NUMBER 1.

JAN. 29, 1576. The names of all such, as be certified into the exchequer, to be fugitives over the sea, contrary to the statute of an. 13 Eliz. &c.

And in what countries they inhabited.

ESSEX.

Henry Parker, L. Morley.

Charles Parker, gent.

Edward Parker, gent.

Miche, doctor of laws.

Thomas Clement, gent.

John Clement, doctor of physick John Griffin.

Richard Norton, late of Norton, in com. Ebor.

Walter Ellys.

EBORUM.

John Twynge, gent.

Anthony Langdale, gent.

John Browne, gent.

Francis Moore, gent.

DERBY.

John Sacheverell, arm.

Henry Babington, gent.

LONDON.

Hugh Charnock, gent.

Humphrey Shelton, gent.

SUFFOLK.

Anthony Wilkinson, parson of Melford Nicolas Wendon, doctor of laws, archidiac. Ibid.

Walter Jerningham, gent.

Robert Stepes, parson of Hackstede.

Edmund Smarte, gent.

Richard Selye, gent.

Henry Drury, gent.

Walter Ellys William Soane, gent.

John Watson, miller Anthony Goldingham, clerk.

Anthony Noller Thomas Laurence, jun.

John Watson, miller

SURREY.

Thomas Copley, arm.

John Prestal, gent.

Anthony Standon, gent.

SOUTHAMPTON.

John Flower, clarke.

William Smythe, clarke Anthony Williamson, gent.

Thomas Shelley, gent.

KANC.

John Heywoode, gent.

Robert Gyles, gent.

SUSSEX.

John Leedes, arm.

James Shelley, arm.

William Stapleton, gent.

Thomas, his son.

BERKS.

Thomas, his son.

Francis Englefield, knight.

LANCASTER.

Evan Heydock, gent, Thomas Houghton, arm.

STAFF.

Richard Hopkins.

DORS.

Roger James, clarke

CANT.

Robert Kowte, clark.

Thomas Hanadyne, clark.

HERTF.

Robert Chauncy, gent.

MIDDLESEX.

Richard Shelley, miles, unus confratrum nuper hospital. Sti. Johis. Jerlm.

LEIC.

John Pott, schoolmaster.

Henry Joliffe, clark.

John Bowcer, late abbot of Leic

NORF.

William Dade, returned.

BERKS.

Francis Englefield, knight

SOMERSET.

James Bosgrave.

James Fitz James, clark.

Gilford Barford, clark.

Edward Crockford, clark.

William Goode, schoolmaster Giles Capell, clark.

William Phelps.

OXON.

John Bustard, gent.

Margaret Harte.

Elizabeth Harte.

John Harte, yeoman.

BEDF.

Edward Cussen, clark. [NUMBER 1]

A prayer composed by Pilkington, afterwards bishop of Durham, suited to the beginning, of the reformation of religion under queen Elizabeth. MOST righteous Judge, and merciful Father, which of love didst punish thy people [the Jews] being negligent in building thy house: that by such sharp correction, they might be stirred up to do their duty, and so have pleased thee: wee acknowledge and confess before the world and thy divine majesty, that we have no less offended thee in this behalf then they have don. And that for all the sharp plagues which you laid upon us, we could not awake out of our dead sleep, forgetting the earnest promotion of thy glory and true religion: but rather consented to the persecution of thy true and faithful people. Unti1 now of thy unspeakable goodness, by giving us a gracious queen, and restoring the light of thy word, thou hast letten us tast of the tresures of thy mercy. Wee fall down therefore flat before the throne of grace, desiring pardon of this great negligence, and of all our former offences, and pray thee, that thou wilt not deal with us as we have deserved: but as of thine own free will thou promisedst thy people, falling earnestly to thy work, and restoring of thy temple, that from thence forward thou wouldest bless all their works and fruits, overthrow their enemies, and save thy people: that thou wouldest make that house also more glorious than the first, by the preaching of thy gospel: so we desire thee for Christ’s sake, to be no less good and gracious Lord unto us, yet once again going about to restore thy true religion, trodden down and defaced by the cruel papists.

Send forth, O Lord, many such faithful preachers, as will set out thy glory unfeignedly. Open the hearts of thy people, that they may see how far more acceptable unto thee is the lively preaching of thy holy word, than all the glittering ceremonies of popery. Deliver us, we beseech thee, from all our enemies. Save and preserve our gracious queen as thine own signet. Endue her and her counsil with such reverend fear of thee, that, all policy which is contrary to thy word set apart, they may uprightly seek and maintain thy true glory, minister justice, punish sin, and defend the right. Confound, most mighty God, and bring to nought all the devices of such as go about to overthrow thy word and true worship. Open our eyes, that we may see how dearly thou hast loved us in Jesus Christ, thy Son our Lord. Hold us fast, O Lord of hosts, that we fall no more from thee. Grant us thankful and obedient hearts, that we may en-crease daily in the love, knowledge, and fear of thee. En-crease our faith, and help our unbelief. That we being provided for, and relieved in all our needs by thy fatherly care and providence, as thou shalt think good, may live a godly life to thy praise, and good example of thy people: and after this life may reign with thee for ever through Christ our Saviour. To whom with thee and the Holy Ghost, three Persons and one God, be praise and thanksgiving in all congregations for ever and ever. Amen.

NUMBER 2.

Another prayer by the same reverend person; for faithful preachers to be sent out by God, to preach the gospel at this needful time. MOST mighty Lord, and merciful Father; who didst stir up the Jews to the building of thy house by the preaching of thy prophet Aggeus: wee thy miserable creatures beseech thee for thy mercy sake, to have mercy upon us, and thrust out diligent workmen into thy harvest. Send forth faithful preachers, which may by the hard threatnings of thy law, and comfortable promises of thy gospel, awake all thy people out of their dead sleep, wherein they ly wallowing, forgetting thee and their duty.

Wee have all sinned from the highest to the lowest, in not earnestly professing thy holy word and religion, both the princes, rulers, and magistrates, bishops, ministers of all sorts, and all the people, no state nor condition of men hath done their duty herein unto our onely Lord and God.

Therefore we all with heavy hearts ask thee forgiveness of our great sins.

Open our eyes, O good God, that we may consider the plagues that thou hast laid on us so long for our great disobedience towards thee and thy word. Give us new hearts, and renew thy holy Spirit within us, O Lord.

That both the rulers may faithfully minister justice, punish sin, defend and maintain the preaching of thy word; and that all ministers may diligently teach thy deerly beloved flock: and that all people may obediently learn and follow thy law, to the glory of thy holy name: for Christ’s sake, our onely Lord and Saviour.

NUMBER 3.

Another prayer by the same; against error and popery. MOST righteous and wise Judge, eternal God and merciful Father; which of thy secret judgment hast suffered false prophets in all ages to rise, for the trial of thine elect: that the world might know who would stedfastly stick unto thy undoubted and infallible truth, and who would be carried away with every vain doctrine; and yet by the might of thy holy Spirit hast confounded them all, to thy great glory, and comfort of thy people: have mercy upon us, we beseech thee, and strengthen our weakness against all assaults of our enemies. Confound all popery, as thou didst the doctrine of the Pharisees. Strengthen the lovers of thy truth, to the confusion of all superstition and hypocrisy. Give us due love and reverence of thy holy word. Defend us from men’s traditions, Encrease our faith. Grant us grace never to fall from thee; but uprightly to walk according as thou hast taught us, swerving neither to the right hand nor to the left: neither adding to, nor taking any thing away from thy written word; but submitting our selves wholly to thy good will and plesure, may so pass this transitory life, that through thy goodness we may live everlastingly with thee in thy glory, thro’ Christ our Lord. Who with thee and the Holy Ghost liveth and reignest one God and Saviour for ever and ever.

NUMBER 4.

Richard, bishop of Carlile, to the lord treasurer: upon his remove to Durham.

MY most humble duty and commendation of all faithful service unto you, my dear and singular good lord, ever premised; whose I rest in the Lord Jesus, &c. I am to render not only by these letters most intyre thanks to your honour, for your goodness towards me, in commending me to her highness in way of my preferment to Deereham, and for interposing your credit for my service, &c. which I understand from Mr. Warcoppe, your good lordship hath in most amplewise done; but also to devow my self and service unto your honour for ever; and to assure you, that neither I shall be found unthankful or ingrate, nor unmindful to accomplish your lordship’s behests: and so, as I trust, shall tend to th’advauncement of God’s glory, and her highness good service, and your lordships good comfort: and that within short time, if I may be well backed at the beginning by her highness and your good lordship, and other of the honourable privy council, as I doubt not but I shall be. My singular good lord and patron, I most humbly beseech your honour, to account and accept of me and mine as your own: and so to use and command the same.

Your lordship was mine onely preferrer to Carliell, where I have served my seven years; and I trust, discharged the promise yee then made unto her highness on my behalf; which in this poor and bare living was all that I could do. Now by your good means being preferred to a better, if in time I be not thankful, &c. if I discharge not my duty, and answer not your undertakings, then deserve I to be noted as most ingrate, and as the poet saith, In-gratum dixeris, quidvis dixeris. And so beseeching your lordship of continuance of your good favour towards me, I rest your own. And here cease to trouble your lordship by letters any further, until it may please God that I may come my self to do my duty to your lordship. Which that your good lordship would hasten, and consummate that which you have begun for me your poor client, I most humbly pray. God bless and encrease his heavenly graces upon your lordship, with prosperous health and encrease of much honour. Amen. From the Rose-Castle in Combreland, the xxiiii, of March, 1576.

Your good lordships most bound, and at commaundment, Ri. Carliolen.

NUMBER 5.

The lord treasurer to the queen. In relation to his daughter, and the earl of Oxford her husband, unkind to her. Written March the 3. 1576. MOST sovereign lady. As I was accustomed from the beginning of my service to your majesty, until of late, by the permission of your goodness, and by occasion of the place wherein I serve your majesty, to be frequently an intercessor for others to your majesty; and therein I did find your majesty always inclinable to give me gracious audience: so now do I find in the latter end of my years a necessary occasion to be an intercessor to your majesty, or rather an immediate petitioner for my self, and an intercessor for another next to my self, in a cause, godly, honest, and just. And therefore having had proof of your majesties former favours, and so important, I doubt not but to find the influence of your grace in a cause so neer touching my self, as your majesty will conceive it doth.

And yet my intention is not to molest your majesty with the particularities of the same, neither as I now do, would I have attempted, but that I fear my silence, while others should be open mouthed, and either of ingratitude, or of purpose, might occasion some other conceit with your majesty, than I am sure the truth of the cause shall work in you. To enter to trouble your majesty with circumstances of my cause I mean not, for sundry respects, but chiefly for two. The one is, that I am very loth to be more cumbersome to your majesty than need shall compel me: the other is, for that I hope in God’s goodness, and for reverence born to your majesty, the success thereof may have a better end than the beginning threatneth.

But your majesty may think my suit will be very long, where I am so long ere I begin. And truly, most gracious sovereign lady, it is true, that the nature of my cause is such, as I have no plesure to enter into, but had rather seek means to shut it up than to lay it open: not for lack of the soundness thereof on my part, but from the brickleness of others from whom the ground-work procedeth.

My suit therefore shall be presently to your majesty, but in general sort, that where I am, by God’s visitation with many infirmities, (and yet noe great,) stayed from coming to do my duty to your majesty at this time; and my daughter the countess of Oxford also occasioned by her great grief to be absent from your majesties court; and that the occasion of her absence may be diversely reported to your majesty, as I said before, by some of ignorance, by some percase otherwise; it may please your majesty, because the ground and working thereupon toucheth me as neer as any worldly cause in my conceit can do, to continue your princely consideration of us both. Of me, as an old worn servant, that dare compare with the best, the greatest, the oldest, and the youngest, for loyalty and devotion: giving place to many others in other worldly qualities, as your majesty shall prefer any before me: and of my daughter, your majesties most humble young servant, as of one that is toward your majesty in dutiful love and fear, yea, in fervent admiration of your graces, to contend with any her equals.

And in the cause betwixt my lord of Oxford and her, whether it be for respect of misliking in me, or misdemeaning of her, (whereof I cannot yet know the certainty,) I do avow, in the presence of God and of the angels, whom I do call as ministers of his ire, if in this I do utter any untruth, I have not in his absence on my part omitted any occasion to do him good, for himself and his causes. No, I have not in thought imagined any thing offensive to him. But contrariwise I have been as diligent for his causes to his benefit, as I have been for my own. And this I pronounce of knowledge for my self. And therefore, if contrary to my deserts I should otherwise be judged, or suspected, I should receive great injury.

For my daughter, though nature would make me to speak favourably, yet now I have taken God and his angels to be witnesses of my writing, I renounce nature, and pronounce simply to your majesty, I did never see in her behaviour, in word or deed, or ever could perceive by any other means, but that she hath always used her self’ honestly, chastly, and lovingly towards him. And now upon expectation of his coming, is filled with joy thereof: so desirous to see the time of his arrival approach, as in any judgment no young lover, rooted or sorted in love of any person, could more excessively shew the same in all comeliest tokens.

Now when after his arrival, when some doubts were caused of his acceptance of her, her innocence seemed to make her so bold, as she never cast any care of things past, but wholly reposed her self with assurance to be well used by him. And with that confidence and importunity made to me, she went to him, and there missed of her expectation: and so attendeth, as her duty is, to gain some part of her hope.

And now lest I should enter further into the matter, and not meaning to trouble your majesty, I do end with this humble request, that in any thing that may hereof follow, wherein I may have wrong with dishonesty offered to me, I may have your majesties princely favour, to seek my just defence for me and mine: not meaning for respect of mine old service, nor of the place whereunto your majesty hath placed me, (though unwillingly,) to chalenge any extraordinary favours. For my service hath been but a piece of my duty, and my vocation hath been too great a reward. And so I do remain constantly to serve your majesty in what place soever your majesty shall command, even in as base as I have done in great.

NUMBER 6.

The inscriptions upon the monument of sir Anthony Cook, knt. in the chapel of Rumford in Essex.

OVER HIS HEAD.

DNS.ANTHONIUS COCUS, ordinis equestris miles, ob singularem doctrinam, prudentiam et pietatem, regisEDOARDI sexti institutor constitutus. Uxorem habuitANNAM, filiamGULIELMI FITZ WILLIAMS de Milton militis, vere piam et generosam. Cum qua diu feliciter vixit, et supervixit. At tandem, quum suos tam natos, quam natas, bene collocasset, in Christo pie mortuus est, anno aetatis 70.

OVER THE HEADS OF HIS TWO SONS, KNEELING BEHIND HIM.

RICHARDUS COCUS hujus dni.COCI filius et haeres,ANNAM duxit generosi viriJOANNIS CAULTON filiam. Qui pieta-tis ergo hoc monumentum erigi curavit. GULIELMUS COCUS, ejusdemANTHONII proximus filius, duxitFRANCISCAM filiam dni.JOANNIS GRAY, fratris ducisSUFFOLCIAE.

UNDER SIR ANTHONY AND HIS LADY.

In obitum clarissimi literatissimique dni.ANTHONII COCI equitis aurati carmen Epita>fion A NNA tibi fuerat quamvis pulcherrima conjux, Diminuit studium non tamen A NNA tuum, Bibliotheca fuit, gaza praestantior omni:

Librorum facerent nomina nuda librum.

Hinc pulchros flores, fructus hinc promis amaenos, Hinc mentis pastus, deliciaeque tuae.

Ta< gnwsqe>nta le>gwn, kai< menta ginw>skwn, Tou~ plou>tou krei>ttwn kai< filopa>triv ejh~|v Cur te, Roma, facit Cornelia docta superbam?

Quam multas tales, et mage, Cocus habet?

Quinque sciunt natae conjungere Graeca Latinis, Insignes claris moribus atque piis.

Has tu nobilibus (res est bene nota) locasti:

Qui Christum vera relligione colunt.

Et quorum prodest prudentia summa Britannis, Qui virtute valent, consiliisque graves.

Quinque peregrinis vixti regionibus annos, Dum revocat princeps te E LIZABETHA domum.

Utque solet Phoebus radiis nitidissimus almis, Nubibus excussis, exhilarare diem:

Sic regina potens, regali sede locata, Et Coco et natis omnia fausta tulit.

Haec inter vitam C OCE, beatam Traduxit, cupiens caelica regna senex.

Et veluti recidunt maturo tempore poma, Sic facili caelum morte solutus adis.

Hocque simul tumulo duro cum marmore structo, Doctus eques, conjux intemerata cubant.

Quos socialis amor, pietas, quos junxit et alma Virtus in terris, vos Deus unus habet. Neer this monument in the chancel, on a flat stone, a brass plate, thus inscribed, (being sir Anthonies farewel to his wife deceased.) Chars mihi multos conjunx dilecta per annos, Cura domus, multa non sine prole parens, A NNA, vale, moriens miserum complexa maritum Immemorem merito non sinis esse tui. Against the east wall of the chancel, in the similitude of a table hanging by a chain in stone, are verses intituled, An epitaph upon the death of the fight worshipful sir Anthony Cook, knt. who dyed the 11th day of June, 1576.

You learned men, and such as learning love, Vouchsafe to read this rude unlearned verse.

For stones are doombe, and yet for man’s behove God lends them tongues sometimes for to reherse Such words of worth as worthiest wights may pierce.

Yea, stones sometimes, when bloud and bones be rots Do blaze the bruit, which else might be forgot.

And in that heap of carved stones do ly A worthy knight, whose life in learning led, Did make his name to mount above the sky.

With sacred skill unto a king he read; Whose toward youth his famous praises spred.

And he therefore to courtly life was call’d, Who more desir’d in study to be stall’d.

Philosophy had taught his learned mind To stand content with country quiet life:

Wherein he dwelt as one that was assign’d To guard the same from sundry stormes of strife.

And, but when persecuting rage was rife, His helping hand did never fail to stay His countries staff, but held it up alway.

Nor high avaunce, nor office of availe, Could tempt his thoughts to row beyond his reach.

By broont of books he only did assaile The fort of fame, whereto he made his breach, With fire of truth which God’s good word doth teach.

The wealth he won was due for his degree, He neither rose by rich reward nor fee.

And yet although he bare his sail so high, The gale of grace did spred his course so fast, That in his life he did right well bestow His children all before their prime was Fast.

And like them so that they be like to last.

What should I say but only this in sum, Beatus sic qui timet Dominum. Their only skill to learning bears the bell, And of that skill I taught poor stones to treat; That such as would to use their learning well, Might read these lines, and therewith oft repeat, How here on earth his gift from God is great, Which can employ his learning to the best.

NUMBER 7.

Sir Nicolas Bacon, lord keeper, to the queen; shewing, her three great enemies, France, Spain, and Rome. And the remedies to be used against each of them. MOST gracious sovereign. That which if time and your affairs would have suffered, I meant to have done by present speech, I am driven by absence to do by letter; not doubting nevertheless, but that though my pen and speech were not present, yet your majesties great understanding considered, together with the advice of your grave and wise counsillors, all things should be suttlciently foreseen and provided for. And yet my trust is, knowing (as by proof I do) your majesties gracious acceptation of things well meant, you will take this my writing (although not needful) in good part.

Your majesty knoweth right well, that perils and dangers be great or small, as the enemies that do breed and bring them forth be of great and small power. Now France, Spain, and Rome, being mighty and potent princes, and your inward enemies, as by sundry their doings it plainly appeareth, it followeth necessarily that your dangers and perills sought by them must needs be very great. As they be great, so be they imminent and at hand.

Because power and occasion doth at this present concur with their wills, having made peace with their enemies. And therefore require speedy provision to withstand them; lest else the mischief be put in execution, before the remedies be provided. And so shall al things grow desperate, and all things remediless. Surely, madam, the fear of this groweth so greatly in me, that I could not be quiet in my self without remembring the same unto your majesty, according to my bounden duty. And methinks it were better for me to offend by fearing too much, than by hoping too much. The former seeketh for remedies; the second breedeth careless security: whereby things be driven so long, that they pass sometime the help of counsil. Whereupon I thought good to put your majesty in mind, that as your perills be three by reason of your three great enemies, so have they three easy ways and means greatly to annoy you. And you also three ready remedies to withstand them, being taken in time: the means that France hath to annoy you is by Scotland; Spain by the Low-Countries; and Rome by his musters here in England. The two former being foreign forces, and outward; this latter is intestine and inward. And how unable the people of England divided is to withstand the powers without, united, as it makes not my pen only, but my self, to quake to think of it. Now the helps contained in my understanding are these. First, to withstand France, (which hath his way by Scotland,) is to assure Scotland to England. A thing not hard to do, seeing as their state now standeth, their safety and perils stand joyned with yours. And their commodity, it will grow by such a conjunction; as these [advantages.] First, France thereby shall have no footing in Scotland; whereby they may invade your majesty on main land.

But that they are first to set sail for it: a matter of very great moment, the chance of wind and weather remembred. By the second commodity your highness shall have the assistance of the force of Scotland from time to time, as well to offend the attempts of a competitor, as also to suppress rebellions that may arise in the time of troubles. And besides, shall be ready to give you succour and aid, in all your necessities within your realm.

Which succours shall need no transporting, but may repair at all times upon main land. The third commodity that will grow by the assurance of Scotland is, that thereby you shall be safe and free from the great perills and dangers that were very like to grow by them to you, if they should be joyned to France. Whereunto they must needs yield, except they were assured to your majesty. For the nature of man is such, that if he cannot find surety where he would, he will seek it where he may get it. Now I know no way so good to assure Scotland to your highness, as by giving to the principal persons of that realm convenient pensions. And this to have you to do, I would not onely be a counsillor, but also from the bottome of my heart a most humble and earnest petitioner. And where it may be doubted the French will outbid you, O! madam, I pray you to call to mind, that the Scots can take no pensions to join with the French, but that it must tend to the overthrow of religion established: from the which I cannot think they can be won. For that were to make merchandize of religion, to the danger of their souls. Again, they cannot join with France for pension sake: for thereby they shall not only endanger to loose their pensions promised, but also in time their lives and livings, what promises or practices soever be made unto them. For who can doubt, but that if the French be received to joyn with the Scots, then will the faction of the Scottish queen be set up? which must needs breed and bring the destruction of them that govern now, being her utter enemies. So as it may be concluded, that as the taking of your pensions, tending to their sureties, will be received, so the pensions already offered by the French, tending to their destruction, both of body and soul, will be by them refused.

The second remedy is by the Low-Countries. But because things stand there very uncertain to my knowledge, therefore for the better framing of a remedy that way, it were good your majesty did send some man of credit, both to confer with the prince of Orange, and otherwise also to understand in what case and condition all things be there; and what is thought there to be the best remedy to defend, and to meet with all danger, that may grow that way. And thereof to certify your majesty, to think that thereupon that way be devised, that best should serve for your majesties surety.

And as touching the third and last remedy to be had here in England against Rome, your majesties good countenance and credit to those your good subjects that be enemies to the usurped authority of Rome, and earnest, severe handling of the contrary part, is the readiest way to bring the matter to good effect. And it is high time thus to do; because of late years they have grown in number. And those that maintain the authority of Rome, must needs maintain and defend the sentences and decrees made at Rome by the Romish authority, your highness right well knoweth. Besides, here at home your navy, your men, munition, and all other your martial provision, would be made in a readiness. For an end, that besides these remedies, it might be provided, that Cassimire might be prepared to be ready against all chances, then should all be done that I can devise.

Thus with all humbleness praying pardon of this my long and tedious letter, I commit your majesty to the tuition of Almighty God; who may bless you and all your actions. The 20th of November, 1577.

NUMBER 8.

Cox, bisbop of Ely, to the lord treasurer Burghley: upon the queen’s command for the suspension of Grindal, archbishop of Canterbury.

SIR, I write unto you, non sine anxietate cordis; her majesty adeo indignata suo primo sacerdoti: cujut indig-natio mors est. Deus meliora.

Sacerdotem vero tam clementem principem, et religionis sincerae fautricem irritate, fontem lachrymarum merito ex oculis elicit.

Since the beginning of our acquaintance, both you and I (God’s blessed name be glorified) have constantly, through many brunts, a dextris et a sinistris, persevered: and you especially. Now at this pinch, esto fortis, et viriliter age, et confortetur cor tuum.

I understand of late the matter is touching a conference, which hath been used, or rather abused, and not by publick authority established, And therefore not unworthily by authority abolished. Which, I trust, no man doth maintain. But, I trust, hereafter, the thing being deeply and considerately weighed, her majesty, seeking especially the glory of God, and the quiet and needful edifying of her people, may be moved to have further consideration of this matter. And when the great ignorance, idleness, and lewdness of the great number of poor and blind priests in the clergy, shall be deeply weighed and considered of, it will be thought most necessary to call them, and to drive them, to some travel and exercise of God’s holy word: whereby they may be the better able to discharge their bounden duty towards their flock. I trust I shall not need either with words or reasons to move your righteous heart to mitigate her majesties displesure and indignation against her archbishop: who, I doubt not, will use himself with all dutiful submission. I have written to her majesty after my humble maner. Absit, ut tam grave exemplum edatur in ecclesia Anglicana, quam tantopere Romana tyrannis infestare et devorare satagit, &c. Thus the Lord Jesus bless you with encrease of health, and with all goodness that your heart can desire. From my house at Dodington the 12th of June, 1577.

Your lordship’s assured, Richarde Ely.

NUMBER 9.

The queens letter to the bishop of Lincoln: to cause the exercises, called prophesyings, to cease in his dioces. RIGHT Reverend, &c. Although we doubt not, but that you do well and effectually remember our speeches unto you, to continue and encrease your care and vigilancy over your charge in Gods church, (a matter of no small weight,) warning you also of the dangerous presumptions of some in these days, who by singular exercises in public places, after their own fancies, have wrought no good in the minds of the multitude, easy to be carried with novelties: yet forasmuch as we have been sithence credibly informed, that in sundry places of your dioces, namely, in Hertfordshire, those exercises, or, as they term them, prophesyings, are yet, or were very lately continued, to the great offence of our orderly subjects; and therefore, and for divers good respects, we think requisite, that they shall be forborn to be used: Wee let you wit, that having in singular recommendation God’s people under our government, whom we desire to have guided in an uniformity as neer as may be, wee charge and command you, as a person who by your function wee look should ease and satisfy us in this behalf, within your charge to have dutiful consideration hereof: and furthermore, to take express order through your dioces, that none other exercise be suffered to be publickly used, than preaching in fit times and places, by persons learned, discreet, conformable, and sound in religion, heard and allowed by you without partiality; reading of homilies, as is set forth by public authority, by the Injunctions appointed, and the order of the Book of Common Prayer.

And further, that ye signify unto us, or to some of our privy council, attending about our person, the names of all such gentlemen, and others, as have ben the setters forth and maintainers of those exercises; and in what places; and of such as shall impugne this order. And also, what you shall have done herein from time to time. Hereof not to fail, as you tender our plesure, and will avoid the contrary at your peril.

NUMBER 10.

The order of the government of the colledge of Westminster, syns the last erection, begonne by D. Byll, and con-tynued by me [Dr.

Goodman] with the assent of the chapiter: as appeareth by divers decrees, recorded in the chapiter book. DAILY prayer in king Henry the Sevenths chappel at six of the clock in the morning: and a lecture there read upon the Wednesday and Friday.

Dayly service song in the chancel of the great church, according to the order of her majesties chappel, at the usual hours; that is, upon Sundays, from eight to eleven in the forenoon. Upon Wednesdays and Fridays, and other holy-days, from nine to eleven. Andon other days, to begin at nine until almost eleven. Or in the afternoon service to begin at four, and to continue until five, or after five.

A sermon every Sunday in the year, either by the dean, or one of the prebendaries, or some other for them. The dean to preach four times in the year in his own person, unless there be cause to the contrary: that is, upon Christmas-day, Easter-day, Whitsunday, and Allhallown-day. Every prebendary to preach in their own persons upon the Sundays in their course of residence; or else some other for them.

A solemne communion ministred upon the great feasts, and every first Sunday of every month. Where by order there do communicate the dean and prebendaries present: the ministers and four of the clarks, and four of the almes-men.

Upon those days that the dean is bound to preach, either he himself doth minister the communion, or some one of the prebendaries.

Twelve almesmen of her majesties foundation are bound to be resident; and in the church daily at service, according to her majesties order.

Every Sunday in the year, there is 40 mess of meat, for 40 poor householders of the parish, by the oversight of the chaunter of the church.

Every mess being allowed there in flesh, or fish, a peny loaf in bread, and a peny in mony.

Every Saturday the dean, or one of the prebendaries, whose course is to be resident, after the service, morning prayers being ended, they do call before them the ministers of their church, and the clarks of the twelve almosemen; and whom other they see cause. And there the chaunter of the church, in the book of Perditions, doth shew the default of such as were absent, or negligent in the week before.

Dr. Byll did appoint two square tables, and one mess to either of them: the one for himself, or whom he would call unto him. The ordinary allowance of the same for himself and six of his men, was 28s. The extraordinary as occasion served, he did further allow.

The other table, to serve the four prebendaries, whose course it was to be resident. And they bear each one for himself, and his man, 7s. a week. But shortly after, by decree in chapiter, it is encreased so, that every prebendary was to allow for himself and his man, in his course of residence weekly 10s. in toto. For four 40s.

In my time, for ease of charge, I and the four prebendaries have joyned together at one table, having one full mess, and sometimes more, as occasion serveth, I allowing thereto my ordinary portion, and the residentaries theirs. The detriments are born by the college; unless there be some special occasion of some special allowance.

The schoolmaster, and such as be officers, are allowed all the same table.

The scholars do dine and sup in the hall, by the dean and prebendaries; and be allowed according to their rates: having a several buttry or pantry, and cellar by themselves.

The servants in likewise in the hall, having the reversion of the masters, and special allowance for those that are the college servants, and necessary officers, according to a necessary proportion.

Every week, commonly upon the Saturday after dinner, the charges of the week past is cast by the weekly charges of masters and servants in one book. The scholars charges in a several book by themselves.

The dean hath the general charge of all. The sub-dean under the dean to oversee the good order of the church and house. The archdeacon hath to do with the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and such causes, either by himself, or by his official. The treasurer, one in like wise of the prebendaries, receiveth of the receit what is convenient for all charges. The steward of houshould, who is also a prebendary, re-ceiveth of the treasurer, or general receiver; and layeth out for the necessary charges of the house in diet and other provisions. Under him is an under-steward, and the clark of the kitchin, and other officers.

Once a year the general receiver, treasurer, stewards, and all other accomptants and under-officers, make their accounts unto the auditor.

There be two teachers, the schoolmaster and the usher of the school. The scholars of the grammar be in number fourty: elected both into the house, and from the house to the universities, according to a special statute from her highness.

The scholars for their prayers in church, school, and chamber, for their teaching, for their diet in the hall, and lodging in one chamber, and for all other orders, they are served as they were in Dr. Bylls time, and was appointed, by him in special statutes: very like the orders used in Eton and Winchester schools.

The master of the singing boys hath his house, and other due allowances for himself and ten children. Whom he is charged to bring up in song, for the daily service of the church.

NUMBER 11.

Edward Phaer, condemned for counterfeiting coin, his letter from the Tower to the lord treasurer: offering to make great discoveries of coiners, such as used magic, &c. AFTER supplication for his life and liberty, he thus opens himself. I began first at York: where I learned first to practise with one Morehouse, and of Fra. Jobson, Nic. Ricoard, and another; and made certain dollars. After I came to Nottingham, and there with one Mr. Fairfax, Warcup a priest, Nelson, and Dawson, we made foreign and English. All this was to no purpose: for we wrought with the mould. I suffered imprisonment therefore, and was delivered again; since which time I have practised other devices and tools to coin. Some of other men’s inventions, and some of mine own, in such order (together with my stoutness in prison to yield and confess nothing) as began to spread my fame abroad, to excell in that art, and to be sought unto from divers places. As, in Yorkshire, Robert Warcup, gent. James Green of Lambwel, gent. William Bucton of Semer, gent. Meynil, gent. Three of the Claphams of Beamsley, gentlemen: and divers more gentlemen; as Gower neer Stockton, Thwaits in the Woulds, Garston, Constable, about Whitly Strond: two of the Con-yers, gent. And there these gentlemen offered to place me in a castle of my lord Monteagles at his charges. In Northumberland, with Stephen Fenick, Robert Car, gent. Coldwel, and others. In Lancashire, Thomas Wolfal and Bretton, gent. In Lincolnshire, Fra. Carsey and his brother, gent. In Gloucestershire, with Chattertons, two brethren, gent. In Northamptonshire, Robert Mallery, Robert Harrison, and two gentlemen more. In this city [i. e. London] out of Kent, Jerom Brett, gent. sir Warham St. Leger: and moved to sir John St. Leger; and to have an island of his in the sea. Beaumont and others in Suffolk. Bray and Tiler of London, and Thomas Hains. And moved to deal with one Mr. Greenfield in Devon, and So-mersetshire one Ellis. And offered to be placed by captain Chester in Holland. One Browning neer Colchester. And another confederacy of John Prastals: and an alchymist. And were about to deal in Essex, about Candlemas last, with a justice of peace; which I could soon sift out. I have been willed to Ireland by divers, as James Haydon, gent. Thomas Eden, and others.

Thus, my lord, I have reveled the onely names unto your honour, and no matter at all. Neither is it to any purpose, if I should accuse the most of them. For none of all these but have heard of my trouble, and would flatly deny me: and those whom I could not touch with sufficient matter, would go free away. And so by fending and proving shall I never be able to shew the service which I fain would. But assuredly, my lord, if it may please the queen’s majesty to give me life, and some reasonable maintenance, &c. and to be preserved for some quality of mine, to be used in the mint, &c. (for that way I must do service, and not openly,) will find ways and means enough to catch them that deserve thereafter: yea, twenty against one the other way. And so, is it not the most of these men, but a great multitude of others, (now unknown,) would help me for that purpose. And further, I would insinuate my self with all workmen, as smiths, gravers, and alchymists: so that I suppose nothing should escape my reach in that craft.

And most sure I am, that no subtil device or invention can blind me, if it ply in that work. And so might they be taken in season, and with the manifest proof it self. And without some such special watch, undoubtedly they will still be doing, unknown, passing any magistrates understanding. I say not here commendation of my instruments and working tools, which be of great speed and of fine handling. To the use whereof I am to give place to no man. Your honour is to consider thereof, as it shall please you.

For magic, I can find out as many that way. And if I might speak with my old companions, (and many of them are in this town,) I would hunt out a mervailous pack of them, with their books and reliques. Yea, and with their art goeth many a filthy ceremony, as mass, sacrifice, and their service of the Devil: also, my acquaintance, supposing me to be the same I was before, would disclose their minds unto me. Whereby I should understand that which now my conscience and bounden duty would not permit me to concele: and thereby save many a true man his goods.

Thus your honour doth understand the sum of my pretence: that which, upon my salvation,1 have shewed of zele and of good will towards my country; and am ready to perform full as much as I have said, and more, in every respect. For one thing brings on another. He that seeketh shall find.

And first, a name, then a man’s own commendation, and a liberal tongue to discourse, is a sufficient credit to any master of these arts, to bring him customers enough. I am sure these things and many other have I had light of in my time. And now I am both further known, and thought much more cunning: which would bring treble acquaintance. So should your honour by my life have all the intelligence I were able to learn, unfeign-edly, by all possible means. And certainly, that should be both much and needful.

My hope is verily to weed and cleanse this country of coining. And for other matters, all the good I can to purge it. Your honour hath preserved many to amendment of life. God well knoweth, I would not live to be a stay and hindrance to all those which are to find favour and mercy for their deserts, coming after me. 1 desire none, but a sufficient true living by the day. For, God be judge, I wish not otherwise to live; and I ask it of her highness; for that I determine to serve her majesty faithfully. Mine own ability is nothing. And if I had grace and liberty, yet I could not do this service altogether with empty hands. For I must seek some that look not for me, and keep company with the rest as fall out, for that purpose: not doubting, but I shall endeavour my self, so as should well merit my reward.

Or for default thereof, I shall be content to loose life and all, my duty not supplied. And by my death shall be but presented the example of all evil members. And so shall dy with me all the light and evidence before spoken.

For if I do suffer the extremity of the law, it will be too late for me to shew this my well affected service. Neither am I in that mind, by death to do it.

But if I go thereto, I am fully determined, that every man shall bear his own sins; praying to God for their amendment. And for my own part, my perfect hope is to be saved at the Almighty God’s hand: unto whose high mercy I commit my self. And so I end; praying to the Lord for the long life, health, and happy days of your honour to endure.

Your honours humble and poor captive, Edward Phaer.

NUMBER 12.

George Buchanan to Mr. Randolph, concerning, publishing, his history: and his distemper. MAISTER, I hauf resavit divers letters from you, and yet I hauf aunswered to naine of them. Of the quhyllz albeyt I hauf mony excusis, as age, forgetfulness, and disease; yet I will use naine now, eccept my sweitness and your gentleness. And geif ye think none of thoise sufficient, content you with ane confession of the falt without fear of punition to follow on my own peculiar kindness.

As for the present, I am occupiit in writing of our history; beying assurit to content few, and to displeasure mony tharthrow. As to the end of it, if ye get it not or this winter be past, cippin [look] not for it, nor none other writing from me. The rest of my occupation is with the gout, quhyllz haldys me besy both day and nyt. And quhair yee say, ye half not lang to lyif, I trust to God to go before you; albeyt I be one rut [foot] and ye ryd the post Praying you als not to dispost the post at Newerke tone of Kelsterne. This I pray you partly for the awne quhame I thought ane gud fallow, and partly at request of lyk, as I dare not refuse. And thus I take my leave shortly at you now, and my lang leif quhen God pleads: committing you to the protection of the Almighty. At Sterling the 25th of August, 1577.

Yours to commaund with service, G. Buchanan.

NUMBER 13.

Sandys, archbishop of York, to the lord treasurer: concerning his enquiry into the holy orders of Whittingham, dean of Durham. For which some complaint was made of him at court. MY very good lord; I have great cause to thank you for your most friendly answer for me. You shall never receive dishonour by me. For my doings tryed, shall ever be found sincere, and not in right to be blamed. Neither shall there any man be more ready to charge me, than I to answer it, if I may be called and admitted to it. Verily, my lord, I receive great wrong.

My faithful and upright service is ill requited. I have given no occasion of offence in word or in fact. Whosoever shall charge me with either shall greatly wrong me.

This Durham matter breedeth a great broyl. The dean hath gotten mo friends than the matter deserveth. The discredit of the church of Geneva is hotly alledged. Verily, my lord, that church is not touched. For he hath not received his ministry in that church, or by any authority or order from that church, so far as yet can appear. Neither was there any English church in Germany that attempted the like, neither needed they to have done; having among themselves sufficient ministers to supply the rowne. But yf his ministry without authority of God or man; without law, order, or example of any church, may be current, take heed to the sequel. Who seeth not what is intended? God deliver his church from it. I will never be guilty of it.

And yet I trust that I shall never swerve from the truth of God, nor shrink in matter of religion. But I shall ever mislike of confusion. If her majesty had liking of it, or yf the lords had called me, I would have attended after Easter. But seeing that no such order is taken, I dare not leave my charge.

Neither have I further to deal in Durham matter. For I trust the lords will not make me a party. Yet yf I shall be burthened with matter worthy to be answered, yf the lords call me thereunto, I will readily and gladly come.

But to intrude myself into the action, I mind not. I shall humbly pray, that I may be clearly acquitted of it.

It hath created me much displeasure, as I hear. But I bear it more quietly, having the testimony of my conscience, that I have dealt uprightly, and have given no just offence to any man. I have written to the lords somewhat more at large to the like effect. I would wish your lordship should be at the board, when those letters, shall be read. Thus acknowledging, how much I am bound unto you, for your honorable constant favour towards me, I humbly recommend your good lordship to the good direction of God’s holy Spirit. Bushopthorp, this 4th Aprilis, 1579.

Your lordships most assured, E. Ebor.

NUMBER 14.

Cox, bishop of Ely, to the queen. His letter congratulatory to her, now in her progress; and excusing himself for not waiting upon her. INDIGNUM facinus me admisisse arbitrabuntur inter-pretes parum aequi, augustissima regina, quod in hac tua peregrinatione, obsequium tuae majestati non praebeam. Ve-rum modo nec Deo, nec tuae sublimitati ulla detur offensa, aliorum judicium susque deque fero. Si autem intelligerem meam operam ulla in re serenitati tuae usui esse posse, in genua provolutus reperem potius ad sublimitatem tuam, quam officio meo deessem. Spero equidem majestatem tuam aetatis meae rationem habere, et virium mearum imbe-cillitatem perpendere. Senio confectus sum. Quod ex se morbus est.

Unde rude donari, et alteri lampada tradere, id est, valentiori viribus, ingenio, eruditione, et acerrimo legis Dei propugnatori, humiliter ab sequitate tua petebam paucis retro annis. Quando majestas tua benignissime re-spondit: Nondum hoc fiet.

Moses senescens Josua successorem instituit: Augustinus senescens Alipium sibi succedere curavit. Tuae fidei tra-dita est a Deo Anglicana ecclesia, quae regnum Dei est: in quo patefactus est Christus Jesus in salutem nostram. Hu-jus tu es gubernatrix, defensatrix. Hinc igitur inutiles sa-cerdotes, ambitiosi, avail, et simoniaci, ab ecclesia tua pel-lantur, explodantur, exibilentur. Christus ipse e templo flagellis talia monstra exturbavit. Interim qui pii sunt ec-clesiarum pastores, zelo verse religionis accensi, foveantur, animentur, duplici honore digni habeantur: non contemnantur, non conculcentur, non ostentui habeantur. Grave illud, Qui vos spernit, me spernit. Haec aperta via est ad Papismum, ad Turcismum, denique ad omnia scelera et ini-quitates.

Verum longe alio tendit tuus pientissimus zelus, qui hac-tenus per gratiam Dei constantissime et dexterrime veram Christi religionem per annos viginti, invito Diabolo, et hosti-bus tuis universis, conservasti, defendisti.

Neque tuae ec-clesiae naevos abscindere et sanare contaris, verum etiam catholicae ecclesiae atque vicinarum ecclesiarum solicituaine tangeris. Nam nuper didici, huc pietatem tuam tendere, ut viros ex tuis mittas ad sedandas contentiones in ecclesiis Germanicis. O! reginam, O! faeminam vere piam, quae ad Constantini Magni exemplum tam prope accedas.

Praeterea, mirifice benedicit conatibus tuis Dominus Deus noster; ut per te regnum tuum (quoad fieri potest) in pie-tate et tranquillitate degit. Ad haec, frementibus undique bellis, tu interim prudentissime procuras, ut pax domi, et foris, sarta tecta conservetur. Denique non possum non ingentissimas gratias agere eximiae tuae pietati, quod contro-versiam meam ab implicatis legum tricis benigne exemeris; et cancellariae, quae est aequi et boni curia, reddideris. Quae res tamen non sine magma difficultate obtenta est.

Dominus Jesus Christus celsitudinem tuam servet, de fide in fidem augescentem, et multos annos incolumem, felicique regno beatum, ut tandem cum Christo in celesti paradiso vita fruaris aeterna. Ex aedibus meis in insula Eliensi.

Episcopus tuus humillimus, Richardus Elien.

NUMBER 15.

Gilbert, bishop of Bath and Wells, to the lord treasurer: to hinder a design to impropriate a benefice; or to get a lease of it for years. MAY it please your lordship to be advertised, that the lord Thomas Powlet, dwelling within the county of Somerset, patron of a parsonage called West Moncton, hath been (as I am informed) minded to make the said parsonage an impropriation to him and his heirs for ever. But being doubtful he should bring that to pass, he hath changed his mind, and hath gotten the consent of him that is now incumbent to have a lease of the said parsonage for 500 years to come; allowing the incumbent that shall be 30l by year.

And the said incumbent to stand to all maner of charges ordinary and extraordinary whatsoever. The said benefice is worth an 100l . by year. So the said lord doth give unto him that is now incumbent, during his life, 80l . yearly, charges born. And hath moved me divers times that I would give my assent thereto as ordinary. Which thing I have refused to do; considering the example thereof is like to follow to the great decay of the clergy. For if this precedent should be brought into a custome, there are few benefices, but they should be brought to little or nothing. By such alteration the queen shall loose that is due unto her highness; the ministers brought to poverty, more like to ask then to give bread; and so the gospel and ministry brought to utter contempt.

I understand that the said lord Powlet hath given the patronage of the forenamed parsonage unto the queen’s majesty; and he that is now incumbent hath made a lease to her highness for 500 years: and that she hath confirmed the same to the said lord Powlet. And so remaineth, that I should put my hand thereto. My humble duty is to obey her majesty. Which I do and shall do while I live; and will in no wise deny that her highness hath done: but would be glad to know what is best to be done; lest that her majesty being misinformed, might graunt that which hereafter shall turn to the great undoing of her clergy.

The letters of such graunt as her majesty bath given to the said lord Thomas Powlet, I have not hitherto seen; but am informed that he hath them. As I shall learn, so will I do your lordship to understand. And in the mean season to stay my hand for confirming; unless I shall be advertised to the contrary by your lordship: having no other refuge to whom I may resort for better advice. I am bold thus much to enterprize: wishing your lordship’s prosperity long to continue to God’s honour and glory. At Wells, this 2lst of November, 1578.

Your lordships daily orator, Gilbert Bathe and Wells.

I understood by my said lord Powlet, that as yet he hath not the graunt from the queen’s majesty; but requireth my hand, for the more speedy obtaining of the same.

NUMBER 16.

Wilsford denyes the queen to be supreme head of the church: better informed, writes to the lord treasurer to obtain her majesties pardon. RIGHT honourable: as man hath his constitution of divers qualities, so is he subject and vexed with divers passions and perturbations. Wherewith I being opprest by the ingrate and unkind dealing of certain gentlemen I have had to do for in my vocation, that I got my living by: and thereby brought into miserable poverty, that I durst not, nor dare I not, go abroad to provide for my wife and children. And so at home occupying my self in the study of God’s book, by the often meditation of the same, and reading St. Powle’s Epistle to the Hebrews, in the fifth chapter, concerning the pontification and priesthood of Aaron and Christ; and many other places, as well in the same epistle, as of other epistles of St. Paule, concerning the same dignity of Christ, I perceived that Aaron’s pontification and priesthood was earthly, and continued by succession here on earth. But Christ’s pontification is celestial, without succession in this world; and not passable ever to any other person in earth. For that Christ is pontifex et sacerdos ad rationem Melchisidechi. And by that means only mediator between God and man; and caput ecclesiae. And thus being in captivity, as Joseph was; who, for his delivery out of the same, took upon him to expound dreams; so I devised with my self to open to the queen’s majesty, that it was not lawful for any person to take upon him to be caput ecclesiae, except the same person will be Christ’s adversary and antichrist, as the pope is.

But since being better advised and admonished by master secretary Wylson of my rash enterprize therein. For that the queen’s majesty assumeth not unto her self, neither to be summus pontifex, neither yet to be caput ecclesiae, as it is Christ’s mystical body: which the pope doth, presuming by his ordinances and traditions to give remission of sins, and to offer sacrifice for the sins of the quick and the dead: whereby he sitteth in the temple of God, boasting himself as God: and so is antichrist. But her majesties supreme government is concerning the civil and political government of the clergy and laity of Christ’s church and mystical body.

Which authority and supremacy, her majesty, withal other princes and potentates, have in their realms and dominions, justly and dutifully, both by Christ’s gospel, and all the apostolical doctrine.

Wherefore I shall withal submission and most humble obedience, beseech your magnificent honour, with all the rest of their honours, to whom this my impudent behaviour is made open unto, to be mediators unto the queen’s majesty, to pardon and forgive, as she is a most merciful and clement prince, this my temerarious presumption and im-pudency; done of good zele towards her majesty, although void of good knowledge and science. And that I may have my liberty, to provide for my wife and children; which now live in miserable penury by this my captivity. And so shall we all be bound to pray for the prosperous supreme government over all her graces dominions, to the plesure of the eternal God; and also for the eternal felicity of all your honours. The 25th day of November, 1578.

Your most humble and addict suppliant, John Wilsford.

NUMBER 17.

A decree for the restraint of the excess of apparel, both for the unreasonable costs and the unseemly fashions of the same; used by scholars and students in the university of Cambridge. CONSIDERING that the original cause of the collection together of multitudes of men into such publick places as the university of Cambridge is, and the endowing and donation of the same with great lands, liberties, and privileges from kings, princes, and other estates, was onely to bring up and instruct in good learning, godlines, vertue, and maners, all such as should come thither to continue as scholars and students; whereby the church of God and the whole realm might have, as fi’om a storehouse, sufficient provision of meet men in all degrees, that should be able, by God’s grace, with their learning and vertues, to serve in all the places of the publick government, as well in the church as in the civil estate: and therefore all means are to be used, (and so it is the duty of the heads of the university,) both to cherish and avaunce all means that may tend to the encrease and conserve of godlines, good learning, vertue, and maners; and in like wise to remove in seasonable time all impediments that are averse to the same.

For which cause it is found at this time very necessary, that some speedy remedy be provided for the restoring to the said university the antient modesty of the students, scholars, and all other that shall be accounted members of the same, as well in all exterior behaviour, as in knowledge and learning; which of late years hath greatly been decayed and diminished by the negligence, sufferance, and remisseness of the heads and governours of the private colleges, as may be conjectured; but especially, by suffering of sundry young men, being the children of gentlemen, and men of wealth, at their coming to the said university, contrary to the auncient and comely usage of the same, to use very costly and disguised manet of apparel, and other at-tyres unseemly for students in any kind of humane learning, but rather meet for riotous prodigalls, and light persons: thereby not only being more chargeable to their friends than is convenient, but by their ill example induce-ing others of less habilitie to chaunge and cast away their modesty and honest frugality, to the overcharging of their friends: and namely, to the attempting of unleful means to maintain them in their said wastful disorders; and consequently, to neglect or intermit their former studies. So as if remedy be not speedily provided, the university, which hath been from the beginning a collection and society of a multitude of all sorts of ages, professing to learn godlines, modesty, vertue, and learning; and a necessary storehouse to the realm of the same, shall become rather a storehouse, or a staple of prodigal, wastful, riotous, unlearned, and insufficient persons, to serve, or rather to unserve, the necessity of the realm, both in the church and civil policie.

Therefore it is ordered and decreed by the right honourable William lord Burghley, high chancellor of the said university, with the advice and consent of the vicechancellor of the same, and all the masters and heads of colleges, houses, and halls, that from the feast of Michaelmas next coming, no person shall have any lodging in common, or resiance in any college, house, or hall, or to be taught by any within the university, but that he shall within the compass of every college, hall, or house, and in the common schools, and in his going and returning to the same, wear such seemly apparel, both for the stuff and fashion, as shall become a student and professor of learning. And for more manifest expression of the meaning hereof, by way of prohibiting the monstrous misuse lately crept into the university, no student shall wear within the university any hoses of unseemly greatness or disguised fashion, nor yet any excessive ruffs in their shirts; nor shall wear swords or rapiers, but when they are to ride onely.

Nor shall any person coming to study, wear any apparel of velvet or silk, but such as by the laws of the realm, according to their birth, or as by certain orders published by proclamation in her majesties time, are allowed, according to their several degrees of birth and wealth.

And generally, all the heads of houses shall cause all such as have any sustentation, stipend, or other maintenance within their houses, to conforme themselves; and to reform all their disorderly apparel, according to the local statutes of the house: or otherwise, if time in some points have caused alteration, yet to use such as shall be comely, and agreeable to their vocations. And that as much as may be, the diversity of fashions in every degree be avoided: to reduce the number, as near as may be, to one uniformity of comliness and modesty, according to their degrees.

And for the execution of this decree, the vicechancellor and the heads of colleges shall confer together; and shall in writing, by common consent, prescribe some particular rules for the directing of all sorts, and for the prohibition from that time, of all unseemly innovation in all kind of apparel and attyre; with regard to such as be the sons of noblemen, or of other principal estates, or knights in the realm, which have no living in any colleges. That according to the degrees of their parents, they may be permitted to use the more cost in their apparel: so that the same be not excessive, nor in fashion unseemly for students and professors of learning.

And if any shall upon reasonable warning attempt to break such orders as shall be prescribed, the same shall be expelled the house where he doth reside, and shall not be suffered to enter into any other publick house of learning, nor into the common schools. Neither yet shall any within the university presume to teach or instruct him, while he shall continue his offence in any part within the said university.

NUMBER 18.

The vice-chancellor and heads of the university of Cambridge, to their high chancellor: complaining of the im-peaehing of their free suffrages in their election of fellows, by letters procured from the queen. Honoratissimo domino dno. de Burghleye, totius Angliae summo thesaurario, et academiae Cantabrigiensis can-cellario dignissimo. FACILE facit academia quod semper facit (illustrissime Burleiensis) ut ad tuam semper humanitatem confidenter accedat; ut in omni sua petitione tuam protenus opem se-dulo imploret; et in tuo quasi sinu omnes suas curas et cogitationes profuse effundat. In quo sane admirabilis quae-dam elucet humanitas tua: quem neque tua ipsius negotia, neque universi hujus imperii multiplex sane proeuratio un-quam impediit, quo minus importunitati libenter vacares, et petitioni nostrae amanter concederes. Hac spe freti ve-nimus ad te hoc tempore, sicut ad parentes filii solent accedere.

Querimur apud dignitatem tuam laedi a quibusdam aca-demiam nostram, minui et infringi libertatem, affligi et per-turbari libertatem. Addimus etiam, defervescere apud nos nonnullorum studia, dejici animos, languescere industriam, angi postremo omnes et singulos academicos; atque segre quidem id ferre; cui tamen nisi per tuam solius authorita-tem nullo certe modo mederi possunt. Quod nam veto est istud, inquies, malum, quod adeo vos conturbat? Quodnam tam grave vulnus quod tantopere vos affligit? Timide dici-mus, honoratissime Mecaenas; et tibi tamen dicendum est libere. Id enim et observantia in te nostra hactenus con-suevit, et necessitas hoc tempore exigit, et tua benignitas jamdiu permisit. Dolemus, ornatissime Cecili, eripi nobis libera in societatibus collegiorum nostrorum disponendis suf-fragia, id est, ut nos interpretamur, auferri virtutis et studiorum praemia. Cum enim regio diplomate id apud nos obtineatur, quod summae in bonis literis assequendis dili-gentiae, quod assiduo virtutis studio, morumque probitati solet concedi; cum princeps id mandet fieri, quod praeclara ingenia, honesta officia, probi mores solent demereri; fit sane, ut adolescentes nostri pulsis paulatim obedientiae repagulis, nec non excusso suavissimo nutricis omnium virtu-tum, humilitatis jugo, desertoque plane superioribus suis omni honesta ratione placendi studio, beneque merendi de-siderio, non academicos quibuscum vivunt, implorare, morumque suavitate promereri studeant; sed aulicos, quibus ignoti sunt, omni modo ambire cupiant: nec jam eorum quos rei summa penes esse solet, suffragia aestiment; sed aulicorum literis plerumque se muniant: illeque tandem voti sui compotem se fore confidit, non qui in academia bene meritum, sed qui ex aula mandatum afferre possit.

In quo sane magnum nobis negotium faciunt, ingentique cura onerant, valdeque discruciant, ne vel regiae majestati immorigeri (quod nullo certe modo esse debemus) vel pri-vilegiis nostris ab ipsamet majestate nobis concessis plane infidi, aut, si id minus durum sit, parum profecto providi inveniamur. Ista tu nos cura atque anxietate pro ingenti humanitate tua liberes, prudentissime Burghliensis. Obte-stamur te, et per tuam in nos fldem, ac benevolentiam; et per nostram quam tu maxime amas, salutem et dignitatem, aufer nobis istam mandatorum frequentiam, quibus non tam promoveri homines importunos, maximeque audaces, quam animos despondere, planeque languescere ingenuos et verecundos; cum non nullo certe dolore, cernimus et la-mentamur. Tu vero, si justa postulare videri possumus, huic nostro dolori finem imponas: atque apud regiam majestatem, cum occasio erit, prudenter perficias. Ut quam ipsa nobis libertatem benigne concessit, liberam nobis, sar-tamque tectam, pro divina benignitate sua, esse velit. Rem sane efficies supra quam dici potest, academiae utilem, et tibi ipsi proculdubio non minus jucundum et honorificum. Dominus Deus, Pater luminum omni te honore atque amplitudine cumulatissimum reddat. Vale. Cantab. 11. ca-lend. April. 1578.

Tuae semper dignitatis studiosissimi, Procancellarius, et reliqui collegiorum praefecti. [NUMBER 18] Articuli propositi pro parte et nomine illustrissimi du-cis Andegavensis, fratris unici regis Gallorum, serenissimaereginae Angliae; de et super matrimonio inter ipsius majestatem, et praefati ducis celsitudinem, 16 Junii, 1579.

I. IMPRIMIS, quod in honorem et gloriam Dei, dictum matrimonium celebrabi-tur, peragetur, consummabi-tur, quam primum fieri po-test, paribus atque eisdem ri-tibus et ceremoniis, quibus antiquitus et a primis regum temporibus ad hodiernum us-que diem, regum ac principum augustissima matrimo-nia celebrari consuerunt et solent. Quodque si propter religionis discrimen quod re-giae majestati cum praefato illustriss duci intercedit, ali-qua nascatur difficultas, ea ratio inibitur, qua utriusque conscientiae consulatur.

II. Quod dictus illustriss. dux, et omnes ex Galliis ori-undi, qui domestici ejus sunt; omnes item alii, cujuscunque generis aut nationis extite-rint, qui celsitudini ejus in-serviunt, et famulantur, libe-rum habebunt exercitium religionis suae catholicae Roma-nae in regno Angliae.

III. Quod post matrimo-nium celebratum et consum-mature dictus illustr, dux co-ronabitur rex Angliae consu-etis ceremoniis et solemnita-tibus in regibus Angliae in-augurandis, usu receptis et adhibitis: unoque cum dicta sereniss, regina consorte sua censebitur et gaudebit stylo, honore et nomine regio.

IV. Quod omnes donationes... beneficiorum, ma-gistratuum... remuneratio-num... scriptorum regio rum, redituum, proventuum regnorum et dominiorum praefatae sereniss, reginae per ... conjunctum dicto illustr. du