaniard, was now taking vigorous effect: which those of the religion per-ceding, found it necessary to fly to England for refuge; concerning which, and the present state of affairs in France, as fresh news brought over to Portsmouth, the lord Henry Radcliff, brother to Thomas earl of Sussex, gave him intelligence, in the month of January, tothis import. “That such news as he had received out of France, he thought good to advertise his honour; although he knew, as he wrote, that; he [the earl] received the true certificate, and he [his brother] but report from friends. That on Thursday last, there came a ship from Deep, which arrived there upon Sunday. By which he understood that the French king published and proclaimed, that there should be no more preaching of the gospel in his country. Whereupon divers of the religion were fled; and divers that would fly, could not: for that all the coasts of Normandy, and the seacoast adjoining, were restrained and stopped. That mons. Melleroy, the governor of Normandy, did assemble force for the king; and that there had been brought into Normandy divers bands of soldiers, by small companies, which now were discovered; and that mons. Melleroy had taken order with mons. Sigonie, the governor of Deep, that there should be within Deep four or five ensigns, which Sigonie had agreed to receive. That there should be garrisons also in most towns upon the seacoast. That the protestants, as many as could get away, were gone to the prince of Conde, who had been in Rochel, and had taken order there. That mons. de Montpensier, and mons, de Bedon, being with the king of Navarr, to know what he should do, the kingsanswer was, that if the French king would not keep his promise, he would make war. That there was great preparation made on both sides, and cruel war was thought to follow. That the pope, and king of Spain, and the French king, had all agreed to make the duke of Guise general of these wars. That duke Casimir hsd sent word to the French king, that he would prepare great numbers of men of war against him. That the merchants and common people of France, upon the seacoasts, were at their wits end, for fear of this war towards. That there was prohibition made that no Frenchman be suffered to fly into England.” And then concluding, “Thus have I certified your honour of such news as I have received, although not confirmed. I humbly commit your honour to God. From Portsmouth, Jan. 15, 1576.

Your honour’s brother, Most humble to command, Henry Radclyff.” This news was the more strange, because the king, Henry III. but lately come to the crown, had made a general peace with the confederates, proclaimed through France, and had done divers things in favour of the protestants, and would have it called his peace. So that they of the religion concluded it the more firm. Yet by the incessant intrigues of the pope, with the duke of Guise, and the popish faction in France, that king soon broke his word, and entered again into a civil war.

And in fine, by another letter from court, namely, from the earl of Leicester to the earl of Shrewsbury, may be observed how matters stood at this critical time between the Low Countries and the queen; and likewise with respect to Scotland; and what great care was then thought to be had for keeping a fair correspondence with that king, for her better security from all her enemies abroad. The words of the said letter, dated February 15, were these. “For the matters of the Low Countries, they go hardly. And truly, my lord, I look for no good from thence. FromScotland there is even this day some advertisement of better hope of the kings good proceedings there, and with her majesty, than of late we looked for.

And it is the greatest care I have,” as he added, “that her majesty may have good amity with that king. For, if so it may be, I have no great fears, as the world standeth, of all the rest of her enemies abroad whatsoever. And I do not see but that this king may be had, without any very great charge to her majesty. We hear that of late he hath dealt very well against his chiefest papists. God grant that he may so go forward. For if both these and the princes join in maintaining the true religion, it will be the safety and preservation of them both, and of their countries. Your lordship doth hear, I am sure, that the ambassadors are departed towards Flanders, on her majesty’s behalf, six days ago; but the wind doth yet hold them on this side. God send their travail to bring forth good and profitable fruit. The best news I can write your lordship is of her highness good and perfect health. Which God long continue,” &c.

As for the dangers at home, the greatest proceeded from the queen of Scots’ between whom and divers in Scotland, there was much secret correspondence, as well as with foreign princes, her friends. But queen Elizabeth was watchful, and had secret intelligence: as in the beginning of this year she knew that there were letters passing, and messengers coming towards that queen’ a matter which required the earl of Shrewsbury to have his eyes about him. Sir Francis Walsingham now let the earl know, that her majesty gave him order to let him understand, that she was lately and credibly informed of certain secret messengers come out of Scotland, with letters to that queen, his charge; and who were already entered England, and by all likelihood not far from his lordship’s house. That her majesty’s pleasure therefore was, that he should use all the best and secretest means he could in belaying the country round about, for their apprehension and the intercepting the said letters. And by an enclosed note sent, he should read their names, and some more circumstances hereof.

This was dated from the court, the 29th of March, 1576.

Besides these popish practices in the north, in the south parts also the papists increase, and religion went backwards: as appeared by what Richard Curtess, bishop of Chichester, signified to secretary Walsingham, concerning what he found in his triennial visitation, finished this year, viz. that they that were backward in religion, in the county of Sussex, grew worse and worse; and that chiefly upon the coming of don John of Austria, the king of Spain’s bastard brother, into the Low Countries this year, to be governor there; to vex the professors of the gospel, and to destroy the liberties of that free people. The bishop, therefore, had cited such as were most suspected, by his ordinary authority in that visitation. And their names, and the articles whereupon he examined them, he thought fit to send withal to the secretary: “Thinking it fit (as he wrote) to shew the same to his honour, because there were some of them [i. e. justices of the peace] that pretended well, and yet were not sound in religion, that went about to make the worst of it, [that is, of this his examination and course he took with those he suspected.] And therefore he advised, if it might seem good to their honours, and others of her majesty’s most honourable privy council, either to have such of them clean put out of the commission of peace as were in it, or else at least that theremight be a Dedimus potestatem to some, to take their oaths openly at the next sessions, to the queen’s supremacy; which would be a great stay to the country. For it was commonly and credibly thought, that some of them never took that oath, although it were otherwise returned. And so with his most humble and hearty prayers, he most humbly and heartily commended his honour to God, his good will and pleasure. Dated from Aldingburn, March 24, 1576. Subscribed, Ri. Cicestren.”

Then follow, in the said bishop’s letter, the names of those justices and others so suspected; and the articles ministered to them.

THE NAMES OF THEM THAT WERE CALLED WERE THESE.

Sir Thomas Palmer , the elder knt.

Henry Gosford , of Stansted Lodge, gent.

William Shelly , of Michel Grove esq.

Jasper Gunter , gent.

John Navye , of Racten, yeoman Rich. Shelley , late of Worminghurst, gent.

John Bickley , gent.

Thomas Lewknor , of Selsey, esq.

John Riman , gent.

One Hare , of Mr. Carrell’s house Wm. Dawtre , of Moor, esq.

Richard Ernly , esq.

Scot , of Iden.

Jeffrey Pole.

One Tichbourn , of Durford, gent Edw. Gage , of Rentley, esq.

John Gage , of Fides, esq.

Cryer , parson of Westmeston.

Tho. Gage , of Firles, esq.

Gray , parson of Withian.

Edward Gage , of Firles, esq.

The curate of Shepley.

George Gage , of Firles, esq.

John Taylor , parson.

J. Shelley , of Pateham, esq.

Dr. Bayley . With others.

But for summoning so many, he seemed to have some reprimand from above. For which he made his vindication afterwards, as we shall see.

THE ARTICLES WERE THESE.

I. How often have you been at common prayer in your parish church, since the first of January, 1575, last?

II. How often have you been partaker of the sacrament, otherwise coena dominica, since the same time?

III. How many sermons have you heard since the same time?

IV. Whether do you send any letters or money, or receive any letters, from such as be fled beyond seas?

V. Whether have you any of the books of Harding, Stapleton, Rastal Saunders, Marshal, or of such others as be supposed to be beyond the seas, and answered by the learned father, bishop Jewel, or some other learned men of the religion; or of such as they have answered, printed without their answers?

VI. Whether do you keep in your house any that come not at all to common prayer: or, whether do you dwell in the house of any that do not come; or doth receive any books or pictures from such as be beyond the seas, since the first of January, 1575?

This visitation was the more carefully managed by the bishop aforesaid, by diligent inquisition after the disaffected in religion; because of certain letters sent from the privy council, and some orders of the ecclesiastical commission. The proceedings and effects whereof, with the discreet method used, the bishop thought fit, the next month, to acquaint the lords withal, to this tenor: “That it might please their honours to understand the true circumstances of his late proceedings in the matters of religion.

That in his late visitation, the ministers, and others of that country, complained to him, that divers had come out of Kent, Surrey, and Hampshire, not sound in religion. And that of late some of them in that country waxed worse and worse. Whereupon he thought it his duty to deal with them. And for the better countenancing and strengthening his ordinary jurisdiction, he mentioned their lordships’ letters, and the authority of the high commission: yet using his own ordinary authority. And thinking with himself that he might be both blamed and charged, if he called some, and left out others, he thought good to cite them all: yet with these cautions, and promises, (which in his opinion might satisfy all reasonable persons,) first, that if any knew himself clear, he might certify him [the bishop] under the hand of the curate and churchwarden of the parish; and then he should not need to appear. Secondly, if any hereafter meant to conform themselves, notwithstanding any thing past, if they did but write to him, he released them also from appearance. Thirdly, if any were not yet satisfied, and would be content to admit charitable and learned conference; if they would but come to him the day before, they should have that time and respite which they could reasonably desire. As divers did, and had it accordingly granted. And such only to appear, who refused all these. And that for such as refused them all, and appeared otherwise than they needed, he granted them both copies of the articles, and what else either for time or manner they themselves desired. Concluding, thus in most humble and hearty wise he beseeched the Almighty long to preserve their honours, to the maintenance of the gospel, Ri. Cicestren.” It bore date April 1577.

But popery was discovered yet nearer the court; mass being publicly said in the Portugal ambassador’s house, at the Charter-house, many English, the queen’s subjects, being present at it, the Spanish ambassador being there.

Fleetwood, the recorder of the city, hearing thereof, and by order, as it seems, of the lord treasurer Burghley, from court, interrupted them, while they were at their ceremony. Upon complaint whereof made by the said ambassador to the queen, she was so complaisant as to command the recorder to be committed; and ordered the lords of her privy council to inquire more particularly into the matter, that so she might the better and more fully understand it, and be able to give the ambassador (who made a great clamour) a more absolute answer. Whereupon the lords of the council appointed the lord keeper, the lord treasurer, and sir Walter Mildmay, chancellor of the exchequer, to take the examination of this matter: writing thus to them; “After our hearty commendations to your good lordships. Her majesty being given to understand, that the ambassador of Portugal doth not rest satisfied with the punishment extended by her highness’ order upon the recorder; insisting greatly upon the outrage committed by the said recorder, in the manner of his proceeding, in the late search made by him of the said ambassador’s house; as, the beating the porter, the entering in with naked swords, the laying violent hands upon the lady his wife, the taking of the host and chalice, and the breaking open of certain doors; and such other like violences; wherewith the said ambassador hath acquainted you, the lord treasurer: she thinketh it very convenient, lest happily he might aggravate the matter more than there is cause, that due examination be made by you of the said particularities, by calling before you, as well such strangers as you can learnwere there, (not being of the ambassador’s family,) as also such others as accompanied the said recorder, whom you shall think fit to be examined in that matter. Which examination being by you taken, her pleasure is, you shall send hither with all speed; to the end, that thereupon her majesty may be the better able to answer, in case he shall urge any further satisfaction. And so we bid your lordships heartily farewell. From Hampton Court, the 7th of November, 1576. (Signed) E. Lincoln.

T. Sussex.

Arundel.

A. Warwyke.

R. Leycester.

Fra. Walsingham?” The more regard was now given to this ambassador, because he. was ready to depart, having concluded upon a traffick between both nations. So that the sheriffs and the recorder were sent for before the council; before whom they spake for themselves. And the lords made a true report thereof to her majesty. And at their return they said to them, that they had done but according to law: yet notwithstanding, for honour’s sake, and that now seigneur Gi-raldo was upon his despatch; and for that by his good means there was an honourable conclusion of traffick brought to pass: therefore it was thought meet by her majesty that they should go to the Fleet. And thereupon, at the board, they received their warrant to Mr. Warden of the Fleet, to receive them. All this the recorder writ out of the Fleet the same day, (November 7,) wherein they were committed, to the lord treasurer: and lastly, thanking him for his great care for their well doing; and that he would thank the lords, who did as much at that present as possibly they could. But the queen’s will must stand.

The lord treasurer had, by a postscript to the council’s order, advised the recorder to give a just and true relation of this whole matter in writing.

And accordingly so he did, accompanied with his letter: which letter, with his declaration at large of his proceedings, I will set down from the very original, that the merits of the cause may more fully appear: together with other passages; not unworthy our taking notice of.

In his letter he shewed the treasurer, together with the lord keeper, and the chancellor of the exchequer, “That he had required Mr. Spinola, [a merchant in London,] in time past, to give seignior Giraldie (that was the ambassador’s name) counsel to amend divers things that were amiss; and especially touching the repair of these lewd people, the queen’s subjects, that came to his mass. That seignior Giraldie said to his friends, that he [the recorder] bare him malice, and that he did this for malice.

Upon which occasion he used these words: My lord, I refer that to God and your lordship’s own conscience, I never said we heard that your lordship ever touched any man for malice; and I thank God even from my heart, that I never used any man living with any malicious dealings. He added, that seignior Giraldie’s faults were such, that he did not only malice, but did abhor. Our Lord make him a virtuous man. And then he beseeched his lordship to thank Mr. Warden [of the Fleet] for his most friendly and courteous using of him. And he thanked God for it, that he was quiet, and lacked nothing that he or his bedfellow were able to do for him; and that it was a place where a man might quietly be acquainted with God.

And so prayed the Lord God to bless his good lordship, the lord keeper, and sir Walter Mildmay. It was dated the 9th of November.”

Then he began his information touching his proceedings in the Portugal ambassador’s house, with this preface, that he had, according to the lord treasurer’s postscript, writ with his own hand, set down (and sure he was thereof) the very truth, without adding or informing any thing more or less than the simplicity of the matter was in action. “Upon Sunday last, at eleven o’clock in the forenoon, Mr. Sheriff Kimpton and Mr. Sheriff Barnes, and I, the recorder, did repair unto the Charter-house; and knocking at the gates, no man answered. Mr. Sheriff B. by agreement went upon the back-stairs, to see that no mass-hearers should escape. And after divers knockings at the gate, the porter came, being a Portugal, who did speak English, and said my lord was not at home. Then, quoth we, let us speak with you, Mr. Porter, for we have brought letters. And the porter answered us very stubbornly. And at the length he opened the gate, and I, the recorder, put in my left leg, meaning to enter in at the gate. And being half in and half out, the porter, knowing me very well; said, Back, villain; and thrust the gate so sore upon my leg, that I shall carry the grief thereof to my grave.

Sithence that time my pain hath been so great, that I can take no rest. And if Mr. Sheriff Kimpton had not thrust the gate from me, my leg had been utterly bruised into shivers. And besides, the porter began to bustle himself to his dagger, and took me by the throat: and then I thrust him from me; for indeed he was but a testy little wretch. And so I willed Mr. Sheriff and the officers to stay the fellow from doing any hurt to any other in his fury. “After this we passed quietly, all doors being open, out of the hall up the stairs: and at the stair-head there was a great long gallery, that in length stood east and west. In the same gallery all the masshearers, both men and women, were standing. For the priest was at the gospel, and the altar-candles were lighted, as the old manner was. After this, we knocked at the outer door of the gallery, and all they looked back. And then Mr. Sheriff K. and I charged all such as were Englishmen born, and the queen’s subjects, to come forth of that place. And then came all the strangers running towards us: some of them beginning to draw first their daggers, and then after they buckled themselves to draw their rapiers. And by that time two bailiffs, errants of Middlesex, (whose names I remember not,) being at the door, did draw their swords. And immediately Mr. Kimpton caused the strangers to be quiet; and I caused the bailiffs to put up their swords. And then Mr. K. with all the mass-hearers, with seignior Giraldie’s wife, and her maids, were all in a heap, forty persons at once speaking in several languages. “And then I said to Mr. Sheriff, I pray you, let me and you make a way for my lady. And so he making way before, I kissed my hand, and took my lady Giraldie by the hand, and led her out of the press to her chamber door, and there made a most humble curtsey unto her. And after, I put out my hand to the rest of her gentlewomen, and first kissed it, and delivered them into their chamber also. And Mr. Sheriff Barnes came into the gallery, and so we three examined every man what he was. And first, such as were seignior Giraldie’s men, we required them to depart. And after many lewd and contumelious words used by them against us, we by fair means got them out of the gallery into their lady’s lodging. And then proceeded we to the examination of the strangers that were not of seignior Giraldie’s house, nor of his retinue. And they most despitefully, against all civility, used such like words in their language against us, that if our company had understood them, there might have chanced great harm. “But in plain terms I said unto them, Sirs, I see no remedy but ye must go to prison; for most of you be free denizens. And then I willed the officers to lay hands on them; and immediately every man suddenly most humbly put off his cap, and begun to be suitors, and sought favour. And so upon their submission, we suffered them to depart, all, saving Anthony Guarras; who was not willing to depart from us, but kept us company. And all this done, we examined the English subjects, and sent them to prison; who, to say the truth, provoked the strangers into fury and disorder against us. For if the English then had, according to our direction, departed from the strangers, and come forth unto us, the strangers had been quiet, and we without trouble. But truly the greatest fault was, that as well the English mass-mongers, as also the free denizens, for the covering of their own offences, practised rather to have murder committed, than to be taken as they were. “All this while the mass-sayer stood at the north end of the altar; and no man living said a word to him, nor touched him; saving that he did give to divers of our servants singing cakes: wherewith I was offended with them for receiving that idolatrous bread. And all being done, and we ready to depart, it was said by a stander by, If ye look in at that door, near the altar, said he, you shall find a number of mass-mongers. And then did the priest take a key out of his pocket, and smiling, opened the door; and Mr. Sheriff Kimpton, with the priest, looked in, and there was nobody. “And then Anthony Guarras took me by the hand, to see the altar, how trim it was. For Mr. Barnes and I stood afar off in the gallery.

And I said to Guarras, Sir, if I had done my duty to God and to the queen, I had taken two hundred here upon All Hollown day last, and as many upon All Souls day also. Ho, sir, said Guarras unto me, become of this religion, and surely you will like it well, and it will be a ready means to make you a good Christian. And so we went near the altar; where neither he nor I touched any manner of thing. And so we bade the priest farewell; who gently saluted us.

And I suddenly looking back, saw the priest shake his head at us, and mumbled out words, which sounded diable, and male croix, or to that effect. And then I said to Mr. Sheriff, Sirs, let us depart, for the priest doth curse. And so we departed. Anthony Guarras brought us to the utmost gate; where Mr. Sheriff and I invited him to dinner with us: but he departed back to hear out the aforesaid mass. “The foresaid Guarras, at this business, said, that he himself was an ambassador to a greater person than and so did shake his head.

What! quoth I, do you mean a greater personage than the queen our mistress? Na, na, said he, I meant not so. No, quoth I, it were not best for you to make comparison with the queen our mistress.

Whose ambassador are you then? quoth I. The pope’s? And then he departed further off in an anger. This Guarras was a very busy fellow in this action. “Among all these strangers, I marked one Swygo, who is a free denizen, married to an English woman. He is a broker, and hath his chief living by our merchants. This fellow made himself more busy than it became him. There was a tall young fellow, an Italian, that was very wanton with us; and it hath been told me sithence, that he and others are kept here for two causes: the one for uttering the pope’s allom; and the other to serve for intelligencer: which, I think, are very spies. This youth was very busy, and bestirred him as though he had been treading of a galliard. There was one John Chivers, an Irishman, student of the inns of the chancery; who, as it appeared unto me; (I having a vigilant eye of all sides,) was a great stirrer of the strangers against us. This young man, when he could not prevail, then he gat up to the south end of the altar; and there he confronted the mass-sayer, with his cap on his head, who was on the other end, and stood there as though he had been an Italian. His garments were a cloak and a rapier, after the Italian fashion. And when I demanded what he was, be bowed on the one side and the other, as though he had not understood me; much like the fashion of seignior Giraldie: by which I did note that he had been often there. “This is all that I do remember; and in my conscience, and as I shall answer before God at the latter day, we used ourselves with such humble reverence unto his lady and her family, as more we could not do to the queen, our mistress, save kneeling. “ I sent seignior Giraldie word, as I remember, at Easter last, by Mr. Benedict Spinello, that he should not suffer the queen’s subjects to repair to his mass: yea, and that other things also should be amended; wherewith the people did wonderfully grudge at him: and I am sure Mr. Spinello did my message to him in a decent order.

This is not the first time that his house hath been dealt withal by the sheriffs. Strumpets have been gotten with child in his house; and we of the hospital driven to take order for their keeping. The masters shall justify this. I never saw any ambassador sent out of England, but that he was both wise and virtuous, and was not indebted to any. And whether seignior Giraldie was an ambassador or not, surely, my lord, I knew not, until my lords of the council had told me thereof upon Monday last, at the council board.”

This shews how jealous the state at that time was of papists and massmongers, as they called them, and what watchfulness to prevent the subjects from lapsing into that religion.

The state was concerned to be watchful in these times, the queen having so many enemies of the popish faction her subjects, both at home and abroad; of the latter sort were the fugitives, entertained by the pope and Spaniard.

This year, 1576, Jan. 29, were certified into the exchequer such as were fled over the seas, of noblemen, gentlemen, priests, and schoolmasters, to near the number of fourscore; contrary to the statute reg. Eliz. 13. Their names, conditions, and in what counties they inhabited, may be read, taken from an authentic paper, in the Appendix.

CHAPTER 2.

The bishop of Exon sends up some that refused going to church.

Another of hls diocese makes nothing, of a book-oath. His dealing with him. He opposeth the sending down a commission ecclesiastical: and why. The bishop of Lincoln preacheth at court.

The suitableness of his subject, He is concerned as visitor of king’s college, Cambridge. Great differences in that college. Articles of accusation against Dr. Goad, the provost: his answers: his good service to that house. Sandys, bishop of London, translated to York: his farewell sermon at St. Paul’s. Endeavours used to get Bishopthorp from that archbishop. His reasons why he will not part with it. Elmer, that succeeded in the see of London, contests with the archbishop about the revenues. The case brought before the lord treasurer.

Now to come to some matters occurring this year, wherein the bishops were concerned both with the papists and with other schismatics and heterodox men, or otherwise employed. It was ordered about these times, that such of either sort, disturbing the peace of the church, and disagreeing to the religion and worship established, should be sent up to the privy council, or to the commission ecclesiastical, held at Lambeth; there to be dealt withal, in order to their reducement.

Bradbridge, bishop of Exeter, had now to deal with both sorts. Some Cornish gentlemen, being of his diocese, came not to church, and were informed of, and brought before him. But he could not prevail with them, to work them to any good conformity. “Whether the cause was, as he conjectured, the boldness that they had conceived by reason of the lenity used in these days, (mild usage hitherto being exercised towards the papists,) or rather their hope of alteration in time to come: because he saw they craved ever respite of time, and in time grew rather indurate than reformable; as the bishop now, December 3, wrote to the lord treasurer; when three of them were sent up, viz. Rob. Beckote, Richard Tremain, and Francis Er-myn; and now commanded to wait there above. As he had in some letters before, so now in this, he desired his lordship to prevail with the archbishop of Canterbury or the bishop of London to take some pains with them; they [there of the ecclesiastical commission] wanting no assistance of learned men and books: adding, that the whole country longed and desired to hear of their godly determination; namely, what success they should have with these gentlemen.”

Such letters from the lords were not unusual in those times, to call upon the bishops to look to recusants in their dioceses, that came not to the public service. So afterwards, in the year 1581, the archbishop received a letter, reminding of an act made for the retaining of her majesty’s subjects in their due obedience, as abusing her highness’ former great goodness and lenity, and refusing to conform: and that the bishops should make inquiry as well according to former certificates heretofore made of recusants, as by others. And the next year other letters came from the lords to the archbishop and bishops, against recusants, for a diligent search to be made of such persons; and certificates to be made, under their hands, of such offenders, and their residences, and to send them up.

The same bishop also this year was concerned, and took pains about a dangerous opinion broached in his diocese. There happened a dispute between two, a preacher and a schoolmaster. Whereof the one affirmed, that an oath taken upon a book of the holy evangelists was of no more value, than an oath taken upon a rush or a fly. Because it was nothing, he said, but ink and paper. He that asserted this, was one that lived at Liskerd in Cornwall, and taught a grammar-school; a young man, lately come thither, and not entered into the ministry; licensed to catechise and expound the scripture by Dr. Tremayn, who was in commission to visit for the archbishop of Canterbury, and commissary in all the peculiars. This doctrine being strange, offended the ears of the simple Cornish men. And the bishop fearing (as he wrote to the lord treasurer on this occasion) some danger that might arise thereby, rode himself to the town of Liskerden, which he found in great contention and heat one against another: the young man stoutly bent to stand in that he had taught. His assertion he delivered to the bishop in writing. But the adverse party being then absent; and for that he saw no truth could be well tried in that tumult, he put off the hearing thereof unto the assizes next that should be holden at Launceston about a fortnight after. And hereupon the bishop sent to Dr. Tremayne, and other learned of Exon, to be there with him; that he might be better able to pacify the stir that buzzed in men’s heads. He added, “That truly the Cornish men were subtle, many of them, in taking an oath. Now, if they should conceive, that in sweating upon a book, no more danger were than upon a rush, the obedience that we owe unto her majesty, the trials that we have in assizes and sessions, wherein the controversies were no otherwise commonly tried but by force of a book oath, it might, as he wrote, open a great gap, and let in a floodgate, as it were, to great disorder, and many mischiefs in a commonwealth. “For the appeasing of the which, he thought best to have the aid and advice of their judges in the assize, being then so nigh at hand.”

The said bishop of Exon was uneasy at this very time about an ecclesiastical commission that he heard was suing out, to be granted to divers persons in Devon and Cornwall, the meaning whereof he much marvelled at. And that divers times before, Dr. Tremain had attempted to have the same granted to him, and certain his cousins and special friends.

Which the bishop always withstood: knowing, as he shewed the lord treasurer, that there was no need; he himself having so many officers, and Tremain himself being a commissary in all the peculiars belonging to the church of Exon. That it should be but a burden and an overcharge, to weary the people with so many officers. All which must and would lie, he said, upon the popular cost. “My most humble and hearty desire therefore is, (as he subjoined his request to that great lord and favourer of religion and peace,) that your lordship will be good unto the country, and suffer no such commission to be sent into these parties: and that the people, as far as I see, may more quietly be ruled by the orders and laws already received, and the officers already known, than by new officers which may be appointed, such as will be hardly ruled themselves, when you have put a new sword in their hands. He said further, that he spake somewhat of experience. That his diocese was great; and that the sectaries daily did increase. And he persuaded himself he should be able easier to rule them whom he partly knew already, than those which by this means might get them new friends: which was the only thing he suspected [as he spake now more plainly] in this new commission.” And one thing more must be remarked of this good bishop; that he found the burden of his episcopal care in that large diocese so heavy, that he earnestly desired to resign his bishopric, and (which is seldom heard of) to accept a lower office in the church, viz. to return to his deanery of Sarum, then, as it seems, vacant; using these words to the aforementioned lord, to whom he was writing: “If it please your lordship to send me hence, and to restore me to the place from whence I came, you could never do me such a pleasure. The time serveth; the place is open. I wish your lordship’s favour were no less bent to drive me hence to Sarum again, than in my first suit for that deanery; your lordship’s help was readier than I was to crave it. Which benefit, if I should forget, I were the ingratest of all men. I can do no more, (as he concluded,) than profess myself to be at your devotion. And so with his most humble prayer recommended his long preservation to God’s most merciful tuition. Dated from Newton Ferres, the llth of March, 1576.

Subscribing, Your lordship’s own in Christ, William Exon.” From this bishop we turn to another, not less worthy, viz. Cooper, bishop of Lincoln; and take notice of a sermon he preached in Lent this year, at St. Paul’s Cross, upon Luke xvi. Reddite rationem dispensationis tuae, i.e.

Give an account of thy stewardship. A proper text for magistrates, and all that were in public place and authority: and before such the bishop now preached. His sermon he managed with so great life, and application to his auditory, that Fleetwood, the recorder of London, who was among those that were present, was so affected with the discourse, that he resolved to forsake a speech that he had prepared to use before the queen the next week, when the lord mayor was, on some occasion, to be present before her, and to follow the matter that bishop had taken in hand, although he would not do it (as he said in his letter to the lord treasurer) in that very form, yet to that effect. And that he was moved to do for two causes: the one, for that it gave occasion to remember my lord mayor, his brethren, himself, and all other in London, that had charge and authority of government from her highness, that they should, and we, yield to her majesty justam rationem dispensationis nostrae. The other cause was, for that he, the lord treasurer, both could and would use the matter so wisely and learnedly, that it might do the more good to awaken them from their drowsy and negligent dealings, than the fifty weekly sermons, and the Easter sermons, yearly preached in every mayor’s time, either could or should do.

We find the same bishop this year also busy, as being ordinary visitor of king’s college in Cambridge. Into which college, at this time, were many evils broken in by intestine jars. Which the lord Burghley, high chancellor of that university, had taken notice of. And some of the college themselves desired a visitation for the redress thereof. But the bishop found he could not visit at that time, whatever need there were of it, unless he had some extraordinary authority committed to him for that purpose. And so first, the bishop, by his letters, acquainted the said chancellor, that divers of the house had made complaint of sundry great and enormous disorders, as well touching the state of the house, as of certain particular persons in the same: exhibiting unto him many articles drawn and set down to that effect; the bishop of Lincoln for the time being, being their visitor. The bishop found the articles were such as touched the state of the house very near; and therefore required speedy amendment. But he answered them, that though he were their visitor by statute, yet he had no authority extraordinary to visit; his visitation being but a triennio in triennium; and the time since his last visitation there not yet elapsed. Nor would he take upon him, he said, to visit them extraordinary without authority; lest his precedings might be frustrate, and to none effect. And though they urged him, yet he would by no means visit; however they urged, that the stay of the visitation would be a great impediment to the state of their college. Then they requested his leave, with great importunity, according to the appointment of their statutes, to seek redress of the higher authority. Whereunto, in the end, the bishop condescended.

He wrote this to the lord Burghley, adding, “That he was sorry to see so great tumult in a house of study; especially there, where he had beforetime in some part, laboured to join them together in unity and concord. Though he knew not in whether party the cause of trouble was. But that in his opinion it were not ill, if by some lawful and ordinary means the matters might be heard, and some good order set between them. And that if both parties would join together to desire him to visit, he might, by order of statute, deal in it. But because that had not been done, neither could he orderly, nor was he willing to meddle in it. But that indeed, for example sake, he could wish they were visited rather by such order as statute admitted, than otherwise, if they would on both parts condescend thereunto. But, he added, he was loath to move them unto it, lest he should seem, to some jealous mind, to be desirous more to meddle in their matters than need was.

This, as he said, he thought fit to signify to his honour, leaving the rest to his wisdom to consider of: meaning, as it seems, that he should propound it himself to them, being their chancellor.”

The reason of these disturbances was a malice conceived against Dr. Goad, the provost of the college, in several of the fellows, and especially Fletcher, Lakes, Johnson, and Dunning, appearing most in it. The accusations they drew up against him were of two sorts, viz. hinderance of learning in the college, and hinderance of the college revenues: as, granting prejudicial leases; making an ill bargain of grain, to the damage of the college; taking his friends and strangers with him when he went his progress to view the college’s estate; sending some about the college affairs without the college’s consent. Further, they complained of his wife; that she came within the quadrant of the college; (though she came never twice within the quadrant, but kept within the lodgings.) That their statutes did forbid the provost to marry; though the statutes, as the provost in his answer shewed, did not forbid the provost’s marriage: and that the visitor’s statutes in the beginning of the queen’s reign, and the university statutes lately made, allowed heads of colleges to marry. And many more articles they said they had against him, to the number of forty: though they could produce but five and twenty. To all which the provost gave in his answers.

For the matter was now come before the lord Burghley, the university chancellor, and others, the bishop of Lincoln, it is like, being one. Who received their book of articles, and likewise his answers to each, And as to the articles of his being a hinderance to good learning in the college, he gave in a paper, wherein he shewed particularly what he had done for the furtherance of learning since his coming. As, that he had erected a new library, furnished with books, especilly of divinity, of old and new writers; whereas the library before his time was utterly spoiled. For the furtherance of tongues, he had caused an ordinary Greek lecture to be read; and a Hebrew lecture, for students in divinity, to be read in the chapel; and lately in his own lodging, privately, by one Baro, a Frenchman. For the furtherance of the study of divinity, he had procured a divinity lecture to be read publicly in the common hall by the said Mr. Baro: who had a stipend of twenty marks yearly gathered, without any charge to the college, being supplied by contribution from him and the company. That he himself ordinarily read a divinity lecture twice in the week at morning prayer in the chapel. Besides, he had cate-chised unto the whole house in the chapel, exhorted the whole company to the reading of the scripture, &c. And whereas at his first coming to be provost, there were but four ministers in the house, and but one preacher, now there were half a score ministers, and half a dozen of them preachers. Besides, that he had all ordinary exercises of learning duly observed, as Well for lectures as disputations.

He answered also as well the other branch of complaints made against him, namely, about injuries done to the good estate of the college. As for selling the copes that were found in the house, (which was one article;) he answered, that he turned them into money, and bestowed that money upon the new library, and books for the furnishing it. That he made away with the organs, (which was another;) he answered, he had done it by express command of the bishop of Ely, Dr. Whitgift, Dr. May, and Dr. Ithel, the queen’s commissaries to visit that college some years before, when they came into the chapel to prorogue that visitation. And the money for the organ was converted to the college use.

Another article against him was, that he dined not in the hall on Easter-day.

The reason whereof was, as he answered, that he was to preach that afternoon at St. Mary’s, by desire of the vice-chancellor; and so omitted being at dinner that day.

One of these fellows was Lakes, of a haughty disposition, who had been provoked by the provost, having reproved him for his habit, unbecoming a scholar. For he wore under his gown, a cut taffeta doublet of the fashion, with his sleeves out, and a great pair of galligastion hose. For this disguised apparel, so unmeet for a scholar, the provost punished him a week’s commons. This had ever after stuck in his stomach, and he had sundry expostulations afterwards with the provost about it: such was his stout nature and impeniteney to be reproved.

After this business had had a full hearing before their high chancellor, the provost was cleared, and the main instruments in this disturbance were censured: some of them were put into the gatehouse at Westminster, for falsely accusing of their provost, and all made their recantations and submissions to the provost. Rob. Johnson, a drawer up of the articles, made his submission to the provost for writing those articles of accusation against him, for carrying them up, and endeavouring to make proof of them: Dunning and Lakes were committed to the prison of the gatehouse, the lord Burghley finding them the malicious inventors of many lies against the provost. From thence the former writes letters, dated in May, to that lord, wherein he wondered at the blindness of his own mind, and so great a privation of his wit and reason; and calls this his doing, fa-cinus hoc sceleratum. He confessed, how he [the lord Burghley] had warned him not to proceed in this wicked enterprise, or to persist in it: foretelling him, that if he did, it would have a bad issue, till it had reduced him in the end to the utter loss of his fortune, liberty, and good name. The occasion of that lord’s giving him that advice was, that Dunning had refused at first to stand to his arbitration, and refused his grave counsel. But now he found all true; and did confess, that he hated the provost, and for that reason had raised most false accusations against him, and that he had employed himself, conscindere male-dictis, in reproaching and reviling a man worthy to be seen and heard by princes: meaning, I suppose, for the excellent eloquence of his sermons at court. Stephen Lakes, who was also committed to the gate, house, thence wrote letters also to the lord Burghley of Peccavi: confessing, that he was one of them that accused their provost gravissimorum criminum gravioribus verbis, as of most grievous crimes, so with more grievous words. Then he unrips the whole matter, namely, that enduring a great while many grievances, (and what they were appeared by what Fletcher, another of these accusers, wrote to that lord, viz. that preferments went only by favour, without merit, and according as they stood affected to a party; and no regard had to industry and learning in their college,) and no redress, they agreed to make a complaint; and Lakes, though he pretended very unwillingly, was the man appointed to frame the articles against the provost; others were to supply him with materials for those articles; and then the rest were to peruse what he had drawn up, and to correct, amend, and add what they thought good. For this he was now ashamed, being severely by the lord Burleigh chidden.

In short, the provost and some of the fellows (and they perhaps such as stood not so well affected to religion) had most grievously fallen out and broken to pieces. And the matter being thus opened before their judge, he punished the ringleaders, some by short imprisonment, others by reprimands, all by recantations and submissions: and so reconciled them again; and withal took order for the redress of such things as were grievances indeed.

This provost, Dr. Roger Goad, preached at court about four years before, in the year 1572, in Lent, sir Tho. Smith, secretary of state, present, who gave the lord Burghley this character of him and his sermon, that he preached well, and to him seemed to be a very grave and considerate man.

This year, 1576, he obtained the chancellorship of Wells, upon the death of the former chancellor, named Hawthorn; presented by Field, citizen and mercer of London, for this turn, by reason of the grant of the bishop of the diocese.

Edwin Sandes, or Sandys, a man of great note for his piety and learning, sometime an exile and confessor for religion, and who had been master of arts of St. John’s college in Cambridge, head of Katharine hall, and vicechancellor of that university, and after bishop of London, was this year translated and advanced to the see of York, March 8, and installed in the person of William Palmer, chancellor of York, March 13, following. At his departure from London, where he was dearly beloved, he made them a farewell sermon at St. Paul’s Cross. His text was in 2 Corinthians 13.

For the rest, brethren, farewell. Be perfect, be of good comfort, be of one mind, live in peace; and the God of love and peace shall be with you.

In this his last discourse to the citizens, as he openly avowed how faithfully and sincerely he had discharged his duty among them, so in most affectionate and endearing expressions he shewed his love to them, and acknowledged theirs to him, their pastor. Much pious and good counsel he leaves with them. And hopes God had placed another very worthy bishop in his room; and so would have the less want of him. He promiseth not to forget to pray for them, as he earnestly desired their prayers for him. But take his own excellent and right Christian words. “That his conscience bare him record, that he had endeavoured to tread in the same steps [with St. Paul] in his diligence toward this Corinthian church. That of his doctrine, which was the chiefest point, he dared affirm even the same which the holy apostle did; I have delivered none other unto you, than that which I have received of the Lord. Yea, safely, in the sight of the most high God, he might say with him, You have re ceived of us not the word of man, but as it was indeed, the word of God. And that in the distribution thereof, neither had he used flattery, as they knew, neither coloured covetousness, the Lord would testify. Neither had he sought his own praise, his heart was witness. And this testimony of conscience, that he had dealt sincerely in the house of God, as touching doctrine, had been his great relief and comfort in all the stormy troubles; which by the mighty assistance of Almighty God, he had waded through. “That concerning diligence in the execution of his office, although he had a ready will, yet his weak body being not answerable to his desire, as all flesh herein was faulty, so for his part he must plead guilty. One debt and duty, with St. Paul, he professed he had truly paid them. For with a tender affection he had loved them. That the nurse was never more willing to give the breast unto the child, than he had been, that they should suck not only milk, but also blood from him, if it stood them in stead, or served to their safety. God he knoweth, added he, that with this love I have loved you. That in using correction, I have sought reformation, and not revenge. That to punish, had been a punishment to himself. That he never did it but with great grief. That he always had laboured rather by persuasion to reclaim transgressors, than by correction. With which kind of dealing, because stubborn minds would not be bowed, his softness, he granted, had rather deserved reproof than praise. “His life and conversation among them he left wholly to their secret judgments. That he could not say (for who could?) that his heart was clear. That if in many things we offend all, how could any man say he was no Sinner, except he said also, that God is a liar?

Howbeit this the God of his righteousness knew, that wittingly and willingly he had wronged no man. If I have, said he, reddam quadrup1um, I will render four times so much good. That if any had wronged him, he heartily forgave them, and would forget it for ever. That while he lived he would acknowledge, that he had received more good liking, favour, and friendship at their hands, than he could either look for or deserve. That God had, no doubt, his people; that he had many a dear child in that city. “But now that by God’s providence, not by his own procurement, he was called from thence to serve elsewhere in the church of Christ, he would, with St. Paul, take his leave of them: and that the more willingly, as well because it was God’s good will and appointment, as also for that he trusted the change should be good and profitable unto them; his hope was, that the Lord had provided one of choice to be placed over them, a man to undertake this great charge so well enabled for strength, courage, gravity, wisdom, skill in government, knowledge, as in many other things, so especially in the heavenly mysteries of God, that he doubted not but his departure should turn very much to their advantage. And that among them, sith a great part of his life was now spent, and a few evil days remained otherwhere to be bestowed, he must use the words of the blessed apostle, For that which remaineth, my brethren, fare ye well. My dear and faithful flock, farewell; my crown and my joy, farewell. Again, with grief I speak it, farewell. I must in body go from you; yet in heart and good-will I shall be ever with you. You shall ever be most dear unto me. And I shall not cease (God forbid I should) to pour out my prayers before the Almighty in your behalf; that the great Shepherd of the sheep, even the Lord Jesus, may take care of you, and by his holy Spirit direct and govern you in all your ways: and in like sort he most heartily craved at their hands, that they would not be unmindful to pray also for him, that he might walk worthy of his calling, &c.”

So grave, so compassionate, so pastor-like, did this truly primitive bishop take his leave of his beloved people: which I thought worthy setting down, as some memorial of this good man, as also of the obliging, Christian behaviour of the citizens of London in these times to their bishop.

But no sooner came the bishop to York, but he had like to have lost one great branch of his bishopric from it: some moving for the president of the council in the north to have Bishopthorp at present for his use. But the archbishop saw the danger thereof, fearing the alienating it at last from the see; the place of the archbishops of that province, their frequent residence.

The archbishop was so honest and resolute, that he refused to do it, but in the most submissive manner. I have met with a writing of his own hand, dilating therein his reasons: entitled, Certain causes and reasons, why the archbishop of York should not depart from his house called Bishopthorpe, belonging to the see. Dated January the 28th, 1576. “1. The house was purchased by an archbisbop of that see, and given to the dean and chapter there, upon special trust to reserve the same to the archbishop for the time being: and not to let the same for any longer time than during his incumbency, as an house for many opportunities necessary for the archbishop’s use. And therefore especially provided to meet with any lease or alienation, which otherwise any archbishop might be induced to make. “ Item, The archbishop having no house within the city of York, where his most attendance must be for the execution of his office, this house lying within one mile of the city, doth most commodiously serve his use for that purpose: that it may not, without great prejudice to the execution of his office, be spared. “ Item, Good hospitality, required of a bishop, as one of the things which give credit to his function, and so a special means to win the people the better to believe his preaching, shall be greatly, by want of this house, hindered; specially, for that the city of York, of all other places wherein his charge is, hath the greatest need, and doth greatliest expect relief. In which city, or any thing near it, he hath no house to keep hospitality in. “ Item, The archbishop’s other house, called Cawood, besides that it is eight miles distant from York, and so shall be occasion of many troublesome journeys, unmeet for a man of his great years, if he should do his duty there; it is also at certain seasons of the year, by reason of waters and ditches, very unwholesome: and therefore cannot without danger to his health be continually used. The rest of his houses be set so far off in the utter parts of the diocese, and all the commodities appertaining to them so let out, that he cannot make his abode in any of them. “ Item, There appeareth no cause why the archbishop which shall be, should not enjoy the said house, as in the times of this and other our presidents, the archbishops have had and occupied the same.

Neither can there be any colour of necessity pretended, that hath not been at other times, or not heretofore not sufficiently satisfied without the grant of the house to the lord president’s use. “ Item, The house being once possessed by one lord president, it will hereafter be drawn to like example. And other lords presidents making suit for the use thereof shall more hardly be answered, when there is a former pattern of such grant to the lord president that now is. Whereof will grow matter of grief between the archbishop and them, to the hinderance of her majesty’s service by them both. “ Item, The grant of the house from the archbishop will, in the opinion of that country, seem to tend to the spoil of that see: the blame whereof, wheresoever it shall rest, will be occasion of great discontentation to so many as like the hospitality usually maintained there by the archbishops heretofore. “ Item, It were inconvenient that the archbishop, whose credit must especially further his good government, should enter thither either with the opinion of yielding to the grant of his house, or with note of unworthiness to enjoy the possessions heretofore freely permitted to his predecessors. “ Item , The conscience of the archbishop now named is herein to be favoured. Who, as hitherto he hath always professed, so yet assureth himself, that without offence to his duty, he may not give his private assent to the diminishing of the public patrimony of the church. “ Item, The lord president shall herein much impair the good opinion conceived of him for the defence of religion, and for sincerity. Whereby hitherto his government hath had special success; if he shall give the first example of taking from that see, which before him hath not been attempted by any lord president, neither may be, without the great offence and discontentation of many.”

The same bishop, soon after his translation, met with more trouble, happening by a contest Elmer, that succeeded him in London, (or some busy lawyer for him,) had with him; who required all the incomes of that see, from Michaelmas last. Sandys, on the other hand, would enjoy the benefits from Michaelmas to Candlemas ensuing; having been to that time bishop of London, before he removed to York. And pleaded to the lord treasurer, that he had spent upon the bishopric of London in hospitality what he had received, and 550l . more, since Michaelmas last past. That there was no example that he should make any restitution thereof to his successor. That neither bishop Yong, (who was the first archbishop under queen Elizabeth,) neither the late bishop of York [archbishop Grindal] was so dealt withal; but enjoyed all that they had received, and yet looked so far backward as he [archbishop Sandys] desired. That indeed his said successor had at first required no more than the ensuing Lady-day rent.

And that so he had said. And he is able, added the archbishop, and I a beggar. That he had taken the cost and pains, and his successor none. And that if the restitution day looked back to the Purification of our lady, it was as much and more than he looked for.

But it seems bishop Elmer, by the advice of some, altered his mind, and now insisted upon the whole revenue from Michaelmas to be restored to him. And to take off any pleas of the archbishop to the contrary, gave in a note to the lord treasurer, (to whom he laid open this his cause,) specifying what considerable benefits and advantages the archbishop had received since his coming to York: as first, the Lady-day rents, 500l . the demeans, amounting to 400l . the benevolence of his clergy, 800l . and in wood, to the value of 3000l . This note the said lord sent to the archbishop, by the hand of one of his servants, that he might hear and understand both sides the better. On the margin thereof, which he soon sent back to the treasurer, with his letter, he gave his answer briefly to each article: viz. to the Ladyday rents, “This is untrue by a great sum; and perhaps some part of the tenths will be required of me.” Secondly, to the demeans, he wrote in the margin, “Not five pound.” Against the third sum, viz. the clergy’s benevolence, he wrote, “In two years to come.” Against the value he should make of his woods, thus he answered in the margin, “He might as well have rated the houses there, to pull down and sell. He [the bishop of London] hath as much wood left at London.”

And his letter was to this tenor: “My good lord, of late I came out of Buckinghamshire. Since what time I have kept myself here, at the Minoresse, within the doors, cogitating what to say at the Cross for my farewell. If that had not stayed me, I had, according to my duty, visited your lordship ere this. Yesterday I received by William Seres a note from your lordship (as it seems) unto me, delivered unto you by the bishop of London, or by his means. If I should say nothing unto it, I trust your lordship can easily espy what spiteful meaning is in it, and what untruth it setteth forth. But I have set a brief and a true comment to this false text, as by the billet enclosed your lordship may perceive. “Coloured covetousness, an envious heart, covered with the coat of dissimulation, will; when opportunity serveth, shew itself. My lord, I am sore dealt withal, and most shamefully wronged on every side.

My only comfort is, that a clear conscience will answer for me before God: and that when I shall be tried, veritas liberabit me.

Tomorrow, if I may find your lordship at home, I will attend myself, to open this matter more at large. Thus, much bound unto your lordship, and ever yours to use wherein I can, I recommend you to the good direction of God’s holy Spirit. From my lodging at the Minoress, this last of April, 1577.

Your lordship’s in Christ, ever assured, E. EBOR. “I shall pray your lordship to keep these things to yourself, unto such time as I speak with your lordship. At what time I will give you the reason why I desire it.”

In another letter to that lord, I find the archbishop more particularly endeavouring to satisfy him in these matters urged against him; “That he had served there, at London, until Candlemas last, as bishop, and received the rents thereof, according to equity and law.

That the sum was small; and in that time he spent there one thousand pounds and upwards. That he received somewhat of her majesty’s liberality at York, as the lord treasurer knew; but that the new bishop of London, being at no cost, neither serving the bishopric, received of her majesty’s gift in like sort 397l .; in truth more, added the archbishop, than he hall deserved any way. And besides, he received in the mean time the revenues of his other livings, which amounted not to a little. Concluding with this reflection upon the bishop, A greedy desire will never be satisfied. “That for the demeans since Michaelmas, at York, being in the lord president’s hands, until our Lady-day past, it was easy to conceive what benefit would grow, thereof to him, the archbishop. But that the demeans in London, saved well in winter, would be as much worth. “That if it were lawful for the archbishop of York to sell all his woods upon a day, as this bill seemed to insinuate, (rating the woods at 4000l .)then was it lawful for the bishop of London to do the like, who had as much wood left him as his was at York. “That it was desire of gain, and envy that the archbishop of York should have any thing, or be so dealt with as he himself, that had made him give forth this untruth and envious note: wherein he laboured to hinder the archbishop of York, lest her majesty should shew him further favour; and to set forth the commodities there, as might be thought for a melius inquirendum; and hereby not to gain himself. For how came he to look for that, that the bishop of York would give his revenues to so unthankful a man, that so soon as he had holpen him on with his rochet, was transformed, and shewed himself in his own nature?”

CHAPTER 3.

The bishop of W’orcester made vice-president of the marches of Wales. The presidents thereof. Curteis, bishop of Chichester, preaches at Paul’s Cross. Process against the bishop of Gloucester from the queen. Pilkington, bishop of Durham, dies.

His prayers. Dr. May makes interest to succeed him. Bishop of Carlisle is made biShop of Durham: sues for dilapidations. And Dr. May succeeds to Carlisle. Holds the rectory of Darfield in commendam. Dr. May’s family.

THIS year, Whitgift, bishop of Worcester, was made vice-president of the marches of Wales; a great honour, as well as trust; sir Henry Sydney, the president, being absent in Ireland, the queen’s lieutenant there. That office was first put into the hands of a bishop, viz. Rowland Lee, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, the 26th Henry VIII., being then sent to be president of that king’s council in those marches. In whose time the principality and country of Wales was incorporated and united unto the kingdom of England, when this bishop and his associates did notable good service. He died the 34th Hen. VIII. and lieth buried in Shrewsbury. After him another bishop, Richard Sampson, who was removed from Chichester to Coventry and Litchfield, was (35 Hen. VIII.) appointed lord president of the said marches. Then succeeded first a layman, viz. Dudley, earl of Warwick, inthe reign of king Edward VI. And next him William Herbert, knight of the garter, earl of Pembroke. After him, 1mo Mariae, Nicolas Hethe, bishop of Worcester, became president. Then, 6° Mariae, succeeded another bishop, viz. Gilbert Bourn, of Bath and Wells. Then, 1mo Eliz. the lord Williams of Thame. And then sir Henry Sydney, and the bishop of Worcester, vice-president, as aforesaid. Omitted in this account, Yong, archbishop of York, who had been also president or vice-president. And among the presidents of this council of Wales, held at the castle of Ludlow, who were wise governors, and men of great credit, Dr. Powel, the author of the History of Cambria, reckoneth particularly three bishops, Heath, archbishop of York, Yong, archbishop of York, and Whitgift, then living, archbishop of Canterbury.

Curteis, bishop of Chichester, chaplain to the queen, and a great court preacher, preached a sermon this year at St. Paul’s Cross, upon Revelation 12:1, &c.

And there appeared a great wonder in heaven; a woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet, and upou her head a crown of twelve stars, &c.

It was printed.

Cheny, bishop of Gloucester, was this year in danger of falling under the same fate with Parkhurst bishop of Norwich, in the year 1572, running behindhand with the queen for his clergy’s tenths. His vice collector (whose name was Gifford) having brought him 500l . in debt to her majesty.

So that in the month of October process came down from Mr. Fanshaw and Mr. Godfrey, belonging to the exchequer, to the sheriffs, to seize the bishop’s lands and goods for payment. They accordingly called upon the bishop for the debt; who prayed them to forbear executing their office, and promised to save them harmless. And so speedily despatched his letters, dated October 5, to the lord treasurer, in his and their favour. The sum whereof was, that he was ready to pay what was due after some forbearance. Money, he said, he had but little, spending all hitherto in housekeeping. And, in fine, he made two suits to that lord: first, that he might have convenient time to pay the debt, considering his own tenths and subsidies came to 112l . yearly, besides fees, servants’ wages, liveries, housekeeping, &c. resolving, that he would for the future keep fewer men, cut off his fare, be at less charges, that his debts might be the sooner discharged. His second request was, that the sheriffs might have no fine set upon their heads for forbearing a little time with him. And so in conclusion, humbly craving his lordship’s favour; fearing the example (as he said) of the bishop of Norwich. Which what that was, is set under the year 1572.

This bishop, who was a Lutheran and a free-wilier, and touched moreover (as was suspected) with popish principles, lay under some cloud. See somewhat more of him in the Life of Archbishop Parker, under the year 1571. He died in the year 1578, the bishopric lying vacant about three years. One reason whereof might be, for the queen to satisfy her debt out of the revenues of the see.

This year Pilkington, bishop of Durham, (of whom some things have been related elsewhere,) died. And for a memorial of this pious exile and confessor for religion, I shall record three godly prayers of his composing.

One calculated for the beginning of the reformation of religion under queen Elizabeth: a second, for faithful preachers to be sent forth at that needful time to preach the gospel, and for good magistrates to countenance it: and a third, against error and popery. All seasonable, especially at that time.

See them in the Appendix. The two former are set at the end of his expositions upon the first and second chapters of Aggeus, printed about 1559. The third at the end of his book, in confutation of a popish paper about the burning of St. Paul’s.

Endeavour was now made for John Mey, or May, (who was elected fellow of Queen’s college in Cambridge, anno 1550, afterwards created D. D. a dignified man, and well known in the north, being archdeacon of the North Riding, either to succeed in that see of Durham, now vacant; or, if Dr. Barnes, the bishop of Carlisle, were translated thither, that he might obtain that bishopric. His noble friend the earl of Shrewsbury wrote to the great earl of Leicester at court, to move it to the queen, and to deliver to her majesty his letter in Dr. Mey’s behalf. To whom the earl of Leicester answered, that her majesty had received the letter, and took his suit in good part; and added, that he knew the said May was like to have good speed for one of those bishoprics. That he had some back-friends, but that he was then past the worst; and was much bound to his lordship. Adding, that he thought the bishop would be appointed shortly.

The same earl of Shrewsbury wrote also a letter to the earl of Sussex, lord chamberlain, recommending to him the said person, in respect of his good preaching and hospitality: wishing him to be preferred to one of those bishoprics, or some other: requesting his furtherance therein, as occasion might serve. That nobleman’s answer to the earl of Shrewsbury was to this purport; “That truly he did not know the man, but giving credit to his lordship’s knowledge in those two points, of sound preaching and good hospitality, (which, he said, were the two principal matters to be required in a man to be called to such a ministry,) he would be glad, at his lordship’s request, to give him furtherance in this or any thing else whereinso-ever he should see opportunity. As he wished also to do any thing his lordship would at any time commit to him.” This was writ from the court, November the 15th, 1576. Subscribing, Your assured friend, T. Sussex.” In short, Barnes is translated to Durham by the lord treasure’s interest, upon the account of some good services he was to do in that capacity for the queen and religion, according as that lord by a letter had suggested to be expected from him. His thankful acknowledgments for this favour in commending him to her highness, and interposing his own credit for his [the bishop’s] service, he soon after professed in a letter to the treasurer, “Protesting to devote himself and his service unto his honour for ever. And as he had desired him now in that place to take some especial care of certain matters,” (which, I suppose, was to watch any messengers or messages that might come from Scotland to the Scottish queen, or from her that way, and likewise for the service of religion, to check popery in those parts, where especially emissaries were sent to say mass, and to make proselytes, and to stir insurrections,) “he assured him, that he would not be unmindful to accomplish his lordship’s requests, as he trusted should tend to the advancement of God’s glory and her majesty’s good service. And that he doubted not he should do it, if he were well backed at the beginning by her highness and that lord, and the rest of the privy-council. And that he had served seven years at Carlisle, and he trusted had discharged that promise that his lordship then made unto her highness in his behalf.”

The whole letter, with an &c. of shewing himself thankful, may be read in the Appendix, that I may preserve some memorial of bishop Barnes, as I do, as far as I meet with any matters of remark, concerning other bishops of these times.

But there followed a contest between the new bishop and Mrs. Pilkinton, the former bishop’s widow, about the dilapidations, which the bishop made to amount to a great sum, as by a brief of the special surveys appeared; which he sent up to the lord treasurer, who concerned himself in the same, in order to make some amicable conclusion between them; and was desirous to have the matter ended by arbitration. Which the bishop shewed himself ready to comply with: thus declaring to the said lord, “what he had done touching his lordship’s request to compromit to order of indifferent men the controversy between Mrs. Pilkinton and him, for dilapidations; that he did the last summer appoint with Dr. kingsmel, her brother, to send up some at Michaelmas term last, to deal with them in that cause. And that accordingly he sent Mr. Richard Frankland and another for him. Who waited there at that term-time, and sought for Mr. kingsmel. And declared unto Mrs. Pilkinton’s proctors, that they attended to that end. But none of them would for her deal that way, nor be known to have any direction to that end from her and hers. But they had feed three doctors and two proctors to answer him, as like would. Whereupon they informed him to commence his suit: and that since they had used such delays, and so dallied in the suit, (thejudge more than indifferently inclining to them,) they had driven him, he said, to appeal to her majesty. “So that the next term, as he proceeded, his lordship should see the original surveys under the hands and seal of gentlemen, wise and right worshipful. And that at his honour’s request he would send up some for him, who should attend upon his lordship four days before the next term. And that it would please his lordship to command those that were for Mrs. Pilkinton, then to be before his honour also. And that those whom he should send should deal with them; and offer such offers on his [the bishop’s] behalf, as he doubted not but his lordship should like of, and think to be reasonable and friendly. Notwithstanding, he would not rehearse how ill he had been handled at Mrs. Pilkinton’s hands, and by hers: which his lordship should know hereafter.”

This was written from Aikeland, the 11th day of February, 1577.

Subscribing, Your honourable good lordship’s, Ever in Christ Jesu, At all commandments, Ri. Dunelm.”

Dr. Mey was at length made bishop of Carlisle, by the intercession of his said friend the earl of Shrewsbury. Which favour he acknowledged by a letter of gratitude, dated June the 1st, 1577, from Huntingdon, being then bishop elect: importing “that having received so many good turns at his honour’s hands, he thought it his bounden duty to write these his humble letters of thanksgiving unto his good lordship; assuring the same, that as he took himself more bound unto his honour than he could express, so he would never be unmindful of his duty towards his lordship, or any of his lordship’s friends; but to the utmost of his power would always be ready to gratify the same any manner of way that should lie in him.”

Requesting further of the said earl, to obtain a commendam for him, where he might reside, Rose castle being at present taken up by a temporal lord, the lord Scroop. Therefore he beseeched him to move the earl of Leicester for his com-mendam, that among other things he might still enjoy the benefice of Darfield, which was the only place that he now had to stay in; considering that the lord Scroop had the use of Rose castle till Michaelmas next. And that he had also, at the said earl of Leicester’s request, parted lately with his mastership of St. Katharine’s hall in Cambridge, to one of his lordship’s chaplains, [viz. Edm. Hound.] This Darfield was a rectory in Yorkshire, containing no less than two thousand souls, young and old: but not coming all to one church, there being two chapels annexed; the one at Wombe, the other at Worseborough. Which town might consist of six hundred souls more. To which parish belonged a parson (who was the bishop) and a vicar. Whose living consisted of a pension of twenty-two marks: the parson’s, of six or seven score pounds by the year. He allowed to the curates of the two chapels (whereof the vicar was one) five pounds each yearly. And the bishop procured quarterly sermons for his head church. But for this, the bishop was unworthily slandered and clamoured at by the puritan faction after this manner: If one asked, why these stipendiaries took so little of the parson, and he receive so much, answer was made, that if they refused, the bishop would take one or other that came next to hand, and create him a shepherd in one day, that would be content to serve him for less. Such slanders were easily raised, and then studiously blown about among the common people.

This bishop bore sable, a cheveron, or, between three cross croslets, fitche, argent. On a chief of the second three roses. Which seemed to be an addition to the bishop’s coat; for his brother, Dr. William May, dean of Paul’s, bore it plain. He married Amy, daughter of Will. Vowel of Creke abbey in Norfolk, gent. and widow of John Cowel of Lancashire: and had issue, John, his son and heir; Elizabeth, married to Richard Bird, D.D.

Alice, married to Richard Burton of Burton in the county of York; Anne, married to Richard Pilkington, D.D. John, the bishop’s son and heir, of Shouldham abbey, comitat. Nor. esq. married to Cordela, daughter of Martin Bowes of London, esq. and had issue Henry, John, Stephen, Margaret, married to Richard Fawcet of Catericks, in com. Richmond, clerk; Frances, Fortunata, Frances, Dorothy.

This bishop’s death, place of interment, and memorial, follow: being taken from the register of the parish of Dal-ston in Cumberland. Feb. 15,1597. Reverendus in Christo pater, Johannes Mey, divina providentia episcopus Carliolensis, hora octava matutina decimi quinti diei Februarii, mortem oppetiit, et hora octava vespertina ejusdem diei, Carliolensi in ecclesia sepultus fuit.Cujus justa celebrabantur die sequenti Dalstonii.

CHAPTER 4.

Rockrey, B.D. of Queen’s college, Cambridge, inconform-able to the apparel prescribed by statute: his case signified by the master of the college. One Gawton, a puritan, summoned before the bishop of Norwich. The matters laid to his charge. Is suspended.

One Harvey, another puritan minister of Norwich, suspended.

Gaw-ton’s letter to the bishop, disowning, his jurisdiction. A sect of libertines. Dr. Laurence Humfrey made dean of Gloucester.

Observation of the 17th of November. Irish priests, bastards.

Dispensed with by the pope to take orders.

WE turn now to the puritanical sort, and such as refused conformity to the customs and practice of thc church, enjoined. Of this sort was one Rockrey, B.D. of Queen’s college, Cambridge. He was an enemy to the wearing both of the apparel required of the clergy and of the university.

And so inconformable he had been some years before; and was cast out of the college for the same fault, by command of the queen’s council. But such was the tenderness of the lord Burghley, chancellor of that university, that he prevailed to have him received again, in hopes of better compliance; being a person, it seems, of some merit. But instead thereof, he shewed himself afterwards more averse and obstinate than before. So that still complaint being made thereof by Dr. Chaderton, the master, some time still was allowed him to reform himself. The year being expired, and the man as perverse as before, or more, the said Dr. Chaderton stated the matter at large to the said lord, in a letter dated in October; and requiting his direction how to proceed with him, that would not yet conform to the rites and customs of the church and college, viz. “That Rockrey, S. T. B. still remained in the college; one not unknown to his honour: who, four years ago, by the public authority of the queen’s council, was ejected the college for contumacy; again admitted by his [the chancellor’s] entreaty into his fellowship. But that he from that time had been so averse, not from the rites only, and ceremonies, but even a communi etiam vita, hardly conversing with the rest, that he had offended very many honest men; and by his evil example had excited others also to the same (ajtaxi>a ). That he dealt, as it was fit, with the man at first friendly and piously, but profited nothing. That afterwards, as their statutes required, he admonished him three times that he should compose himself as well in habitu as in vestitu, to the common and approved customs of the university. But he refused to wear either the ecclesiastical habit or the university cap. That this he had signified to his lordship the last year, when he was with him at Theobald’s. And that then this was his decree, that he [the master] should for one year bear his [improbitatem ] stubbornness; but that afterwards, unless he conformed himself to the customs of the university, he should pronounce sentence according to the statute. He desired therefore his lordship’s advice by letter or message. For that he could not contain others in their duty and in order, if, as he said, every one might live freely according to their own pleasure: nor certainly would the laws of the university have any force, unless rebels and stubborn persons were restrained by punishment prescribed.”

One Gauton, formerly of a trade, now curate of a church in Norwich, is called before Freake, the bishop of Norwich, for his principles and practices dissonant from the established discipline of the church; and who had also confuted in his sermon what the bishop’s chaplain had preached a little before. Being summoned before the bishop in his house, he began to take notice to Gauton of his taking upon him to confute what his chaplain had preached; and that he admonished his parishioners to beware of such false doctrine. To whom Gauton briskly answered, (as he related the matter himself,) “Was it not meet for me so to do, since he preached such false doctrine? As, that we had natural motions to draw us unto God: and, that albeit none came to Christ but such whom the Father draweth, yet all come not whom God doth draw; but that it is in man whetherhe will be drawn or no.”

The bishop told him, that he did this but the Sunday next after his chaplain had preached; and that he had in the mean time explained what he had asserted before, to the satisfaction of all. The other replied, Nay, he had made it worse than at first. The bishop asked him, Wherein? Gauton said, for that in his last sermon he said, that hearing was [believing]; and that Paul saith, Faith cometh by hearing. But hearing is a natural gift. And so we have faith by nature and consequently are saved by nature; as that minister inferred from the chaplain’s argument. Hereupon the bishop said, he would call him to dispute with him upon this point. The other answered, that he was well enough able to confute his false doctrine. But the bishop said, that was not the matter he was sent for: for that he had other matters against him.

Then the bishop charged him, that he wore not the surplice, nor observed the orders of the queen’s book, neither in prayers nor administration of the sacrament, He answered, that indeed he wore not the surplice; but otherwise he was not to be charged for not observing the order of the book: and added very confidently, that he had long since heard at the court, that he, the bishop himself, liked not so greatly of the surplice; and that therefore he doubted that worldly dignity and vain glory led him to do against his own conscience; and wished him to look if it were not so.

Whereunto the bishop replied, that there was no cause why any should think so of him: for he ware the surplice, or the apparel, that was as ill, in his account: or that if he were now to say service, or to minister the sacraments, he would wear it. To which the other very pertly answered, that he was the more sorry.

By the dean and commissary he was asked, whether, by serving his cure in Norwich, he acknowledged himself subject to the jurisdiction of the bishop.

He answered, that he did not acknowledge himself subject to such jurisdiction as the bishop did use and claim. And when they willed him to beware what he answered in denying authority; he answered, he was not afraid to deny the unfaithful authority of bishops, archdeacons, chancellors, commissaries, and such like.

This man, so very impudent and malapert with the bishop, and with his officers, after divers other articles alleged against him, was suspended. And when the bishop told him he would suspend him, and he should go again to his former occupation; he said, he thanked God he had an occupation, and so, he said, had Paul and our Saviour too.

The dean sat a little before at St. George’s about such ecclesiastical matters; but now, about the examination of Gawton, he sat in the bishop’s chamber: against which he excepted, crying out, This your dealing with me in huggermugger, and in corners, will not further your cause, but hinder it, and further ours. For all men may see that you fear the light. The dean answered, he was so used at St. George’s the other day, that he durst not for his life sit there any more. But that Gawton might without peril of his life come to the bishop’s chamber. One Harvy, a non-compiler, and a disowner of the bishop’s jurisdiction, was at that time suspended. But Gawton took his part, and said, that Harry was able by the word of God to prove his calling lawful. And further he then said, both to the bishop and the dean, that they had no authority on their side: but, in a confident way of challenge, bade them both take unto them whom they would in England; “We are here not past half a dozen in this city, and (if you dare) confer with us by learning. And if we be not able to prove that we hold by the word of God, we will not only yield, but we will also yield our lives.” But the bishop only said to this, that it was uncharitably spoken; they sought not their lives.

I might here subjoin the other articles exhibited at this time against him before the bishop; with his answers: as, that he observed not the orders prescribed by the book. To which he answered, that he did not think himself by law bound precisely to every part of it. Item, That he did not read the service appointed, nor the chapters, gospels, and epistles, nor the collects; nor married, and ministered the sacraments according to the book.

He answered to this, that by reason of preaching he omitted some of them, as by law he might. That he observed the rest, except in baptism the cross and vows. Item, That he preached without renewing his licence, since the day appointed in the bishop’s canons. To which he said, he was a minister of the word of God; and therefore that was sufficient authority to preach the word in his own parish without their licence.

One Harvey also, a minister in the city of Norwich, (mentioned before,) was summoned before the bishop of that diocese, May the 13th, for some puritan principles, and particularly for preaching against the government of this church by the hierarchy of bishops, and their dignity, and ecclesiastical officers. The sufficiency of his calling also to the ministry was called into question; and, at a court held at St. George’s church, where the court then sat, suspended from his ministry by sentence pronounced by the dean of Norwich. At which Gawton beforesaid was present, and much displeased at the proceedings with him, carrying himself rudely there, and saying afterwards, when his own business was in hand, that the dean behaved himself not like a judge, but very intemperately, like a tyrant against Mr. Harvey: and that he was able, by the word of God, to prove his calling lawful.

But now what more particularly were this man’s principles, and how affected he stood to this church’s constitution, may be judged by a confident ruffling letter that he sent some days after to the bishop, (for him I take to be R. H. subscribed, the writer,) pretending therein to render a further account of his behaviour before him in the court where he sat as a judge: His protestation, he said, always remembered; meaning the denial of his lawful authority in the church, by warrant of the gospel. He first wished him peace and truth, if he pertained to God. And then began, “That he might see, if he shut not his eyes, how the man of sin, he of Rome, he meant, did pervert and corrupt the doctrine of Christ; so that not one free spot of it did remain. And that in like manner touching the regiment of the church and discipline, whereas our Saviour, Lord and only King of his church, sate in the seat of judgment, &c. that man plucked him out of his throne, and placed himself there. These things he hoped the bishop knew. That then we had to consider, that when Christ reigned, his officers were bishops and pastors, elders and deacons. In the scriptures of God we found it so. Now when the pope had removed this government, he placed new governors of another kind of name and office, that is to say, cardinals, archbishops, lords bishops, deans, chancellors, commissaries, with the rest of that ungracious guard. Thus doctrine and government being both thrown down, it pleased the Lord, in his time, to bestow upon us some benefit. For he had, by means of our good prince, purged the doctrine of Christ from devilish error; being ready also to have restored to us true discipline, if our own miserable unthankfulness and lazy slackness had not hindered. But you, (meaning the bishop,) and such as you be, whet the edge of your wooden sword, viz. your counterfeit authority, to stand in the way to shut the gate of paradise, and to keep us from the tree of life. “But to come to the government of the church, he [the bishop] saw, that it was not at all altered; and he knew, that where the pope’s officers, whom he created, did bear rule, there he bore rule himself.

So that you see, added he, in this state of the church, the reins of government be not in the hands of Christ, but in the hands of Antichrist. And that whereas they shrouded themselves under the shadow of the prince, saying, that she created them and their authority, &c. but he could discourse of that generation better than so: he knew it of a truth, that the archbishop begat them, and the bishop of Rome begat him, and the Devil begat him. So now, in respect of their offices, they saw who was their grandsire, and who their great grandsire. “But, as he proceeded, that whereas they said, that though the prince did not create them, yet she allowed of them; he answered, that forasmuch as Christ was the only lawgiver in his church, and the only ordainer of officers therein, if any king or prince in the world ordain or allow other officers than Christ hath already ordained or allowed, we will, said he, rather lay down our necks on the block, than consent thereto. Wherefore do not use to object unto us so oft the name of our prince. For you use it as a cloak to cover your cursed enterprises. That they sought out of her authority to scratch poison, i. e. the hinderance of the gospel of Christ. tie bade them remember what they had done. Have you not thrust out some, whom God had placed over his people; even such as preached the lively word faithfully and sincerely? Have you not plucked out those preachers, where God set them in? Do you think that this plea, I did but execute the law, will excuse you before the high Judge? where you, except you repent with a deep repentance, shall stand and tremble like a thief in the jail, and gnash your teeth. “But again, turning to their offices, that seeing he had proved that they were not of God, he asketh the bishop, Who made you so malapert as to sit in the seat of judgment in the church, having no warrant for your so doing; sitting and controlling the ministers of Christ? What shall become of those miserable caitiffs that have overthrown the government of the church under the gospel? Well, then, if you be an unlawful judge in the church, (and I have the truth of God on my side,) then you must needs be an idol. So that if I had reverenced you in your judgment seat, I should have committed idolatry. Wherefore now he saw it was the fear of displeasing God, and not stoutness and contumacy of mind, [as the court had then charged him with,] that caused him to deny the bishop reverence. “And therefore at last he gave him counsel in Christ, to have a care for his soul, and in haste to renounce that evil office which he had usurped, and repent him deeply of his horrible iniquity, [in suspending these puritans,] and suffer the flock to enjoy the benefit of their preachers of God’s word; and he himself to serve God in some other calling, until he called him to some fight and true function in his church. And these things he bade him do, lest his sin were greater than it was before he told him. And if he would do thus, he, with his faithful brethren, would pray to God, that these things which he had spoken might not fall upon him.”

These are some brief extracts taken out of his very letter, and so much esteemed by that party, that it was put in print by them, with several other tracts of the like sort.

There was now another sort of dissenters from the doctrine of the church, as the former were of the discipline: a sort of libertines they were, that reckoned themselves not bound to the observation of the moral law of the ten commandments; as being obligatory to such only as were Jews. The broacher of this opinion propounded, for the advancement of it, two questions. First, whether the whole law of Moses was given to the Jews, or no? [And not to the Gentiles.] Secondly, whether, if it were given to the Jews and Gentiles, it were abrogated by Christ’s coming, in whole or in part? These questions were framed by one Bird, living about Saffron Walden, in Essex; where there was a company or society of pure brethren, as they were called. To these questions, sent to Dr. Whitgift, he gave a long and learned answer; which I have set clown elsewhere, and given an account thereof, Now was Dr. Lawrence Humfrey, the learned public pro-lessor of divinity at Oxford, advanced to the deanery of Gloucester, by the means of the lord treasurer: and upon his motion was at length persuaded to wear the habits; which he, with Dr. Sampson, some time dean of Christ’s Church, had refused some years before; and drew up their arguments why they could not comply therewith: which made a very unhappy difference then in the church, as may be read elsewhere at large. And now, in the month of February, from Oxon, he wrote to this tenor to the said lord: “That he had received his letter, and perceived his care for the bettering of his state. That he was loath her majesty, or any other honourable person, should think that he was forgetful of his duty, or so far off from obedience, but that he would submit himself to those orders, in that place where his being and living was. And therefore he had yielded.”

This year began the keeping of the anniversary day of queen Elizabeth’s accession to the crown: and so henceforward to be observed every year on the 17th day of November; or at least this form of prayer was, by appointment, to be used: which may be worthy to be here inserted: printed this year. “O Lord God, most merciful Father; who, as upon this day, calling thy servant, our sovereign and gracious queen Elizabeth to the kingdom, didst deliver thy people of England from danger of war and oppression, both of bodies by tyranny, and of conscience by superstition: restoring peace and true religion, with liberty both of bodies and minds: and hast continued the same thy blessings without all desert on our part, now by the space of these eighteen years: we who are, in memory of these thy great benefits, assembled here together, most humbly beseech thy fatherly goodness to grant us grace, that we may in word, deed, and heart, shew ourselves thankful and obedient unto thee for the same. And that our queen, through thy grace, may, in all honour, goodness, and godliness, long and many years reign over us; and we obey and enjoy her, with the continuance of thy great blessings, which thou hast by her, thy minister, poured upon us. This we beseech thee to grant unto us, for thy dear Son Jesus Christ’s sake, our Lord and Saviour, Amen.”

Now to cast an eye over into the queen’s other kingdom of Ireland.

This year there was to be an ordination, to supply the popish church there with mass-sayers, and chantry-priests, and for such like offices. At which time there were no less than five bastards, some of them, and perhaps all, sons of priests, that were now to be entered into the priesthood. And, as it seems, such misbegotten persons were bred up to some learning, in order to be made priests; but because of certain ecclesiastical canons, such could not be admitted into sacred orders; the pope was to dispense with them, and to take off the baseness, of their birth. And so he did by a formal bull, and authorized the popish bishop elect, of Dromore, to admit them to orders. This dispensationof pope Gregory (being the original bull) was once in my hands: which ran to this tenor, viz. Gregorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei; dilecto filio Patricio electo Dromoren. saltem, et aplicam, benedictionem. Ex parte dilectorum filiorum, Joannis Mac Gilmora, et Nicolai Mac Var, ac Terentii O Bengil, et Patricii etiam O Bengill, Armacan. dioc. necnon Terentii Mac Gracha, et Remundi Mac Gracha, Clochoren. dioc. et Pelmei O Muri-gan, Dromoren. dioc. clericor, seu scholarium, nobis fuit humiliter suppllcatum, ut cum ipsis asserentib, se defectus natalium de presbyteris et solutis, vel alias genitos, pati; ac paucos in illis partibus, in quibus haeretici catholicis praesunt, existere, qui ad sacros ordines promoveri velint, super defectibus humoi, ut, illis non obstantibus, Joannes, Nicolaus, Terentius, O Bingil et Patricius praefati, ex eo, &c. “The bishop of Armagh being detained then in prison by the heretics: having obtained the letters dimis-sory of the neighbouring ordinaries, or their licence, and the rest by the licence of the ordinaries respectively; by whose testimonies their lives and manners are commended,” &c. Then follows the pope’s indulgence, to allow the foresaid bishop elect to give them orders, and to qualify them for any preferment or benefices whatsoever, in these words: Ad ordines praedictos licentiam et facultatem con-cedere et impartiri, de benignitate aplica, dignaremur; si Joannes, Nicolaus, &c. sint idonei, nec paternae incontinen-tiae sint imitatores, sed bonae conversationis et vitae, aliaque ipsis merita suffragantur ad humoi, dispensationum gra-tics obtinendas, &c.

CHAPTER 5.

Manchester college: its revenues in danger. The corn act procured for the universities by the lord treasurer. The benefit of Sturbridge fair obtained by him for Cambridge. The lord treasurer’s letter to the queen about his daughter, the countess of Oxford. His grave advice to White, master of the rolls in Ireland. An edition of the Bible: some account of it. Other books now set forth. The death of Walter earl of Essex; and of sir Anthony Cook. Sir Thomas Smith, and others of the court, at Buxton well. The queen goes her progress.

THE college of Manchester, in Lancashire, which, maintaining several preachers, fellows there, had a great influence through that whole country for propagating true religion among the inhabitants, many of them ignorant, and many popishly affected. Nowel, dean of St. Paul’s, born in this county, was much concerned at the dangerous state of it at this time, by reason of the revenue of it leased out to Mr. Killegrew, gentleman of her majesty’s privy chamber, at a very small rent, by a late warden thereof, a papist. For the preventing of this great injury, not only to the college, but to the whole country, the good dean interposed, and wrote a letter to the great patron of religion and learning in those days, to this purport: “That he understood by one Carter, a fellow of that college, that in the mean time of the trim of the truth of Mr. Warden’s dealings, as was appointed by his lordship and secretary. Walsingham, the lease of the chief revenues of the college were, under the great seal, passed over unto Mr. Killegrew, upon such condition and small rent as was by the said warden granted; to the utter undoing of the said college, unless some remedy might be had therein. And that, forsomuch as the cause of the said college was by her majesty committed to them two, these were most humbly to beseech their honours, in respect of the good instruction of the whole people of that country, in their duty to God and her majesty, to be a means that the said college might be preserved in some convenient state: and that the said warden, the author of the ruin of the said college, according as their honours had already taken order by their letters, might receive no rents of the said college, until such time as his doings, by the return of the depositions to the articles, from their honours unto the country directed, were fully examined and tried.

And that Mr. Carter’s great charge, who by his most necessary suit, as he [the dean] thought, was greatly indebted, might be considered. Whereby their honours should do a deed most acceptable unto Almighty God: who have you (as he concluded) always in his blessed keeping.” Dated Oct. 28, 1576.

This great and good lord treasurer was now also very instrumental to the cause of learning and religion, by procuring some favours to the universities; namely, a seasonable act of parliament for increasing the commons of the colleges, there having been but slender allowances to the students. It was called The corn act: which Andrew Willet, D.D. commemorates with these words: “The statute of provision of corn for colleges in both universities, made the 18th of her majesty’s reign, [i. e. 1576,] whereby it is provided, that in every lease to be made, the third part of the rent should be paid in corn, for the mending and increasing of the common diet: wheat to be served in at 6s . 8d. and malt at 5s. the quarter, or so much money, [to be taken at the will of the colleges.”] By virtue of which act, the benefit upon new leases, which are actually void, without reservation of such provision, are doubled, to the great relief of the company of students: the benefit whereof may arise to the increase of more than 12,000l . per ann. in both universities. This act, saith the beforementioned author, was devised and procured by the prudent and provident care of sir William Cecil, lord treasurer, and chancellor of the university of Cambridge. I know this act is attributed by some to sir Thomas Smith, the queen’s secretary; but Dr. Willet, who lived in those times, and was then an university man, no question had good information.

It is probable, that both the one and the other joined together in devising and procuring it, This worthy man procured also the settlement of the benefit of Sturbridge fair upon the university of Cambridge: for which I find the vice-chancellor and senate returning their thanks to him, their chancellor, 8 id. Mar.

Thanking him for his seasonable interposition with the queen in behalf of the university, for their power in that fair, being in danger, by the petition of the townsmen. And the next year they wrote a letter to the queen, returning their thanks to her for what she had told the townsmen, bringing her a petition, for Sturbridge fair, “That she would not take away any privileges that she had granted that university, but would rather add to them.” This matter was in transaction a year or two before; having been first moved by Dr. Perne, by whose means many privileges and benefactions were obtained to that university, who, in the year 1574, applying to their chancellor, lord Burghley, shewed him how he was informed, that suit was made by some of her highness’ privy-chamber for Sturbridge fair: for that it had stood seized into her majesty’s hands sithence the time of the reign of her royal father: which, if it might please her highness to bestow on that university, it might be such a worthy and perpetual monument made by the rent thereof, as her majesty had most graciously promised at her last being at Cambridge, in her highness’ oration made there: and the townsmen that were then occupiers thereof, yielding a reasonable rent unto the university for their several booths. Thus, as he concluded, being bold to put his ho-nour in mind of this, referring the whole matter to his ho-nour’s best consideration, to do herein as he should think good.

To which I shall subjoin a passage relating to the above-said excellent nobleman, though of a more domestic concern; especially since it reached as far as the queen’s majesty, About the year 1571, he had matched his daughter Anne (most entirely beloved by him, and one of the queen’s ladies of honour) to the earl of Oxford: who carried himself unkindly towards her, and absented himself from her; and, upon some discontents, went beyond sea. She was very virtuous, but he a great spender; which prodigality put him, as it seems, somewhat behindhand. He had some suit to the queen, that might turn to his benefit; which not succeeding, he reckoned his father-in-law was not so cordial in his business as he expected. This begat estrangements in him, both towards his wife and this lord. Tales and reports in the mean time were spread, and brought even to the queen; which might probably have been prejudicial to the countess of Oxford, and to the lord her father. Therefore, to set himself and his daughter fight in the queen’s opinion, he penned this letter, and sent it to her majesty by Mr. Edward Cary, of the queen’s chamber. “That as he was wont by her goodness, permission, and by occasion of his place, to be frequently an intercessor for others, and therein found her majesty always inclinable to give him gracious audience; so now, in the latter end of his years, he found a necessary occasion to be an intercessor, or rather an immediate petitioner for himself, and an intercessor for another next himself; and that in a cause godly, honest, and just.” And after some further humble preface and apology, he proceeded to his suit; That he, by God’s visitation, was stayed from coming to her presence; and his daughter, the countess of Oxford, occasioned by her great grief to be absent from her majesty’s court: which nevertheless might be diversely reported to her majesty. But that it would please her to continue her princely consideration of them both: of him, as an old sworn servant, that dared appear with the best, the greatest, the oldest, and the youngest, for loyalty and devotion; and of his daughter, her majesty’s most humble young servant, as one that was toward her majesty, in dutiful love and fear, yea, in fervent admiration of her graces, to contend with any her equals. “That in the case between the earl of Oxford and her, whether it were for respect of misliking in him, [the lord Burghley,] or of misdemeaning in her, he avowed in the presence of God and his angels, (whom he prayed, as ministers of his ire,) if in this he uttered any untruth, he had not, in the earl’s absence, on his part, omitted any occasion to do him good, for himself and his causes; and that he had been as diligent for his causes, as he had been for his own. And that if he should, contrary to his deserts, be otherwise judged or suspected, he should receive great injury. “That for his daughter, though nature would make him to speak favourably, yet now that he had taken God and his angels to be witnesses, he renounced nature, and pronounced simply to her majesty, that he did never see in her behaviour, in word or deed, or could perceive by any other means, but that she had always carried herself honestly, chastely, and lovingly to him. And now lately, in expectation of his coming, so filled with joy thereof, so desirous to see the time of his arrival approach, as in any judgment no young lover could more excessively shew the same: and whatever things were past, wholly had reposed herself, with assurance to be well used by him; and with that confidence and importunity made to this lord her father, she went to him; but there missed of her expectation; and so attended, as her duty was, to gain some part of her hope.”

And so this lord ended his letter with this request, “That in any thing that might hereafter follow, wherein he might have wrong offered to him, he might have her majesty’s princely favour, to work his just defence for him and his; though unwilling to challenge any extraordinary favour: for his service had been but a piece of his duty, and his vocation had been too great reward.”

This is in short the sum of this lord’s letter, wrote in the beginning of March this year. But the whole being writ with that elegance of style, and to such a person, must not be lost. I have exemplified it in the Appendix.

I have met with an instance likewise of this great lord’s wisdom and gravity, in the counsel he gave to Nicolas White, (afterwards sir Nicolas,) master of the rolls in Ireland: which falling out in this year, I will insert. He was dear to that lord, and whom he greatly valued for his integrity and virtue. This gentleman was now under some trouble, the lord deputy, sir Henry Sydney, being disgusted at him, something that he had done or spoken being ill taken: which made him shy of intermeddling in public business, to avoid offence as much as he could. And to this he made his friend, the lord treasurer, privy. Who on this occasion thus gave his judgment and advice. “I do allow of your wisdom, to forbear dealing in causes otherwise than you are called unto by him that hath there the superior government. And yet in place and time, you may not ex professo neglect, by counsel and advice, to further God’s cause, and your country’s.

It is likely that some misconceiving hath been of you there; that in so many occasions of services, wherein you are skilful, you are not now more used.

And so will I think of your abilities to serve, and of your devotion to further good things. And on the other part, I love the governor, and wish him so good success, both for himself and for his office, that if you shall not prohibit me, upon your answer to these my letters, I will make a proof what should be the cause why he doth not make profit of your service.”

This was dated from court, the 24th of July, 1576.

But I find this displeasure of the lord deputy against this good man, master of the rolls, was not so easily removed, but rather increased. For a full twelvemonth after, his friend, the lord treasurer, in a letter, takes notice of it, and gives him again his grave advice, to this tenor: “That he was sorry to find the lord deputy did not use him both as he had formerly done, and as he [the lord treasurer] knew he could merit. But most certainly he perceived, the lord deputy conceived not well nor kindly of his doings there. But upon what occasions, whether justly or conjecturally, or by means of the accustomed factions and partialities [among them] there, he could not tell.

Wherefore his advice was, that he [Mr. White] should dutifully esclarish himself to the lord deputy; and if he would, he might say, that by the lord treasurer he understood the same. For, added the said lord, so well I love my lord deputy privately, and so much I esteem of him publicly, for the place he holdeth, that I wish him assisted with all such as I think are wise; and I also wish, that none such as you are, whom he hath so much in former times avaunced with credit, should for any private respect esloyne your good-will from him.”

But how hard it is to recover a great man’s favour, when he hath once taken a distaste, appears by Mr. White’s case. For all the counsel aforesaid, taken and used, had no success. Whereupon, when the lord treasurer understood, he thus expressed his mind: “That he was sorry, that upon his advice given him to seek the lord deputy’s favour, and notwithstanding his own writing to him therein, he [Mr. White] could not effectually recover the same.

Whereby he feared his lordship had conceived some deep matter of ingratitude, provoked by the said Mr. White. And that if he had given his lordship any such cause, he could not blame him; but for God’s cause, who forgiveth us all our faults, though he were hard to be recovered; for, qui ingratum dixerit, omne malum dixerit.

Yet adding, that he should do well, as he knew his own estate, to pursue by all honest means the obtaining of his favour, or the cancelling of his displeasure.”

All this I write, to preserve, as much as I may, any memorials of one of the greatest and best statesmen this nation ever enjoyed. And this passage, in part, gives some character of his wisdom and virtue.

Now to note a few books that came forth in print this year. One was the Holy Bible, in English, set forth now a second time in the black letter, in quarto, and printed by Christopher Barker, the queen’s printer; with the singing Psalms, and other prayers; which had been printed by John Day, the famous printer: and this not the first time added, and bound up with the English Bible; but so done (and that, as it seems, with allowance) some years before, viz. 1569; and the said Psalms there set to tunes. Of this Bible, which seems to be one of the first printed in a quarto volume, I think, will deserve some account to be given. The translation is different from the old translation, before the Bishops’ Bible came forth, which was in the year 1572. Each chapter is continued without any break, but with distinction of verses, which I believe was the first English Bible with verses. The title is, The holi Bible, and no more; with a picture of queen Elizabeth. Justice on one side of her, and Mercy on the other, setting or holding the crown on her head. Fortitude and Prudence upholding her throne with their hands. And underneath, a minister in a pulpit preaching, before a great auditory sitting; and on one side of the pulpit a grave senator in his gown, with his book, sitting also: which perhaps was designed to be secretary Cecil. Then is there a preface into the Bible following beginning, “Of all the sentences pronounced by our Saviour Christ in his whole doctrine, none is more serious, or worthy to be borne in remembrance, than that which he spake openly in his gospel, Scrutamini scrip-turas. These words were first spoken unto the Jews by our Saviour; but by him in his doctrine meant to all: for they concern all, of what nation or tongue, of what profession soever any men be. For to all belongeth it to be called unto eternal life, &c. No man, woman, or child, is excluded from this salvation: and therefore to every one of them is this spoken; proportionally yet, and in their degrees and ages; and as the reason and congruity of their vocation may ask, &c. If this celestial doctrine is authorized by the Father of heaven, and commanded of his only Son to be heard of us all; biddeth us busily to search the scripture; of what spirit can it proceed, to forbid the reading and studying of it? &c.

How much more unadvisedly do such men boast themselves to be either Christ’s vicars, or to be of his guard, to loath Christen men from reading, by their covert scandalous reproaches of the scripture; or in their authority, by law or statute, to contract this liberty of studying of eternal salvation, &c. Search therefore, good reader, on God’s name, as Christ bids thee, the holy scripture, wherein thou mayest find thy salvation,” &c.

And thus concludes; “Let us humbly, and on our knees, pray to Almighty God with that wise king Solomon, in his very words, thus: O Lord God of my fathers, Lord of mercies, thou that hast made all things with thy word, and didst ordain man through thy wisdom, that he should have dominion over thy creatures, &c. O send her out therefore from thy holy heavens, and from the throne of thy majesty, that she may be with me, and labour with me, that I may know what is acceptable in thy sight, &c. This same preface being before the Bishops’ Bible, ap pears to be done by archbishop Parker.”

Then, after the calendar and the Common Prayer, the Bible begins. Where at Genesis is a print of the creation of the world, standing before the first chapter: and the first capital letter is set within a picture, that hath archbishop Parker’s arms impaled with that of the see of Canterbury; which shews this Bible to have been printed with that archbishop’s allowance, order, and care. It hath also some marginal notes all along. The two first are these: at those words, The earth was without form, the note is, “Although the works of God, both in the creation, and in his spiritual operation in man, seem rude and imperfect at the first; yet by the working of his holy Spirit, he bringeth all things to a perfection at the end.” The next note is on those words, The Spirit of God moved upon, &c. “The confused heap of heaven and earth was imperfect and dark: and yet not utterly dead, but was endued with the power and strength of God’s Spirit; and so made lively, to continue unto the world’s end.”

The title of Genesis is, The first book of Moses, called in Hebrew Bereshith, in Greek Genesis. The note in the margin at Bereshith is, “That is, generation, or creation.” Then, chapter 2. where paradise is spoken of, is a picture representing it, with this title; “This figure is spoken of in the 10th verse, and representeth the situation of God’s garden.” And thus underwritten; “If there be any kingdom under heaven, that is excellent in beauty, in abundance of fruits, in plenteousness, in delights, and other gifts, they who have written of countries, do praise above all, the same that this figure representeth: where with the praises of those writers Moses exalteth this paradise, as duly belonging unto it. And it is very well like, that the region and kingdom of Eden hath been situate in that country, as it appeareth in the 27th chap. of Esay, 12 ver. and the 27th chap. of Ezek. 23 ver. Moreover, whereas Moses said, that a flood did proceed from the place, I do interpret it, from the course of the waters. As if he should have said, that Adam did inhabit in the flood’s-side, or in the land which was washed on both sides.

Howbeit there is no great matter in that: either that Adam hath inhabited in the place where both floods came together towards Babylon and Seleucia, or above. It is sufficient, that he hath been in a place watered of waters. But the thing is not dark to understand, how this flood hath been divided in four heads, &c. But to declare unto you the diversity of the rivers’ names, besides their usual and principal appellations, and how they be called, as they pass through each province, with the interpretation of the same, I think it rather tedious and cumbersome, than profitable,” &c.

This discourse goes on: but this is enough to shew the intent of it.

In Leviticus, at chap. 18, are set two tables in columns: the one entitled, Degrees of Kindred, which set matrimony, as it is set forth, Levit. 18. The other column is entitled, Degrees of Affinity, which set matrimony, as it is set forth, Levit. 18.

At Numbers, chap. 33, is a chart, shewing the way that the people of Israel passed, the space of forty years, from Egypt through the deserts of Arabia.

It containeth also the forty-two journeys, or stations, named in the same chapter.

Before the book of Joshua, there standeth the picture of a phenix, feeding her young ones with her blood: and on each, Prudence and Justice.

Underneath this distich: Matris ut haec poroprio stirps est satiata cruore, Pascis item proprio, Christe, cruore tuos.

Taking occasion for this meditation from Joshua, who was a type as well as a namesake of Jesus Christ.

After the books of Chronicles, just before Esdras, [or Ezra,] is a piece, entitled, A very profitable declaration for the understanding of the histories of Esdras, Nehemiah, Esther, Daniel, and divers other places of scripture, very dark, by reason of the discord that is between historiographers, and among the expositors of the holy scriptures; touching the successive order of the kings or monarchs of Babylon and Persia; of the years that the said monarchies lasted, and the transmigration of the Jews under Nebuchadonozor, until the monarchy of the Greeks; and of the confusion that is in the names oft he kings of Persia. It stands in three columns, thus:

That which happened to the people of Israel during these monarchies The monarchy of Babylon Of the years that the monarchs of Persia reigned. Of the difference of authors therein: and of the diversity and confusion of the names of the said monarchs.

The Book of Psalms hath set before it a prologue of St. Basil the Great; and a sentence or two of St. Augustin’s. Then follow certain general notes concerning all the Psalms. Among the rest, these: This [ * ] mark (where it is set) signifieth the place to be of great difficulty, and hard to be understood or interpreted. Which undoubtedly was intended for an hint to be cautious of putting our own sense upon such places, but modestly to leave them to the learned to be explained. Again, where any word is added to the Hebrew text, it is enclosed within crotchets, thus [ ].

It is noted likewise, that the venerable wordJEHOVAH was thought more aptly to be translated God, than Lord; for that it might savour of the Jewish superstition: who were persuaded that this wordJEHOVAH was not to be spoken or written; but instead of it,ADONAI, in Greek Ku>riov , that is, LORD, Exodus 6:3.

Another note was this; That although we use in our tongue to suppose forbidding [or permitting] by this word let, as, Let me do it, or, Let him do it: yet it may seem a hard manner of speech, especially when referred to God: as to say, Let God do it. Wherefore, seeing in Hebrew such phrases be the future tense, it was thought best to translate them by the moods indicative, optative, potential, or subjunctive. Besides these general notes, each Psalm hath its argument or contents prefixed before it.

Within the capital B, the first letter of the word blessed, which begins the first Psalm, there are included the arms of sir William Cecil, secretary of state, with his motto set, viz. Cor unum, via una. Whereby I conclude, he had a considerable influence in this edition of the Bible, together with the archbishop. This Book of Psalms varieth somewhat from the translation of them in the Book of Common Prayer; as it doth also from that of Geneva: reading the first verse thus, in the present tense: Blessed is the man that walketh not in the counsel of the ungodly, nor standeth in the way of sinners, nor sitteth in the seat of the scornful. Where I observe also the note made in the margin, quite different from that of Geneva, at the place, viz. “A man, whether he walketh, standeth, or sitteth, ought to eschew all manner of evil devices, works, and words; and also such company as be given to those vices: It follows in the second verse; But his delight is in the law of God. And in God, his law, exerciseth himself day and night.

The title before the New Testament is, The New Testament of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, 1569. And at the end is the printer’s name, Printed at London by Richard Jugg, printer to the Queen’s majesty.

Which shews it to come out with countenance and authority.

Before it is a map, being “A description of the Holy Land, containing the places mentioned in the four evangelists, with their places about the seacoast.

Wherein might be seen the ways and journeys of Christ and his apostles in Judea, Samaria, and GaUilee. For into these three parts that land is divided.”

On the reverse page is, “A table to make plain the difficulty that is found in St. Matthew and St. Luke, touching the generation of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his right successor in his kingdom. Which description begins at David, and no higher; because the difficulty is only in his posterity. The scheme of this table is as follows:

DAVID BEGAT Solomon, king.— Nathan, the kings son.

The posterity of Solomon left in Ochosias, [which was the sixth from Solomon.] Whereby the kingdom was transported to the line of Nathan, in the person of Joas, son to Judah. Which begat Amasias & Levi/ At the twenty-sixth chapter of Matthew is another table for the better understanding of the said twenty-sixth of St. Matthew, the fourteenth of St. Mark, the twenty-second of St. Luke, and the nineteenth Of St. John.

Being all these evangelists’ relations of our Saviour’s passion.

Before the epistle to the Romans, or rather at the end of the Acts, is a map, entitled, The cart cosmographie of the peregrination, or journey of St. Paul, with the distance of the miles. And another table, entitled, The order of times, with this preface: “Here hast thou, gentle reader, for thy better instruction, the description of the journey and peregrination of St. Paul: which is in this second book of St. Luke, called The Acts of the Apostles, most intreated of. And for because thou readest oftentimes of emperors, or kings, or deputies, thou hast set forth to thee the names, the years, and how long every emperor or king reigned, or deputy governed; or under whom any of these acts were done, even until the death of St. Paul.” The which table consisted in these columns.

Years of the emporers of Rome Years of the presidents of the Jews Years of the Herodians Years of Christ’s Incarnation Years of St. Paul the apostle After the end of the New Testament, follow the Psalms in metre, Imprinted at London by John Day. Being the same which we now sing in our public assemblies.

At the end of these Psalms are added divers good prayers: as, a form of prayer to be used in private houses every morning and evening. A prayer to be said before meat. A thanksgiving after meat. A thanksgiving before meat. And yet another after meat. Then a prayer for the whole estate of Christ’s church; which is long and pious. Then follows a confession of Christian faith. These prayers and devotions appear by many passages in them to have been composed for the use of the laity, toward the beginning of queen Elizabeth’s reign, and upon the settlement of the reformation in the church of England.

This excellent and best edition of the holy Bible hitherto was undoubtedly the work of learned hands and heads, and such as were well versed in sacred theology, geography, and chronology: being thereby made so intelligible and useful for common readers. And I make little doubt it was the effect, both of the pains and directions of good Matthew Parker, now archbishop of Canterbury; who had divers years before in his mind the setting forth of another edition of the holy scripture in the vulgar tongue, corrected according to the Hebrew, for the use and benefit of the common people: which he now brought to pass in a quarto, as he did afterwards in the largest volume, according as hath been shewn in his Life. And thus I have at large given a specimen of this early edition of the Bible, printed again anno 1576. Which may not be unacceptable to some readers.

Another book printed this year was, the Zodiack of Life, translated into English long verse by Bernabie Googe, and dedicated to the baron of Burghley. It was written by an excellent Italian Christian poet, Marcellus Palingenius Stellatus, Wherein are contained [under the twelve signs] twelve several labours: “painting out most lively the whole compass of the world; thc reformation of manners; the miseries of mankind; the pathway to virtue and vice; the eternity of the soul; the course of the heavens; the mysteries of nature; and divers other circumstances of great learning, and no less judgment,” as the title ran. Which book the translator many years before had dedicated to the same person, and now had perused, and in every point, as near as he could, to perfect. In this book Palingenius had writ some things not so consonant to the Romish religion. For which he made his apology to Hercules II. duke of Ferrara, (to whom he dedicated his book,) viz. “That if there happened to be something found in it, that should seem in any part to disagree to their religion, he was not to answer for it: for treating on many subjects of philosophical matters, he was driven to allege the opinion of sundry philosophers, especially Plato’s scholars. Whose opinions, if they were false, the blame was theirs, and not his: since his intent was, never to step a foot from the true catholic faith.”

It is a piece of natural philosophy, and aimeth at the drawing of men to morality and piety, and the fear of God, taking his argument from the immortality of the soul, and a future state.

This year was reprinted sir John Cheek’s book, set forth by him in the year 1549, upon occasion of a great insurrection of the commons in the west; when the city of Exeter was besieged by them. Wherein the true subject is brought in, making close expostulation with the rebel. The book is entitled, The hurt of sedition; how grievous it is to a commonwealth. Perused and imprinted by Seres, 1576, in a small octavo. Itwas a very elegant address to the commons; who were for making themselves equal with the gentlemen, under pretence of their grievances to be redressed. Perhaps now printed again, to meet with some present danger and sedition apprehended at this time. The book began; “Among so many and notable benefits wherewith God hath already liberally and plentifully endued us, there is nothing more beneficial, than that we have by his grace kept us quiet from rebellion at this time. For we see such miseries hang over the whole state of commonwealth through the great misorder of your sedition, that it maketh us much to rejoice, that we have been neither partners of your doings, nor conspirers of your counsels,” &c.

I add the deaths of two men of great quality and worth, that ended their lives this year. Whereof the one was, Walter, the good earl of Essex, who died in Ireland: whither he went to serve the queen against her rebels there; and was thought to have had foul play for his life. The early news of his death, White, master of the rolls there, sent in his letter to the lord treasurer: which with great passion he thus began his relation of: “O my good lord, here I must among others advertise you of the doleful departure of the earl of Essex; who ended his life to begin a better, the 22d of September, in the castle of Dublin; and felt his sickness first at Talaghe, the archbishop of Dublin’s house, in his journey towards Baltin-glass, to meet the earl of Ormond, accompanied with the chancellor, the last of August. That he [White] was much about him in the latter end of his sickness; and that he beheld such true tokens of nobility, conjoined with a most godly and virtuous mind, to the yielding up of his breath, as was rare to be seen. That two days before he died, he had speech with him of his lordship, [the lord treasurer,] and said, he thought he was born to do him and his good. But now, (said he,) I must commit the oversight of my son and all to him. That he spake also lovingly of my lord of Sussex: with many other things which for prolixity he omitted, and otherwise he ought to have writ: adding, that he [the earl] doubted that he had been poisoned, by reason of his violent evacuation which he had: and of that suspicion he acquitted this land: saying, No, not Tirrelaghe Lunnagh himself would do no villainy to his person: but upon the opening of him, which, saith White, I could not abide, the chancellor told him that all bis inward parts were sound; saving that his heart was somewhat consumed, and the bladder of his gall empty. That such as took upon them to be his physicians, as Chaloner, Knel, a preacher, and the deputy’s physician, called Dr. Trevor, applied him with many glisters, and thereby filled his body full of wind; which was perceived. So as either their ignorance, or some violent cause beyond their skill, ended his life. His flesh and complexion did not decay. His memory and speech was so perfect, that at the last yielding up of his breath, he cried, Courage, courage: I am a soldier that must fight under the banner of my Saviour Christ. And as he prayed always to be dissolved, so was he loath to die in his bed. Among others, (as Mr. White added in his letter,) the earl had care of his [White’s] second son, who was all this while brought up with the young earl, his son, without any charge to him, [his father,] because his mother was a Devorax: and required Mr. Waterhouse to move his honour, [the lord treasurer,] that he might still attend on his person, and be brought up with him: wherein he referred his cause to his lordship’s accustomed goodness. “That his lordship [the earl] had committed to his keeping the patents of his creation and countries there, and made him one of his feoffees in trust. And he hoped, with the deputy’s favour, to turn those lands to a reasonable commodity to his son. He sent likewise inclosed to his lordship, the names of such of the earl’s servants as were about him in the time of his sickness, and served him most painfully and diligently. For which respect he thought them worthy the favour of all men.”

All this he thought good to signify to the lord treasurer concerning the sickness and strange death of this truly noble, well-deserving earl. To which I subjoin the relation, by letter to the earl of Sussex, lord chamberlain, of his death and burial. “That his corpse was brought over by him, [who seems to be his executor,] to be buried at Caermarthen, where his lordship was born: with a request concerning the young earl; that whereas his lordship, for the education of his children, and payment of his legacies, by assurance in his lifetime, and by his last will and testament, reposed especially therein his lordship, [the said earl of Sussex,] forasmuch as his lordship had in his lifetime divers offices, as keeping of the castle of Caermar-then, stewardship of divers her majesty’s seigneuries in those parts of South Wales, the whole fees accustomed to such offices not amounting to above an hundred marks: which fees his lordship always bestowed upon his underofficers: by occasion of which offices, the inhabitants in those seigneuries did the rather depend upon his lordship; and now would be sorry, that any other than the new earl of Essex should have commandment in such office over them: and because he [the writer] well understood, that the having of these small offices might be to the new carl’s great continuing of thc hearts of these countrymen; and besides might be the better able, when he should come to years, to do service to his sovereign; he therefore was, in behalf of his lordship and my lord treasurer, to request, that all these offices might be bestowed upon this new earl of Essex: which should be as well executed, as if his lordship were of full age. And if occasion of service should require, his lordship might [although he were an infant] have the willing hearts of many to do him service. And so he committed his lordship to the preservation of the Almighty.” Dated from Caermarthen, the third of October.”

Mr. Waterhouse, (who seems to have been the writer of the former letter,) with the earl’s corpse, landed in Caermar-thenshire on Saturday; and from thence by land it was carried to Caermarthen, where his funerals were celebrated with great solemnity. Richard, bishop of St. David’s, preached upon this text, Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord, &c. Among his virtuous accomplishments, he spake of his skill in history and heraldry: “Very few noblemen in England more ready and expert in chronicles, histories, genealogies, and pedigrees of noble men and noble houses, not only within the realm, but also in foreign realms, than this noble earl was. He excelled in describing and blazoning of arms, and in all skill pertaining thereto,” &c. Further, he made it a part of true nobility, to distinguish true from false religion. “I received,” said the bishop, the preacher, “at his mouth, that there was nothing in the world that could blemish and abase the heroical nature of nobility so much as to have the eyes of the understanding so closed and shut up, that a man of honour should not be able to discern between true religion, and the hypocritical false reIigion; between the right worshipping of God, and idolatry; between the traditions of men and God’s word; but remain subject to lies and superstition, and to call bad good, and good bad. And that to be free from this servile state was a necessary endowment of true nobility.”

The whole sermon, giving a large account of his noble birth and virtuous accomplishments, is worthy reading.

In the foresaid Chronicle may be read this worthy earl’s epitaph, in many elegant Latin heroic verses, giving an account of him and his illustrious pedigree. Which, together with the sermon preached at his funeral, was presented, with a large epistle by E.W. to Robert earl of Essex, his son.

This year also died, June the 11th, sir Anthony Cook, of Gyddy hall, in Essex, knt. a man very famous as well for his own virtue and learning, as for his virtuous and learned daughters: the eldest whereof, Mildred, was married to sir William Cecil, lord Burghley, and lord treasurer; the second, Anne, matched sir Nicolas Bacon, lord keeper. This knight was one of the tutors to prince Edward, afterward king Edward VI. and one of the executors of king Henry the Eighth’s last will. He was interred in Rumford chapel, according to the order of his last will and testament, and these words added; “To be done by the discretion of his executors, with convenient and not excessive charges.” At the upper end of the north wall of that chapel is erected to his memory a fair monument; consisting of a figure of him in armour, of white marble, kneeling before a desk: behind the knight, his two sons, likewise in armour. And on the other side, the figures of his lady, and four daughters kneeling behind her: and over all their heads, their names, and with whom they married; with various inscriptions in Latin and English, and some Greek: which being somewhat long, I have preserved them (as they, and those excellent personages they commemorate, deserve) in the Appendix. Only the inscription over sir Anthony, I will here insert. Dns. ANTHONIUS COCUS, ordinis equestris miles, ob singularem doctrinam, prudentiam, et pietatem, regis EDOARDI Sexti institutor constitutus. Uxorem habuit ANNAM, filiam GUILIELMI FITZWILLIAMS de Milton, militis, vere piam et generosam. Cum qua diu feliciter vixit, et supervixit. At tandem quum suos, tam natos, quam natas, bene col-locasset, in Christo pie mortuus est, anno aetatis 70.

His last will bare date, May 22, 1576. The contents whereof were: to his son Richard, his best basin and ewer of silver, parcel gilt; his best gilt salt, with other plate. Then to his daughter of Burghley, one other nest of bowls, gilt and pinked. To his daughter Bacon, one other nest of gilt bowls, &c. To his daughter Russel, his second gilt salt, &c. To his daughter Killigrew, one nest of white bowls, &c. To his son William, his second basin and ewer, parcel gilt, &c. To his son Richard, all his household stuff and harness, which he had at Giddy hall, and Bedford’s, or any place else. Then for his books, his will was, that his daughter of Burghley should have two volumes in Latin and one in Greek, such as she should choose of his gift. And after her choice, his daughters Russel and Killi-grew, two other volumes in Latin and one in Greek, each in order, of their choice. All the rest of his books he gave to his son Richard, and Anthony his son. A farm in Mynster, in the Isle of Thanet, with all the stock of cattle and corn, to his sons Richard and William jointly, during the term yet to come.

His executors he appointed the right honourable sir Nicolas Bacon, knt. lord keeper of the great seal, and the lord Burghley, lord treasurer, Richard Cook and William Cook, his sons abovenamed.

To the two former he gave each 200l .

To William Cook, and his daughter-in-law, the said Cook’s wife, he gave his manors of Mawdelyn Laver, Markskalls Bury, and Hanghonns, and Withers, in the county of Essex; in such order and sort, and with such remainders as was by covenant agreed upon by the lady Gray and him, in writing, upon the marriage had between him and his wife. That his daughter-in-law, wife to his son Richard, should have for term of her life the manor of Chaldwel, with the appurtenances, in the county of Essex; and the manor of Ridden-Court, &c. in Havering, in full recompence and satisfaction of all jointure.

Lastly, his son Richard to have to him and his heirs male, immediately after his decease, all the residue of his lands, tenements, hereditaments, &c.

To this learned knight, Peter Martyr, in the year 1558, dedicated his commentary upon the Epistle to the Romans: dated from Tygur, 8. kal.

Augusti. And the reason he gave why he chose him above all others for this dedication, was, “That considering this work was due to the men of the English nation; being lectures read by him at Oxford, he thought sir Anthony the person most meet to whom they should be presented: that as king Edward VI, this knight’s most noble and dear pupil, not long before, received his other commentary upon the First Epistle to the Corinthians, he might join him, the schoolmaster of so much renown, with his scholar of such excellency. And in respect of that honour and love that he most justly deserved, he added, that when he [P. Martyr] was in the realm of England, he began to love him. And when afterwards God, by his singular providence, so wrought, that he saw him again in Germany, and knew him to be the selfsame man he was before, [that is, a sincere lover of true religion, for which he was now a voluntary exile,] he was so affected, that whereas before he did indeed love him, now he loved him most fervently: and oftentimes thought with himself, how he might in something or other signify how much he esteemed his virtues; and how grateful he might shew himself towards him for benefits which sometime he had received from him.”

Sir Anthony Cook was high steward of the liberty of Havering and so was Richard his son, and Anthony his son, and sir Edward his son: and Charles Cook his son died without issue. I have set down so much of this gentleman, especially being in the rank of the most eminently learned and pious in the age, and such as were the restorers of good learning, and furtherers of true religion: by whose means, in a great measure, popery began to be thrown out of this kingdom; and who was an exile for the gospel. And particularly his memory is to be preserved, for having been one of those that first imbued the mind of that excellent prince, king Edward VI. with right principles of religion, arid an instrument of his extraordinary attainments in learning.

To all which commendations of this worthy man, I must add one more, in respect of the singular attainments, that by his instruction his incomparable daughters had in learning and godliness: which some of them shewed in their works published. The lady Anne, wife to the lord keeper Bacon, translated into proper English, bishop Jewers Apology for the Church of England; which was printed for common use, and set forth by the special order of archbishop Parker, as hath been taken notice of elsewhere, with some additions Of his own at the end. The lady Elizabeth, his third daughter, wife to the lord John Russel, son and heir to Francis earl of Bedford, translated likewise out of Latin into English, a tract, called, A way of reconciliation of a good and learned man, touching the true nature and substance of the body and blood of Christ in the sacrament.

Printed 1605, and dedicated to her only daughter, Anne Herbert, wife to the lord H. Herbert, son and heir to Edward earl of Worcester. In which epistle, the excellent spirit as well as pen of that good lady may be seen. Beginning thus: “Most virtuous and worthily beloved daughter; even as from your first birth and cradle I ever was most, careful, above any worldly thing, to have you suck the perfect milk of sincere religion; so, willing to end as I began, I have left to you, as my last legacy, this book, a most precious jewel, to the comfort of your soul; being the work of a good, learned man, made above fifty years since, in Germany; after by travail a French creature, now naturalized by me into English.” Then, proceeding to give the reason, of her publishing this piece, she added, That at first she meant not to set it abroad in print; but herself only to have some certainty to lean unto in a matter so full of controversy, and to yield a reason of her opinion. But since lending the copy of her own hand to a friend, she was bereft thereof by some: and fearing lest after her death it should be printed according to the humours of others, [such things, it seems, being sometimes done in those days,] and wrong of the dead: who in his life approved her translation with his own allowance: therefore dreading, she said, wrong to him, above any other respect, she had by anticipation prevented the worst.” And then piously and affectionately she concludes thus: “That she meant it for a new year’s gift;” and then, “Farewell, my good sweet Nanny. God bless thee with the continuance of the comfort of the Holy Spirit; that it may ever work in you, and persevere with you to the end and in the end.” And then she ends with this tetrastic to her said daughter, suitable to the new year:

IN ANNAM FILIAM. Ut veniens annus tibi plurima commodet, ANNA, Voce pia mater, supplice mente, precor, Ut valeat pariterque tuo cum conjus’e proles, Officiis junctis, vita serena fluat. Elizabetha Russella, Dowager.

Buxton wells were at this time in great request, for helping, by its medicinal virtue, persons afflicted with the gout and other diseases. One of these patients was sir Thomas Smith, the secretary. He was in the summer retired to his house at Hill hall, in Essex, by reason of his distemper; the use of his tongue being clean taken away, that he could not be understood when he spake; such was the continualness of his rheum, that distilled from his head downward: as Mr. Gilbert Talbot wrote in his news from court to his father, the earl of Shrewsbury. And that that day (which was July the 6th) or the next, he set forwards towards the baths in Somersetshire: and from thence, about the latter end of the month, he went to Buxton, to whom Walsing-ham, the other secretary, sent letters thither about that time, supposing him then to be there. But all would not serve. This his disease proved mortal, and ended his useful life the year after. A more particular of his distemper, chiefly seizing his tongue, and his pious behaviour in his lingering sickness, is related in his Life, written in the year 1698.

There was also here at Buxton sir Walter Mildmay’s lady, using the waters for recovery of her health. She was sister to sir Francis Walsingham. Upon both these courtiers’ accounts, the earl of Shrewsbury and his lady shewed all respects to that lady. And in acknowledgment thereof, in a letter, dated July 3, he told the earl, “that he had great cause to think himself much bound to his lordship, for the great favour and courtesy his sister Mildmay received at his lordship’s hands, at her being then at Bux-ton. For which, as for all other tokens of his good-will heretofore declared unto him, he wished he had always some occasion to shew himself thankful, not in words only, but in deed.” He sent the earl herewithal two packets for the queen, his charge, [viz. the queen of Scots,] with other letters to sir Thomas Smith, who at that time, he supposed, was there at Buxton’s also.

Nor did sir Walter forbear his thankful acknoWledgments to the earl, for the favours shewed to his wife. Writing to him three or four days after, [viz. Aug. 3,] from his seat at Apthorp, “That the continual advertisement that he had from his wife, of the great courtesy and charge that it pleased his lordship and his good lady daily to bestow upon her, gave him just cause to continue also his most hearty thanks to his lordship for the same. For that, without that favour and help at his lordship’s hands, being at Buxton, in so cold and raw a country, would be very tedious to her.

And that therefore they both were the more bound unto his lordship therein; and would to their power be as thankful unto his lordship, as in anywise they might.”

The court news now, in the beginning of July, was concerning the queen’s progress this summer; which was yet scarcely resolved upon. Her majesty’s determination thereof was uncertain, as Mr. Francis Talbot wrote to the earl of Shrewsbury from court, in his letter dated July 11, till the day before it was appointed to Grafton, and so to Ashley, my lord of Huntingdon’s house, there to have remained one and twenty days. But that present day it was altered. And she would no farther than Grafton this year. And so the court being dispersed, he having not to do such things there, as otherwise his lordship [his father] had commanded him, he intended to go presently to Wiltshire; where his wife was with my lord her brother. And after some small time of abode there, he would wait on his lordship.

Some days before, his other son, Gilbert, gave his father an account concerning a message he had commanded him to do to the earl of Leicester, the great favourite at court; whom therefore he laboured by all means to keep his friend; lest any misrepresentation might be made of him at court, about that weighty charge committed to his trust and fidelity. The countess of Shrewsbury was lately at court to wait upon the queen: whose carriage was so graceful, discreet, wise, and obliging, that her majesty, and the whole court, was much taken with her. She was the carl’s second wife, and was the daughter of Hardwich, of Hardwich of Derbyshire, esq. lately married to her: by whom he had great wealth. These matters were thus represented by letter to the earl, by his son Gilbert then at court. “I have had some talk with my lord of Leicester since my coming: whom I find most assuredly well affected towards your lordship and yours. I never knew man in my life more joyful for their friends than he, at my lady’s noble and wise government of herself, at her late being here: saying, that he heartily thanked God for so good a friend and kinsman as your lordship: and that you are matched with so noble and good a wife. I saw the queen’s majesty yesterday in the garden; but for that she was talking with my lord Hunsdon, she spake nothing to me; but looked very earnestly on me,” &c.

Some few days after, his other son, the lord Francis, shewed, “That upon his coming to court, as soon as her majesty saw him in the privy closet, she asked him how his lordship and my lady did. To whom he answered, that he had in charge to do both their humble duties to her. And that his lordship and my lady were in best estate, when they heard first the prosperous health of her majesty. And she said, she was most assured thereof: and told him, that neither of their loves was lost unto her. For that she requited it with the like again; with other good words to that effect.

But because the time would not then serve, she had, he added, no further talk or question with him.” The queen began her progress, July the 30th, towards Havering.

CHAPTER 6.

Matters of the Low Countries. The queen’s safety concerned therein; especially the French king’s brother entering into action for them. The apprehensions of the lord treasurer. Thelord keeper’s letter of counsel to the queen in this juncture. Reports from abroad concerning the Scottish queen’s escape. Advice of it sent to the earl of Shrewsbury from the court. A matter in Ireland about the cess; comes before the queen and council. The rigorous exaction complained of: regulated.

AS the queen had the last year sent her ambassadors to the Low Countries, to find out means, if possible, for the quiet of that people; so now there appeared but little amends of the hard usage and rigorous oppression exercised by king Philip’s government. Which could not but awake the queen and her ministers, and warn them of their own danger from that usurping, ambitious prince, so near them, and likewise from France.

And in order to their better success, they thought it advisable to labour to bring over the prince of Orange, the chief defender of those poor people, to quit the reformed religion. Dr. Wylson, the queen’s ambassador now at Brussels, sent this intelligence thence concerning that prince: “That he was sought unto by all means to yield in religion. And that one Dr. Longolius, alias Leoninus, of Lo-vain, was a principal instrument from don John to work it. Wherein if any appearance were of yielding, the prince should have what he would. Yea, that don John offered him a blank, and would come to him in person to S. Gertrudenburgh; with further promise, that his son should be sent out of Spain; and by order taken should succeed his father in all his government whatsoever.”

And therefore the said ambassador advised (in his said letter) the lord treasurer Burghley, (to whom that letter was wrote,) that he wished he [that prince] were cherished, so far as conveniently might be. Whereof he doubted not his lordship would ever have good consideration. And one reason, no doubt, was to keep Spain, that enemy of England, at a distance.

About this time, or not long after, in the month of May, there was a Discourse sent out of the Low Countries unto secretary Walsingham, dated May 4. And so it is endorsed by that secretary’s own hand: which therefore is of the more weight. It will give a sight of these foreign matters, as reaching unto this kingdom, and the welfare of it: coming, as it seems, from one of that secretary’s secret correspondents. Advising, how monsieur, the French king’s brother, was going with an army thither, pretending to assist that people, and to work them deliverance, by driving don John out of the country; but how jealous they might justly be of him; and that the issue of his success there would be no more, than to subject them to France, and so to render that kingdom more formidable to its neighbours. So that the queen was concerned to look about her, and to use all the means she could to discourage this enterprise: and rather to assist duke Casimire, that was coming thither with his forces: and secrefiy to enter into a war, to prevent the States falling either into the hands of France, or further to be oppressed by Spain. The discourse is as followeth: “They are about to play such a tragedy in this country, touching matters of the state and religion, as if her majesty do not bear therein such a part as she ought, she is like out of hand to see that she would not. “The duke of Alanson prepareth great forces in France; which will be in a readiness before midsummer. He doth openly confess, that he doth nothing without his brother’s will and consent: without the which, men of judgment had never any great hope of him. Hereby the end of his departure from the king is known. And indeed it could no longer be hidden from those that are acquainted with Bussi’s voyage to Paris, and his conference had with the duke of Guise, the Spanish ambassador, and such like. “His demands of the States are very small, and in effect of no weight. He promiseth to drive don John out of the country at his own cost and charges. After which time, if they do resolve to change their lord, he prayeth to be preferred before any other. “He giveth it out, that he will give an example or pattern in these countries of the manner how he meaneth to carry himself in two enterprises which he intendeth against two kingdoms, which he nameth to be Naples and Sicily. But it is feared the kingdoms he meaneth are nearer unto France. He must needs shoot at one of these two marks. The first, and which is most feared, under colour of assisting the States, to oppress them: which is gathered by three sound reasons. First, by his former dealings towards those of the religion. Secondly, by the interest that the crown of France hath in the example of the dissolving or reforming of this state. And thirdly, by the amity and sincere intelligence which the king his brother and he have with the Spaniard; having lately procured a truce between the Turk and him, for the better furtherance of his affairs in these parts. By this first mark the tyranny of the Spaniards shall be established in these countries, to their prejudice, that know the inconveniences likely to follow of the same; and that have opposed themselves thereunto. “The other mark is, to be pricked forward with desire of greatness, by joining these countries, or a great part of the same, to the crown of France; which in outward shew he seemeth to pretend: and being come with great forces, and having great intelligence in the said country, to lay wait for duke Casimire’s person, to despatch him out of the way; the better afterwards to deal with these of the religion, who have none else whereto to trust unto in Germany, but him. And finally, that having possessed himself of the countries, France may be able on every side to overtop England, whilst they do practise new troubles in Scotland. “Having these two strings to his bow, he doth so earnestly press the States here in his negotiation; as whether it be to their liking or disliking, he is fully resolved to come. The poor men, having the wolf, as the common saying is, by the ears, cannot resolve, whether it should be less hurtful and dangerous for them to have open enmity by refusing him, or to have him in continual jealousy, by accepting him to them. “To meet with these two inconveniences, the queen is to use two remedies. The one is, the war earnestly followed. The other is, to procure a peace. But that would hinder greatly her majesty’s affairs. For that by such means the Spaniard should be put again in authority, if not as great as heretofore, yet likely to come to it by the only accident of the prince of Orange’s death, if he should happen to die. Besides, her majesty should greatly discourage such as are devoted to her here, by procuring unto them a very hurtful and dangerous peace. And further, there is small likelihood here of acceptation of peace, the change of the lord, or alteration of the state, being intended, if not already resolved on. “ There remaineth, that the queen should take in hand a secret war, by strengthening duke Casimire in such sort, as he may be able secretly in her name to make head against the king and his brother, as long as he shall be here: and to send him over into France, if need should require, to divert the course of the enterprises. For it will be more profitable and necessary, that in case this state be driven to change masters, they should rather choose a new one, than by yielding themselves unto France, to make the same so strong, that they may be able to bridle their neighbours. “For which purpose it were requisite her majesty did not only secretly strengthen the said duke Casimire with the 2000 corselets already required, but also with as many more at her own charges.

To the end, that having armed him to withstand all enterprises against her, he may do her some worthy service in these troublesome times. And upon this so apt occasion, as if her majesty do not make her benefit of it now, she is not like to have the like again.” This advice, as it seems, took effect.

For of this intelligence, as well as other occurrences of the Low Countries, the secretary Walsingham informed the lord treasurer, now at Buxton Well, being retired thither for his health. And in August he gave the earl of Sussex this short account: viz. That the said secretary had advertised him of the occurrences in the Low Countries: the issue whereof he much feared. Both for that don John had secretly foreseen his power to pursue his attempts; and that he knew the weakness of the States to withstand him long, by reason of their divisions, by lack of conductors. Yet, as he added, that seeing he seemed to mean ill, he hoped God would weaken his power, and infatuate his Italian or Spanish practices. And so thanked God for these diversions of our deserved troubles: reckoning, that these heats abroad would divert the disturbances that threatened this land by those foreign enemies of our welfare.

These apprehensions, and the spite of our neighbours (however secret and close) against us, stirred up that grave counsellor, Sir Nicolas Bacon, lord keeper, to write a large and earnest letter to her majesty, Nov. 20; and being one of the last manifestations of his wisdom, dying just about a quarter of a year after, viz. 20th of Feb. 1578, must needs be acceptable; therein giving his sage counsel to the queen in this juncture. Being to this purport; “That, that which, if time and her affairs would have suffered, he meant to have done by present speech, he was driven by absence to do by letter: not doubting nevertheless, that though his pen and speech were not present, yet by her majesty’s great wisdom, considered together with the advice of her grave and wise counsellors, all things should be sufficiently foreseen and provided for. And he trusted, she would take his writing (though not needful) in good part, &c. Wherein he shewed her three great enemies, France, Spain, and Rome, mighty and potent princes. And her danger sought by them very great. The fear whereof was so great in him, that he could not be quiet in himself without remembering her of the same: and that it was better for him to offend by fearing too much, than by hoping too much. That as these three great enemies had three easy ways and means to annoy her; so she had three ready remedies to withstand them, if taken in time. The means that France had, was by Scotland; Spain by the Low Countries; Rome by his musters here in England. Now the helps, according to his understanding, were these. To withstand France, who had his way by Scotland, was to assure Scotland to England: a thing that was not hard to do. The remedy for the better framing of the Low Countries was, that her majesty should send some man of credit, both to confer with the prince of Orange, and to understand what was thought there to be the best remedies to defend them, and to meet with all dangers that might grow that way. “The remedy to be had here in England against Rome, was her majesty’s good countenance and credit to her good subjects, that were enemies to the usurped authority of Rome; and earnest, severe handling of the contrary party. And that it was high time so to do; because of late times they were grown in their numbers. And besides these remedies, that Casimire might be prepared and ready against all chances.” The whole letter, whereof this is but a short and defective account, may be read in the Appendix.

As for Spain, whose king was one of the formidablest of the queen’s backfriends, sir John Smith, who was now returned home from his embassy there, brought this intelligence, that that king, notwithstanding all his mighty treasure, was in want. Which was no unwelcome news to this as well as other countries: as tending to weaken all his ambitious projects.

Which news the lord treasurer communicated to the earl of Shrewsbury in a letter dated in August, “That sir John Smith, now come from Spain, reported, that the king there had great lack of treasure, whatsoever had been said to the contrary. I wish he had plenty of treasure,” added this lord, “so we were sure he had plenty of good-will towards us:” meaning how little of that he had for the queen and kingdom.

She was also at this time alarmed by reports brought of secret endeavours from France and the Low Countries, to convey away the Scottish queen this summer: nay, and that she was escaped and gone. The earl of Shrewsbury, who had the keeping of her, had brought her of late to his house at Chatsworth. Where he received a letter, writ in the month of September, from the lord treasurer, that gave him notice of these rumours, and of the apprehensions the queen was in, arising hereupon. And withal gave him advice (though, as he added, he little doubted thereof) to be more watchful, however careful and diligent he had hitherto been; and that the queen herself intended to give him warning of this danger. The substance of which letter, giving account of the particulars of the flying talk at court, was as follows. “That at his coming to court he found such alarms by news directly written from France, and from the Low Conntries, of the queen of Scots escape, either already made, or very shortly to be attempted.

But that he surely knowing his lordship’s circumspection in keeping of her, and leaving all things in that country about him very quiet, and free from such dangers, he was bold to make small account of the news, although her majesty and the council were therewith perplexed. And that although time did try these enough, for any thing already done, to be false, yet the noise thereof, (as the lord treasurer proceeded,) and the doubt her majesty hath of secret, hidden practices, to be wrought rather by corruption of some of yours [viz. the earl’s servants] whom you shall trust, than by open force, moved her majesty to warn your lordship, as she said she would write to your lordship, that you continue, or rather increase your vigilancy, if it might be; that you be not circumvented herein.”

And then adding his thoughts, “That as he had carried his charge [the Scottish queen] to Chatsworth, so he thought that a very meet house for good preservation thereof; having no town of resort, where any ambushes of receators [receivers] might lie. “That in his opinion, surely, although he knew many were desirous that his charge should be at liberty, yet he himself knew no reasonable cause to move him to think, a that she should aventure herself to be conveyed away by stealth, both for the sundry dangers that might light upon her; but especially, for that being at liberty, if her friends should attempt any thing by force for her against this realm, she might provoke the queen’s majesty, and the states of the realm, to work matters to bar her of that interest which she supposed she had. “But yet, my good lord, as he concluded, even for the preservation of the honour which you have gotten by so circumspect looking to her, in all this long time of practice, I know you will be as watchful to prevent all attempts, as others will be to assail your charge. Thus your lordship seeth how curious I am. All which pro-ceedeth of good-will to your lordship and to your honour.” Thus he wrote from the court at Deptford, my lord admiral’s house, the 7th of September, 1577. Subscribing himself, Your lordship’s most assured, W. Burghley.” Now to look over to the queen’s kingdom of Ireland. Many persons of quality there were burdened with an excess of the tax, called the cesse, laid upon them. Which made disturbance in that country: and the lord deputy, sir Henry Sydney, or some of his officers, seemed to have too great hand therein. Insomuch that some lords came over to make complaint. This payment was an exaction of victuals at a certain rate or price, for the maintenance of the lord deputy’s household, and the garrison soldiers. The rigorous demanding where of in some countries, and some that were more civilized, as in Leinster, made divers of the Irish lords refuse to pay it; as the viscount Baltinglass, and some barons and others of the nobility and gentry; and clamoured much against this usage of them: and asserting, that it was not to be demanded but by authority of parliament. However, by the judges of that kingdom, it appeared to be an ancient privilege of the crown, and a royal prerogative. The lords that came over to make their complaint were heard by their counsel, but committed to prison, as endeavouring to abridge the queen of her ancient rights in that kingdom. But yet she was displeased with the rigorous demand of the cesse; and liked not that her officers there should rather be wolves than shepherds; and commanded the lord deputy to use a moderation herein.

Now by a letter of the lord treasurer to the earl of Shrewsbury, we have some further light let into this affair. The lords that were thus grieved had sent over one Skurlock and two others, to make their complaints. But upon this the lord deputy shewed his anger against these lords and others by some severe proceedings against them. This dealing of the lord deputy’s came before the queen and council, being heard fully, and gravely considered: as the said lord treasurer wrote to the master of the rolls there: and that they had made distinction thereof, noting herein wherein the complainants, both here and there offended, not ignorantly, but wilfully; and wherein the complaints deserved favourable remedy, in respect of the excess of the cease, as it appeared unto them, the queen’s council. And therefore for the offence committed, both they here, and their authors there, had deserved exemplary punishment. And that for the remedy of the burden of the cease, they hoped the lord deputy either had or would devise means, to the reasonable satisfaction of the parties grieved. And they of the council had also, at that present time, collected in writing some devices to ease the same: which, as things only projected, they sent unto the lord deputy.

The lord treasurer gave the master of the rolls in Ireland this account of that affair, and the sense the court had of the ill management of the queen’s prerogative, in another letter, half a year after, using these words: “So plenteous are the affairs of that country [Ireland] to the worst, as I should be more sorry for them, if I did not hope that either malice or lightness did not increase the evil thereof. The matter stirred up against the queen’s prerogative for her relief to victual her army hath been duly corrected. And the parties deserve the more correction, for that in evil handling they hindered a needful matter; which was to have had the excess of the cesse remedied: which for my part I think needful; but not in such a strenable sort as it was sought.” This was dated from Hampton Court, Jan. 18, 1577.

CHAPTER 7.

The queen’s ambassador at the council at Frankford: and why.

Sent to the princes of Germany. New books of religion there set forth. The archbishop of York about to visit the church of Durham, is refused. The proceedings thereupon. The bishop of Durham’s account of his visitation of his diocese, by order from the queen; and especially of the disorders in that church. His letter to the lord treasurer about it: slandered and hated. His vindication of himself for some words of his against archbishop Grindal, and the exercises. Bishop Barnes’ pedigree. Cox bishop of Ely’s thoughts upon archbishop Grindal’s suspension. The queen’s letter to the bishop of Lincoln to forbid prophesyings. The bishop of Chichester’s troubles. Caldwell, parson of Winwich, his sermon. Dr. Goodman, dean of Westminster, concerning the statutes of that collegiate church.

AND now for the affairs of religion abroad, as well as here at home, this year, I find these occurrences.

There was a great and long desired design among all protestants now in hand, in order to unite them in a profession of the same faith and doctrine.

In order to which a council was held this year at Frankford, for the drawing up a common confession of all the reformed churches. To this council, to assist at it, the queen sent her ambassador, shewing her concurrence in this useful affair. The province of drawing up the form was committed to Zacharias Ursinus, the learned professor of Heydelberg, who had formerly been an hearer of Melancthon and Peter Martyr. What the issue was, and what particular esteem the queen obtained for this with the protestants of Germany and Switzerland, will appear from a letter of Ralph Gualter, chief minister of Zuric, to the bishop of Ely, written in the beginning of March. “That they were in expectation every hour of prince John Casimire’s letter (he was brother to Frederick, elector palatine, and deserved well of religion) unto their senate, whereby they might be more certified concerning the writing of a common confession, which they had decreed in the synod of Frankford, the ambassador of the most serene queen being present, and moderating the whole business. But that D. Zacharias Ursinus put a delay to the whole business: who declined to undertake the work of drawing it up, which was committed to him. That they knew not yet who was placed in his room for that affair. He added, that the queen in this regard had performed an excellent work, and worthy a nursing mother of the church.”

She had also sent her ambassador to divers of the princes of Germany about this time on the same account of union. The good effect whereof was signified by the same divine to the same English bishop: “That in these days he had understood that her embassy to the princes of Germany was very fruitful, especially with Julius, of Brunswick; and that Augustus, the elector of Saxony, did so receive the ambassador, that from the time the business of Jacobus Andreas, [a learned professor at Tubing,] the chief head of their adversaries, [who opposed some doctrines of the Helvetian churches, being a great ubiquitarian, and was some hinderance to the finishing this common confession,] did altogether begin to shake.” Then he piously added, ghat God was to be sought to, that the work so happily begun might be brought by him to the wished for end. For it would very much profit, as he subjoined, that there were extant such a public confession of so many kingdoms and nations; which might testify of our consent in faith. Our people (said he) [meaning those Helvetian churches] yield themselves ready and cheerful to this business. But, as I said, this is the Lord’s work. I pray that he would here put to his own hand.”

The reverend and learned man on this occasion acquaints him with some books now set forth, relating to the religious controversies then on foot; which will not be amiss to set down with the rest. That at that fair [at Frankford] he had published nothing, besides ten sermons in the German language, of the bread of life, Jesus Christ, and the true eating of him, from the sixth chapter of St. John; which if he should hereafter put into Latin, he promised to send him. And that Julius [who was a learned man there, and sometime P. Martyrs great friend and assistant, and so was now the more esteemed] had sent him a book of Benedict Tal-man: whereby the new and monstrous doctrine (as he styled it) of the ubiquity of Christ’s body was notably confuted. And informed him further, that there was in the press a learned book of the orthodox consent of the ancient church, in the business of the supper of our Lord.

This good bishop had sent by the way of Frankford unto Mr. Gualter and Julius 13 florens and five German ra-gions; which like gifts of money, he and several other bishops, that formerly had lived and been kindly harboured there, often in gratitude did convey by bills of exchange to them and others. For this favour they gave his lordship great thanks; and wished it were in them to gratify him. And concerning Julius, now grown old, and his circumstances low, he added; “You do well, right reverend father in Christ, who have Julius in your regard. For he is worthy to be helped, and hath great, need of it.” The conclusion of this letter (whence I have taken these things) must not be omitted, viz. Haec habui quae nunc darem: non quod tuam amplitudinem meis opus habere putem, sed tes-tandi officii causa. Deus Pater miserationum tuam senec-tam, mi reverende pater, mitiget, et suo Spiritu regat ad sui nominis gloriam. Tiguri, 4 Martii, 1578. Tuae amplitudinis observantissimus, Superscribed, Reverendo in Christo Rod. Guatherus. patri, episcopo Eliensi vigilantissimo, domino suo cum omni observantia honorando.

The contents of this letter being of such public and weighty concern, as it was highly approved of bishop Cox, so that he might be prepared to give some reasonable answer to the same; he soon communicated the same to the lord treasurer Burghley; being sent from that foreigner, whom he styled the most faithful minister of the church of Tygur, and successor of Bullinger: whose letter, he said, he could not answer, nor satisfy his expectation, unless he [the lord treasurer] would in part help him. For that he was altogether ignorant of that which Gualter chiefly wrote about. And what to write he had nothing certain, or what the queen’s majesty had done in that which he [Gualter] made mention of. “That he seemed to hint magnificum quid, and worthy the highest praise, that the queen should endeavour that there might publicly be a confession and consent of Christian kingdoms in the true religion of Christ. Which very thing, added the bishop, that it might come to pass, I did not sluggishly wish in my sermon, some years ago, preached publicly before the queen. He proceeded, that if he might but get the least notice of such a thing, he should make Gualter’s heart very glad: and that he knew and was persuaded this so pious an en-deavour would be very acceptable to Christ himself, and to his little flock most delightful, and most safe for the afflicted church. That Constantine the emperor, truly great for his piety, assisted and helped by the holy clergy and pious princes, (the heretics and schismatics either repulsed or bridled by silence,) at last brought the church to the unity of the Holy Ghost, reclaimed from errors and contentions.”

And so concludes his letter to that great counsellor: “You see my confidence towards you, whereby I talk with you somewhat boldly; whereby I may answer in some measure the wish of a pious brother.” It was writ from Somersham, May the 16th.

Now for some particular occurrences relating to some of our bishops.

Sandys, removed lately from the see of London, succeeded Grindal in that of York; and this year began the visitation of his province. And having heard of some irregularities in the church of Durham; (that see being now void,) begins a visitation thereof: the dean whereof, William Whittingham, he understood was no ordained minister according to the order of the church of England; having received his orders at Geneva in an English congregation there. But that church refused his visitation: which caused a contest between the said church and the archbishop, who claimed, as archbishop of that province, a right to visit there; which proceeded even to an excommunication. And for the better searching into the merits of the cause, and for the putting some good conclusion to this difference, a commission was at length by the lord keeper issued out to some persons to hear it. A short account of this take from Fleetwood, recorder of London; who, in a letter, among other his intelligences from court to the lord treasurer Burghley, now, as it seems, at a distance, (and perhaps at Buxton’s well, whither he went this year for his health,) writeth in these words: “There is a broil of excommunication between my lord archbishop of York and the minister of Durham, about the visitation.” And then gives his judgment: “I think my lord bishop is in the wrong.

My lord keeper grant-eth forth a commission for the same cause.”

This continued on to the next year. And the lord treasurer having desired of the archbishop a note of the cause between them, the archbishop, in a letter to the said lord, acquainted him with two persons that were chief in this disturbance, viz. archdeacon Pilkington, and one young Bunnis; precise men, as he called them, who wrought all the trouble: and that the former was before the council; “and,” addeth the archbishop, “was too gently used; and that made him brag.” And then adding further, “If your lordship knew the usage of that house, verily you would abhor it.” But I forbear to relate more of this visitation until the next year.

But as for the bishop of that see of Durham, Richard Barnes, being advanced the next year to that church, upon the death of Pilkington; he had been counselled from court to make a careful inspection into his diocese, consisting of the northern parts of the land, greatly infected with ignorance and superstition. After diligent and painful travel in his visitation, he gave this account how he found matters and persons affected, and what service he had done there, in a letter, dated February the 11th, to the lord treasurer, to this tenor: “That though his travel was but simple, yet he praised God it had sorted very good and prosperous success and effect, ad miraculum usque, in a short space. And that since his last letter, he had sent throughout Northumberland; and found, such and so humble obedience, and such conformity unto all good orders, even of the wildest of those people, as truly and before God, (as he added,) he thought better and more plausible could not be found (saltem ad oculum) in many more civil countries of this land. Yea truly, and he doubted not, but that within this half year his good lordship should see a wonderful alteration there. For presently, albeit that there were those that were of late rebels, and most dissolute gentlemen, that were noted to talk unseemly, and to lie and rail, and deprave good doings in private assemblies, yet openly they all professed an obedience. And that now within all Northumberland he could not find one person, that wilfully refused to come to the church and communicate, a few women excepted. For he had driven out of that country, he said, the reconciling priests and massers, whereof there was store; and that they were gone into Lancashire and Yorkshire: but that they were rid of them. And surely such and so full presentments were daily given in of all defaults, as, he thought, they left almost no little trifle untouched: which did much confirm his hopes of speedy good reformation of that country.”

And then proceeding to give account of them of the county palatine of Durham, he subjoins: “Yet, in the mean time, I assure your good lordship, those people are far more pliable to all good order than these stubborn, churlish people of the county of Durham, and their neighbours of Richmondshire; who shew but, as the proverb is, Jack of Napes charity in their hearts. The customs, the lives of this people, as their country is, are truly salvage; but truly such haste to amend (though it be for some) as is zealous: and yet none extremity shewed to any, otherwise than by threatening: which hath wrought pannicum timorem in their minds; and in the clergy a good readiness to apply their travels to their callings. Only that Augiae stabulum, the church of Durham, exceeds: whose stink is grievous in the nose of God and men; and which to purge far passeth Hercules’ labours.”

Hence it appears what great disorders were in the church of Durham, occasioned perhaps by the too much remissness of the former bishop. The habits enjoined the clergy seem to have been neglected, and a deviating from the orders appointed to be used in divine service. The bishop endeavoured to redress all this; but how small hopes he had of success he shewed by these his following words: “I have an external show of some dutiful obedience, but their dealings underhand are nothing less. So that he feared he should be enforced to weary his honour and the lords with the reforming of their disorders; which were more than he was as yet well able to undergo: nevertheless promising he would do all his endeavour first even to the uttermost.”

And how it stood with him in the affection of the people for’this service, and the malice and slander he underwent from many, take his own words to the same lord: “The Lord of his endless and infinite mercies bless her highness.

And as he hath stirred upher heart to tender my faithful travel in advancing virtue and religion, and in weeding out vices, and banishing popery, superstition, and the remainants of idolatry; whereby the malicious of this country are marvellously exasperated against me: and whereas at home they dare neither by words nor deeds deal undutifully against me; yet abroad, (as he proceeded in his relation of these his ill-willers,) they practised to deface him by all slanders, false reports, and shameless lies; though the same were never so inartificial or incredible, according to the northern guise: which is never to be ashamed, however impudently they belie and deface him whom they hate, yea, though it be before the honorablest. A vile kind of people, as he saith, Pessimum hoc hominum genus, ex alicua invidia laudem sibi quaerens. Yet that her majesty had tendered and pitied his case, and had required his good lordship to defend his innocency and integrity from their slanders and calumnies; as his good lordship did advertise him to his greatest comfort. And thereupon he beseeched his good lordship to stand his good patron under her highness: and as he should need, he would fly under his wing. That the former bruits and slanders were vanished; and a short time had speedily displayed their shameless and impudent untruths. Wherefore that he trusted he need not to trouble his honour therewith, as now; but only most humbly to beseech his lordship tostand his good lord, and not to credit any slanders before they were tried, and he answered the same; and to advertise him [the bishop] what he heard. And if ever he returned untrue answer, let me (said he) be never credited again.”

And as he had thus cleared himself of slanders raised upon him by such as were popishly inclined, so he proceeded to vindicate himself in a matter relating to Grindal, archbishop of Canterbury, now lying under suspension and the queen’s displeasure: who could not obey her command in putting down those exercises called prophesies; holding them so useful for promoting learning and knowledge in the clergy, and true religion among the people. For which disobedience the bishop of Durham had freely censured the archbishop. Concerning which, thus he expressed his mind, in order to the setting himself fair to the said lord, to whom he was writing. “That as touching that he was reported not to have a good mind to the archbishop of Canterbury in the time of his trouble, truly, my good lord, I detest his wilfulness, and contending with the regal majesty, and obstinacy in not yielding to that which your honours [of the privy-council] set down, the same being godly and expedient for the time, the malapertness of brainless men considered; who nowadays, if but a proclamation, a decree, or commandment come forth from her majesty, and by your honours’ advice, straightways, and first in their conventicles, will call the same into question, and examine and determine whether with safe conscience they may or ought to obey the same. a thing so perilous as none can be more, and savouring of the anabaptismey; who wish a popular government. “In effect, the exercises, though they, being best ordered, be accounted to be de bene esse, yet they are not de esse religionis sincerae: and therefore not to be so urged of him, as by the same to contend with her highness or her council, to the great hinderance of true religion, &c. Thus much have I said, I think, to two or three persons at the utmost; and to no mo: and that urged in de-fence of her majesty, when bruits have been that he was cruelly dealt withal, and had not deserved to be straitened; and other slanders dispersed, that my lord of Leicester and some others should further his troubles, (which I know to be most false,) I have been forced to affirm his own wilfulness and undutifulness towards his sovereign to be the just occasion of his troubles. And this is true; and I have said so upon these occasions: and I think it was my duty so to do, in defence of my gracious sovereign, and the right honourable my good lords of the council. And more I have not done in any wise; nor, but that I wasenforced, I would not have done or said any thing of him at all.”

When this bishop was lately come up to London, he omitted giving the archbishop a visit. To take off any hard interpretation of that neglect, he added, “That possibly some might think much that he visited him not at his last being in London: indeed he once determined so to have done; but that he was warned by those whom he would obey, not so to do: which ought, he said, to be his warrant.” But that the bishop had taken some offence against the archbishop, appears by his words that follow: “How his grace and his had dealt against him otherwise, he needed not to declare, her highness and his good lordship knew. All which notwithstanding, he never minded, if he might, (as he had no power,) to urge her highness’ indignation against any man, neque addere affictionem afflicto.”

While I am giving some account of bishop Barnes, I thought it not amiss to exemplify this remarkable letter; though some brief notice was given thereof elsewhere.

This bishop was of the ancient family of the barons of Bernes, of Lancashire. He was bred at Brasen Nose college, Oxon: preferred first at York, and was chancellor there; and read divinity publicly there for some years: made suffragan bishop of Nottingham, anno 1567: thence advanced to be bishop of Carlisle: and lastly to this see of Durham. His coat of arms and of his family were confirmed to him by Robert Glover, Somerset. His patent ran as followeth: Reverendus in Christo pater, et venerabilis vir, Richardus Barnes, S. T. P. sive Dr. in comitat. Lancastr. ex honesta familia, quae a dominis baronibus de Bernes originem traxit, oriundus. Oxonii apud musas in colleg. AEnestiacensi [AEneanasensi] educatus.

Cui per aliquot annos pie et provide praefuit. Hinc Eboracum evocatus, almaeque illius ecclesiae metropolitanae cancellarius, ac schelarcha [scholar-cha] creatus, sacram theologiam inibi ad aliquos annos, publice praelegit et professus est. Deinde episcopus factus [Carliolensis.] Novissime Dunelmium translatus. Ubi jam ad Dei gloriam episcopus illius ecclesiae habenas ac gubernacula moderatur.

The ancient coat of the family of the Barnes was, party per pale, or and vert, on a fesse azure, three etoiles, or. But the bishop bore quarterly, namely, that paternal coat. And the second quarter was granted to him when bishop of Carlisle, April 23, 13 Eliz.; which was, azure, a bend arg. charged with a bear passant, or, ready to eat a child naked, or, between two etoiles of the same. The third as the second: the fourth as the first. He had brothers, Oliver, then Edmund, Edwin, James, Edward, and John; all married: and our Richard, who was the youngest son, married Fredesmond Gyfford, daughter of Ralph Gyfford, of Claidon, in the county of Bucks; bywhom he had Ema-nuel Walter, Elizabeth, wife to Robert Taylbois, son of Rauf; John, Barnabas, Mary, Timothy, Margaret, Anna.

But as for those exercises called prophesyings, before spoken of, whatsoever good opinion archbishop Grindal and divers other bishops and learned members of this protestant church had thereof, as tending so much to the instruction of the people in true religion, and setting the clergy on study; the queen, as it appeared by what the foresaid bishop wrote, had other conceptions of them, by means of some prejudices she had taken up by reports made to her. Upon the archbishop’s sequestration on that account by the queen’s command, the aged and learned bishop of Ely was much troubled. And in June, the next month after the declaration of her displeasure against him, that right reverend prelate signified his mind to the lord treasurer: shewing his judgment, that indeed it had been better for the archbishop at that juncture to have complied with the queen; namely, for the stop of those exercises for the present: and that in convenient time, good rules about them being made and enjoined for regulation of them, they might be renewed again; well knowing how very useful they were for the improving the clergy in knowledge, otherwise in these times ignorant enough. To this purport was the letter of that good bishop to the said lord; which deserves to be preserved, for the letting in some further light into this affair: writing in this pathetic manner. “That it was not without a deep anxiety of heart that he then writ, that her majesty should be so highly displeased with her principal priest; whose indignation was death. Deus meliora. But that a priest should happen to anger so gentle a prince, and such a favourer of sincere religion, it drew a fountain of tears from his eyes.” He proceeded, “That from the beginning of their acquaintance, both of them (for which he gave glory to God’s blessed name) had constantly, through many brunts on all hands, persevered and held out, he [the lord treasurer] especially. And now at this pinch he exhorted him to perform the part of a man; and it should be a matter of comfort and establishment to his heart.

That he understood the matter was touching a conference, which had been abused, and berg not established by authority, was therefore by authority abolished. This, he trusted, no man did maintain. But yet he hoped that hereafter, the thing being duly and considerately weighed, the queen, seeking especially the glory of God, and the quiet and edifying of her people, would be moved to further consideration of the matter. And that when the great idleness and lewdness of a great number of poor and blind priests should be duly weighed and considered of, it would be thought most necessary to call them, nay, to drive them to some travel and exercise of God’s holy word: whereby they might be the better able to discharge their bounden duty towards their flock. And then he earnestly moved that lord to mitigate the queen’s displeasure and indignation against her archbishop: who also had written to the queen [on this subject, as it seems] in all humble manner. And in the conclusion, hints, how such an example in the church of England did but too much resemble the Roman tyranny against it.” But take this memorable letter verbatim, as it is transcribed in the Appendix.

In Hertfordshire these exercises were used. And notwithstanding the queen’s declaration to have them every where cease, yet ih some places in this county they were not yet laid aside. Wherefore the queen thought fit to write to the bishop of Lincoln, in whose diocese part of that county was, to take order, that they be not suffered, according as she had by word of mouth commanded him, and other bishops perhaps besides; and that no other exercises be used; but such as were learned should preach sermons in fit time and place: and the Homilies, set forth by authority, to be read by other ministers less learned. Signifying by her said letter, “That he [the bishop] should effectually remember her speeches to him, to continue and increase his care over his charge in God’s church, as the warning she gave him of the presumption of some, who by singular exercises in public, after their own fancies, wrought no good in the minds of the multitude, easy to be carried away. And that notwithstanding she was, since that, informed, that in sundry parts of his diocese, namely, in Hertfordshire, those exercises, or, as they termed them, prophesies, were yet continued, to the offence of other her orderly subjects. And that therefore, for divers good respects, she thought it requisite they should be forborne. Letting him know, that she, desiring to have God’s people under her government guided in an uniformity as near as might be, charged and commanded him, as a person whom by his function she looked should satisfy her in this behalf, within his charge to have dutiful consideration hereof. And to take order through the diocese, that no other exercise should be suffered publicly than preaching, in fit time and place, by persons learned, discreet, conformable, and sound in religion: and reading the Homilies, set forth by authority, and the Injunctions appointed, and the order of the Book of Common Prayer. And to signify to her, or her council, the names of such gentlemen and others, that had been setters forth and maintainers of these exercises; and in what places; and also such as should impugn this her order.”

The whole letter may be found in the Appendix: which seems indeed to be a form of a circular letter to all the bishops, besides the bishop of Lincoln.

Curtes, bishop of Chichester, met with troubles now from certain gentlemen in his diocese; who were stirred up against him, chiefly by means of a strict inquiry he had lately made in his episcopal visitation, mentioned before, after such as were unsound in religion: and administered divers articles to them for that purpose. Having had information of divers, not only in his diocese, that came thither from Hampshire, Surrey, and Kent, not sound in religion; and among the rest, divers of them justices: this had so provoked them, that they had combined together, and drew up articles against the bishop, and petitioned against him to the court. Among these were sir Thomas Palmer, knt. Richard Ernely, Thomas Lewknor, esq. whose petition ran in this tenor: “That whereas they were of good fame and credit, according to their calling, they referred themselves to the report of the country, and were called by her majesty as justices of peace within Sussex; the bishop of Chichester had sought by many ways to defame, discredit, and deface them, not only by private talk and speech had with divers persons, and matter gone forth in writing by his lordship to honourable personages, but also in public and disordered manner; far differing from the virtuous, charitable, and good consideration that should be in one of his vocation; had imagined and surmised great matters against us; on purpose, as they had great cause to believe, to bring them undeservedly into discredit with her majesty and their lordships of the privy-council. Therefore they thought it needful for themselves, and also for others, to express their griefs herein; and to desire that they might be admitted to their lordships, to purge themselves of the said undeserved infamy before their lordships, or other judges,” &c.

And likewise to present their complaints in many articles against the bishop. For thus they proceeded in their petition: “That hearing the lamentable cry and complaint of her majesty’s subjects against the said bishop, whose faults and disorders they hoped by their lordships’ good means might be redressed, and in that behalf needful to be known to their lordships; and so desired, by the consent also of many of the justices of the peace in that shire, for the better service of God and her majesty, and for the better quietness of her majesty’s subjects, to shew unto them the disorders, injuries, and abuses done and committed by the same bishop, by articles herewith ready to be delivered unto their lordships.”

These articles were very large and long. Some related to his hindering justice and the queen’s service: others, to injuries done to them, and other misdemeanours. Of the first sort was his contending wilfully, and quarrelling with the commissioners joined with his lordship [the said bishop] in commission for ecclesiastical causes, and with the commissioners of the peace: in abusing the authority and trust committed unto him by the said commission, in bearing and maintaining disorderly riots and unlawful acts: in making without discretion fond and unlawful licences for keeping of May-games, &c.: in threatening divers persons that had honestly done their duties in her majesty’s service: in taking order for sparing the punishment of offenders: prohibiting without cause some honest persons from the communion, only for displeasure conceived by his lordship against them: in keeping benefices ecclesiastical without incumbents; employing the profits to his own purse, or at his pleasure: taking rewards simoniacally for ecclesiastical livings granted by him, &c.: openly citing them [the justices] to appear at his consistory, to be reformed in religion, without any just cause of suspicion, information, or presentment, upon untrue surmises of matter, on purpose to vex and trouble them, and to bring them into discredit. Also, they thought he wanted consideration in appointing so many men of such calling and credit [as they themselves were] to appear before his lordship [the bishop] in so open a place, one day, time, and instant, viz. one knight, eighteen squires, some of them justices of peace, and above thirty other persons, most whereof gentlemen. Also, that his lordship came that day with many more men than he was accustomed to ride with, being well weaponed; who stood about the consistory during the time of his lordship’s sitting: and the register being his lordship’s servant, having his sword holden by him in the consistory by a sumner, during the time of his lordship’s sitting. And that he caused two of the servants, upon a surmised warrant made to them, as special bailiffs of the same for that time, in a matter of an action upon the cause, at his lordship’s own suit, to arrest one Rand. Bar-low in his said church near the consistory; and violently to have drawn and carried him away, without shewing any warrant, until a justice of peace within the city, seeing the tumult, commanded them, in her majesty’s name, to keep the peace.

To all these articles the poor bishop was fain to come up, and make answer. “Imprimis, The said defendant com-plaineth unto your honourable good lordship, that almost all of the articles were ordered by the right honourable the earl of Leicester, about four years ago. And this defendant did satisfy his lordship’s order, as his lordship know-eth. That almost all of them be very old, and that no subject ought by two statutes,” &c. But I shall add no more of this matter, to avoid prolixity. This is enough to shew the hard circumstances the bishops were often in these times put into by means of many gentlemen in their dioceses, whether popish or puritanically inclined, for the discharge of their duties, and of the commands they received from court.

The bishop of Ely, mentioned above, being grown aged, and wearied with cares and lawsuits, and desiring to retire from the world, had thoughts of resigning his bishopric, and to spend the remainder of his days in peace.

And in order to the obtaining of this, he made use of his old friend, the lord treasurer; to whom he thus brake his mind, (leaving further particulars to be opened to him by his son-in-law, Mr. Parker, son to the late archbishop of Canterbury.) “My very good lord. Christus ad finem dilexit suos. I doubt not but you will follow his steps, et usque ad finem veros diliges amicos.

Sir, I am now in fine aeta tis; and I heartily pray you help me in fine aetatis. Nam libenter quaero donari rude; et quod superest vitae paulo tranquillius peragere. You are the only man to relieve me of my desire. My function requireth a perfect man. I wax daily very unperfect, Ipsa senectus morbus est, cum corporis et membrorum imbecillitate. I will commit no more to pen and ink, but will desire your honour to give credit to this bearer, my son-in-law, John Parker; with whom I have conferred: desiring your lordship to confer with him at such length as you may most conveniently spare.

And so I beseech the Lord Jesus to have you in his blessed keeping, with increase of health and godliness. From my palace at Ely, the 10th of November, 1577.

Your lordship’s assured, Richard Ely, manu vacillante.” It was not before the year 1579, when this resignation was prosecuted more vigorously: and with what success will be shewn under that year.

There was now one John Caldwel, parson of the rich rectory of Winwic in Lancashire. Hardly the same with John Coldwel, sometime bishop of Sarum, (though their names were near alike,) who was born at Feversham in Kent, admitted fellow of St. John’s college, Cambridge, anno 1558; rector of Aldington in the diocese of Canterbury; domestic chaplain to archbishop Parker; hardly ever removing out of Kent till he got the bishopric. But concerning this Cald-wel, I have this remark to make, that he preached a sermon this year, 1577, before Henry earl of Darby, his patron, in his chapel at New Park in Lancashire; which was printed by that lord’s command. The main subject of it was to shew, what an happy deliverance this church and kingdom obtained by queen Elizabeth’s access to the throne; and the blessed reformation established by her, together with her parliament. Wherein he used these expressions: “When we were ignorant in God’s word, and heard nothing but the sound of a tinkling cymbal; did we not think superstition to be religion, deceivers true teachers; vanity to be verity; the gospel to be heresy: to gad abroad on pilgrimages from this saint to that saint, to be a part of God’s service; men’s traditions the commandments of God; Antichrist, Christ’s vicar; the man of Rome, Who is a creature overwhelmed with all wickedness, the beast that did rise out of the bottomless pit, a most holy father?

Yea, we thought that God was delighted with incense, perfume, wax candles, golden copes and vestments. And we worshipped those things which our own conscience gave us to understand were no gods. We made no difference almost between Christ and his creatures. We confounded the sign with the thing signified; and worshipped a wafer cake, which is a creature corruptible, instead of the Maker of heaven and earth; and believed it was the very body of Christ that was born of the Virgin Mary, and slain for our sins upon the cross. The cause of all which errors was the ignorance of Christ and his word. His text was taken out of Romans,

chapter 13:11-14.

And that consdering the season, that now it is time that we should awake, &c.”

To the rest of these ecclesiastical persons, and matters, wherein they were about this time concerned, I add the relation of a purpose this year undertaken, of confirming the statutes of the collegiate church of Westminster, Dr. Gabriel Goodman, dean; chiefly occasioned upon some neglect of residence in the prebendaries, and for their better observance of preaching themselves in their turns: which the good dean was minded to redress. And moving it to the lord treasurer Burghley, the said lord required of him an account of the orders of the college, as they were made and observed formerly by his predecessor Dr. Bill; who was the first dean of that church after the settlement thereof by the queen. Which he therefore sent, drawn up with his own hand, in order to a reformation of some things, and for the making of some new statutes. The title it bore was, The order of the government of the college of Westmlnster, sithence the last erection: begun by Dr. Bill, and continued by me; with the assent of the chapter: as appears by divers decrees recorded in the chapter-book. This I have reposited in the Appendix. And with it the dean thus expressed his desire in a letter to the said lord: “That he was bold to send his honour a brief declaration of the orders used in the government of the college by Dr. Bill, and him, since the last erection: that it might please him to confer the same with the statutes, and to consider thereof, as he should think good.

He prayed God that might be done, which might be to God’s glory, the queen’s honour, and the good example of the church. He wished a convenient residence of both dean and prebendaries. First, That every one might sometime preach in their own persons.

Secondly, That they [both dean and prebendaries] might be present in the church to pray, as their most bounden duty was, for her majesty, being their founder. And thirdly, For the better order and government of the church. That unless there were daily commodity for residence in the church, as it was at Windsor, and such like places, he feared (which he was sorry to speak) the residence would not be so well kept. I beseke your honour, added he, that there may be that moderation used which shall be most convenient for all respects. Hitherto I and the company, I thank God, have agreed very brotherly, and withr great quietness, as any such company, I hope; I would be sorry, if by seek-lng to better things, dissension should grow, or unquietness. My special trust is in God, that as he hath done under her majesty, with motherly care to his church, and your honour, with godly zeal to virtue and learning, so he will work some good effect of this travail. Thus with my continual prayer for you and all yours, I humbly take my leave.

From Westminster college this 15th of November, 1577.

Your honour’s most bounden, — Gabrielle Goodman .”

This motion of the dean produced some new statutes; but how long after, I cannot assign; but some years after it was, Whitgift being then archbishop.

For I meet With an humble request of the dean of Westminster, for confirmation of the statutes, which had been drawn up and prepared for the signet. And so Dr. Caesar, master of the requests, had signified; but it seems, not well-pleasing to some of the prebendaries, choosing rather to have been left more at their liberty. His Said humble request was, “That whereas in his last he exhibited an humble petition to her majesty, that it might please her highness, for the better government of that her college, to confirm the statutes for the government thereof, drawn and devised by Dr. Bill, of blessed memory, late her majesty’s high almner: it pleased her highness most graciously to accept thereof; and to will, that her majesty’s learned counsel might peruse the same, and make them ready to the signet; as Dr. Caesar, master of requests, and the mover of the said petition, had signified under his hand. That he [the dean] had imparted the same to my lord of Canterbury. And he likewise had perused the said book of statutes. That he did likewise signify his meaning to proceed herein to his brethren, the prebendaries: whereof some did seem better to like the present government; which is partly according to these statutes, and partly ordered by decrees and discretion. But he [the dean] did hope, that statutes confirmed to govern, and to be governed by, was a more sure rule of government, and more beneficial to posterity. “That whereas also it had pleased her highness to appoint a statute for the double election of scholars in the time of Dr. Bill the dean, which was then begun, and since always continued, there was in the same statute provided, that of the scholars of her majesty’s school at Westminster there should be three at the least chosen to each University; so it was, that my lord’s grace of Canterbury, being then master of Trinity college; and therefore requested, that there should be of necessity but two chosen every year to each university, and three every third year. Whereunto, upon the request and persuasion of bishop Grindal, then bishop of London, to whom it had pleased his honour [the lord treasurer] to refer the ordering of this statute, it was yielded. And so it had been ever since most commonly used. But he prayed, that the same statute might remain in force, as touching the number, Ii. e. of three,] for the better encouragement of her majesty’s scholars; notwithstanding the day of election be altered, which was the same day of the commen cement in Cambridge. And so humbly desired his honour’s advice and aid. Subscribing, His honour’s most bound, Gabriel Goodman.”

CHAPTER 8.

Maimed professors in these days. Popish books secretly dispersed.

Answered by Dr. W. Fulk. Ithel, a fugitive Lovainist, comes to Cambridge: discovered. The council’s letter hereupon to the university. Egremond Radcliff, a furtive since the rebellion in the north: his letters for the queen’s pardon, and leave to come home: is put into the Tower: set at liberty: his end.

THE papists still used here their old diligence to pervert our people to their errors; sowing their seeds of disobedience and superstition. And many Of the queen’s subjects, however they conformed themselves outwardly to the religion established, and the public worship used in the church of England, yet entertained favourable thoughts of divers popish doctrines and practices. Which sort of men was smartly reproved in a sermon preached this year at St. Paul’s Cross: the preacher’s name unknown: calling them poisoned protestants and maimed professors. Using these words, (according to the way of preaching in those days:) “How many poisoned protestants and maimed professors have we?

I mean for opinions. For otherwise, who is whole and sound? You shall have a gospeller, as he will be taken, a jolly fellow, to retain and maintain such patches of popery and infection of Rome; that, methinks, I see the serpent’s subtilty as plainly as by the claw you may judge the lion. One holdeth, faith justifieth; and yet works do no harm. Another saith, prayer for the dead is charity; and though it doth no good, yet it doth no hurt. What will you have me say, The Devil go with them? [as the preacher bringeth in one of these men speaking, that are for praying for one deceased.] Another. believeth verily, that infants unbaptized, and dead, cannot but be damned.

Another crosseth me his face, and nose, and breast, with thumb and fingers, and cannot pray but toward the east: and some have not forgot their Ave Maria, although their Pater noster was forgot long ago. Some, and a large sum too, do superstitiously, and so sinfully, swear by saints, or every other creature, and think it small offence, or none at all. And when you tell them, it is superstition, and that it is a degree to apostasy to forsake the Lord; Jer. v. that they give to the creature that which is due to the Creator; that swearing reverently is a piece of the worship of God, and therefore belongs to him alone, and the like; it is a strange doctrine to them, and unheard of before. And thus they fall a wondering at the very principles of religion.”

This discourse indeed touched such as were indifferent in any religion, and grossly ignorant even in these days of the gospel, as well as the other sort who secretly favoured the old religion.

Indeed the papists privately uttered many books in favour of their cause; and diligently dispersed them; which might have made many of these maimed professors. William Fulk, D.D. sometime of St. John’s college in Cambridge, and after master of Pembrook hall, a learned man, from this year and after, let not one of these books in English that fell into his hands pass without his answer and confutation of them; for the good service of our reformed church, and establishment of the common sort of men in true religion. This appears by a book which he wrote some years after: wherein he saith, that he had attempted to fight the truth’s cause, within this five or six years past: and that he had set abroad sundry treatises in confuting of popish books written in English: and that he purposed, if God gave him strength, to answer as many as within twenty years of her majesty’s reign had been set forth by papists, and were not yet confuted by any other. And this purpose, he added, the papists had not greatly hindered by replies, except one only, Bristow: (who had defended Allen’s Articles and Purgatory. And none other hitherto had set forth any just replication to the rest of his writings. This I take from a book of his called, A brief confutation of sundry cavils. There he shewed how he was reflected on by all the popish writers: every one of them almost, as he said, had endeavoured to have a snatch or two at some one odd thing or other in his books; wherein they would seem to have advantage. And that, belike, they would have their simple readers think to be a sufficient confutation of all that he had ever writ against them. And he thought good, as near as he could, to gather all their cavils together, and briefly to shape an answer to every one of them.

We only give this short note of Fulk here. Hewill shew himself more in defence of religion in some few years after.

These active men of the church of Rome sent their emissaries not only into the countries about, but into the universities, One of these was Ithel, a Lovainist, brother to Dr. Ithel, master of Jesus college, Cambridge. And upon this occasion following, it was feared his brother gave him countenance, or at least concealed him. This I thel had been for some time using his arts and insinuations with the scholars there. At length he was discovered: and the vice-chancellor sent intelligence of it to their chancellor, the lord treasurer Burghley: and that he was put into the custody of his brother in order to reform him. But he was too well principled at Lovain, that any good should be done to him here. So that his brother was rather to proceed to some restraint and punishment. But he escaped soon, and was gone: which gave some just cause of suspicion of the doctor himself. Which the vice-chancellor thus related to the aforesaid lord in his letter written in July this year. “That this fugitive Lovainist was returned about three months since secretly to Cambridge. Where he remained, corrupting such as he could from the truth of our religion here received. And being deprehended, he was committed to his brother, Dr. Ithel, as a prisoner, to be further dealt withal, either for reformation or correction. And from hence he escaped. And hereby occasion was given for some sinister dealing of Dr. Ithel. Of whom I would be sorry to conceive as the matterwith the circumstances (not only for his escape, but for his former lurking in the university) doth offer cause.”

By the means of this, and perhaps other Romish emissaries, recusancy was crept into the university, as well as other towns and places of the land.

Insomuch as it was thought meet by the queen, to require an account of the names of all such scholars, as likewise of every townsman, that came not to church or chapel to hear divine service; and to have an account of the estates of such, and the values thereof, sent up. Such a letter I shall here exemplify, sent to the university from the privy-council. “After our hearty commendations. The queen’s majesty’s pleasure is, that you shall certify unto us, with all diligence, the names of such persons, as well scholars as townsmen, within the university of Cambridge, as you shall understand do refuse to come to the church to hear divine service. And withal, that you certify their degrees and qualities, with the value of their lands and goods, as you think they are worth indeed, and not as they be valued in the subsidy books. And to the end you may do the same with more expedition and better certainty, we think it meet that you use the advice of some such persons as you shall know to be well affected in religion, and can best inform you, both for the said university and town, of the particular values of every such recusant: and thereof, as well as you may, to send us a true certificate to be delivered here within seven days after the receipt of these our letters. And for the several colleges and halls of the university, you shall by virtue hereof charge the heads of the same to deliver unto you a true note of the names and degrees of every such person within their charge, as they shall know to be backward in religion, and shall refuse to come unto the church. And that therein neither they nor you, for friendship or otherwise, to use any respect of persons or degrees whatsoever, as they will answer the trust in this behalf committed unto you. So fare you heartily well. From Windsor the 15th of November, 1577.

Your very loving friends, W. Burghley, E. Lyncoln, T. Sussex, R. Leycester, F. Knollys, Jamys Croft, Fra. Walsingham, Tho. Wylson.”

To our very loving friend the vice-chancellor, &c.” Egremond Radcliff was another papist of remark in these times, of whom our histories speak. I shall here insert some remarkable passages concerning him hitherto scarcely known. This man was noble by birth, being the son of Henry earl of Sussex, half brother to Thomas then earl of Sussex, lord high chamberlain of the queen’s household. But being young, and of a haughty spirit, and a papist, was engaged in the rebellion in the north, anno 1569, and made a shift after to fly into Spain and Flanders: where he continued rambling about for divers years; as at Bruges and Antwerp. And feeling hardship at length had earnestly solicited, by letters, the lord treasurer, as well as others, for the queen’s pardon; and that he might come into England safely; and promising all fidelity to her majesty: and earnestly desiring to shew the same, by being employed by her in some service. But the queen would not. be persuaded to pardon him for some time. However he comes to Calais, anno 1575, perhaps under some confidence that he might enter within the English territories: which he did.

But soon after, he was committed to the Tower; as appears by two letters written thence, the one in April, the other in May, anno 1577, to the aforesaid lord.

In his former, he speaks “of his miserable state and long imprisonment: praying his lordship, according to his accustomed goodness and consideration towards him, to understand the extremity he was in. And that he doubted not, but that God would so work in his noble and pitiful heart, that he should find, by some suit made unto her majesty in his behalf, a remedy of his sorrows; wherein he pined and consumed, as one weary of life, and utterly void of consolation. For. that in truth he had done all which in him lay, to manifest unto the world both his hearty remorse and contrition for his offence, and also his dutiful and earnest desire to recover her majesty’s favour with his brother’s [the earl’s] good liking: and perceiving, for all that, her majesty’s indignation, and his lordship’s displeasure to continue still most heavily against him; he was driven into so great despair, to consume his days in captivity: which [days] he desired, as became the duty of a faithful subject, to employ to the last of his breath in her majesty’s service. And professed to God, that he rather wished with all his heart present death, than any longer continuance of such misery. Most humbly imploring of her majesty, for God’s sake, to command him rather to be executed, than to let him live in the torment of body and mind he was in. That if her highness’ clemency would not suffer her to have the law pass on him, then he humbly beseeched the same to grant him some further liberty. That he might have some liberty by time to obtain some remission, and her majesty’s favour. “That he had no power to compass this benefit, but only by his lordship’s favour and aid: to whom he was already so much bound, as he knew not how he might be ever able dutifully to acknowledge the least part of his noble dealings towards him. Howbeit his lordship should always find him undoubtedly so grateful, as the expense of his poor life in any service it should ever please his honour to command him in, might enable him. And thus once again he was bold humbly to beseech his honour to deal for him; and to send him such answer as should stand with her majesty’s pleasure.

That through her majesty’s mercy or justice, he might be delivered from this desperation which afflicted his very soul, as knoweth the Almighty, &c. From the Tower, this 20th of April, 1577.

Subscribing, Your honour’s most humble and obedient to command, Egremond Radeclyff.” By another letter of the same Radcliff’s from the Tower, wrote the next month, it appeareth, the queen was inexorable towards him; and all further favour she would grant him was to be sent out of the realm. Which message was brought him by his messenger, one Gray. For to this tenor he wrote again to the lord treasurer; being the last letter I meet with from him. “That he was given to understand from his honour by the bearer, Mr. Gray, how it had pleased his lordship to move her majesty in his behalf. For the which, and a number of other his favours shewed him, he rendered his most humble thanks; acknowledging himself obliged to him during his life, &c. That the effect of her majesty’s pleasure (which the said Gray delivered him from his lordship) was, that it was not her highness’ pleasure ever to employ him in her services, or to grant him her pardon; but that he should be dismissed the realm. He protested before God and the world, nothing caused him to yield himself unto her majesty’s mercy, but a just remorse of conscience for the offences his ignorant youth committed, and a dutiful desire to repair the same by all loyal obedience, the residue of his life. Which humble submission if it should not stand with her majesty’s pleasure to accept, he, as became an humble vassal, should be contented with whatsoever it should please her majesty and grave council to ordain concerning him. So it might please her highness’ clemency to take a charitable compassion on his poor afflicted soul, in delivering it from desperation. For no death could be so bitter, that he had rather suffer it, than to remain in this torment of mind he was in; to find his Soul in his sovereign’s indignation, in no assurance of his life: often threatened to be banished his country, forsaken of all his friends, a close prisoner, an occasion to the ill-disposed to blaspheme against her majesty, and council’s mercy; a laughingstock to all those that are become my enemies, for the great desire I have always had to recover her majesty’s favour, and my country again: and in conclusion, void of all comforts and reliefs. These (as he concluded) are the griefs of mind which continually assault me. Wherefore I most humbly beseech your honour, that for pity sake it will please you, to impart to her majesty and the rest of her council, this my wretched state; and to procure of her majesty that there may be some speedy order taken for me. Wherein your honour shall do a work of great honour and charity, as knoweth the Almighty, who preserve your honour, &c. From the Tower, the 6th of May, 1577.”

And accordingly he went abroad; and out of need perhaps put himself into the service of don John of Austria: but so miserable and unfortunate he was, that upon some accusation, as though he and some other English were entered into a plot to murder that governor of Flanders, was executed the next year, though he denied it to the last: being taken in the camp at Namur, with one Gray, (the same, I suppose, mentioned above, his friend,) and that he was set at liberty for that purpose, and encouraged therein by secretary Walsingham: very improbable, by what appears in his own letters, and that little countenance he had with the queen; and her refusal of his service.

What his necessities were, being abroad, and what protestations he made, and methods he used for favour, may be collected from a letter or two, written by him in the years 1574 and 1575. For this poor unhappy rebel, weary of rambling up and down out of his native country, and become poor, was very desirous of coming home two or three years ago; and was soliciting then the lord treasurer for her majesty’s gracious pardon for that purpose: attributing his distress to his youthful heat and ignorance, (but not a word of another cause, his zeal for religion.) Insisting very much in those his letters upon his desire to shew his loyalty to the queen, if she would employ him in some service for her; and vowing himself entirely at his lordship’s devotion; and expressing such like protestations. Whether any just suspicions might be gathered hence of his guilt, and that he was put to death justly, I leave others to judge.

Thus in the year 1574 he addressed himself to the aforesaid lord from Antwerp: January 28. “If fortune would so hallilye him, as to send him means by some acceptable service, to let his lordship see the earnest desire he had to be found grateful to his honour for the great favour it had pleased him to shew him; although it were with the hazard of his life, yet surely he would attribute it to one of the greatest felicities that could chance unto him, &c. And that although his poor service should never be able to attain to the merit of his honour’s great courtesy, yet he affied so much in his lordship’s virtue and good nature, that he would esteem it no less than our Saviour did the mite of the poor widow: protesting to Almighty God, that he offered himself entirely at his lordship’s command with no less devotion. He added, that he had received divers advertisements from one Avery Philips, that at his lordship’s earnest suit it had pleased her majesty to pardon his former offence made to her. [But it seems Avery’s information was not true.] But which offence he would assuredly repair by a dutiful allegiance all his life, faithfully and truly, in all services he should be employed in.”

His brother, the earl, also was highly displeased with him. That he might be reconciled to him, he begged the lord treasurer likewise to procure it. “That he would be a means to my lord, his brother, that he would pardon his offence: which, God knew, proceeded of youth and ignorance, not of malice. The fault was committed, and he could but be sorry for it, and ready to make any satisfaction he should be able, or that it would please his lordship to command him: which he would most willingly do. And so humbly beseeched his lordship, even for God’s sake, to deal with his brother in it. For that, if he persevered still in his indignation against him, he knew it would be his destruction, &c. And so humbly desiring his lordship to Consider his extreme poverty, which, as God was his judge, as he added, he was utterly unable to abide any longer.” The king of Spain’s pension, it seems, now grew but low.

About half a year after we have this fugitive gentleman gone to Bruges.

And thence in the month of August he continueth his solicitation to the said lord Burghley. Which was to this tenor; “That, not daring to presume to write to her majesty, his lordship’s virtuous inclinations did embolden him to move him to stand his good lord, in being a means to her majesty for him: that it would please her, of her accustomable clemency, to pardon those faults, by which, through ignorant youth, and not of malice, (God was his judge,) he had offended her majesty. Which now riper understanding and further grace did cause him to be most heartily sorry for; and prostrate at her majesty’s feet, humbly craved pardon for the same: hoping her majesty’s pitiful nature would follow the precept of our Saviour Christ, who willeth no forgiveness to be refused to him, who with humility and repentance craveth it. For which most gracious benefit he promised to God and her majesty, his life should be ready at all times to be yielded in any service it should please her majesty to employ him; as well to repair his former fault, as also to win of her majesty a degree of credit. And he hoped these few years of tribulation had taught him to know good from evil, and increased his ability to serve his prince and country: which above all things he most desired.”

And that he had been in Spain likewise it appears by what he addeth; “That what had passed between Stewkly and him in Spain in defence of her majesty’s honour, for that he spoke most villainous words of her majesty, his lordship had, he thought, already heard.

And that he minded to take no entertainment of any prince in the world, before he knew her majesty’s pleasure: whose favour he esteemed more than any worldly preferment. If he did not, he assured his lordship on his faith, he could have very sufficiently to maintain him there, according to his calling, as it was well known to many. And so waiting her majesty’s resolution, to be by his lordship’s favour known, &c. Dated August 18. from Bruges in Flanders.”

What fair hopes the next message from England brought him, I know not, but it ‘produced this letter from him now at Calais, the next year, 1575, as though ready to come for England: “That if small benefits did bind good natures, how much ought he to think himself bound unto his honour, since by his only friendship he had recovered grace at her majesty’s hands, and good liking of my lord his brother. Which, God was his judge, he esteemed more than his life: as he trusted to give sufficient testimony by his faithful service in all it should please her majesty to employ him. And that undoubtedly his lordship might assure himself of his service, during his life, with no less fidelity and affection, than if he were his own child. He besought his honour to continue so; and so by his good lordship’s favour to intercede with his brother, that he was sure he would at his request support him with sufficient maintenance, until such time as it should please her highness to license him to come home. And for fear he should ignorantly offend, he humbly craved of his lordship, that he might have some place appointed him, where he should serve. And if it should not displease her majesty, he should be glad to go against the Turk, where he thought he should see best service.”

And he trusted his endeavours should be such, as neither her majesty, nor my lord his brother, nor his honour should mislike it. This was dated from Calais, March the 25th, 1575.

The next tidings we hear of him was, that he was come over into England with a merchant: and with protestations of his duty repaired to the lord Burghley, in order to that lord’s recommending him to the queen. Of his access to him, he sends word to secretary Walsingham. The queen understanding his coming and request, shewed herself displeased, and orders Walsingham to tell that lord, “that he should, as of himself, advise Radcliff to slip away; for that he understood secretly from his friends in court, that her majesty was greatly displeased with his presumptuous manner of coming over. And that otherwise (as Wal-singham proceeded in relating the queen’s commands, that he should say) he doubted, her majesty, as in justice she was bound, should be driven, for example sake, to extend the punishment towards him, that for his former offences was due.”

And for that the queen was doubtful of his lingering in the realm, whatsoever promises he had made to him, [the lord Burghley,] her pleasure was, that he should so offer the matter, that Reins, the merchant, with whom he came over, should see him embarked: whereby she might be assured that he was departed the realm. But not taking this seasonable warning, he was committed prisoner to the Tower. And what befell him afterwards in another land was related before. But this is enough to have remembered of this unfortunate gentleman and penitent rebel, but of a turbulent spirit, Egremond Radcliff.

CHAPTER 9.

The queen’s progress. The lord treasurer, and others of the court, at Buxton Well. The earl of Leicester at Chatsworth, entertained there. The queen’s letter of thanks to the earl of Shrewsbury upon that entertainment. The mortality at Oxford. The plague breaks out. The diligence of Fleetwood, the recorder at London. Sessions at Newgate. An intention of robbing the lord treasurer’s house. A privy search in Smithfield. Cozeners and cheats, &c. Phaer a notable coiner. His offer; to discover all the coiners, and such as practised magic. AND now let us turn our eyes to more domestic matters.

The queen this summer took her progress into Kent, Surrey, Sussex.

Where, according to her custom, she received the entertainments of the nobles, and persons of the best quality, at their houses: who were glad of the honour, and made very expensive preparations for her.

Now was the lord Buckhurst to receive her at his house in Sussex: and therefore sent to the earl of Sussex, lord chamberlain, to understand when her majesty’s pleasure was to come into those parts: that as the earl of Arundel, the lord Mountagu and others, expecting her presence With them, and had made great provisions for her and her retinue, so he might not be wanting with his: being fain to send into Flanders to supply him, the others having drawn the country dry before him. And in what concern that nobleman was on this occasion, his letter will shew, written in the beginning of July: “That he beseeched his lordship to pardon him that he became troublesome unto him, to know some certainty of the progress, if it might possibly be, the time of provision was so short; and the desire he had to do all things in such sort, as appertained, so great, as he could not but thus importune his lordship to procure her highness to grow to some resolution, both of the time when her majesty would be at Lewes, and how long her highness would tarry there.

For that he having already sent into Kent, Surrey, and Sussex for provision, he assured his lordship he found all places possessed by my lord of Arundel my lord Montagu, and others: so as of force he was to send into Flanders. Which he would speedily do, if the time of her majesty’s coming and tarri-ance with him were certain. He beseeched his lordship therefore (if it might be) to let him know, by his lordship’s favourable means, somewhat whereunto to trust. For if her highness should not presently determine, he saw not how possibly they might or could perform that towards her majesty which was due and convenient. He trusted his lordship would measure his cause by his own: that would be loath her highness should come unto him before he were ready to receive her: to hazard thereby his dishonour, and her majesty’s dislike.” And then (fearing that his house might not be agreeable to such a guest) he added, “That he could not but beseech God, that that house of his did not mislike her. That, he said, was his chief care. The rest should be performed with that good heart as he was sure it would be accepted. But that if her highness had tarried but one year longer, we had been, said he, too, too happy: [his house by that time more fitted for her entertainment.] But God’s will and hers be done.” This was dated July the 4th, 1577.

Divers great persons of the court took this opportunity to repair to Buxton Wells for their health; as sir Thomas Smith, secretary, sir William Fitz- Williams, Mr. Mannors, lady Harrington, and among the rest, the lord treasurer Burghley. I find him here, August the 7th, “when he began,” as he said, “the day before to be a lawnder, having ended his drunkenness the day before,” as he affected merrily to express himself in the homely language there, for the method then used, first of drinking the waters, and then bathing. This account of himself he gave in a letter to the earl of Sussex; who was now, notwithstanding a hurt in his leg, following the court, wishing him, the said earl, long there, as a very useful man to attend the queen in her progress: who had wished himself at Buxton with the treasurer. In answer to which wish, “the said treasurer wished the same, (had he not been so necessarily attending the queen,) as he knew no nobleman in the earth more to his heart’s contentation. And this, he said, he wrote even with the best vein in his heart.”

The earl of Shrewsbury was likewise there for a gouty hand: and both drank and bathed diligently. But upon some warning from court concerning an attempt, either to rescue the Scottish queen, or some other danger relating to her, he was forced to leave the placer and to be gone to his charge.

The lord treasurer set out from his house, Theobalds, about July 22.

Thence to Burghley house. Thence by Darby and Ashborn in the Peak, to Chatsworth, the earl of Shrewsbury’s house, to lodge there. And so to Buxton.

The earl of Leicester was at Buxton also the month before, viz. in June.

And being in those parts, visited the earl of Shrewsbury at Chatsworth.

Where the earl with his lady gave him a most splendid and noble reception, and likewise made him some extraordinary present; and when he was at Buxton, discharged his diet. This that earl might the rather do, since he knew what a favourite Leicester was with the queen, and what service such an one might upon occasion do him with her. When Leicester returned, he acquainted the queen with the great respect shewn him at Chatsworth.

Which was so highly acceptable to her, that she thought fit to write him a gracious letter of thanks for the same. And withal had in her mind the great dependance she and the whole state of her kingdom had upon his vigilance over the Scotch queen, in his keeping. The letter is worthy the repeating: which was in these words, (with her own name on the top of the letter,) viz. “ELIZABETH. “Our very good cousin. Being given to understand from our cousin of Leicester, how honourably he was not only lately received by you our cousin, and the countess at Chatsworth, and his diet by you both discharged at Bux-tons, but also presented with a very rare present; we should do him great wrong (holding him in that place of favour we do) in case we should not let you understand in how thankful sort we accept the same at both your hands, not as done unto him, but unto our own self: reputing him as another our self.

And therefore you may assure your self, that we taking upon us the debt, not as his, but our own, will take care accordingly to discharge in such honourable sort, as so well deserving creditors as ye are shall never have cause to think ye have met with an unthankful debtor. “In the acknowledgment of new debts we may not forget our old debt, the same being as great as a sovereign can owe to a subject, when through your loyal and most careful looking to the charge committed to you, both we and our realm enjoy a peaceable government; the best good hap that to a prince on earth can befall.

This good hap then growing from you, ye might think your self most unhappy, if you served such a prince as should not be as ready graciously to consider of it, as thankfully to acknowledge the same.

Whereof you may make full account to your comfort, when time shall serve. Given under our signet, at our manor of Greenwich, the 25th day of June, 1577, and in the 19th year of our reign.

I find the lord treasurer now following the queen, she being in the beginning of September at my lord admiral’s house. Whence the said lord treasurer wrote to the earl of Shrewsbury, how that at his coming to the court he found loud alarms by news, written from France and the Low Countries, of the queen of Scots’ escape, or in likelihood ere long to be rescued. On which occasion, what his grave and good advice was hath been before shewn. He continued his thanks for all the earl’s liberal courtesies when he was with him at Chatsworth: praying his lordship to assure himself of his poor but assured friendship, while he lived.

The earl, for his generosity and hospitality in his late entertainments of the earl of Leicester and lord Burghley, and likewise for his faithfulness to the queen in his most important charge, had great favour at court. And there being a controversy in those parts among some gentlemen, and wherein himself was concerned, it was provided by these great men, that none should be in the commission of the peace, but whom he approved: as there was great reason, in respect of any that might secretly favour that queen.

There was a controversy now between sir John Zouch, and sir Thomas Stanhope, and other gentlemen in that country. The lord Burghley imparted to the queen his opinion, that the fault would be in Zouch, if he were misliked either of the earl of Shrewsbury, or others: telling her, “that he took upon him more than was meet, in opposing himself against his lordship, without any cause given him by the earl.” And upon this, as he told the earl, he found in her majesty a great disposition to have all matters ended between them: and required the lord treasurer to advise the said sir John Zouch to reform himself herein. Which he supposed he would do.

And whereas there was a report of placing one Sacheveril in commission, indeed it was moved there at court: but it was stayed, as the lord treasurer added; and said further, that he hoped, that neither he, nor any other, that should not behave themselves well towards his lordship [the earl,] should be put in credit there. Nor was it meet, he said, they should. He subjoined, that he found the earl of Leicester, and Mr. Secretary, all earnestly inclined to maintain his lordship’s credit in all things that might concern him.

This Sacheveril, (whose Christian name was Rauf,) it was moved by some, that he should be high sheriff for Darby-shire. But was put out by the means of the lord Burghley: this account being given of him by the earl: “That he was lately upon very good causes put out of the commission of the Peace; and was much more unworthy to be sheriff; seeing he could not dispend xxl . land per annum, and that he knew him to be a very seditious and arrogant person, and extremely busy in puritanism:” as he wrote in his letter, dated November 7 this year.

In the correspondence between the lord treasurer and the said earl, while he was at Buxton, he briefly acquainted him, in a letter, dated August the 4th, of a strange mortality at Oxford: where there suddenly died sir Robert Doyly, and an uncle of his, Mr. Danvers of Banbury, Mr. Wain-man, and the most part of all the freeholders then at the assizes; fifty scholars, and twenty townsmen besides. Of this our histories make mention more at large.

The infection of the plague brake out this year in some parts of London: as in the duchy near Temple-bar, and the Temple, and came even to the earl of Leicester’s place in the month of September. Who therefore wrote to his steward, Mr. Thomas Dudley, finding fault with the duchy, touching their neglect in not removing infected persons and offered very honourably, as much as any should give for the relief of the sick [of that distemper,] and for care to be taken of them. And withal, threatened one Ledsham the bailiff, (who was his man,) to pluck his coat from his back, and to punish him otherwise for his negligence. This Fleetwood, the careful recorder of the city, gave the lord treasurer to understand. And the same, being at dinner with the mayor, the master of the roils then present, shewed to him privately another letter written to him from the lord treasurer himself, concerning the same affair, viz. the plague broke out in the duchy, much to the same tenor with that from the earl. In the end whereof the said master of the rolls shewed him that his lordship had charged the recorder himself with neglect. Which somewhat touched him, knowing his own diligence therein. And made him thus to shew the lord treasurer his care, and to vindicate himself: “That he had weekly himself surveyed the duchy, and taken that order there, that if the like had been executed elsewhere, he thought the plague had not so greatly increased, as that last week it had.

And that he passed twice with all the constables, betwixt the bar and the tiltyard, in both the liberties, to see the houses [infected] shut.”

We have some account of the malefactors, tried and condemned at the sessions at London about Michaelmas; as it was related by Fleetwood the said recorder, to the lord treasurer, by letter. The gaol was full: and eighteen executed at Tyburn. And one Barlow, born in Norfolk, of the house of the Barloos, near Manchester, in comitat. Lanc. was pressed: all of them notable cutpurses and horsestealers. He added, “that it was the quietest sessions that he was ever at. That there were not more justices but my lord mayor, sir William Damsel, and himself, [the rest likely now retired into other parts, to avoid the plague.] That there was plain dealing, and neither favour nor partiality shewn. And that the criminals were the most notable thieves in the land. That the court was at Winder. And that there was not any reprieved.” [And probably the distance of the court was the cause thereof]. There was a design this winter to rob the lord treasurer’s house. Of this wicked confederacy, the recorder aforesaid, a diligent and active man, made careful search. And some of them being taken, he took the examination of them, but could by no means get any thing from them to purpose. The account whereof he wrote to the said lord in the month of January: “That notwithstanding Croker, one of them now under sentence of condemnation, very constantly always affirmed the same; they said, Croker was a condemned man, and of no credit. But now, my lord, added he, you shall see what is fallen out. Two nights past, it came into my head, as I sat in my study, to know what conversation was kept in Smithfield and St. John’s-street this Christmas. And thereupon I sent my warrant to make a privy search. In which search were found a number of masterless men, brought before me the next clay to be examined. Amongst which number there was one Yeamans; whom I knew not. All the rest were very well known unto me, [Newgate birds,] with whom I took order. But as touching Yeamans, who had many friends to speak for him, my stomach grudged against him. And thereupon I sent him to Newgate. There were of the queen’s men with me treating for him.

And in the end, waxed very warm with me, because I would not dismiss him. “This Yeamans assoon as he came to Newgate, and his name entered into the book, Croker standing by affirmed that Yeamans name was called Bullays: and it was he that was sought for by master recorder. For that the same Bullays could make declaration of the confederacy touching the robbing of my lord treasurer.

Whereupon the keeper of Newgate brought him and Croker unto me. And in the presence of the queen’s men and others, I examined him. And he hath confessed, as by his examination here included, written with my own hand, may appear. “My lord, this Bullays, Croker, and Sweeting, in Bride-well at work, know nothing of any part of your lordship’s house, nor are acquainted with any of your family. But as I can perceive, Pendred, the two Smiths, and Careless are acquainted with sundry parts of your lordship’s house.” And then in conclusion, he prayed his lordship to know his opinion what was now best to be done. For that he meant once again to examine them over. And then by advice of the justices to proceed against them at the next sessions, tanquam confoederatores et insidiatores po-puli dominae regin.

And further, beseeching his lordship to send him back this examination, if his mind was that he should proceed any further against them: it being subscribed with testimony.

And as there were thieves and robbers tried and condemned at this sessions, so there were another sort of malefactors punished, viz. cozeners, or cheats, and cutpurses. For these the said recorder kept his audit, Jan. 12, which was about the week after: that he might know what of this sort was sprung up the last year; where to find them, if need were. And then after them, he purposed to deal with the receivers and gagetakers and melters down of stolen plate, and such like: as he wrote to the lord treasurer. And withal sent him a minute of the state and commonwealth of the cozeners.

This year one Edward Phaer of the north, a notorious counterfeiter of coin, was taken up and condemned. This man wrote a letter to the lord treasurer, praying for his life and liberty: and as some recompence for the same favour, he offered to discover from time to time all the counterfeiters in England. And speaking of a former letter to him, the said lord treasurer, in that he put him in mind, that he had shewed him “what service was in him to deserve the queen’s mercy. And that it was conscience (God he took to witness) and mere affection to make amends for his former horrid offences, provoked him thereunto; and not the fear of death.” Since which time, Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower and one Mr. Herle [a dependant of the treasurer] had conferred with him, and willed him to shew unto him [the said lord] some particulars thereunto belonging: of intent, there might appear in him the same forwardness in actual deed: and to calendar the names of some offenders and other confederates, and those that had conference with him about these affairs.

Upon this he proceeded largely to discover divers things. First, to specify the names of a great many persons, and many of them gentlemen, and of quality, privy to or concerned in these practices of coining, living in several countries, as, in Yorkshire, where he learned first the practice, and made many dollars; likewise others living in Nottinghamshire, Northumberland, Lancashire, Lincolnshire, North-amptonshire, Kent, Suffolk, Devon, &c.

He acknowledged, how he made moulds at first, and afterwards found out devices and tools for his purpose. That he was taken and imprisoned, but was stout, and confessed nothing; and was set out at liberty; but went on in his former course; and improved in his art. So that his inventions were so ingenious, that his name began to spread in divers counties among many even of the gentry. And some had propounded, for his more secret and uninterrupted following his business of making money, to place him in a castle of the lord Mounteagle’s.

Then he moved the lord treasurer that he might have a place in the mint, only for his subsistence, and be allowed a privacy there, to use his art. And that he would insinuate himself into the smiths, gravers, and alchymists, who, in regard of his great reach in that art, would be ready to join with him; and by that means he might make the greater discoveries; and they might be taken in the act, and so have manifest proof against them. For his instruments and working tools were such as were of great speed and despatch, and of fine handling; and that therein he would give place to no man.

He further reveals to the said lord, that he was privy to such as used magic, in order to gain, as it seems. And undertook, had he his liberty, to find out a marvellous pack of them, with their books and relics. Which art, he said, was accompanied with many filthy ceremonies, as mass, sacrifice, and worship of the Devil. And by means of his acquaintance with some of them, would disclose their minds, and by that means also he might be an instrument to save many honest men’s goods. And all, he protested on his salvation, he shewed of zeal and good-will towards his country; and was ready to perform as much as he had said, and more. And at last he expressed, how he desired nothing else for this service, but that her majesty would allow him something by the day for his maintenance in the mint.

This letter of Phaer’s contains some matters of curiosity; and therefore the copy may deserve to be read in the Appendix. But what credit and success this man found, I cannot assign.

CHAPTER 10.

Books translated and set forth in the English tongue. Bul-linger’s Decads: to be read by unlearned curates instead of sermons.

Sarcerius Common Places. H. N. the author of the family of love, his epistles. The Courtier, by Balthazar Castilio. The high esteem that book obtained. Buchanan’s History of Scotland. A blazing star. Gual-ter’s letter to bishop Cox about it. Dr. Wylson made secretary of state. Some account of him. Put into the inquisition.

His book of the Art of Rhetoric. T. Cartwright marries a sister of Stubbs; whose right hand was cut Tho. Lever dies. His excellent letter about impro-priations belonging to colleges and hospitals. SOME of the books that came forth this year, composed by foreigners, and esteemed worthy the translating and publishing in our English language, were these that follow.

The Decads of Bullinger, the chief minister of Zuric in Helvetia, a man very eminent for learning, piety, and wisdom, and particularly, well deserving of this nation for his kind entertainment and harbour of our divines and scholars, that fled abroad in queen Mary’s reign: and of note for that friendship and correspondence ever after maintained between him and them. These Decads were practical sermons upon the chief heads of religion. This book thus translated was partly intended for the use of such ministers as could not compose or preach sermons of their own; to read these in their congregations to the people. The publisher, a person of eminency in the church, in his preface before the book, speaking of the want of preachers in those times, wri