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CHAPTER - Eusebius, De Vita Const ., lib. 4, cap. 27. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., vol. 1, p. 162; Dublin. 1723. 2 Eusebius, De Vita Const ., lib. 4, cap. 24. Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., vol. 1, cent. 4, p. 94; Glasgow, 1831. 3 Eusebius, Eccles . Hist ., lib. 3, cap. 12, p. 490; Parisiis, 1659. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., vol. 2, p. 14; Lond., 1693. 4 Baronius admits that many things have been laudably translated from Gentile superstition into the Christian religion (Annal ., ad An. 58). And Binnius, extolling the munificence of Constantine towards the Church, speaks of his superstitionis gentiliae justa aemulatio (“just emulation of the Gentile superstition”). — Concil ., tom. 7, notae in Donat. Constan. 5 Ammian. Marcel., lib. 27, cap. 3. Mosheim, vol. 1, cent. 4, p. 95. 6 Nisan corresponds with the latter half of our March and the first half of our April. 7 The Council of Nicaea, A.D. 325, enacted that the 21st of March should thenceforward be accounted the vernal equinox, that the Lord’s Day following the full moon next after the 21st of March should be kept as Easter Day, but that if the full moon happened on a Sabbath, Easter Day should be the Sabbath following. This is the canon that regulates the observance of Easter in the Church of England. “Easter Day,” says the Common Prayer Book, “is always the first Sunday after the full moon which happens upon or next after the 21st day of March; and if the full moon happens upon a Sunday, Easter Day is the Sunday after.” 8 Bennet’s Memorial of the Reformation , p. 20; Edin., 1748. 9 These customs began thus. In times of persecution, assemblies often met in churchyards as the place of greatest safety, and the “elements” were placed on the tombstones. It became usual to pray that the dead might be made partakers in the “first resurrection.” This was grounded on the idea which the primitive Christians entertained respecting the millennium. After Gregory I., prayers for the dead regarded their deliverance from purgatory. 10 Dupin, EccIes . Hist ., vol. 1, cent. 3.

CHAPTER - Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 1, col 325; Parisiis, 1715. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., vol. 1, p. 600; Dublin edition. 2 Hard. 1. 1477; 2. 787,886. Baron. 6. 235. 3 Muller, Univ . History , vol. 2, p. 21; Lond., 1818. 4 Muller, vol. 2, p. 23. 5 Muller, vol. 2, p. 74. 6 We quote from the copy of the document in Pope Leo’s letter in Hardouin’s Collection. Epistola I ., Leonis Papoe IX .; Acta Conciliorum et Epistoloe Decretales , tom . 6, pp. 934, 936; Parisiis, 1714. The English reader will find a copy of the pretended original document in full in Historical Essay on the Power of the Popes , vol. 2, Appendix, tr. from French; London, 1838. 7 Etudes Religieuses , November, 1866. 8 The Pope and the Council , by “Janus,” p. 105; London, 1869. 9 The above statement regarding the mode of electing bishops during the first three centuries rests on the authority of Clement, Bishop of Rome, in the first century; Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, in the third century; and of Gregory Nazianzen. See also De Dominis, De Repub . Eccles .; Blondel, Apologia ; Dean Waddington; Barrow, Supremacy ; and Mosheim, Eccl . Hist ., cent. 1.

CHAPTER - The Pope and the Council , p. 107. 2 Binnius, Concilia , vol. 3, pars. 2, p. 297; Col. Agrip., 1618. 3 Hallam, 2. 276. 4 Hallam, 2. 284. 5 P . Innocent III . in Decret . Greg ., lib. 1, tit. 33. 6 “Spiritualium plenitudinem, et latitudinem temporalium.” 7 Itinerar . Ital ., part 2, De Coron. Rom. Pont. 8 “Oportet gladium esse sub gladio, et temporalem authoritatem spirituali subjici potestati. Ergo, si deviat terrena potestas judicabitur a potestate spirituali.” (Corp . Jur . Can . a Pithoeo , tom. 2, Extrav., lib. 1, tit. 8, cap. 1; Paris, 1671.) 9 Paradiso , canto 24. 10 Le Rime del Petrarca , tome 1, p. 325. ed. Lod. Castel. 11 Baronius, Annal ., ann. 1000, tom. 10, col. 963; Col. Agrip., 1609.

CHAPTER - Allix, Ancient Churches of Piedmont , chap. 1; Lond., 1690. M’Crie, Italy , p. 1; Edin., 1833. 2 “Is mos antiquus fuit.” (Labbei et Gab. Cossartii Concil ., tom. 6, col. 482; Venetiis, 1729.) 3 A mistake of the historian. It was under Nicholas II. (1059) that the independence of Milan was extinguished. Platina’s words are: — “Che [chiesa di Milano] era forse ducento anni stata dalla chiesa di Roma separata.” (Historia delle Vite dei Sommi Pontefici , p. 128; Venetia, 1600.) 4 Baronius, Annal ., ann. 1059, tom. 11, col. 277; Col. Agrip., 1609. 5 Allix, Churches of Piedmont , chap. 3. 6 “This is not bodily but spiritual food,” says St. Ambrose, in his Book of Mysteries and Sacraments , “for the body of the Lord is spiritual.” (Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., vol. 2, cent. 4.) 7 Allix, Churches of Piedmont , chap. 4. 8 Ibid ., chap. 5. 9 Allix, Churches of Piedmont , chap. 8. 10 “Of all these works there is nothing printed,” says Allix (p. 60), “but his commentary upon the Epistle to the Galatians. The monks of St. Germain have his commentary upon all the epistles in MS., in two volumes, which were found in the library of the Abbey of Fleury, near Orleans. They have also his MS. commentaries on Leviticus, which formerly belonged to the library of St. Remy at Rheims. As for his commentary on St. Matthew, there are several MS. copies of it in England, as well as elsewhere.” See also list of his works in Dupin. 11 See Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 9. 12 “Hic [panis] ad corpus Christi mystice, illud [vinum] refertur ad sanguinem” (MS . of Com . on Matthew .) 13 Allix, chap. 10. 14 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 9. The worship of images was decreed by the second Council of Nice; but that decree was rejected by France, Spain, Germany, and the diocese of Milan. The worship of images was moreover condemned by the Council of Frankfort, 794. Claude, in his letter to Theodemir, says: — “Appointed bishop by Louis, I came to Turin. I found all the churches full of the filth of abominations and images... If Christians venerate the images of saints, they have not abandoned idols, but only changed their names.” (Mag . Bib ., tome 4, part 2, p. 149.) 15 Allix, chap. 9. 16 Allix, pp. 76, 77. 17 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 9. 18 Allix, chap. 9. 19 Dupin, vol. 7, p. 2; Lond., 1695. 20 Allix, cent. 9.

CHAPTER - Baronius, Annal ., ann. 1059, tom. 11, cols. 276, 277. 2 Petrus Damianus, Opusc ., p. 5. Allix, Churches of Piedmont , p. 113. M’Crie, Hist . of Reform . in Italy , p. 2. 3 Recent German criticism refers the Nobla Leycon to a more recent date, but still one anterior to the Reformation. 4 This short description of the Waldensian valleys is drawn from the author’s personal observations. He may here be permitted to state that he has, in successive journeys, continued at intervals during the past thirty-five years, traveled over Christendom, and visited all the countries, Popish and Protestant, of which he will have occasion particularly to speak in the course of this history.

CHAPTER - This disproves the charge of Manicheism brought against them by their enemies. 2 Sir Samuel Morland gives the Nobla Leycon in full in his History of the Churches of the Waldenses . Allix (chap. 18) gives a summary of it. 3 The Nobla Leycon has the following passage: — “If there be an honest man, who desires to love God and fear Jesus Christ, who will neither slander, nor swear, nor lie, nor commit adultery, nor kill, nor steal, nor avenge himself of his enemies, they presently say of such a one he is a Vaudes, and worthy of death.” 4 See a list of numerous heresies and blasphemies charged upon the Waldenses by the Inquisitor Reynerius, who wrote about the year 1250, and extracted by Allix (chap. 22). 5 The Romaunt Version of the Gospel according to John , from MS . preserved in Trinity College , Dublin , and in the Bibliotheque du Roi , Paris . By William Stephen Gilly, D.D., Canon of Durham, and Vicar of Norham. Lond., 1848. 6 Stranski, apud Lenfant’s Concile de Constance , quoted by Count Valerian Krasinski in his History of the Rise , Progress , and Decline of the Reformation in Poland , vol. 1, p. 53; Lond., 1838. Illyricus Flaccins, in his Catalogus Testium Veritatis (Amstelodami, 1679), says: “Pars Valdensium in Germaniam transiit atque apud Bohemos, in Polonia ac Livonia sedem fixit.” Leger says that the Waldenses had, about the year 1210, Churches in Slavonia, Sarmatia, and Livonia. (Histoire Generale des Eglises Evangeliques des Vallees du Piedmont ou Vaudois . vol. 2, pp. 336, 337; 1669.) 7 M’Crie, Hist . Ref . in Italy , p. 4. 8 Those who. wish to know more of this interesting people than is contained in the above rapid sketch may consult Leger, Des Eglises Evangeliques ; Perrin, Hist . De Vaudois ; Reynerius, Cont . Waldens .; Sir. S. Morland, History of the Evangelical Churches of Piedmont ; Jones, Hist . Waldenses ; Rorenco, Narative ; besides a host of more modern writers — Gilly, Waldensian Researches ; Muston, Israed of the Alps ; Monastier, etc. etc.

CHAPTER - Manes taught that there were two principles, or gods, the one good and the other evil; and that the evil principle was the creator of this world, the good principle of the world to come. Manicheism was employed as a term of compendious condemnation in the East, as Heresy was in the West. It was easier to calumniate these men than to refute them. For such aspersions a very ancient precedent might be pleaded. “He hath a devil and is mad,” was said of the Master. The disciple is not above his Lord. 2 “Among the prominent charges urged against the Paulicians before the Patriarch of Constantinople in the eighth century, and by Photius and Petrus Siculus in the ninth, we find the following — that they dishonored the Virgin Mary, and rejected her worship; denied the lifegiving efficacy of the cross, and refused it worship; and gainsaid the awful mystery of the conversion of the blood of Christ in the Eucharist; while by others they are branded as the originators of the Iconoclastic heresy and the war against the sacred images. In the first notice of the sectaries in Western Europe, I mean at Orleans, they were similarly accused of treating with contempt the worship of martyrs and saints, the sign of the holy cross, and mystery of transubstantiation; and much the same too at Arras.” (Elliott, Horoe Apocalypticoe , 3rd ed., vol. 2, p. 277.) 3 “Multos ex ovibus lupos fecit, et per eos Christi ovilia dissipavit.” (Pet. Sic., Hist . Bib . Patr ., vol. 16, p. 761.) 4 Gibbon, vol. 10, p. 177; Edin., 1832. Sharon Turner, Hist . of England , vol. 5, p. 125; Lond., 1830. 5 Pet. Sic., p. 814. 6 Emericus, in his Directory for Inquisitors , gives us the following piece of news, namely, that the founder of the Manicheans was a person called Manes, who lived in the diocese of Milan ! (Allix, p. 134.) 7 Mosheim, Eccl . Hist ., cent. 11, part 2, chap. 5. 8 Gibbon, Decline and Fall , vol. 10, p. 186. In perusing the chapter (54) which this historian has devoted to an account of the Paulicians, one hardly knows whether to be more delighted with his eloquence or amazed at his inconsistency. At one time he speaks of them as the “votaries of St. Paul and of Christ,” and at another as the disciples of Manes. And though he says that “the Paulicians sincerely condemned the memory and opinions of the Manichean sect,” he goes on to write of them as Manicheans. The historian has too slavishly followed his chief authority and their bitter enemy, Petrus Siculus. 9 Gibbon, vol. 10, p. 185. 10 Gerdesius, Historia Evangelii Renovati , tom. 1, p. 39; Groningae, 1744.

CHAPTER - Hardouin, Concil . Avenion . (1209), tom. 6, pars. 2, col. 1986. This edict enjoins bishops, counts, governors of castles, and all men-at-arms to give their aid to enforce spiritual censures against heretics. “Si opus fuerit,” continues the edict, “jurare compellat sicut illi de Montepessulano juraverunt, praecipue circa exterminandos haereticos.” 2 “Tanquam haereticos ab ecclesia Dei pellimus et damnamus: et per porestates exteras coerceri praecipimus, defensores quoque ipsorum ejusdem damnationis vinculo donec resipuerint, mancipamus.” (Concilium Tolosanum — Hardouin, Acta Concil . et .Epistoloe Decretales , tom. 6, pars. 2, p. 1979; Parisiis, 1714.) 3 Acta Concil ., tom. 6, pars. 2, p. 1212. 4 “Ubi cogniti fuerint illius haeresis sectatores, ne receptaculum quisquam eis in terra sua praebere, aut praesidium impertire praesumat. Sed nec in venditione aut eruptione aliqua cum eis omnino commercium habaetur: ut solatio saltem humanitatis amisso, ab errore viae suae resipiscere compellantur.” — Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 6, p. 1597. 5 Ibid ., can. 27, De Haereticis, p. 1684. 6 Ibid., tom. 7, can. 3, pp. 19-23. 7 Sismondi, Hist . of Crusades , p. 28. 8 Petri Vallis, Cern . Hist . Albigens ., cap. 16, p. 571. Sismondi, p. 30. 9 Sismondi, p. 29. 10 Hardouin, Concil . Montil ., tom. 6, pars. 2, p. col. 1980. 11 Hardouin, Concil . Lateran . 4., tom. 7, p. 79. 12 Historia de los Faicts d ’Armas de Tolosa , pp . 9, 10. quoted by Sismondi, p. 35. 13 Caesar, Hiesterbachiensis , lib. 5, cap. 21. In Bibliotheca Patrum Cisterciensium , tom. 2, p. 139, Sismondi, p. 36. 14 Hist . Gen . de Languedoc , lib. 21, cap. 57, p. 169. Historia de los Faicts d ’Armas de Tolosa , p. 10. Sismondi, p. 37. 15 Sismondi, History of the Crusades against the Albigenses , pp. 40-43.

CHAPTER - Histoire de Languedoc , lib. 21, cap. 58, p. 169. Sismondi, p. 43. 2 Concil . Lateran . 4, can. 8, De Inquisitionibus. Hardouin, tom. 7, col. 26. 3 Malvenda, ann. 1215; Alb. Butler, 76. Turner, Hist . Eng ., vol 5, p. 103; ed. 1830. 4 Hardouin, Concilia , tom. 7, p. 175. 5 Concilium Tolosanum , cap. 1, p. 428. Sismondi, 220. 6 Labbe, Concil . Tolosan ., tom. 11, p. 427. Fleury, Hist . Eccles ., lib. 79, n. 58. 7 Percini, Historia Inquisit . Tholosanoe . Mosheim, vol. 1, p. 344; Glas. edit., 1831. 8 Hist . de Languedoc , lib. 24, cap. 87, p. 394. Sismondi, 243. 9 Hist . of Crusades against the Albigenses , p. 243.

CHAPTER - l John Scotus Erigena had already published his book attacking and refuting the then comparatively new and strange idea of Paschasius, viz., that by the words of consecration the bread and wine in the Eucharist became the real and veritable flesh and blood of Christ. 2 Dupin, Eccl . Hist ., cent. 11. Concil ., tom. 10; edit. Lab., p. 379. 3 Dupin, .Eccl . Hist ., cent. 11, chap. 1, p. 9. 4 Allix, p. 122. 5 Among other works Berengarius published a commentary on the Apocalypse; this may perhaps explain his phraseology. 6 Mosheim, Eccl . Hist ., cent. 11, part 2, chap. 3, sec. 18. In a foot-note Mosheim quotes the following words as decisive of Berengarius’ sentiments, that Christ’s body is only spiritually present in the Sacrament, and that the bread and wine are only symbols: — “The true body of Christ is set forth in the Supper; but spiritual to the inner man. The incorruptible, uncontaminated, and indestructible body of Christ is to be spiritually eaten [spiritualiter manducari ] by those only who are members of Christ.” (Berengarius’ Letter to Almannus in Martene’s Thesaur ., tom. 2, p. 109.) 7 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 11, chap. 13. 8 Rodulphus Glaber, a monk of Dijon, who wrote a history of the occurrence. 9 “Jam Regem nostrum in coelestibus regnantem videmus; qui ad immortales triumphos dextra sua nos sublevat, dans superna gandia.” (Chartuulary of St . Pierre en Vallee at Chartres .) 10 Hard., Acta Concil ., tom. 6, p. 822. 11 Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., vol. 1, p. 270. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 11, chap. 13. 12 “Ridentes in medio ignis.” (Hard., Acta Concil ., tom. 6, p. 822.) 13 Gibbon has mistakenly recorded their martyrdom as that of Manicheans. Of the trial and deaths of these martyrs, four contemporaneous accounts have come down to us. In addition to the one referred to above, there is the biographical relation of Arefaste, their betrayer, a knight of Rouen; there is the chronicle of Ademar , a monk of St. Martial, who lived at the time of the Council; and there is the narrative of John, a monk of Fleury, near Orleans, written probably within a few weeks of the transaction. Accounts, taken from these original documents, are given in Baronius’ Annals (tom. 11, col. 60, 61; Colon. ed.) and Hardouin’s Councils . 14 Mosheim says 1130. Bossuet, Faber, and others have assigned to Peter de Bruys a Paulician or Eastern origin. We are inclined to connect him with the Western or Waldensian confessors. 15 Peter de Cluny’s account of them will be found in Bibliotheca P . Max . 22, pp. 1034, 1035. 16 Baron., Annal ., ann. 1147, tom. 12, col. 350, 351. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 12, chap. 17 Baron., Annal ., ann. 1148, tom. 12, col. 356. 18 Mosheim, cent. 12, part 2, chap. 5, sec. 8. 19 Gibbon, Decline and Fall , vol. 12, p. 264. 20 The original picture of Arnold is by an opponent — Otho, Bishop of Frisingen (Chron . de Gestibus , Frederici I ., lib. 1, cap. 27, and lib. 2, cap. 21). 21 Otho Frisingensis, quoted by Allix, p. 171. 22 Allix, pp. 171, 174. See also summary of St. Bernard’s letters in Dupin, cent. 12, chap. 4. 23 Gibbon, Hist ., vol. 12, p. 266. 24 M’Crie, Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in Italy , p. 41; 2nd edit., 1833. 25 Allix, p. 172. We find St. Bernard writing letters to the Bishop of Constance and the Papal legate, urging the persecution of Arnold. (See Dupin, Life of St . Bernard , cent. 12, chap. 4.) Mosheim has touched the history of Arnold of Breseia, but not with discriminating judgment, nor sympathetic spirit. This remark applies to his accounts of all these early confessors.

CHAPTER - P. Bayle, Dictionary , Historical and Critical , vol. 1, arts. Abelard, Berenger, Amboise; 2nd edit., Lond., 1734. See also Dupin, Eccl . Hist ., cent. 12, chap. 4, Life of Bernard. As also Mosheim, Eccl . Hist., cent. 12, chap. 2, secs. 18, 22; chap. 3, secs. 6 — 12. 2 The moral weakness that is the frequent accompaniment of philosophic scepticism has very often been remarked. The case of Abelard was no exception. What a melancholy interest invests his story, as related by Bayle! 3 Lord Macaulay, in his essay on the Church of Rome, has characterized the Waldensian and Albigensian movements as the revolt of the human intellect against Catholicism. We would apply that epithet rather to the great scholastic and pantheistic movement which Abelard inaugurated; that was the revolt of the intellect strictly viewed. The other was the revolt of the conscience quickened by the Spirit of God. It was the revival of the Divine principle.

BOOK SECOND

CHAPTER - Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 1; Oxford ed., 1820. 2 Lechler thinks that “probably it was the pastor of the same-named village who was his first teacher.” (Johann von Wiclif , und die Vorgeschichte der Reformation , vol. 1, p. 271; Leipzig, 1873.) 3 Of the twenty and more colleges that now constitute Oxford University, only five then existed, viz. — Merton (1274), Balliol (1260 — 82), Exeter (1314), Oriel (1324), and University College (1332). These foundations were originally intended for the support of poor scholars, who were under the rule of a superior, and received both board and instruction. 4 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 2. 5 The study of the artes liberales , from which the Faculty of Arts takes its name were, first, Trivium , comprehending grammar, dialectics, and rhetoric; then Quadrivium , comprehending arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music. It was not uncommon to study ten years at the university — four in the Faculty of Arts, and seven, or at least five, in theology. If Wicliffe entered the university in 1335, he probably ended his studies in 1345. He became successively Bachelor of Arts, Master of Arts, and, after an interval of several years, Bachelor of Theology, or as they then expressed it, Sacra Pagina. 6 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 554; Lond., 1641. 7 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 1, p. 726. 8 D’Aubigne, Hist . of Reform ., vol. 5, p. 110. 9 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , und die Vorgeschichte der Reformation , vol. 1, p. 284; Leipzig, 1873. 10 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 555. After the Sentences of Peter Lombard , in the study of theology, came the patristic and scholastic divines, and especially the Summa of Thomas Aquinas. 11 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 507. 12 D’Aubigne, Hist . of Reform ., vol. 5, p. 110.

CHAPTER - Thomas M’Crie, D.D., LL.D., Annals of English Presbytery , p. 36; Lond., 1872. 2 Lechler, 1. 137. 3 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 10; Oxford, 1820. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 1, pp. 268 — 270. 4 This primate was a good man, but not exempt from the superstition of his age. Fox tells us that he presented one of his churches with the original vestments in which St. Peter was supposed to have celebrated mass! Their sanctity, doubtless, had defended these venerable robes from the moths! 5 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 1, p. 293. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 17. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 1, p. 301. 6 Gabriel d’Emillianne, Hist . of Monast . Orders , Preface; Lond., 1693. Hume, Hist . of England , vol. 1, chap. 11, p. 185; Lond., 1826. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 325; Lond., 1641. 7 Gabriel d’Emillianne, Hist . of Monast . Orders , Preface. Hume, Hist . of Eng ., Reign of King John. 8 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 327. Hume, Hist . of Eng ., p. 186. 9 Hume. Hist . of Eng ., Reign of King John, chap. 11, p.189. 10 Ibid . Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol 1, p. 329. 11 Hume, Hist . of Eng ., chap. 11, p. 194. Cobbett, Parliament . Hist . of Eng ., p. 9; Lond., 1806. 12 Hume, Hist . of Eng ., vol. 1., p. 196. 13 Hume, Hist . of Eng ., vol; 1, p. 196. 14 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 551. 15 Cobbett, Parl . Hist . Eng ., vol. 1, cols. 22, 23; Lond., 1806. 16 “Si quid Roma dabit, nugas dabit, accipit aurum, Verba dat, heu! Romae nunc sola pecunia regnat.” 17 Hume, Hist . of Eng ., Reign of Edw. III., chap. 16. 18 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 551. 19 Fox, Acts and Mon .., vol. 1, p. 551. 20 Ibid . 21 Ibid . 22 D’Aubigne, Hist . of Reform ., vol 5, p. 103; Edin., 1853. 23 Cotton’s Abridgment , p. 128, 50 Edw. III., apud Lewis Life of Wiclif , p. 34; Oxford, 1820. Fox, Acts and Mon . vol. 1, p. 552. 24 Hume, Hist . of Eng ., vol. 1, p. 335; Lond., 1826.

CHAPTER - Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 552. 2 Lechler makes the bold supposition that Wicliffe was a member of this Parliament. He founds it upon a passage in Wicliffe’s treatise, The Church , to the effect that the Bishop of Rochester told him (Wicliffe) in public Parliament, with great vehemence, that conclusions were condemned by the Roman Curia. He thinks it probable from this that the Reformer had at one time been in Parliament. (Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 1, p. 332.) 3 These speeches are reported by Wicliffe in a treatise preserved in the Selden MSS., and printed by the Rev. John Lewis in his Life of Wiclif , App. No. 30, p. 349; Oxford, 1820. 4 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 552. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 19. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol 1, p. 266; Lond., 1828. 5 “But inasmuch as I am the king’s peculiar clerk [peculiaris regis clericus ], I the more willingly undertake the office of defending and counseling that the king exercises his just rule in the realm of England when he refuses tribute to the Roman Pontiff.” (Codd. MSS. Joh. Seldeni; Lewis, Life of Wiclif , Appendix, No. 30.) 6 The same from which we have already quoted. 7 See Wicliffe’s Tractate, which Lewis gives in his Appendix, Life of Wiclif , p. 349. 8 Wicliffe had pioneers who contested the temporal power of the Pope. One of these, we have already seen, was Arnold of Brescia. Nearer home he had two notable precursors: the first, Marsilius Patavinus, who in his work, Defensor Pacis , written in defense of the Emperor Lewis, excommunicated by Clement VI., maintains that “the Pope hath no superiority above other bishops, much less above the king” (Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 509); and the second, William Occam, in England, also a strenuous opponent of the temporal power. See his eight propositions on the temporal power of the Papacy, in Fox.

CHAPTER - Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol 1, p. 556. 2 Gertrude More, Confessions , p. 246. 3 “One great butt of Wicliffe’s sarcasm,” says Lechler, “was the monks. Once, in speaking of the prayers of the monks, he remarked, ‘a great inducement to the founding of cloisters was the delusion that the prayers of the inmates were of more value than all worldly goods, and yet it does not seem as if the prayers of those cloistered people are so mightily powerful; nor can we understand why they should be so, unless God hears them for their rosy cheeks and fat lips.’” (Lechler, vol. 1, p. 737.) 4 Petrus Abbas Cluniaci, lib. vi., epit. 7; apud Gabriel d’Emillianne, p. 92. 5 Dupin, Life of St . Bernard , cent. 12, chap. 4. 6 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 13, chap. 10. 7 Storia degli Ordini Monastici , Religiosi , e Militari , etc., tradotto dal Franzese del P. Giuseppe Francesco Fontana, Milanese, tom. 7, cap. 1, p. 2; edit. Lucca, 1739, con licenza de Superiori. 8 Gabriel d’Emillianne, History of Monastical Orders , p. 158; Lond., 1693. Francesco Fontana, Storia degli Ordini Monastici , tom. 7, cap. 1, pp. 6, 7. Alban Butler, Lives of the Saints , vol. 10, p. 71; Lond., 1814. 9 Storia degli Ordini Monastici , tom. 7, cap. 1, p. 14. 10 Ibid . Alb. Butler, Lives of the Saints , vol 10, p. 77. 11 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 13, vol. 11, chap. 10; Lond., 1699. Storia degli Ordini Monastici , tom. 7, cap. 1, pp. 14, 15. 12 Storia degli Ordini Monastici , tom. 7, cap. 1, p. 19. Gabriel d’Emillianne, Hist . of Monast . Orders , p. 171. 13 Alb. Butler, Lives of the Saints , 5. 10, p. 100. 14 Gabriel d’Emillianne, Hist . of Monast . Order ’s . This author says that the mother of St. Dominic before his birth dreamed that she was brought to bed of a dog (some say a wolf) carrying a burning torch in its mouth, wherewith it set the world on fire (p. 147). 15 Gabriel d’Emillianne, Hist . of Monast . Orders , p. 148. 16 Ibid . “A troop of merciless fellows, whom he [St. Dominic] maintained to cut the throats of heretics when he was a-preaching; he called them the Militia of Jesus Christ .” 17 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 40. By a council held in Oxford, 1222, it was provided that the archdeacons in their visitations should “see that the clergy knew how to pronounce aright the form of baptism, and say the words of consecration in the canon of the mass.” 18 Their habit or dress is described by Chaucer as consisting of a great hood, a scaplerie, a knotted girdle, and a wide cope. (Jack Upland .) 19 The curiously knotted cord with which they gird themselves, “they say, hath virtue to heal the sick, to chase away the devil and all dangerous temptations, and serve what turn they please.” (Gabriel d’Emillianne, Hist . of Monast . Orders , p. 174.) 20 This distinction is sanctioned by the Constitution issued by Nicholas III. in 1279, explaining and confirming the rule of St. Francis. This Constitution is still extant in the Jus . Canon ., lib. 6, tit. 12, cap. 3, commonly called Constitution Exiit , from its commencing, Exiit , etc. 21 No traveler can have passed from Perugia to Terni without having had his attention called to the convent of St. Francis d’Assisi, which stands on the lower slope of the Apennines, overlooking the vale of the Clitumnus. It is in splendor a palace, and in size it is almost a little town. In this magnificent edifice is the tomb of the man who died under a borrowed cloak. 22 Vaughan, Life of Wicliffe , vol. 1, pp. 250, 251. 23 Sharon Turner, Hist . of England , vol. 5, p. 101; Lond., 1830. “This order hath given to the Church 5 Popes, 48 cardinals, 23 patriarchs, 1,500 bishops, 600 archbishops, and a great number of eminent doctors and writers.” (Alban Butler.) 24 Fox, Acts and Mon ., bk. 5. See there the story of Armachanus and his oration against the friars.

CHAPTER - MS. in Hyper. Bodl., 163; apud Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 9. 2 “I have in my diocese of Armagh,” says the Archbishop and Primate of Ireland, Armachanus, “about 2,000 persons, who stand condemned by the censures of the Church denounced every year against murderers, thieves, and such-like malefactors, of all which number scarce fourteen have applied to me or to my clergy for absolution; yet they all receive the Sacraments, as others do, because they are absolved, or pretend to be absolved, by friars.” (Fox, Acts and Mon .) 3 Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, p. 228. 4 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 22. 5 See Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 2. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe . Also Wicliffe and the Huguenots , by the Rev. Dr. Hanna, pp. 61 — 63; Edin. 1860.

CHAPTER - Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 3, p. 31. 2 Barnes, Life of King Edward III ., p. 864. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 32. 3 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 561. Fox gives a list of the benefices, with the names of the incumbents and the worth of their sees. (See pp. 561, 562.) 4 Barnes, Life of King Edward III ., p. 866. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 33. 5 Bruges was then a large city of 200,000 inhabitants, the seat of important industries, trade, wealth, municipal freedom, and political power. 6 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 34. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol 1, pp. 326, 327. 7 Great Sentence of Curse Expounded , c. 21; MSS. apud Lewis. Life of Wiclif . 8 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 561. Sir Robert Cotton’s Abridgment , p. 128. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , pp. 34 — 37. Hume, Edw. III., chap. 16. 9 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif ; MSS. in the Royal Library at Vienna, No. 1,337; vol. 1, p. 341. 10 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 556.

CHAPTER - Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 557. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , pp.46 — 48. Wicliffe’s adversaries sent nineteen articles enclosed in a letter to the Pope, extracted from his letters and sermons. See in Lewis the copy which Sir Henry Spelman has put in his collection of the English Councils. 2 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 49. 3 Ibid ., p. 51. 4 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 563. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , pp. 50, 51. 5 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 1, p. 370. In 1851 a remarkable portrait of Wicliffe came to light in possession of a family named Payne, in Leicester. It is a sort of palimpsest. The original painting of Wicliffe, which seems to have come down from the fifteenth century, had been painted over before the Reformation, and changed into the portrait of an unknown Dr. Robert Langton; the original was discovered beneath it, and this represents Wicliffe in somewhat earlier years, with fuller and stronger features than in the other and commonly known portraits. (British Quarterly Review , Oct., 1858.) 6 Fox, Acts and Mon . Lewis, Life of Wiclif , pp. 56 — 58. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 1, pp. 338, 339. Hanna, Wicliffe and the Huguenots , p. 83. Hume, Rich. II., Miscell. Trans.

CHAPTER - l Walsingham, Hist . Anglioe , p . 205. 2 “His [Wicliffe’s] exertions,” says Mr. Sharon Turner, “were of a value that has been always highly rated, but which the late events of European history considerably enhance, by showing how much the chances are against such a character arising. Many can demolish the superstructure, but where is the skill and the desire to rebuild a nobler fabric? When such men as Wicliffe, Huss, or Luther appear, they preserve society from darkness and depravity; and happy would it be for the peace of European society, if either France, Spain, or Italy could produce them now.” (Turner, Hist . Eng ., 45. 5, pp. 176,177.) 3 Walsingham, Hist . Anglioe , pp. 206 — 208. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 4. 4 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 4, pp. 70 — 75.

CHAPTER - Concil. Lateran. 3, cap. 19 — Hard., tom. 6, part 2, col. 1681. 2 Hard., tom 7, col. 51. Vide Decret . Gregory IX ., lib. 3. 3 See “Opinions of Wicliffe” in Vaughan, Life of Wicliffe . vol. 2, p. 267. 4 See 6th, 16th, and 17th articles of defense as given in Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 4, compared with the articles of impeachment in the Pope’s bull. Sir James Macintosh, in his eloquent work Vindicioe Gallicoe , claims credit for the philosophic statesman Turgot as the first to deliver this theory of Church-lands in the article “Fondation” in the Encyclopedie . It was propounded by Wicliffe four centuries before Turgot flourished. (See Vind . Gall ., p. 85; Lond., 1791.) 5 Treatise on Clerks and Possessioners . 6 MS. of Prelates ; apud Vaughan, vol. 2, p. 286. 7 MS. Sentence of the Curse Expounded ; apud Vaughan, vol. 2, p 289. 8 MS. Sentence of the Curse Expounded ; apud Vaughan, Life of Wicliffe , vol. 2, p. 306. 9 Ibid ., chap. 14. 10 Walsingham. Hume, Hist . of England , chap. 18, pp. 366, 367. Cobbett, Parliament . Hist . of England , vol. 1, pp. 295. 296.

CHAPTER - Walsingham, Hist . of Eng ., p. 205. 2 Mosheim, cent. 14, part 2, chap. 2, sec. 14. Hume, Rich. II., Miscell. Trans. 3 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 2, p. 567. 4 MS. of The Church and her Governance , Bib. Reg. 18, B. 9; apud Vaughan, Life of Wicliffe , vol 2, p. 6. 5 De Sensu et Veritate Scripturoe . A copy of this work was in the possession of Fox the martyrologist. (Fox, vol 1) Two copies of it are known to be still extant, one in the Bodleian Library and the other in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. (Vaughan, Life , vol. 2, p. 7) 6 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 82. Lewis places this occurrence in the beginning of the year 1379. 7 Cuthbert, Vita Ven . Bedoe . 8 Sir Thomas More believed that there existed in MS. an earlier translation of the Scriptures into English than Wieliffe’s. Thomas James, first librarian of the Bodleian Library, thought that he had seen an older MS. Bible in English than the time of Wicliffe. Thomas Wharton, editor of the works of Archbishop Ussher, thought he was able to show who the writer of these supposed pre-Wicliffite translations was — viz., John von Trevisa, priest in Cornwall. Wharton afterwards saw cause to change his opinion, and was convinced that the MS. which Sir Thomas More and Thomas James had seen was nothing else than copies of the translation of Wicliffe made by his disciples. If an older translation of the Bible had existed there must have been some certain traces of it, and the Wicliffites would not have failed to bring it up in their own justification. They knew nothing of an older translation. (See Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 1, p. 431.) 9 “Thus, instead of ‘Paul the servant of Jesus Christ,’ Wicliffe’s version gives, ‘Paul, the knave of Jesus Christ.’ ‘For a mightier than I cometh after me, the latchet of whose shoes I am not worthy to loose,’ his version reads, ‘For a stalworthier than I cometh after me, the strings of whose chaucers I am not worthy to unlouse.’” (M’Crie, Annals of English Presbytery , p. 41.) 10 Luther translated the Bible out of the original Greek. Wicliffe, who did not know Greek, translated out of the Latin Vulgate. That the New Testament was translated by himself is tolerably certain. Lechler says that the translation of the Old Testament, in the original handwriting, with erasures and alterations, is in the Bodleian Library; and that there is also there a MS. copy of this translation, with a note saying that it was the work of Dr. Nicholas de Hereford. Both manuscripts break off in the middle of a verse of the Book Baruch, which strengthens the probability that the translation was by Dr. Nicholas, who was suddenly summoned before the Provincial Synod at London, and did not resume his work. The translation itself proves that the work from Baruch onward to the end was by some one else — not improbably Wicliffe himself. (See Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 1, p. 448.) 11 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 1, pp. 453, 454. See also Friedrich Koch, Historische Grammatik der Englischen Sprache , 1, p. 19; 1863. 12 In 1850 an edition of Wicliffe’s Bible, the first ever printed; issued from the press of Oxford. It is in four octavo volumes, and contains two different texts. The editors, the Rev. Mr. Forshall and Sir Frederick Madden, in preparing it for the press, collated not fewer than manuscript copies, the most of which were transcribed, they had reason to think, within forty years of the first appearance of the translation. 13 In 1408, an English council, with Archbishop Arundel at its head, enacted and ordained “that no one henceforth do, by his own authority, translate any text of Holy Scripture into the English tongue, or any other, by way of book or treatise, nor let any such book or treatise now lately composed in the time of John Wicliffe aforesaid, or since, or hereafter to be composed, be read in whole or in part, in public or in private, under pain of the greater excommunication.” So far as this council could secure it, not only was the translation of Wicliffe to be taken from them, but the people of England were never, in any coming age, to have a version of the Word of God in their own tongue, or in any living language. (Wilkins, Concilia , 3. 317.) 14 Knighton, De Event . Angioe ; apud X . Scriptores , col. 2644. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 5, p. 83. 15 See Lewis. Life of Wiclif , pp. 86 — 88.

CHAPTER - Gabrid d’Emillianne, Preface. 2 “It had been for near a thousand years after Christ the Catholic doctrine,” says Lewis, “and particularly of this Church of England, that, as one of our Saxon homilies expresses it, ‘Much is betwixt the body of Christ suffered in, and the body hallowed to housell [the Sacrament]; this lattere being only His ghostly body gathered of many cornes, ,without blood and bone, without limb, without soule, and therefore nothing is to be understood therein bodily, but all is to be ghostly understood.’” (Homily published by Archbishop Parker, with attestation of Archbishop of York and thirteen bishops, and imprinted at London by John Day, Aldersgate beneath St. Martin’s, 1567.) 3 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 6. 4 Conclusiones J . Wiclefi de Sacramento Altaris — MS. Hyp. Bodl. 163. The first proposition is — “Hostia consecrata quam videmus in Altari nec est Christus nec aliqua sui pars, sed efficax ejus signum.” See also Confessio Magistri Johannis Wyclyiff — Lewis, Appendix, 323. In this confession he says: “For we believe that there is a three-fold mode of the subsistence of the body of Christ in the consecrated Host, namely, a virtual, a spiritual, and a sacramental one” (virtualis , spiritualis , et sacramentalis ). 5 Definitio facta per Cancellarium et Doctores Universitatis Oxonii , de Sacramento Altaris contra Opiniones Wycliffanas — MS. Hyp. Bodl. 163. Vaughan says: “Sir R. Twisden refers to the above censures in support of this doctrine as ‘the first, plenary determination of the Church of England’ respecting it, and accordingly concludes that ‘the opinion of the Church of transubstantiation, that brought so many to the stake, had not more than a hundred and forty years’ prescription before Martin Luther.’” (Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, p. 82, foot-note.) 6 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 6, pp. 95, 96. 7 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 568. 8 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 97. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, p. 89. 9 Here is not to be passed over the great miracle of God’s Divine admonition or warning, for when as ‘the archbishops and suffragans, with the other doctors of divinity and lawyers, with a great company of babling friars and religious persons, were gathered together to consult touching John Wicliffe’s books, and that whole sect; when, as I say, they were gathered together at the Grayfriars in London, to begin their business, upon St. Dunstan’s day after dinner, about two of the clock, the very hour and instant that they should go forward with their business, a wonderful and terrible earthquake fell throughout all England.” (Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 570.) 10 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , pp. 106, 107. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 570. 11 Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, p. 91. 12 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 569. Knighton, De Event . Anglioe , cols. 2650, 2651. 13 Many derivations have been found for this word; the following is the most probable: — “Lollen , or lullen , signifies to sing with a low voice. It is yet used in the same sense among the English, who say lull asleep , which signifies to sing any one into a slumber. The word is also used in the same sense among the Flemings, Swedes, and other nations. Among the Germans both the sense and the pronunciation of it have undergone some alteration, for they say lallen , which signifies to pronounce indistinctly or stammer. Lolhard therefore is a singer, or one who frequently sings.” (Mosheim, cent. 14, pt. 2, s. 36, foot-note.) 14 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 113. D’Aubigne, Hist . of Reform ., vol. 5, p. 130; Edin., 1853. Cobbert, Parl . Hist ., vol. 1, col. 177. Fox calls this the first law for burning the professors of religion. It was made by the clergy without the knowledge or consent of the Commons, in the fifth year of Richard II. 15 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 579. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, pp. 109, 110.

CHAPTER - l Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 580. 2 Vaughan, vol. 2, p, 125. A Complaint of John Wicliffe : Tracts and Treatises edited by the Wicliffe Society, p. 268. 3 Trialogus , lib. 4, cap. 7. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, p. 131. “Hoe sacramentum venerabile,” says Wicliffe, “est in natura sua verus panis et sacramentaliter corpus Christi” (Trialogus , p. 192) — naturally it is bread, sacramentally it is the body of Christ. “By this distinction,” says Sharon Turner, “he removed from the most venerated part of religious worship the great provocative to infidelity; and preserved the English mind from that absolute rejection of Christianity which the Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation has, since the thirteenth century, been so fatally producing in every country where it predominates, even among many of its teachers.” (Hist . of Eng ., vol. 5, pp. 182, 183.)

CHAPTER - Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, chap. 4. Wicliffe gave in two defenees or confessions to Convocation: one in Latin, suited to the taste of the learned, and characterised by the nice distinctions and subtle logic of the schools; the other in English, and adapted to the understandings of the common people. In both Wicliffe unmistakably repudiates transubstantiation. Those who have said that Wicliffe before the Convocation modified or retracted opinions he had formerly avowed, have misrepresented him, or, more probably, have misunderstood his statements and reasonings. He defends himself with the subtlety of a schoolman, but he retracts nothing; on the contrary, he re-asserts the precise doctrine for which William de Barton’s court had condemned him, and in the very terms in which he had formerly stated that doctrine. (See Appendix in Vaughan, Nos. 1, 2.) 2 Confessio Magistri Johannis Wyclyff — Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, Appendix, No. 6. 3 D’Aubigne, Hist . of Reform ., vol 5, p. 132; Edin., 1853. 4 Dr . Wicliffe ’s Letter of Excuse to Urban VI. — Bibl. Bodl. MS. — Lewis, Life of Wiclif , Appendix, No. 23. Fox, Acts and Mon., vol. 1, p. 507; edit. 1684.

CHAPTER - Knighton. De Eventibus Anglioe , col 2663, 2665. 2 “The Bible is the foundation deed of the Church, its charter: Wicliffe likes, with allusion to the Magna Charta, the fundamental deed of the civic liberty of his nation, to designate the Bible as the letter of freedom of the Church, as the deed of grace and promise given by God.” (Lechler, De Ecclesia .)

CHAPTER - Above all, Wicliffe holds up to view that the preaching of the Word of God is that instrumentality which very specially serves to the edification of the Church, because God’s Word is seed (Luke 8:11). “Oh, astonishing power of the Divine seed,” exclaims Wicliffe, “which conquers the strong-armed man, softens hard hearts, and renews and changes into godly men those who have become brutalised by sin, and wandered to an infinite distance from God! Evidently no priest’s word could work such a great wonder, if the Spirit of Life and the Eternal Word did not co-operate.” (Lechler, vol. 1, p. 395.) 2 Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, p. 356. 3 The same excuse cannot be made for Dorner. His brief estimate of the great English Reformer is not made with his usual discrimination, scarce with his usual fairness. He says: “The deeper religious spirit is wanting in his ideas of reform.” “He does not yet know the nature of justification, and does not yet know the free grace of God.” (History of Protestant Theology , vol. 1, p. 66; Edin., 1871.) 4 Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, pp. 309, 310. 5 Sentence of the Curse Expounded , chap. 2. 6 Hanna, Wicliffe and the Huguenots , p. 116. 7 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, pp. 741, 742.

BOOK THIRD

CHAPTER - Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., cap. 8, 5; Lugduni Batavorum, 1647. 2 Hoefler, Hist . Hussite Movement , vol. 2, p. 593. Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, p. 140. 3 Nestor, Annals , pp. 20 — 23; St. Petersburg edit., 1767;apud Count Valerian Krasinski, Slavonia , pp. 36, 37. 4 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., cap. 1, 1. Centuriatores Madgeburgenses, Hist . Eccles ., tom. 3, p. 8; Basiliae, 1624. 5 See the Pontiff’s letter in Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., pp. 16, 17. The following is an extract: — “Saepe enim meditantes Scripturam Sacram, comperimus, omnipotenti Deo Idacuisse, et placere, cultum sacrum lingua arcana peragi, ne a quibus vis promiscue, praesertim rudioribus, intelligatur.” . . . . Datae Romae, etc., Anno 1079. 6 “Antichristus jam venit, et in Ecclesia sedet.” (Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 21.) Some say that the words were written on the portals of St. Peter’s. 7 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 21. 8 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 23. 9 Ibid ., p. 24. 10 Krasinski, Religious History of the Slavonic Nations , pp. 49, 50; Edin., 1849. 11 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, p. 133. 12 Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, p. 70; Edin., 1844. 13 Chronicon Universitatis Pragensis apud Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol 2, p. 136. 14 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 25. 15 Bethlehem Chapel — the House of Bread, because its founder meant that there the people should be fed upon the Bread of Life. 16 Hoefler, Hist . of Hussite Movement ; apud Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol 2, p. 140, foot-note. 17 “Huss copied out Wicliffe’s Trialogus for the Margrave Jost of Moravia, and others of noble rank, and translated it for the benefit of the laity, and even women, into the Czech language. A manuscript in Huss’s handwriting, and embracing five philosophical tractares of Wicliffe, is to be found in the Royal Library at Stockholm, having been carried away with many others by the Swedes out of Bohemia at the end of the Thirty Years’ War. This MS. was finished, as the concluding remark proves, in 1400, the same year in which Jerome of Prague returned from England.” (Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, p. 113.)

CHAPTER - l Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., pp. 27, 28. Krasinski, S1avonia , p. 60. 2 Hoefler, Hist . of Hussite Movement ; apud Concilla Pragensia. 3 Krasinski, Slavonia , pp. 56, 57. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, p. 78. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, p. 119. 4 “Exusta igitur sunt (AEnea Sylvio teste ) supra ducenta volumina, pulcherrime conscripta, bullis aureis tegumentisque pretiosis ornata.” (Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 29. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, p. 118.) 5 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 776. 6 Letters of Huss , No. 11; Edin., 1846. 7 Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, p. 87. 8 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 776. 9 Ibid ., vol. 1, p. 780. Bonnechose, vol. 1, p. 97. 10 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 7, p. 121. Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 27. 11 Bonnechose, vol. 1, p. 126. 12 Bonnechose, vol. 1, p. 99.

CHAPTER - “Omnium praedestinatorum universitas.” (De Eccles . — Huss — Hist . et Mon .) 2 Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 37. 3 Huss — Hist . et Mon ., tom. 1, pp. 215 — 234. 4 Letter ’s of Huss , No. 6; Edin. ed.

CHAPTER - Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, chap. 1. 2 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., Counc. of Pisa,, cent. 15, chap 1. 3 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, chap. 1, p. 6. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 1, p. 9; Lond., 1699. 4 Alexander V. was a Greek of the island of Candia; he was taken up by an Italian monk, educated at Oxford, made Bishop of Vicenza, and chosen Pope by the Council of Pisa. (Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15.) 5 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 7. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 2, p. 10. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 781. Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, pt. 2, chap. 2, sec. 4. 6 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 83. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, p. 155. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 782. 7 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 2, p. 11. 8 There was no more famous Gallican divine than Gerson. His treatise on the Ecclesiastical Power which was read before the Council, and which has been preserved in an abridged form by Lenfant (vol. 2, bk. 5, chap. 10), shows him to have been one of the subtlest intellects of his age. He draws the line between the temporal and the spiritual powers with a nicety which approaches that of modern times, and he drops a hint of a power of direction in the Pope, that may have suggested to Le Maistre his famous theory, which resolved the Pope’s temporal supremacy into a power of direction, and which continued to be the common opinion till superseded by the dogma of infallibility in 1870. 9 The Pope alone had 600 persons in his retinue; the cardinals had fully 1,200; the bishops, archbishops, and abbots, between 4,000 and 5,000. There were 1,200 scribes, besides their servants, etc. John Huss alone had eight, without reckoning his vicar who also accompanied him. The retinue of the princes, barons, and ambassadors was numerous in proportion. (Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 83, 84.) 10 Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, p. 158. See also note by translator. 11 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 17. 12 “Pater sante qui passo Trenta perdo.” (Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 18.) 13 Ibid . 14 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, chap. 1, p. 19. 15 Ibid . vol. 1, pp. 38 — 41. 16 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 789. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, pp. 150 — 152. 17 Palacky informs us that the house in which Huss lodged is still standing at Constance, with a bust of the Reformer in its front wall. 18 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 77. 19 Maimbourg, Hist . of Western Schism ., tom. 2, pp. 123, 124; Dutch ed. Theobald, Bell . Huss , p. 38. AEneas Sylvius, Hist . Bohem ., p. 45. Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 78, 79.

CHAPTER - Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 106, 107. 2 Concilium Constant., Sess. 5. — Hardouin, tom. 8, col. 258; Parisiis. 3 Natalis Alexander, Eccles . Hist ., sec. 15, dis. 4. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 2, pp. 14, 15. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 782. Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, pt. 2, chap. 2, sec. 4. 4 See decree of Pope John against Wicliffe, ordering the exhumation and burning of his bones, in Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 8, pp. 263 — 303; Parisiis. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 782. Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, pt. 2, chap. 2, sec. 8. Dupin Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 7, pp. 121, 122.. 5 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 783. Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, pt. 2, chap. 2. 6 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 782. See tenor of citation of Pope John — Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 8, p. 291; Parisiis. 7 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 2. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, pp. 180 — 182. 8 Von der Hardt, tom. 1, p. 77. Niem, apud Von der Hardt, tom. 2, pp. — 398, and tom. 4, p. 60; apud Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 129. 9 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 130. 10 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 2, pp. 12, 13. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, pp. 182 — 184. 11 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 463. 12 Concil. ,Const., Sess. 12: — Hardouin, tom. 8, col. 376, 377; Parisiis. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 2, p. 17. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 782. Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, pt. 2, chap. 2, sec. 4. The crimes proven against Pope John in the Council of Constance may be seen in its records. The list fills fourteen long, closely-printed columns in Hardouin. History contains no more terrible assemblage of vices, and it exhibits no blacker character than that of the inculpated Pontiff. It was not an enemy, but his own friends, the Council over which he presided, that drew this appalling portrait. In the Barberini Collection, the crime of poisoning his predecessor, and other foul deeds not fit here to be mentioned, are charged against him. (Hardouin, tom. 8, pp. 343 — 360.) 13 Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 8, pp. 361, 362. 14 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 398; and Huss’s Letters, No. 47; Edin. ed. Some one posted up in the hall of the Council, one day, the following intimation, as from the Holy Ghost: “Aliis rebus occupati nunc non adesse vobis non possumus;” that is, “Being otherwise occupied at this time, we are not able to be present with you.” (Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 782.)

CHAPTER - These documents are given in full in Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, pp. — 788. 2 This document is given by all contemporary historians, by Von der Hardt, tom. 4, p. 12; by Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 61, 62; by Fra Paolo; by Sleidan in his Commentaries ; and, in short, by all who have written the history of the Council The terms are very precise: to pass freely and to returns . The Jesuit Maimbourg, when writing the history of the period, was compelled to own the imperial safe-conduct. In truth, it was admitted by the Council when, in its nineteenth session, it defended the emperor against those “evilspeakers” who blamed him for violating, it. The obvious and better defense would have been that the safe-conduct never existed, could the Council in consistency with fact have so affirmed. 3 Hist . et Mon . J . Huss ., epist, 1. 4 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 43. 5 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 790. Dupin, Eccles . Hist . cent. 15, chap. 7, p. 121. 6 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 7, p. 121. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, pp. 170 — 173. 7 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 61. 8 Von der Hardt, tom. 4, p. 397. 9 The precise words of this decree are as follow: — “Nec aliqua sibi fides aut promissio de jure naturali divino et humano fuerit in prejudicium Catholicae fidel observanda.” (Concil. Const., Sess. 19: — Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 8, col. 454; Parisiis.) The meaning is, that by no law natural or divine is faith to be kept with heretics to the prejudice of the Catholic faith. This doctrine was promulgated by the third Lateran Council (Alexander III., 1167), decreed by the Council of Constance, and virtually confirmed by the Council of Trent. The words of the third Lateran Council are — “oaths made against the interest and benefit of the Church are not so much to be considered as oaths, but as perjuries” (non quasi juramenta sed quasi perjuria ). 10 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 7, p. 121. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 793. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, pp. 191, 192. 11 Bonnechose, vol. 1, pp. 243 — 248. 12 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 322. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 7, p. 122. 13 Von der Hardt, tom. 4, p. 306. Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 323. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 2, chap. 4. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 7. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 792. 14 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol 1, p. 323. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 792. Bonnechose, vol. 2, chap. 4. 15 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 323, 324. 16 The articles condemned by the Council are given in full by Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 8, pp. 410 — 421. 17 Epist. 20. 18 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 824. Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, bk. 3. 19 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 793. 20 Epist. 32. It ought also to be mentioned that a protest against the execution of Huss was addressed to the Council of Constance, and signed by the principal nobles of Bohemia and Moravia. The original of this protest is preserved in the library of Edinburgh University. 21 Concil. Const. — Hardouin, tom. 8, p. 423. 22 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 361. 23 Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , 2. 47. 24 Epist. 10. 25 Ibid . 44. 26 Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , 2. 24.

CHAPTER - Op . et Mon . Joan . Huss ., tom. 2, p. 344; Noribergae, 1558. Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 412. 2 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 413. Op . et Mon . Joan . Huss ., tom. 2, p. 346. 3 Dissert . Hist . de Huss , p. 90; Jenae, 1711. Von der Hardt, tom. 4, p. 393. Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 422. The circumstance was long after remembered in Germany. A century after, at the Diet of Worms, when the enemies of Luther were importuning Charles V. to have the Reformer seized, not. withstanding the safe-conduct he had given him — “No,” replied the emperor, “I should not like to blush like Sigismund.” (Lenfant.) 4 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 820. 5 Op . et Mon . Joan . Huss ., tom. 2, p. 347. Concil. Const. — Hardouin, tom. 8, p. 423. 6 These words were noted down; and soon after the death of Huss a medal was struck in Bohemia, on which they were inscribed: Centum revolutis annis Deo respondebitis et mihi . Lenfant (lib. c., p. 429, and lib. 4, p. 564) says that this medal was to be seen in the royal archives of the King of Borussia, and that in the opinion of the very learned Schotti, who was then antiquary to the king, it was struck in the fifteenth century, before the times of Luther and Zwingle. The same thing has been asserted by Catholic historians — among others, Peter Matthins, in his History of Henry IV ., tom. 2, lib. 5, p. 46. (Vide Sculteti, Annales , p. 7. Gerdesius, Hist . Evang . Renov ., pp. 51, 52; Groningae, 1744.) Its date is guaranteed also by M. Bizot, author of Hist . Met . de Hollande . 7 Op . et Mon . Joan Huss , tom. 2, fol. 347. 8 Ibid . 9 Von der Hardt, tom. 4, p. 440. Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 425, 426. 10 Op . et Mon . Joan . Huss ., tom. 2, fol. 348. Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 428 — 430. 11 In many principalities money was coined with a reference to this prediction. On one side was the effigy of John Huss, with the inscription, Credo unam esse Ecclesiam Sanctam Catholican (“I believe in one Holy Catholic Church”). On the obverse was seen Huss tied to the stake and placed on the fire, with the inscription in the center, Johannes Huss , anno a Christo nato 1415 condemnatur (“John Huss, condemned A.D. 1415”); and on the circumference the inscription already mentioned, Centum revolutis annis Deo respondebitis et mihi (“A hundred years hence ye shall answer to God and to me”). — Gerdesius, Hist . Evang . Renov ., vol. 1, pp. 51, 52. 12 AEneas Sylvius, Hist . Bohem ., cap. 36, p. 54; apud Gerdesius, Hist . Evang . Renov ., vol. 1, p. 42. 13 “Finally, all being consumed to cinders in the fire, the ashes, and the soil, dug up to a great depth, were placed in wagons, and thrown into the stream of the Rhine, that his very name might utterly perish from among the faithful.” (Op . et Mon . Joan . Huss ., tom. 2, fol. 348; Noribergae.) The details of Huss’s martyrdom are very fully given by Fox, by Lenfant, by Bonnechose, and others. These have been faithfully compiled from the Brunswick, Leipsic, and Gotha manuscripts, collected by Von der Hardt, and from the History of Huss ’s Life , published by an eye-witness, and inserted at the beginning of his works. These were never contradicted by any of his contemporaries. Substantially the same account is given by Catholic writers. 14 “The pious remembrance of John Huss,” says Lechler, “was held sacred by the nation. The day of his death, 6th July, was incontestably considered from that time onward as the festival of a saint and martyr. It was called ‘the day of remembrance’ of the master John Huss, and even at the end of the sixteenth century the inhabitants of Prague laid such stress on the observances of the day, that the abbot of the monastery Emmaus, Paul Horsky, was threatened and persecuted in the worst manner because he had once allowed one to work in his vineyard on Huss’s day, as if it were an ordinary workday.” It was not uncommon to place pictures of Huss and Jerome on the altars of the parish churches of Bohemia and Moravia. (Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, p. 285.) Even at this day, as the author can testify from personal observation, there is no portrait more common in the windows of the print shops of Prague than that of John Huss.

CHAPTER - Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, p. 266. 2 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, pp. 269, 270.

CHAPTER - Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, p. 232. 2 “He went to England probably about 1396, studied some years in Oxford, and brought back copies of several of Wicliffe’s theological books, which he copied there. We know this from his own testimony before the Council of Constance, on April 27th, 1416. In the course of the trial he answered, among other things, to the accusation that he had published in Bohemia and elsewhere false doctrines from Wicliffe’s books: ‘I confess that in my youth I went out of a desire for learning to England, and because I heard of Wicliffe as a man of profound and extraordinary intellect, copied and brought with me to Prague his Dialogue and Trialogue , the MSS. of which I could obtain.’ Jerome was certainly not the first Bohemian student who went from Prague to Oxford.” (Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, p. 112.) 3 These particulars are related by Von der Hardt, tom. 4, p. 218; and quoted by Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, pp. 236, 237. The Roman writer Cochlaeus also admits the severity of Jerome’s imprisonment. 4 Theod. Urie, apud Von der Hardt, tom. 1, pp. 170, 171. Hardouin, tom. 4, p. 499; tom. 8, pp. 454, 455. Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 510 — 512. 5 Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 506. 6 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 835. “Idem Hieronymus de Sacramento altaris et transubstantione panis in corpus professus est se tenere et credere, quod ecclesia tenet” — that is, “The same Jerome, touching the Sacrament of the altar and transubstantiation, professes to hold and believe that the bread becomes the body, which the Church holds.” So says the Council (Hardouin, tom. 8, p. 565.) 7 The articles of accusation are given in full by Lenfant, in his Hist . Conc ., vol. 1, book 4, sec. 75. 8 Writing from his prison to his friends in Prague, John Huss said that Constance would hardly recover in thirty years the shock its morality had sustained from the presence of the Council. (Fox.)

CHAPTER - Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 834. 2 “‘There goeth a great rumor of thee,’ said one of hie accusers, ‘that thou holdest bread to be on the altar;’ to whom he pleasantly answered, saying ‘that he believed bread to be at the bakers.’” (Fox, vol. 1, p. 835.) 3 See letter of Poggio of Florence, secretary to Pope John XXIII., addressed to Leonardo Aretino, given in full by Lenfant in his Hist . Conc ., vol 1, book 4, pp. 593 — 599; Lond., 1730. 4 Lenfant, vol. 1, pp. 585, 586. 5 Ibid . 1. 590, foot-note. 6 Hardouin, Collect . Barberin ., tom. 8, pp. 565, 567. 7 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 836. Bonnechose, vol. 2, p. 154. 8 Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 8, p. 566. 9 Theobald, Bell . Huss ., chap. 24, p. 60; apud Bonnechose, vol. 2, p. 159. Letter of Poggio to Aretino. This cardinal died suddenly at the Council (September 26th, 1417). Poggio pronounced his funeral oration. He extolled his virtue and genius. Had he lived till the election of a new Pope, it is said, the choice of the conclave would have fallen upon him. He is reported to have written a history of the Council of Pisa, and of what passed at Constance in his time. These treatises would possess great interest, but they have never been discovered. Mayhap they lie buried in the dust of some monastic library.

CHAPTER - Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 837. Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 591. This was the usual request of the inquisitors when delivering over their victims to the executioner. No one would have been more astonished and displeased than themselves to find the request complied with. “Eundo ligatus per plateas versus locum supplicii in quo combustus fuit, licet prius domini proelati supplicabant potestati saeculari, ut ipsi eum tractarent gratiose.” (Collect . Barberin . — Hardouin , tom . 8, p. 567.) 2 “Et cito vos omnes, ut respondeatis mihi coram altissimo et justissimo Judice post centum annos.” (Fox, vol. 1, p. 836. Op . Huss ., tom. 2, fol. 357. Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 589.) 3 Bonnechose, vol. 2. 4 Enemies and friends unite in bearing testimony to the fortitude and joy with which Jerome endured the fire. “In the midst of the scorching flames,” says the monk Theodoric Urie, “he sang those words, ‘O Lord, into Thy hands I resign my spirit;’ and just as he was saying, ‘Thou hast redeemed us,’ he was suffocated by the flame and the smoke, and gave up his wretched soul. Thus did this heretical miscreant resign his miserable spirit to be burned everlastingly in the bottomless pit.” (Urie, apud Von der Hardt, tom. 1, p. 202. Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 593.) 5 Theobald, Bell . Hus ., p. 61. Von der Hardt, tom. 4, p. 772; apud Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 592. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 838.

CHAPTER - Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., cap. 9, p. 33. 2 Huss . Mon ., vol. 1, p. 99. 3 Krasinski, Religious History of the Slavonic Nations , p. 66; Edin., 1849. John von Muller, Universal History , vol. 2, p. 264; Lond., 1818. 4 Lenfant, vol. 2, p. 240. 5 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 34. 6 Fox, vol. 1, p. 847. 7 A decree of Nicholas II. (1059) restricts the franchise to the college of cardinals; a decree of Alexander III. (1159) requires a majority of votes of at least two-thirds; and a decree of Gregory X. (1271) requires nine days between the death of the Pope and the meeting of the cardinals. The election of Martin V. was somewhat abnormal. 8 Platina, Hist . Som . Pont ., 212; Venetia, 1600. 9 Von der Hardt, tom. 4, pp. 1479, 1423. Lenfant, vol 2, pp. 156 — 167. 10 Lenfant, vol. 2, p. 174. 11 Bonnechose, vol. 2, p. 196. 12 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 35: “Sacrile-gamque et maledictam gentem exterminare penitus.” See also Lenfant, vol. 2, bk. 6, chap. 51. Concil. Const. — Hard., tom.. 8, p. 918. 13 Platina, Hist . Som . Pont ., 213. Lenfant, vol. 2, p. 274. 14 Lenfant, vol. 2, pp. 275 — 278. 15 The trunk of this oak stood till the beginning of the last century. It had wellnigh been wholly carried off by the blacksmiths of the neighborhood, who believed that a splinter taken from its trunk and attached to their hammer would give additional weight to its strokes (Krasinski, Slavonia , p. 69, foot-note.) 16 Theobald, Bell . Huss ., cap. 28, p. 68. Histoire de la Guerre des Hussites et du Concile de Basle . Par Jacques Lenfant. Tom. 1, livr. 6, p. 91. Amsterdam, 1731. 17 It did not help to allay that excitement that the Pope’s legate, Dominic, Cardinal of Ragusa, who had been sent to Bohemia to ascertain how matters stood, reported to his master that “the tongue and the pen were no longer of any use, and that without any more ado, it was high time to take arms against such obstinate heretics.” (Lenfant, vol. 2, p. 242.) 18 Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, p. 99. Krasinski, Slavonia , pp. 70 — 74.

CHAPTER - Huss — Story of Ziska — Acts and Mon ., tom. 1, p. 848. 2 Balbinus, Epit . Rer . Bohem ., pp. 435, 436. Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 6, p. 93. 3 Krasinski, Slavonia , p. 80; apud Lenfant. 4 Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, p. 104. Krasinski, Slavonia , pp. 80, 81. 5 Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss . tom. 1, livr. 8, pp. 129, 130. 6 Ibid ., pp. 133, 134. 7 Krasinski, Slavonia , p. 82. 8 Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 9, pp. 161, 162. 9 Ibid ., p. 162. 10 “Vous avez permis au grand deshonneur de nobre patrie qu’on brulat Maitre Jean Hus, qui etoit alle a Constance avec un sauf-conduit que vous lui aviez donne.” The emperor’s pledge and the public faith were equally violated, they affirm, in the case of Jerome, who went to Constance “sub simili fide, pari fide publica.” (Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 9, p. 164.) 11 Krasinski, Slavonia , pp. 83 — 85. Von Muller, Univer . Hist ., vol 2, p. 326.

CHAPTER - Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 10, 11. 2 It was said that on his death-bed he gave instructions to make a drum of his skin, believing that its sound would terrify the enemy. An old drum was wont to be shown at Prague as the identical one that Ziska had ordered to be made. Theobald (Bell . Huss .) rejects the story as a fable, which doubtless it is. 3 A hundred years after, the Emperor Ferdinand, happening to visit this cathedral, was attracted by the sight of an enormous mace hanging above a tomb. On making inquiry whose tomb it was, and being told that it was Ziska’s, and that this was his mace, he exclaimed, “Fie, fie, cette mauvaise bete!” and quitted Czaslau that night. So relates Balbinus. 4 Lenfant, Hist , Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 11, p. 212.

CHAPTER - Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 11, p. 217. The Pope’s letter was dated February 14th, 1424 — that is, during the sitting of the Council of Sienna. 2 Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 12, p. 232. 3 Ibid ., 238. 4 Balbin., Epitom . Rer . Bohem ., p. 468. Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 12, pp. 238, 239. 5 A figure borrowed from the cultivation of the poppy in Bohemia. 6 Hussi , geese, alluding to Jan Huss, John Goose.

CHAPTER - Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 13, p. 254. Krasinski, Slavonia , p. 105. 2 Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom 1, livr. 13, p. 255. The historians of this affair have compared it to the defeat of Crassus by the Parthians, of Darius by the Scythians, and of Xerxes by the Greek 3 Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 14. 4 Coch. L., 6, pp. 136-139. Theob., cap. 71, p. 138. Bzovius, ann. 1431. Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 15, p. 299. 5 Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 16, p. 316. Some historians reduce the number to 90,000. 6 Aeneas Sylvius, cap. 48. Theob., cap.