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    CHAPTER - Eusebius, De Vita Const ., lib. 4, cap. 27. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., vol. 1, p. 162; Dublin. 1723. 2 Eusebius, De Vita Const ., lib. 4, cap. 24. Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., vol. 1, cent. 4, p. 94; Glasgow, 1831. 3 Eusebius, Eccles . Hist ., lib. 3, cap. 12, p. 490; Parisiis, 1659. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., vol. 2, p. 14; Lond., 1693. 4 Baronius admits that many things have been laudably translated from Gentile superstition into the Christian religion (Annal ., ad An. 58). And Binnius, extolling the munificence of Constantine towards the Church, speaks of his superstitionis gentiliae justa aemulatio (“just emulation of the Gentile superstition”). — Concil ., tom. 7, notae in Donat. Constan. 5 Ammian. Marcel., lib. 27, cap. 3. Mosheim, vol. 1, cent. 4, p. 95. 6 Nisan corresponds with the latter half of our March and the first half of our April. 7 The Council of Nicaea, A.D. 325, enacted that the 21st of March should thenceforward be accounted the vernal equinox, that the Lord’s Day following the full moon next after the 21st of March should be kept as Easter Day, but that if the full moon happened on a Sabbath, Easter Day should be the Sabbath following. This is the canon that regulates the observance of Easter in the Church of England. “Easter Day,” says the Common Prayer Book, “is always the first Sunday after the full moon which happens upon or next after the 21st day of March; and if the full moon happens upon a Sunday, Easter Day is the Sunday after.” 8 Bennet’s Memorial of the Reformation , p. 20; Edin., 1748. 9 These customs began thus. In times of persecution, assemblies often met in churchyards as the place of greatest safety, and the “elements” were placed on the tombstones. It became usual to pray that the dead might be made partakers in the “first resurrection.” This was grounded on the idea which the primitive Christians entertained respecting the millennium. After Gregory I., prayers for the dead regarded their deliverance from purgatory. 10 Dupin, EccIes . Hist ., vol. 1, cent. 3.

    CHAPTER - Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 1, col 325; Parisiis, 1715. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., vol. 1, p. 600; Dublin edition. 2 Hard. 1. 1477; 2. 787,886. Baron. 6. 235. 3 Muller, Univ . History , vol. 2, p. 21; Lond., 1818. 4 Muller, vol. 2, p. 23. 5 Muller, vol. 2, p. 74. 6 We quote from the copy of the document in Pope Leo’s letter in Hardouin’s Collection. Epistola I ., Leonis Papoe IX .; Acta Conciliorum et Epistoloe Decretales , tom . 6, pp. 934, 936; Parisiis, 1714. The English reader will find a copy of the pretended original document in full in Historical Essay on the Power of the Popes , vol. 2, Appendix, tr. from French; London, 1838. 7 Etudes Religieuses , November, 1866. 8 The Pope and the Council , by “Janus,” p. 105; London, 1869. 9 The above statement regarding the mode of electing bishops during the first three centuries rests on the authority of Clement, Bishop of Rome, in the first century; Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, in the third century; and of Gregory Nazianzen. See also De Dominis, De Repub . Eccles .; Blondel, Apologia ; Dean Waddington; Barrow, Supremacy ; and Mosheim, Eccl . Hist ., cent. 1.

    CHAPTER - The Pope and the Council , p. 107. 2 Binnius, Concilia , vol. 3, pars. 2, p. 297; Col. Agrip., 1618. 3 Hallam, 2. 276. 4 Hallam, 2. 284. 5 P . Innocent III . in Decret . Greg ., lib. 1, tit. 33. 6 “Spiritualium plenitudinem, et latitudinem temporalium.” 7 Itinerar . Ital ., part 2, De Coron. Rom. Pont. 8 “Oportet gladium esse sub gladio, et temporalem authoritatem spirituali subjici potestati. Ergo, si deviat terrena potestas judicabitur a potestate spirituali.” (Corp . Jur . Can . a Pithoeo , tom. 2, Extrav., lib. 1, tit. 8, cap. 1; Paris, 1671.) 9 Paradiso , canto 24. 10 Le Rime del Petrarca , tome 1, p. 325. ed. Lod. Castel. 11 Baronius, Annal ., ann. 1000, tom. 10, col. 963; Col. Agrip., 1609.

    CHAPTER - Allix, Ancient Churches of Piedmont , chap. 1; Lond., 1690. M’Crie, Italy , p. 1; Edin., 1833. 2 “Is mos antiquus fuit.” (Labbei et Gab. Cossartii Concil ., tom. 6, col. 482; Venetiis, 1729.) 3 A mistake of the historian. It was under Nicholas II. (1059) that the independence of Milan was extinguished. Platina’s words are: “Che [chiesa di Milano] era forse ducento anni stata dalla chiesa di Roma separata.” (Historia delle Vite dei Sommi Pontefici , p. 128; Venetia, 1600.) 4 Baronius, Annal ., ann. 1059, tom. 11, col. 277; Col. Agrip., 1609. 5 Allix, Churches of Piedmont , chap. 3. 6 “This is not bodily but spiritual food,” says St. Ambrose, in his Book of Mysteries and Sacraments , “for the body of the Lord is spiritual.” (Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., vol. 2, cent. 4.) 7 Allix, Churches of Piedmont , chap. 4. 8 Ibid ., chap. 5. 9 Allix, Churches of Piedmont , chap. 8. 10 “Of all these works there is nothing printed,” says Allix (p. 60), “but his commentary upon the Epistle to the Galatians. The monks of St. Germain have his commentary upon all the epistles in MS., in two volumes, which were found in the library of the Abbey of Fleury, near Orleans. They have also his MS. commentaries on Leviticus, which formerly belonged to the library of St. Remy at Rheims. As for his commentary on St. Matthew, there are several MS. copies of it in England, as well as elsewhere.” See also list of his works in Dupin. 11 See Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 9. 12 “Hic [panis] ad corpus Christi mystice, illud [vinum] refertur ad sanguinem” (MS . of Com . on Matthew .) 13 Allix, chap. 10. 14 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 9. The worship of images was decreed by the second Council of Nice; but that decree was rejected by France, Spain, Germany, and the diocese of Milan. The worship of images was moreover condemned by the Council of Frankfort, 794. Claude, in his letter to Theodemir, says: — “Appointed bishop by Louis, I came to Turin. I found all the churches full of the filth of abominations and images... If Christians venerate the images of saints, they have not abandoned idols, but only changed their names.” (Mag . Bib ., tome 4, part 2, p. 149.) 15 Allix, chap. 9. 16 Allix, pp. 76, 77. 17 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 9. 18 Allix, chap. 9. 19 Dupin, vol. 7, p. 2; Lond., 1695. 20 Allix, cent. 9.

    CHAPTER - Baronius, Annal ., ann. 1059, tom. 11, cols. 276, 277. 2 Petrus Damianus, Opusc ., p. 5. Allix, Churches of Piedmont , p. 113. M’Crie, Hist . of Reform . in Italy , p. 2. 3 Recent German criticism refers the Nobla Leycon to a more recent date, but still one anterior to the Reformation. 4 This short description of the Waldensian valleys is drawn from the author’s personal observations. He may here be permitted to state that he has, in successive journeys, continued at intervals during the past thirty-five years, traveled over Christendom, and visited all the countries, Popish and Protestant, of which he will have occasion particularly to speak in the course of this history.

    CHAPTER - This disproves the charge of Manicheism brought against them by their enemies. 2 Sir Samuel Morland gives the Nobla Leycon in full in his History of the Churches of the Waldenses . Allix (chap. 18) gives a summary of it. 3 The Nobla Leycon has the following passage: “If there be an honest man, who desires to love God and fear Jesus Christ, who will neither slander, nor swear, nor lie, nor commit adultery, nor kill, nor steal, nor avenge himself of his enemies, they presently say of such a one he is a Vaudes, and worthy of death.” 4 See a list of numerous heresies and blasphemies charged upon the Waldenses by the Inquisitor Reynerius, who wrote about the year 1250, and extracted by Allix (chap. 22). 5 The Romaunt Version of the Gospel according to John , from MS . preserved in Trinity College , Dublin , and in the Bibliotheque du Roi , Paris . By William Stephen Gilly, D.D., Canon of Durham, and Vicar of Norham. Lond., 1848. 6 Stranski, apud Lenfant’s Concile de Constance , quoted by Count Valerian Krasinski in his History of the Rise , Progress , and Decline of the Reformation in Poland , vol. 1, p. 53; Lond., 1838. Illyricus Flaccins, in his Catalogus Testium Veritatis (Amstelodami, 1679), says: “Pars Valdensium in Germaniam transiit atque apud Bohemos, in Polonia ac Livonia sedem fixit.” Leger says that the Waldenses had, about the year 1210, Churches in Slavonia, Sarmatia, and Livonia. (Histoire Generale des Eglises Evangeliques des Vallees du Piedmont ou Vaudois . vol. 2, pp. 336, 337; 1669.) 7 M’Crie, Hist . Ref . in Italy , p. 4. 8 Those who. wish to know more of this interesting people than is contained in the above rapid sketch may consult Leger, Des Eglises Evangeliques ; Perrin, Hist . De Vaudois ; Reynerius, Cont . Waldens .; Sir. S. Morland, History of the Evangelical Churches of Piedmont ; Jones, Hist . Waldenses ; Rorenco, Narative ; besides a host of more modern writers — Gilly, Waldensian Researches ; Muston, Israed of the Alps ; Monastier, etc. etc.

    CHAPTER - Manes taught that there were two principles, or gods, the one good and the other evil; and that the evil principle was the creator of this world, the good principle of the world to come. Manicheism was employed as a term of compendious condemnation in the East, as Heresy was in the West. It was easier to calumniate these men than to refute them. For such aspersions a very ancient precedent might be pleaded. “He hath a devil and is mad,” was said of the Master. The disciple is not above his Lord. 2 “Among the prominent charges urged against the Paulicians before the Patriarch of Constantinople in the eighth century, and by Photius and Petrus Siculus in the ninth, we find the following — that they dishonored the Virgin Mary, and rejected her worship; denied the lifegiving efficacy of the cross, and refused it worship; and gainsaid the awful mystery of the conversion of the blood of Christ in the Eucharist; while by others they are branded as the originators of the Iconoclastic heresy and the war against the sacred images. In the first notice of the sectaries in Western Europe, I mean at Orleans, they were similarly accused of treating with contempt the worship of martyrs and saints, the sign of the holy cross, and mystery of transubstantiation; and much the same too at Arras.” (Elliott, Horoe Apocalypticoe , 3rd ed., vol. 2, p. 277.) 3 “Multos ex ovibus lupos fecit, et per eos Christi ovilia dissipavit.” (Pet. Sic., Hist . Bib . Patr ., vol. 16, p. 761.) 4 Gibbon, vol. 10, p. 177; Edin., 1832. Sharon Turner, Hist . of England , vol. 5, p. 125; Lond., 1830. 5 Pet. Sic., p. 814. 6 Emericus, in his Directory for Inquisitors , gives us the following piece of news, namely, that the founder of the Manicheans was a person called Manes, who lived in the diocese of Milan ! (Allix, p. 134.) 7 Mosheim, Eccl . Hist ., cent. 11, part 2, chap. 5. 8 Gibbon, Decline and Fall , vol. 10, p. 186. In perusing the chapter (54) which this historian has devoted to an account of the Paulicians, one hardly knows whether to be more delighted with his eloquence or amazed at his inconsistency. At one time he speaks of them as the “votaries of St. Paul and of Christ,” and at another as the disciples of Manes. And though he says that “the Paulicians sincerely condemned the memory and opinions of the Manichean sect,” he goes on to write of them as Manicheans. The historian has too slavishly followed his chief authority and their bitter enemy, Petrus Siculus. 9 Gibbon, vol. 10, p. 185. 10 Gerdesius, Historia Evangelii Renovati , tom. 1, p. 39; Groningae, 1744.

    CHAPTER - Hardouin, Concil . Avenion . (1209), tom. 6, pars. 2, col. 1986. This edict enjoins bishops, counts, governors of castles, and all men-at-arms to give their aid to enforce spiritual censures against heretics. “Si opus fuerit,” continues the edict, “jurare compellat sicut illi de Montepessulano juraverunt, praecipue circa exterminandos haereticos.” 2 “Tanquam haereticos ab ecclesia Dei pellimus et damnamus: et per porestates exteras coerceri praecipimus, defensores quoque ipsorum ejusdem damnationis vinculo donec resipuerint, mancipamus.” (Concilium Tolosanum — Hardouin, Acta Concil . et .Epistoloe Decretales , tom. 6, pars. 2, p. 1979; Parisiis, 1714.) 3 Acta Concil ., tom. 6, pars. 2, p. 1212. 4 “Ubi cogniti fuerint illius haeresis sectatores, ne receptaculum quisquam eis in terra sua praebere, aut praesidium impertire praesumat. Sed nec in venditione aut eruptione aliqua cum eis omnino commercium habaetur: ut solatio saltem humanitatis amisso, ab errore viae suae resipiscere compellantur.” — Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 6, p. 1597. 5 Ibid ., can. 27, De Haereticis, p. 1684. 6 Ibid., tom. 7, can. 3, pp. 19-23. 7 Sismondi, Hist . of Crusades , p. 28. 8 Petri Vallis, Cern . Hist . Albigens ., cap. 16, p. 571. Sismondi, p. 30. 9 Sismondi, p. 29. 10 Hardouin, Concil . Montil ., tom. 6, pars. 2, p. col. 1980. 11 Hardouin, Concil . Lateran . 4., tom. 7, p. 79. 12 Historia de los Faicts dArmas de Tolosa , pp . 9, 10. quoted by Sismondi, p. 35. 13 Caesar, Hiesterbachiensis , lib. 5, cap. 21. In Bibliotheca Patrum Cisterciensium , tom. 2, p. 139, Sismondi, p. 36. 14 Hist . Gen . de Languedoc , lib. 21, cap. 57, p. 169. Historia de los Faicts dArmas de Tolosa , p. 10. Sismondi, p. 37. 15 Sismondi, History of the Crusades against the Albigenses , pp. 40-43.

    CHAPTER - Histoire de Languedoc , lib. 21, cap. 58, p. 169. Sismondi, p. 43. 2 Concil . Lateran . 4, can. 8, De Inquisitionibus. Hardouin, tom. 7, col. 26. 3 Malvenda, ann. 1215; Alb. Butler, 76. Turner, Hist . Eng ., vol 5, p. 103; ed. 1830. 4 Hardouin, Concilia , tom. 7, p. 175. 5 Concilium Tolosanum , cap. 1, p. 428. Sismondi, 220. 6 Labbe, Concil . Tolosan ., tom. 11, p. 427. Fleury, Hist . Eccles ., lib. 79, n. 58. 7 Percini, Historia Inquisit . Tholosanoe . Mosheim, vol. 1, p. 344; Glas. edit., 1831. 8 Hist . de Languedoc , lib. 24, cap. 87, p. 394. Sismondi, 243. 9 Hist . of Crusades against the Albigenses , p. 243.

    CHAPTER - l John Scotus Erigena had already published his book attacking and refuting the then comparatively new and strange idea of Paschasius, viz., that by the words of consecration the bread and wine in the Eucharist became the real and veritable flesh and blood of Christ. 2 Dupin, Eccl . Hist ., cent. 11. Concil ., tom. 10; edit. Lab., p. 379. 3 Dupin, .Eccl . Hist ., cent. 11, chap. 1, p. 9. 4 Allix, p. 122. 5 Among other works Berengarius published a commentary on the Apocalypse; this may perhaps explain his phraseology. 6 Mosheim, Eccl . Hist ., cent. 11, part 2, chap. 3, sec. 18. In a foot-note Mosheim quotes the following words as decisive of Berengarius’ sentiments, that Christ’s body is only spiritually present in the Sacrament, and that the bread and wine are only symbols: “The true body of Christ is set forth in the Supper; but spiritual to the inner man. The incorruptible, uncontaminated, and indestructible body of Christ is to be spiritually eaten [spiritualiter manducari ] by those only who are members of Christ.” (Berengarius’ Letter to Almannus in Martene’s Thesaur ., tom. 2, p. 109.) 7 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 11, chap. 13. 8 Rodulphus Glaber, a monk of Dijon, who wrote a history of the occurrence. 9 “Jam Regem nostrum in coelestibus regnantem videmus; qui ad immortales triumphos dextra sua nos sublevat, dans superna gandia.” (Chartuulary of St . Pierre en Vallee at Chartres .) 10 Hard., Acta Concil ., tom. 6, p. 822. 11 Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., vol. 1, p. 270. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 11, chap. 13. 12 “Ridentes in medio ignis.” (Hard., Acta Concil ., tom. 6, p. 822.) 13 Gibbon has mistakenly recorded their martyrdom as that of Manicheans. Of the trial and deaths of these martyrs, four contemporaneous accounts have come down to us. In addition to the one referred to above, there is the biographical relation of Arefaste, their betrayer, a knight of Rouen; there is the chronicle of Ademar , a monk of St. Martial, who lived at the time of the Council; and there is the narrative of John, a monk of Fleury, near Orleans, written probably within a few weeks of the transaction. Accounts, taken from these original documents, are given in Baronius’ Annals (tom. 11, col. 60, 61; Colon. ed.) and Hardouin’s Councils . 14 Mosheim says 1130. Bossuet, Faber, and others have assigned to Peter de Bruys a Paulician or Eastern origin. We are inclined to connect him with the Western or Waldensian confessors. 15 Peter de Cluny’s account of them will be found in Bibliotheca P . Max . 22, pp. 1034, 1035. 16 Baron., Annal ., ann. 1147, tom. 12, col. 350, 351. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 12, chap. 17 Baron., Annal ., ann. 1148, tom. 12, col. 356. 18 Mosheim, cent. 12, part 2, chap. 5, sec. 8. 19 Gibbon, Decline and Fall , vol. 12, p. 264. 20 The original picture of Arnold is by an opponent — Otho, Bishop of Frisingen (Chron . de Gestibus , Frederici I ., lib. 1, cap. 27, and lib. 2, cap. 21). 21 Otho Frisingensis, quoted by Allix, p. 171. 22 Allix, pp. 171, 174. See also summary of St. Bernard’s letters in Dupin, cent. 12, chap. 4. 23 Gibbon, Hist ., vol. 12, p. 266. 24 M’Crie, Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in Italy , p. 41; 2nd edit., 1833. 25 Allix, p. 172. We find St. Bernard writing letters to the Bishop of Constance and the Papal legate, urging the persecution of Arnold. (See Dupin, Life of St . Bernard , cent. 12, chap. 4.) Mosheim has touched the history of Arnold of Breseia, but not with discriminating judgment, nor sympathetic spirit. This remark applies to his accounts of all these early confessors.

    CHAPTER - P. Bayle, Dictionary , Historical and Critical , vol. 1, arts. Abelard, Berenger, Amboise; 2nd edit., Lond., 1734. See also Dupin, Eccl . Hist ., cent. 12, chap. 4, Life of Bernard. As also Mosheim, Eccl . Hist., cent. 12, chap. 2, secs. 18, 22; chap. 3, secs. 6 — 12. 2 The moral weakness that is the frequent accompaniment of philosophic scepticism has very often been remarked. The case of Abelard was no exception. What a melancholy interest invests his story, as related by Bayle! 3 Lord Macaulay, in his essay on the Church of Rome, has characterized the Waldensian and Albigensian movements as the revolt of the human intellect against Catholicism. We would apply that epithet rather to the great scholastic and pantheistic movement which Abelard inaugurated; that was the revolt of the intellect strictly viewed. The other was the revolt of the conscience quickened by the Spirit of God. It was the revival of the Divine principle.

    BOOK SECOND

    CHAPTER - Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 1; Oxford ed., 1820. 2 Lechler thinks that “probably it was the pastor of the same-named village who was his first teacher.” (Johann von Wiclif , und die Vorgeschichte der Reformation , vol. 1, p. 271; Leipzig, 1873.) 3 Of the twenty and more colleges that now constitute Oxford University, only five then existed, viz. — Merton (1274), Balliol (1260 — 82), Exeter (1314), Oriel (1324), and University College (1332). These foundations were originally intended for the support of poor scholars, who were under the rule of a superior, and received both board and instruction. 4 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 2. 5 The study of the artes liberales , from which the Faculty of Arts takes its name were, first, Trivium , comprehending grammar, dialectics, and rhetoric; then Quadrivium , comprehending arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music. It was not uncommon to study ten years at the university — four in the Faculty of Arts, and seven, or at least five, in theology. If Wicliffe entered the university in 1335, he probably ended his studies in 1345. He became successively Bachelor of Arts, Master of Arts, and, after an interval of several years, Bachelor of Theology, or as they then expressed it, Sacra Pagina. 6 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 554; Lond., 1641. 7 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 1, p. 726. 8 D’Aubigne, Hist . of Reform ., vol. 5, p. 110. 9 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , und die Vorgeschichte der Reformation , vol. 1, p. 284; Leipzig, 1873. 10 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 555. After the Sentences of Peter Lombard , in the study of theology, came the patristic and scholastic divines, and especially the Summa of Thomas Aquinas. 11 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 507. 12 D’Aubigne, Hist . of Reform ., vol. 5, p. 110.

    CHAPTER - Thomas M’Crie, D.D., LL.D., Annals of English Presbytery , p. 36; Lond., 1872. 2 Lechler, 1. 137. 3 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 10; Oxford, 1820. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 1, pp. 268 — 270. 4 This primate was a good man, but not exempt from the superstition of his age. Fox tells us that he presented one of his churches with the original vestments in which St. Peter was supposed to have celebrated mass! Their sanctity, doubtless, had defended these venerable robes from the moths! 5 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 1, p. 293. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 17. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 1, p. 301. 6 Gabriel d’Emillianne, Hist . of Monast . Orders , Preface; Lond., 1693. Hume, Hist . of England , vol. 1, chap. 11, p. 185; Lond., 1826. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 325; Lond., 1641. 7 Gabriel d’Emillianne, Hist . of Monast . Orders , Preface. Hume, Hist . of Eng ., Reign of King John. 8 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 327. Hume, Hist . of Eng ., p. 186. 9 Hume. Hist . of Eng ., Reign of King John, chap. 11, p.189. 10 Ibid . Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol 1, p. 329. 11 Hume, Hist . of Eng ., chap. 11, p. 194. Cobbett, Parliament . Hist . of Eng ., p. 9; Lond., 1806. 12 Hume, Hist . of Eng ., vol. 1., p. 196. 13 Hume, Hist . of Eng ., vol; 1, p. 196. 14 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 551. 15 Cobbett, Parl . Hist . Eng ., vol. 1, cols. 22, 23; Lond., 1806. 16 “Si quid Roma dabit, nugas dabit, accipit aurum, Verba dat, heu! Romae nunc sola pecunia regnat.” 17 Hume, Hist . of Eng ., Reign of Edw. III., chap. 16. 18 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 551. 19 Fox, Acts and Mon .., vol. 1, p. 551. 20 Ibid . 21 Ibid . 22 D’Aubigne, Hist . of Reform ., vol 5, p. 103; Edin., 1853. 23 Cotton’s Abridgment , p. 128, 50 Edw. III., apud Lewis Life of Wiclif , p. 34; Oxford, 1820. Fox, Acts and Mon . vol. 1, p. 552. 24 Hume, Hist . of Eng ., vol. 1, p. 335; Lond., 1826.

    CHAPTER - Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 552. 2 Lechler makes the bold supposition that Wicliffe was a member of this Parliament. He founds it upon a passage in Wicliffe’s treatise, The Church , to the effect that the Bishop of Rochester told him (Wicliffe) in public Parliament, with great vehemence, that conclusions were condemned by the Roman Curia. He thinks it probable from this that the Reformer had at one time been in Parliament. (Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 1, p. 332.) 3 These speeches are reported by Wicliffe in a treatise preserved in the Selden MSS., and printed by the Rev. John Lewis in his Life of Wiclif , App. No. 30, p. 349; Oxford, 1820. 4 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 552. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 19. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol 1, p. 266; Lond., 1828. 5 “But inasmuch as I am the king’s peculiar clerk [peculiaris regis clericus ], I the more willingly undertake the office of defending and counseling that the king exercises his just rule in the realm of England when he refuses tribute to the Roman Pontiff.” (Codd. MSS. Joh. Seldeni; Lewis, Life of Wiclif , Appendix, No. 30.) 6 The same from which we have already quoted. 7 See Wicliffe’s Tractate, which Lewis gives in his Appendix, Life of Wiclif , p. 349. 8 Wicliffe had pioneers who contested the temporal power of the Pope. One of these, we have already seen, was Arnold of Brescia. Nearer home he had two notable precursors: the first, Marsilius Patavinus, who in his work, Defensor Pacis , written in defense of the Emperor Lewis, excommunicated by Clement VI., maintains that “the Pope hath no superiority above other bishops, much less above the king” (Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 509); and the second, William Occam, in England, also a strenuous opponent of the temporal power. See his eight propositions on the temporal power of the Papacy, in Fox.

    CHAPTER - Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol 1, p. 556. 2 Gertrude More, Confessions , p. 246. 3 “One great butt of Wicliffe’s sarcasm,” says Lechler, “was the monks. Once, in speaking of the prayers of the monks, he remarked, ‘a great inducement to the founding of cloisters was the delusion that the prayers of the inmates were of more value than all worldly goods, and yet it does not seem as if the prayers of those cloistered people are so mightily powerful; nor can we understand why they should be so, unless God hears them for their rosy cheeks and fat lips.’” (Lechler, vol. 1, p. 737.) 4 Petrus Abbas Cluniaci, lib. vi., epit. 7; apud Gabriel d’Emillianne, p. 92. 5 Dupin, Life of St . Bernard , cent. 12, chap. 4. 6 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 13, chap. 10. 7 Storia degli Ordini Monastici , Religiosi , e Militari , etc., tradotto dal Franzese del P. Giuseppe Francesco Fontana, Milanese, tom. 7, cap. 1, p. 2; edit. Lucca, 1739, con licenza de Superiori. 8 Gabriel d’Emillianne, History of Monastical Orders , p. 158; Lond., 1693. Francesco Fontana, Storia degli Ordini Monastici , tom. 7, cap. 1, pp. 6, 7. Alban Butler, Lives of the Saints , vol. 10, p. 71; Lond., 1814. 9 Storia degli Ordini Monastici , tom. 7, cap. 1, p. 14. 10 Ibid . Alb. Butler, Lives of the Saints , vol 10, p. 77. 11 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 13, vol. 11, chap. 10; Lond., 1699. Storia degli Ordini Monastici , tom. 7, cap. 1, pp. 14, 15. 12 Storia degli Ordini Monastici , tom. 7, cap. 1, p. 19. Gabriel d’Emillianne, Hist . of Monast . Orders , p. 171. 13 Alb. Butler, Lives of the Saints , 5. 10, p. 100. 14 Gabriel d’Emillianne, Hist . of Monast . Orders . This author says that the mother of St. Dominic before his birth dreamed that she was brought to bed of a dog (some say a wolf) carrying a burning torch in its mouth, wherewith it set the world on fire (p. 147). 15 Gabriel d’Emillianne, Hist . of Monast . Orders , p. 148. 16 Ibid . “A troop of merciless fellows, whom he [St. Dominic] maintained to cut the throats of heretics when he was a-preaching; he called them the Militia of Jesus Christ .” 17 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 40. By a council held in Oxford, 1222, it was provided that the archdeacons in their visitations should “see that the clergy knew how to pronounce aright the form of baptism, and say the words of consecration in the canon of the mass.” 18 Their habit or dress is described by Chaucer as consisting of a great hood, a scaplerie, a knotted girdle, and a wide cope. (Jack Upland .) 19 The curiously knotted cord with which they gird themselves, “they say, hath virtue to heal the sick, to chase away the devil and all dangerous temptations, and serve what turn they please.” (Gabriel d’Emillianne, Hist . of Monast . Orders , p. 174.) 20 This distinction is sanctioned by the Constitution issued by Nicholas III. in 1279, explaining and confirming the rule of St. Francis. This Constitution is still extant in the Jus . Canon ., lib. 6, tit. 12, cap. 3, commonly called Constitution Exiit , from its commencing, Exiit , etc. 21 No traveler can have passed from Perugia to Terni without having had his attention called to the convent of St. Francis d’Assisi, which stands on the lower slope of the Apennines, overlooking the vale of the Clitumnus. It is in splendor a palace, and in size it is almost a little town. In this magnificent edifice is the tomb of the man who died under a borrowed cloak. 22 Vaughan, Life of Wicliffe , vol. 1, pp. 250, 251. 23 Sharon Turner, Hist . of England , vol. 5, p. 101; Lond., 1830. “This order hath given to the Church 5 Popes, 48 cardinals, 23 patriarchs, 1,500 bishops, 600 archbishops, and a great number of eminent doctors and writers.” (Alban Butler.) 24 Fox, Acts and Mon ., bk. 5. See there the story of Armachanus and his oration against the friars.

    CHAPTER - MS. in Hyper. Bodl., 163; apud Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 9. 2 “I have in my diocese of Armagh,” says the Archbishop and Primate of Ireland, Armachanus, “about 2,000 persons, who stand condemned by the censures of the Church denounced every year against murderers, thieves, and such-like malefactors, of all which number scarce fourteen have applied to me or to my clergy for absolution; yet they all receive the Sacraments, as others do, because they are absolved, or pretend to be absolved, by friars.” (Fox, Acts and Mon .) 3 Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, p. 228. 4 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 22. 5 See Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 2. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe . Also Wicliffe and the Huguenots , by the Rev. Dr. Hanna, pp. 61 — 63; Edin. 1860.

    CHAPTER - Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 3, p. 31. 2 Barnes, Life of King Edward III ., p. 864. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 32. 3 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 561. Fox gives a list of the benefices, with the names of the incumbents and the worth of their sees. (See pp. 561, 562.) 4 Barnes, Life of King Edward III ., p. 866. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 33. 5 Bruges was then a large city of 200,000 inhabitants, the seat of important industries, trade, wealth, municipal freedom, and political power. 6 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 34. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol 1, pp. 326, 327. 7 Great Sentence of Curse Expounded , c. 21; MSS. apud Lewis. Life of Wiclif . 8 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 561. Sir Robert Cotton’s Abridgment , p. 128. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , pp. 34 — 37. Hume, Edw. III., chap. 16. 9 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif ; MSS. in the Royal Library at Vienna, No. 1,337; vol. 1, p. 341. 10 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 556.

    CHAPTER - Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 557. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , pp.46 — 48. Wicliffe’s adversaries sent nineteen articles enclosed in a letter to the Pope, extracted from his letters and sermons. See in Lewis the copy which Sir Henry Spelman has put in his collection of the English Councils. 2 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 49. 3 Ibid ., p. 51. 4 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 563. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , pp. 50, 51. 5 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 1, p. 370. In 1851 a remarkable portrait of Wicliffe came to light in possession of a family named Payne, in Leicester. It is a sort of palimpsest. The original painting of Wicliffe, which seems to have come down from the fifteenth century, had been painted over before the Reformation, and changed into the portrait of an unknown Dr. Robert Langton; the original was discovered beneath it, and this represents Wicliffe in somewhat earlier years, with fuller and stronger features than in the other and commonly known portraits. (British Quarterly Review , Oct., 1858.) 6 Fox, Acts and Mon . Lewis, Life of Wiclif , pp. 56 — 58. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 1, pp. 338, 339. Hanna, Wicliffe and the Huguenots , p. 83. Hume, Rich. II., Miscell. Trans.

    CHAPTER - l Walsingham, Hist . Anglioe , p . 205. 2 “His [Wicliffe’s] exertions,” says Mr. Sharon Turner, “were of a value that has been always highly rated, but which the late events of European history considerably enhance, by showing how much the chances are against such a character arising. Many can demolish the superstructure, but where is the skill and the desire to rebuild a nobler fabric? When such men as Wicliffe, Huss, or Luther appear, they preserve society from darkness and depravity; and happy would it be for the peace of European society, if either France, Spain, or Italy could produce them now.” (Turner, Hist . Eng ., 45. 5, pp. 176,177.) 3 Walsingham, Hist . Anglioe , pp. 206 — 208. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 4. 4 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 4, pp. 70 — 75.

    CHAPTER - Concil. Lateran. 3, cap. 19 — Hard., tom. 6, part 2, col. 1681. 2 Hard., tom 7, col. 51. Vide Decret . Gregory IX ., lib. 3. 3 See “Opinions of Wicliffe” in Vaughan, Life of Wicliffe . vol. 2, p. 267. 4 See 6th, 16th, and 17th articles of defense as given in Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 4, compared with the articles of impeachment in the Pope’s bull. Sir James Macintosh, in his eloquent work Vindicioe Gallicoe , claims credit for the philosophic statesman Turgot as the first to deliver this theory of Church-lands in the article “Fondation” in the Encyclopedie . It was propounded by Wicliffe four centuries before Turgot flourished. (See Vind . Gall ., p. 85; Lond., 1791.) 5 Treatise on Clerks and Possessioners . 6 MS. of Prelates ; apud Vaughan, vol. 2, p. 286. 7 MS. Sentence of the Curse Expounded ; apud Vaughan, vol. 2, p 289. 8 MS. Sentence of the Curse Expounded ; apud Vaughan, Life of Wicliffe , vol. 2, p. 306. 9 Ibid ., chap. 14. 10 Walsingham. Hume, Hist . of England , chap. 18, pp. 366, 367. Cobbett, Parliament . Hist . of England , vol. 1, pp. 295. 296.

    CHAPTER - Walsingham, Hist . of Eng ., p. 205. 2 Mosheim, cent. 14, part 2, chap. 2, sec. 14. Hume, Rich. II., Miscell. Trans. 3 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 2, p. 567. 4 MS. of The Church and her Governance , Bib. Reg. 18, B. 9; apud Vaughan, Life of Wicliffe , vol 2, p. 6. 5 De Sensu et Veritate Scripturoe . A copy of this work was in the possession of Fox the martyrologist. (Fox, vol 1) Two copies of it are known to be still extant, one in the Bodleian Library and the other in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. (Vaughan, Life , vol. 2, p. 7) 6 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 82. Lewis places this occurrence in the beginning of the year 1379. 7 Cuthbert, Vita Ven . Bedoe . 8 Sir Thomas More believed that there existed in MS. an earlier translation of the Scriptures into English than Wieliffe’s. Thomas James, first librarian of the Bodleian Library, thought that he had seen an older MS. Bible in English than the time of Wicliffe. Thomas Wharton, editor of the works of Archbishop Ussher, thought he was able to show who the writer of these supposed pre-Wicliffite translations was — viz., John von Trevisa, priest in Cornwall. Wharton afterwards saw cause to change his opinion, and was convinced that the MS. which Sir Thomas More and Thomas James had seen was nothing else than copies of the translation of Wicliffe made by his disciples. If an older translation of the Bible had existed there must have been some certain traces of it, and the Wicliffites would not have failed to bring it up in their own justification. They knew nothing of an older translation. (See Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 1, p. 431.) 9 “Thus, instead of ‘Paul the servant of Jesus Christ,’ Wicliffe’s version gives, ‘Paul, the knave of Jesus Christ.’ ‘For a mightier than I cometh after me, the latchet of whose shoes I am not worthy to loose,’ his version reads, ‘For a stalworthier than I cometh after me, the strings of whose chaucers I am not worthy to unlouse.’” (M’Crie, Annals of English Presbytery , p. 41.) 10 Luther translated the Bible out of the original Greek. Wicliffe, who did not know Greek, translated out of the Latin Vulgate. That the New Testament was translated by himself is tolerably certain. Lechler says that the translation of the Old Testament, in the original handwriting, with erasures and alterations, is in the Bodleian Library; and that there is also there a MS. copy of this translation, with a note saying that it was the work of Dr. Nicholas de Hereford. Both manuscripts break off in the middle of a verse of the Book Baruch, which strengthens the probability that the translation was by Dr. Nicholas, who was suddenly summoned before the Provincial Synod at London, and did not resume his work. The translation itself proves that the work from Baruch onward to the end was by some one else — not improbably Wicliffe himself. (See Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 1, p. 448.) 11 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 1, pp. 453, 454. See also Friedrich Koch, Historische Grammatik der Englischen Sprache , 1, p. 19; 1863. 12 In 1850 an edition of Wicliffe’s Bible, the first ever printed; issued from the press of Oxford. It is in four octavo volumes, and contains two different texts. The editors, the Rev. Mr. Forshall and Sir Frederick Madden, in preparing it for the press, collated not fewer than manuscript copies, the most of which were transcribed, they had reason to think, within forty years of the first appearance of the translation. 13 In 1408, an English council, with Archbishop Arundel at its head, enacted and ordained “that no one henceforth do, by his own authority, translate any text of Holy Scripture into the English tongue, or any other, by way of book or treatise, nor let any such book or treatise now lately composed in the time of John Wicliffe aforesaid, or since, or hereafter to be composed, be read in whole or in part, in public or in private, under pain of the greater excommunication.” So far as this council could secure it, not only was the translation of Wicliffe to be taken from them, but the people of England were never, in any coming age, to have a version of the Word of God in their own tongue, or in any living language. (Wilkins, Concilia , 3. 317.) 14 Knighton, De Event . Angioe ; apud X . Scriptores , col. 2644. Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 5, p. 83. 15 See Lewis. Life of Wiclif , pp. 86 — 88.

    CHAPTER - Gabrid d’Emillianne, Preface. 2 “It had been for near a thousand years after Christ the Catholic doctrine,” says Lewis, “and particularly of this Church of England, that, as one of our Saxon homilies expresses it, ‘Much is betwixt the body of Christ suffered in, and the body hallowed to housell [the Sacrament]; this lattere being only His ghostly body gathered of many cornes, ,without blood and bone, without limb, without soule, and therefore nothing is to be understood therein bodily, but all is to be ghostly understood.’” (Homily published by Archbishop Parker, with attestation of Archbishop of York and thirteen bishops, and imprinted at London by John Day, Aldersgate beneath St. Martin’s, 1567.) 3 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 6. 4 Conclusiones J . Wiclefi de Sacramento Altaris — MS. Hyp. Bodl. 163. The first proposition is — “Hostia consecrata quam videmus in Altari nec est Christus nec aliqua sui pars, sed efficax ejus signum.” See also Confessio Magistri Johannis Wyclyiff — Lewis, Appendix, 323. In this confession he says: “For we believe that there is a three-fold mode of the subsistence of the body of Christ in the consecrated Host, namely, a virtual, a spiritual, and a sacramental one” (virtualis , spiritualis , et sacramentalis ). 5 Definitio facta per Cancellarium et Doctores Universitatis Oxonii , de Sacramento Altaris contra Opiniones Wycliffanas — MS. Hyp. Bodl. 163. Vaughan says: “Sir R. Twisden refers to the above censures in support of this doctrine as ‘the first, plenary determination of the Church of England’ respecting it, and accordingly concludes that ‘the opinion of the Church of transubstantiation, that brought so many to the stake, had not more than a hundred and forty years’ prescription before Martin Luther.’” (Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, p. 82, foot-note.) 6 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , chap. 6, pp. 95, 96. 7 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 568. 8 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 97. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, p. 89. 9 Here is not to be passed over the great miracle of God’s Divine admonition or warning, for when as ‘the archbishops and suffragans, with the other doctors of divinity and lawyers, with a great company of babling friars and religious persons, were gathered together to consult touching John Wicliffe’s books, and that whole sect; when, as I say, they were gathered together at the Grayfriars in London, to begin their business, upon St. Dunstan’s day after dinner, about two of the clock, the very hour and instant that they should go forward with their business, a wonderful and terrible earthquake fell throughout all England.” (Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 570.) 10 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , pp. 106, 107. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 570. 11 Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, p. 91. 12 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 569. Knighton, De Event . Anglioe , cols. 2650, 2651. 13 Many derivations have been found for this word; the following is the most probable: — “Lollen , or lullen , signifies to sing with a low voice. It is yet used in the same sense among the English, who say lull asleep , which signifies to sing any one into a slumber. The word is also used in the same sense among the Flemings, Swedes, and other nations. Among the Germans both the sense and the pronunciation of it have undergone some alteration, for they say lallen , which signifies to pronounce indistinctly or stammer. Lolhard therefore is a singer, or one who frequently sings.” (Mosheim, cent. 14, pt. 2, s. 36, foot-note.) 14 Lewis, Life of Wiclif , p. 113. D’Aubigne, Hist . of Reform ., vol. 5, p. 130; Edin., 1853. Cobbert, Parl . Hist ., vol. 1, col. 177. Fox calls this the first law for burning the professors of religion. It was made by the clergy without the knowledge or consent of the Commons, in the fifth year of Richard II. 15 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 579. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, pp. 109, 110.

    CHAPTER - l Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 580. 2 Vaughan, vol. 2, p, 125. A Complaint of John Wicliffe : Tracts and Treatises edited by the Wicliffe Society, p. 268. 3 Trialogus , lib. 4, cap. 7. Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, p. 131. “Hoe sacramentum venerabile,” says Wicliffe, “est in natura sua verus panis et sacramentaliter corpus Christi” (Trialogus , p. 192) — naturally it is bread, sacramentally it is the body of Christ. “By this distinction,” says Sharon Turner, “he removed from the most venerated part of religious worship the great provocative to infidelity; and preserved the English mind from that absolute rejection of Christianity which the Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation has, since the thirteenth century, been so fatally producing in every country where it predominates, even among many of its teachers.” (Hist . of Eng ., vol. 5, pp. 182, 183.)

    CHAPTER - Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, chap. 4. Wicliffe gave in two defenees or confessions to Convocation: one in Latin, suited to the taste of the learned, and characterised by the nice distinctions and subtle logic of the schools; the other in English, and adapted to the understandings of the common people. In both Wicliffe unmistakably repudiates transubstantiation. Those who have said that Wicliffe before the Convocation modified or retracted opinions he had formerly avowed, have misrepresented him, or, more probably, have misunderstood his statements and reasonings. He defends himself with the subtlety of a schoolman, but he retracts nothing; on the contrary, he re-asserts the precise doctrine for which William de Barton’s court had condemned him, and in the very terms in which he had formerly stated that doctrine. (See Appendix in Vaughan, Nos. 1, 2.) 2 Confessio Magistri Johannis Wyclyff — Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, Appendix, No. 6. 3 D’Aubigne, Hist . of Reform ., vol 5, p. 132; Edin., 1853. 4 Dr . Wicliffes Letter of Excuse to Urban VI. — Bibl. Bodl. MS. — Lewis, Life of Wiclif , Appendix, No. 23. Fox, Acts and Mon., vol. 1, p. 507; edit. 1684.

    CHAPTER - Knighton. De Eventibus Anglioe , col 2663, 2665. 2 “The Bible is the foundation deed of the Church, its charter: Wicliffe likes, with allusion to the Magna Charta, the fundamental deed of the civic liberty of his nation, to designate the Bible as the letter of freedom of the Church, as the deed of grace and promise given by God.” (Lechler, De Ecclesia .)

    CHAPTER - Above all, Wicliffe holds up to view that the preaching of the Word of God is that instrumentality which very specially serves to the edification of the Church, because God’s Word is seed (Luke 8:11). “Oh, astonishing power of the Divine seed,” exclaims Wicliffe, “which conquers the strong-armed man, softens hard hearts, and renews and changes into godly men those who have become brutalised by sin, and wandered to an infinite distance from God! Evidently no priest’s word could work such a great wonder, if the Spirit of Life and the Eternal Word did not co-operate.” (Lechler, vol. 1, p. 395.) 2 Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, p. 356. 3 The same excuse cannot be made for Dorner. His brief estimate of the great English Reformer is not made with his usual discrimination, scarce with his usual fairness. He says: “The deeper religious spirit is wanting in his ideas of reform.” “He does not yet know the nature of justification, and does not yet know the free grace of God.” (History of Protestant Theology , vol. 1, p. 66; Edin., 1871.) 4 Vaughan, Life of John de Wicliffe , vol. 2, pp. 309, 310. 5 Sentence of the Curse Expounded , chap. 2. 6 Hanna, Wicliffe and the Huguenots , p. 116. 7 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, pp. 741, 742.

    BOOK THIRD

    CHAPTER - Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., cap. 8, 5; Lugduni Batavorum, 1647. 2 Hoefler, Hist . Hussite Movement , vol. 2, p. 593. Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, p. 140. 3 Nestor, Annals , pp. 20 — 23; St. Petersburg edit., 1767;apud Count Valerian Krasinski, Slavonia , pp. 36, 37. 4 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., cap. 1, 1. Centuriatores Madgeburgenses, Hist . Eccles ., tom. 3, p. 8; Basiliae, 1624. 5 See the Pontiff’s letter in Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., pp. 16, 17. The following is an extract: — “Saepe enim meditantes Scripturam Sacram, comperimus, omnipotenti Deo Idacuisse, et placere, cultum sacrum lingua arcana peragi, ne a quibus vis promiscue, praesertim rudioribus, intelligatur.” . . . . Datae Romae, etc., Anno 1079. 6 “Antichristus jam venit, et in Ecclesia sedet.” (Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 21.) Some say that the words were written on the portals of St. Peter’s. 7 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 21. 8 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 23. 9 Ibid ., p. 24. 10 Krasinski, Religious History of the Slavonic Nations , pp. 49, 50; Edin., 1849. 11 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, p. 133. 12 Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, p. 70; Edin., 1844. 13 Chronicon Universitatis Pragensis apud Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol 2, p. 136. 14 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 25. 15 Bethlehem Chapel — the House of Bread, because its founder meant that there the people should be fed upon the Bread of Life. 16 Hoefler, Hist . of Hussite Movement ; apud Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol 2, p. 140, foot-note. 17 “Huss copied out Wicliffe’s Trialogus for the Margrave Jost of Moravia, and others of noble rank, and translated it for the benefit of the laity, and even women, into the Czech language. A manuscript in Huss’s handwriting, and embracing five philosophical tractares of Wicliffe, is to be found in the Royal Library at Stockholm, having been carried away with many others by the Swedes out of Bohemia at the end of the Thirty Years’ War. This MS. was finished, as the concluding remark proves, in 1400, the same year in which Jerome of Prague returned from England.” (Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, p. 113.)

    CHAPTER - l Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., pp. 27, 28. Krasinski, S1avonia , p. 60. 2 Hoefler, Hist . of Hussite Movement ; apud Concilla Pragensia. 3 Krasinski, Slavonia , pp. 56, 57. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, p. 78. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, p. 119. 4 “Exusta igitur sunt (AEnea Sylvio teste ) supra ducenta volumina, pulcherrime conscripta, bullis aureis tegumentisque pretiosis ornata.” (Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 29. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, p. 118.) 5 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 776. 6 Letters of Huss , No. 11; Edin., 1846. 7 Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, p. 87. 8 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 776. 9 Ibid ., vol. 1, p. 780. Bonnechose, vol. 1, p. 97. 10 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 7, p. 121. Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 27. 11 Bonnechose, vol. 1, p. 126. 12 Bonnechose, vol. 1, p. 99.

    CHAPTER - “Omnium praedestinatorum universitas.” (De Eccles . — Huss — Hist . et Mon .) 2 Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 37. 3 Huss — Hist . et Mon ., tom. 1, pp. 215 — 234. 4 Letters of Huss , No. 6; Edin. ed.

    CHAPTER - Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, chap. 1. 2 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., Counc. of Pisa,, cent. 15, chap 1. 3 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, chap. 1, p. 6. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 1, p. 9; Lond., 1699. 4 Alexander V. was a Greek of the island of Candia; he was taken up by an Italian monk, educated at Oxford, made Bishop of Vicenza, and chosen Pope by the Council of Pisa. (Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15.) 5 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 7. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 2, p. 10. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 781. Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, pt. 2, chap. 2, sec. 4. 6 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 83. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, p. 155. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 782. 7 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 2, p. 11. 8 There was no more famous Gallican divine than Gerson. His treatise on the Ecclesiastical Power which was read before the Council, and which has been preserved in an abridged form by Lenfant (vol. 2, bk. 5, chap. 10), shows him to have been one of the subtlest intellects of his age. He draws the line between the temporal and the spiritual powers with a nicety which approaches that of modern times, and he drops a hint of a power of direction in the Pope, that may have suggested to Le Maistre his famous theory, which resolved the Pope’s temporal supremacy into a power of direction, and which continued to be the common opinion till superseded by the dogma of infallibility in 1870. 9 The Pope alone had 600 persons in his retinue; the cardinals had fully 1,200; the bishops, archbishops, and abbots, between 4,000 and 5,000. There were 1,200 scribes, besides their servants, etc. John Huss alone had eight, without reckoning his vicar who also accompanied him. The retinue of the princes, barons, and ambassadors was numerous in proportion. (Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 83, 84.) 10 Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, p. 158. See also note by translator. 11 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 17. 12 “Pater sante qui passo Trenta perdo.” (Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 18.) 13 Ibid . 14 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, chap. 1, p. 19. 15 Ibid . vol. 1, pp. 38 — 41. 16 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 789. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, pp. 150 — 152. 17 Palacky informs us that the house in which Huss lodged is still standing at Constance, with a bust of the Reformer in its front wall. 18 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 77. 19 Maimbourg, Hist . of Western Schism ., tom. 2, pp. 123, 124; Dutch ed. Theobald, Bell . Huss , p. 38. AEneas Sylvius, Hist . Bohem ., p. 45. Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 78, 79.

    CHAPTER - Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 106, 107. 2 Concilium Constant., Sess. 5. — Hardouin, tom. 8, col. 258; Parisiis. 3 Natalis Alexander, Eccles . Hist ., sec. 15, dis. 4. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 2, pp. 14, 15. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 782. Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, pt. 2, chap. 2, sec. 4. 4 See decree of Pope John against Wicliffe, ordering the exhumation and burning of his bones, in Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 8, pp. 263 — 303; Parisiis. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 782. Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, pt. 2, chap. 2, sec. 8. Dupin Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 7, pp. 121, 122.. 5 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 783. Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, pt. 2, chap. 2. 6 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 782. See tenor of citation of Pope John — Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 8, p. 291; Parisiis. 7 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 2. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, pp. 180 — 182. 8 Von der Hardt, tom. 1, p. 77. Niem, apud Von der Hardt, tom. 2, pp. — 398, and tom. 4, p. 60; apud Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 129. 9 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 130. 10 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 2, pp. 12, 13. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, pp. 182 — 184. 11 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 463. 12 Concil. ,Const., Sess. 12: — Hardouin, tom. 8, col. 376, 377; Parisiis. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 2, p. 17. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 782. Mosheim, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, pt. 2, chap. 2, sec. 4. The crimes proven against Pope John in the Council of Constance may be seen in its records. The list fills fourteen long, closely-printed columns in Hardouin. History contains no more terrible assemblage of vices, and it exhibits no blacker character than that of the inculpated Pontiff. It was not an enemy, but his own friends, the Council over which he presided, that drew this appalling portrait. In the Barberini Collection, the crime of poisoning his predecessor, and other foul deeds not fit here to be mentioned, are charged against him. (Hardouin, tom. 8, pp. 343 — 360.) 13 Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 8, pp. 361, 362. 14 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 398; and Huss’s Letters, No. 47; Edin. ed. Some one posted up in the hall of the Council, one day, the following intimation, as from the Holy Ghost: “Aliis rebus occupati nunc non adesse vobis non possumus;” that is, “Being otherwise occupied at this time, we are not able to be present with you.” (Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 782.)

    CHAPTER - These documents are given in full in Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, pp. — 788. 2 This document is given by all contemporary historians, by Von der Hardt, tom. 4, p. 12; by Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 61, 62; by Fra Paolo; by Sleidan in his Commentaries ; and, in short, by all who have written the history of the Council The terms are very precise: to pass freely and to returns . The Jesuit Maimbourg, when writing the history of the period, was compelled to own the imperial safe-conduct. In truth, it was admitted by the Council when, in its nineteenth session, it defended the emperor against those “evilspeakers” who blamed him for violating, it. The obvious and better defense would have been that the safe-conduct never existed, could the Council in consistency with fact have so affirmed. 3 Hist . et Mon . J . Huss ., epist, 1. 4 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 43. 5 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 790. Dupin, Eccles . Hist . cent. 15, chap. 7, p. 121. 6 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 7, p. 121. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, pp. 170 — 173. 7 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 61. 8 Von der Hardt, tom. 4, p. 397. 9 The precise words of this decree are as follow: — “Nec aliqua sibi fides aut promissio de jure naturali divino et humano fuerit in prejudicium Catholicae fidel observanda.” (Concil. Const., Sess. 19: — Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 8, col. 454; Parisiis.) The meaning is, that by no law natural or divine is faith to be kept with heretics to the prejudice of the Catholic faith. This doctrine was promulgated by the third Lateran Council (Alexander III., 1167), decreed by the Council of Constance, and virtually confirmed by the Council of Trent. The words of the third Lateran Council are — “oaths made against the interest and benefit of the Church are not so much to be considered as oaths, but as perjuries” (non quasi juramenta sed quasi perjuria ). 10 Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 7, p. 121. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 793. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, pp. 191, 192. 11 Bonnechose, vol. 1, pp. 243 — 248. 12 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 322. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 7, p. 122. 13 Von der Hardt, tom. 4, p. 306. Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 323. Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 2, chap. 4. Dupin, Eccles . Hist ., cent. 15, chap. 7. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 792. 14 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol 1, p. 323. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 792. Bonnechose, vol. 2, chap. 4. 15 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 323, 324. 16 The articles condemned by the Council are given in full by Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 8, pp. 410 — 421. 17 Epist. 20. 18 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 824. Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, bk. 3. 19 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 793. 20 Epist. 32. It ought also to be mentioned that a protest against the execution of Huss was addressed to the Council of Constance, and signed by the principal nobles of Bohemia and Moravia. The original of this protest is preserved in the library of Edinburgh University. 21 Concil. Const. — Hardouin, tom. 8, p. 423. 22 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 361. 23 Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , 2. 47. 24 Epist. 10. 25 Ibid . 44. 26 Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , 2. 24.

    CHAPTER - Op . et Mon . Joan . Huss ., tom. 2, p. 344; Noribergae, 1558. Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 412. 2 Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, p. 413. Op . et Mon . Joan . Huss ., tom. 2, p. 346. 3 Dissert . Hist . de Huss , p. 90; Jenae, 1711. Von der Hardt, tom. 4, p. 393. Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 422. The circumstance was long after remembered in Germany. A century after, at the Diet of Worms, when the enemies of Luther were importuning Charles V. to have the Reformer seized, not. withstanding the safe-conduct he had given him “No,” replied the emperor, “I should not like to blush like Sigismund.” (Lenfant.) 4 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 820. 5 Op . et Mon . Joan . Huss ., tom. 2, p. 347. Concil. Const. — Hardouin, tom. 8, p. 423. 6 These words were noted down; and soon after the death of Huss a medal was struck in Bohemia, on which they were inscribed: Centum revolutis annis Deo respondebitis et mihi . Lenfant (lib. c., p. 429, and lib. 4, p. 564) says that this medal was to be seen in the royal archives of the King of Borussia, and that in the opinion of the very learned Schotti, who was then antiquary to the king, it was struck in the fifteenth century, before the times of Luther and Zwingle. The same thing has been asserted by Catholic historians — among others, Peter Matthins, in his History of Henry IV ., tom. 2, lib. 5, p. 46. (Vide Sculteti, Annales , p. 7. Gerdesius, Hist . Evang . Renov ., pp. 51, 52; Groningae, 1744.) Its date is guaranteed also by M. Bizot, author of Hist . Met . de Hollande . 7 Op . et Mon . Joan Huss , tom. 2, fol. 347. 8 Ibid . 9 Von der Hardt, tom. 4, p. 440. Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 425, 426. 10 Op . et Mon . Joan . Huss ., tom. 2, fol. 348. Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 428 — 430. 11 In many principalities money was coined with a reference to this prediction. On one side was the effigy of John Huss, with the inscription, Credo unam esse Ecclesiam Sanctam Catholican (“I believe in one Holy Catholic Church”). On the obverse was seen Huss tied to the stake and placed on the fire, with the inscription in the center, Johannes Huss , anno a Christo nato 1415 condemnatur (“John Huss, condemned A.D. 1415”); and on the circumference the inscription already mentioned, Centum revolutis annis Deo respondebitis et mihi (“A hundred years hence ye shall answer to God and to me”). — Gerdesius, Hist . Evang . Renov ., vol. 1, pp. 51, 52. 12 AEneas Sylvius, Hist . Bohem ., cap. 36, p. 54; apud Gerdesius, Hist . Evang . Renov ., vol. 1, p. 42. 13 “Finally, all being consumed to cinders in the fire, the ashes, and the soil, dug up to a great depth, were placed in wagons, and thrown into the stream of the Rhine, that his very name might utterly perish from among the faithful.” (Op . et Mon . Joan . Huss ., tom. 2, fol. 348; Noribergae.) The details of Huss’s martyrdom are very fully given by Fox, by Lenfant, by Bonnechose, and others. These have been faithfully compiled from the Brunswick, Leipsic, and Gotha manuscripts, collected by Von der Hardt, and from the History of Husss Life , published by an eye-witness, and inserted at the beginning of his works. These were never contradicted by any of his contemporaries. Substantially the same account is given by Catholic writers. 14 “The pious remembrance of John Huss,” says Lechler, “was held sacred by the nation. The day of his death, 6th July, was incontestably considered from that time onward as the festival of a saint and martyr. It was called ‘the day of remembrance’ of the master John Huss, and even at the end of the sixteenth century the inhabitants of Prague laid such stress on the observances of the day, that the abbot of the monastery Emmaus, Paul Horsky, was threatened and persecuted in the worst manner because he had once allowed one to work in his vineyard on Huss’s day, as if it were an ordinary workday.” It was not uncommon to place pictures of Huss and Jerome on the altars of the parish churches of Bohemia and Moravia. (Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, p. 285.) Even at this day, as the author can testify from personal observation, there is no portrait more common in the windows of the print shops of Prague than that of John Huss.

    CHAPTER - Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, p. 266. 2 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, pp. 269, 270.

    CHAPTER - Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, p. 232. 2 “He went to England probably about 1396, studied some years in Oxford, and brought back copies of several of Wicliffe’s theological books, which he copied there. We know this from his own testimony before the Council of Constance, on April 27th, 1416. In the course of the trial he answered, among other things, to the accusation that he had published in Bohemia and elsewhere false doctrines from Wicliffe’s books: ‘I confess that in my youth I went out of a desire for learning to England, and because I heard of Wicliffe as a man of profound and extraordinary intellect, copied and brought with me to Prague his Dialogue and Trialogue , the MSS. of which I could obtain.’ Jerome was certainly not the first Bohemian student who went from Prague to Oxford.” (Lechler, Johann von Wiclif , vol. 2, p. 112.) 3 These particulars are related by Von der Hardt, tom. 4, p. 218; and quoted by Bonnechose, Reformers before the Reformation , vol. 1, pp. 236, 237. The Roman writer Cochlaeus also admits the severity of Jerome’s imprisonment. 4 Theod. Urie, apud Von der Hardt, tom. 1, pp. 170, 171. Hardouin, tom. 4, p. 499; tom. 8, pp. 454, 455. Lenfant, Hist . Counc . Const ., vol. 1, pp. 510 — 512. 5 Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 506. 6 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 835. “Idem Hieronymus de Sacramento altaris et transubstantione panis in corpus professus est se tenere et credere, quod ecclesia tenet” — that is, “The same Jerome, touching the Sacrament of the altar and transubstantiation, professes to hold and believe that the bread becomes the body, which the Church holds.” So says the Council (Hardouin, tom. 8, p. 565.) 7 The articles of accusation are given in full by Lenfant, in his Hist . Conc ., vol. 1, book 4, sec. 75. 8 Writing from his prison to his friends in Prague, John Huss said that Constance would hardly recover in thirty years the shock its morality had sustained from the presence of the Council. (Fox.)

    CHAPTER - Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 834. 2 “‘There goeth a great rumor of thee,’ said one of hie accusers, ‘that thou holdest bread to be on the altar;’ to whom he pleasantly answered, saying ‘that he believed bread to be at the bakers.’” (Fox, vol. 1, p. 835.) 3 See letter of Poggio of Florence, secretary to Pope John XXIII., addressed to Leonardo Aretino, given in full by Lenfant in his Hist . Conc ., vol 1, book 4, pp. 593 — 599; Lond., 1730. 4 Lenfant, vol. 1, pp. 585, 586. 5 Ibid . 1. 590, foot-note. 6 Hardouin, Collect . Barberin ., tom. 8, pp. 565, 567. 7 Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 836. Bonnechose, vol. 2, p. 154. 8 Hardouin, Acta Concil ., tom. 8, p. 566. 9 Theobald, Bell . Huss ., chap. 24, p. 60; apud Bonnechose, vol. 2, p. 159. Letter of Poggio to Aretino. This cardinal died suddenly at the Council (September 26th, 1417). Poggio pronounced his funeral oration. He extolled his virtue and genius. Had he lived till the election of a new Pope, it is said, the choice of the conclave would have fallen upon him. He is reported to have written a history of the Council of Pisa, and of what passed at Constance in his time. These treatises would possess great interest, but they have never been discovered. Mayhap they lie buried in the dust of some monastic library.

    CHAPTER - Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 837. Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 591. This was the usual request of the inquisitors when delivering over their victims to the executioner. No one would have been more astonished and displeased than themselves to find the request complied with. “Eundo ligatus per plateas versus locum supplicii in quo combustus fuit, licet prius domini proelati supplicabant potestati saeculari, ut ipsi eum tractarent gratiose.” (Collect . Barberin . — Hardouin , tom . 8, p. 567.) 2 “Et cito vos omnes, ut respondeatis mihi coram altissimo et justissimo Judice post centum annos.” (Fox, vol. 1, p. 836. Op . Huss ., tom. 2, fol. 357. Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 589.) 3 Bonnechose, vol. 2. 4 Enemies and friends unite in bearing testimony to the fortitude and joy with which Jerome endured the fire. “In the midst of the scorching flames,” says the monk Theodoric Urie, “he sang those words, ‘O Lord, into Thy hands I resign my spirit;’ and just as he was saying, ‘Thou hast redeemed us,’ he was suffocated by the flame and the smoke, and gave up his wretched soul. Thus did this heretical miscreant resign his miserable spirit to be burned everlastingly in the bottomless pit.” (Urie, apud Von der Hardt, tom. 1, p. 202. Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 593.) 5 Theobald, Bell . Hus ., p. 61. Von der Hardt, tom. 4, p. 772; apud Lenfant, vol. 1, p. 592. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, p. 838.

    CHAPTER - Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., cap. 9, p. 33. 2 Huss . Mon ., vol. 1, p. 99. 3 Krasinski, Religious History of the Slavonic Nations , p. 66; Edin., 1849. John von Muller, Universal History , vol. 2, p. 264; Lond., 1818. 4 Lenfant, vol. 2, p. 240. 5 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 34. 6 Fox, vol. 1, p. 847. 7 A decree of Nicholas II. (1059) restricts the franchise to the college of cardinals; a decree of Alexander III. (1159) requires a majority of votes of at least two-thirds; and a decree of Gregory X. (1271) requires nine days between the death of the Pope and the meeting of the cardinals. The election of Martin V. was somewhat abnormal. 8 Platina, Hist . Som . Pont ., 212; Venetia, 1600. 9 Von der Hardt, tom. 4, pp. 1479, 1423. Lenfant, vol 2, pp. 156 — 167. 10 Lenfant, vol. 2, p. 174. 11 Bonnechose, vol. 2, p. 196. 12 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 35: “Sacrile-gamque et maledictam gentem exterminare penitus.” See also Lenfant, vol. 2, bk. 6, chap. 51. Concil. Const. — Hard., tom.. 8, p. 918. 13 Platina, Hist . Som . Pont ., 213. Lenfant, vol. 2, p. 274. 14 Lenfant, vol. 2, pp. 275 — 278. 15 The trunk of this oak stood till the beginning of the last century. It had wellnigh been wholly carried off by the blacksmiths of the neighborhood, who believed that a splinter taken from its trunk and attached to their hammer would give additional weight to its strokes (Krasinski, Slavonia , p. 69, foot-note.) 16 Theobald, Bell . Huss ., cap. 28, p. 68. Histoire de la Guerre des Hussites et du Concile de Basle . Par Jacques Lenfant. Tom. 1, livr. 6, p. 91. Amsterdam, 1731. 17 It did not help to allay that excitement that the Pope’s legate, Dominic, Cardinal of Ragusa, who had been sent to Bohemia to ascertain how matters stood, reported to his master that “the tongue and the pen were no longer of any use, and that without any more ado, it was high time to take arms against such obstinate heretics.” (Lenfant, vol. 2, p. 242.) 18 Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, p. 99. Krasinski, Slavonia , pp. 70 — 74.

    CHAPTER - Huss — Story of Ziska — Acts and Mon ., tom. 1, p. 848. 2 Balbinus, Epit . Rer . Bohem ., pp. 435, 436. Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 6, p. 93. 3 Krasinski, Slavonia , p. 80; apud Lenfant. 4 Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, p. 104. Krasinski, Slavonia , pp. 80, 81. 5 Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss . tom. 1, livr. 8, pp. 129, 130. 6 Ibid ., pp. 133, 134. 7 Krasinski, Slavonia , p. 82. 8 Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 9, pp. 161, 162. 9 Ibid ., p. 162. 10 “Vous avez permis au grand deshonneur de nobre patrie qu’on brulat Maitre Jean Hus, qui etoit alle a Constance avec un sauf-conduit que vous lui aviez donne.” The emperor’s pledge and the public faith were equally violated, they affirm, in the case of Jerome, who went to Constance “sub simili fide, pari fide publica.” (Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 9, p. 164.) 11 Krasinski, Slavonia , pp. 83 — 85. Von Muller, Univer . Hist ., vol 2, p. 326.

    CHAPTER - Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 10, 11. 2 It was said that on his death-bed he gave instructions to make a drum of his skin, believing that its sound would terrify the enemy. An old drum was wont to be shown at Prague as the identical one that Ziska had ordered to be made. Theobald (Bell . Huss .) rejects the story as a fable, which doubtless it is. 3 A hundred years after, the Emperor Ferdinand, happening to visit this cathedral, was attracted by the sight of an enormous mace hanging above a tomb. On making inquiry whose tomb it was, and being told that it was Ziska’s, and that this was his mace, he exclaimed, “Fie, fie, cette mauvaise bete!” and quitted Czaslau that night. So relates Balbinus. 4 Lenfant, Hist , Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 11, p. 212.

    CHAPTER - Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 11, p. 217. The Pope’s letter was dated February 14th, 1424 — that is, during the sitting of the Council of Sienna. 2 Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 12, p. 232. 3 Ibid ., 238. 4 Balbin., Epitom . Rer . Bohem ., p. 468. Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 12, pp. 238, 239. 5 A figure borrowed from the cultivation of the poppy in Bohemia. 6 Hussi , geese, alluding to Jan Huss, John Goose.

    CHAPTER - Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 13, p. 254. Krasinski, Slavonia , p. 105. 2 Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom 1, livr. 13, p. 255. The historians of this affair have compared it to the defeat of Crassus by the Parthians, of Darius by the Scythians, and of Xerxes by the Greek 3 Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 14. 4 Coch. L., 6, pp. 136-139. Theob., cap. 71, p. 138. Bzovius, ann. 1431. Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 15, p. 299. 5 Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 16, p. 316. Some historians reduce the number to 90,000. 6 Aeneas Sylvius, cap. 48. Theob., cap. 76. Lenfant, Hist . Guer . Huss ., tom. 1, livr. 16, pp. 315 — 320.

    CHAPTER - So says Comenius: “Caesar igitur cum pontifice ut armis nihil profici animadvertunt ad fraudes conversi Basilea convocato itcrum (anno 1432) concilio.” (Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 53.) 2 Concil. Basil. — Hard., tom. 8, pp. 1313 and 1472 — 1494. Lenfant, Hist . des Huss ., tom. 1, pp. 322 — 324 and 330 — 334. 3 Concil. Basil — Hard., tom.8, p. 1472. Fox, vol. 1, 862. 4 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 53. 5 Payne had been Principal of Edmund’s Hall, Oxford. He enjoyed a high repute among the Bohemians. Lenfant says he was a man of deep learning, and devoted himself to the diffusion of Wicliffe’s opinions, and the elucidation of obscure passages in his writings. Cochlaeus speaks of him as “adding his own pestiferous tracts to Wicliffe’s books, and with inferior art, but more intense venom, corrupting the purity of Bohemia.” (Krasinski, p. 87.) 6 Aeneas Sylvius (who was an eye-witness), Hist . Bohem ., cap. 49. Fox, Acts and Mon ., vol. 1, pp. 862, 863. 7 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 54. These are nearly the same articles which the Protestants demanded in 1551 from the Council of Trent. (Sleidan, lib. 23.) 8 “It was an unheard-of occurrence in the Church,” says Lechler, “that a General Council should take part in a discussion with a whole nation that demanded ecclesiastical reform, receive its deputies as the ambassadors of an equal power, and give them liberty of speech. This extraordinary event lent to the idea of reform a consideration, and gave it an honor, which involuntarily worked deeper than all that heretofore had been thought, spoken, and treated of respecting Church reform. Even the journey of the ambassadors through the German provinces, where they were treated with kindness and honor, still more the public discussion in Basle, as well as the private intercourse of the Hussites with many of the principal members of the Council, were of lasting importance.” (Vol. 2, p. 479.) 9 Lenfant, Hist . Conc . Basle , tom. 2, livr. 17, p. 2; Amsterdam, 1731. 10 Ibid ., pp. 2, 3. 11 Ibid ., p. 4. 12 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 54. Lenfant, Hist . Conc . Basle ., tom. 2, livr. 17, p. 4. It is interesting to observe that the legate Julian, president of the Council, condemns among others the three following articles of Wicliffe: — 1. That the substance of bread and wine remains after consecration. 2. That the accidents cannot subsist without the substance. 3. That Christ is not really and corporeally present in the Sacrament. This shows conclusively what in the judgment of the legate was the teaching of Wicliffe on the Eucharist. (Lenfant, Hist . Conc . Basle , tom. 2, livr. 17, p. 6.) 13 Lenfant, Hist . Conc . Basle , tom. 2, livr. 17, p. 14. 14 Ibid ., tom. 2, livr. 17, pp. 14 — 18. 15 AEneas Sylvius, Hist . Bohem ., cap. 52. Lenfant, Hist . Conc . Basle , tom. 2, livr. 17, pp. 14 and 69, 70. 16 Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., pp. 54, 55. Krasinski, S1avonia , pp. 120, 121.

    CHAPTER - Comenius, Persecut . Eccles . Bohem ., pp. 54, 55. 2 Lenfant, Hist . Conc . Basle , tom. 2, livr. 17, pp. 19, 20. Bonnechose, vol. 2, p. 328. 3 AEneas Sylvius, Hist . Bohem ., p. 114. 4 AEneas Sylvius: “Nam perfidium genus illud hominum hoc solum boni habet, quod litteras amat.” (Letter to Carvajal.) Krasinski, Slavonia , pp. 124 — 126. 5 AEneas Sylvius, Hist . Bohem ., p. 120. 6 Krasinski, S1avonia , p. 135. Bonnechose, vol. 2, p. 330. 7 Lenfant, Hist Conc . Basle , tom. 2, p. 63. 8 A wit of the time remarked, “Pius damnavit quod AEneas amavit” — that is, Pius damned what AEneas loved. Platina, the historian of the Popes, holds up AEneas (Pius II.) as a memorable example of the power of the Papal chair to work a change for the worse on those who have the fortune or the calamity to occupy it. As secretary to the Council of Basle, AEneas stoutly maintained the doctrine that a General Council is above the Pope; when he came to be Plus II., he as stoutly maintained that the Pope is superior to a General Council 9 Krasinski, Slavonia , pp. 137 — 141. 10 Lenfant, Hist . Conc . Basle , tom. 2, livr. 18, pp. 49, 50. 11 Ibid ., tom. 2, livr. 21, p. 155. 12 Krasinski, Slavonia , p. 130. 13 Comenius, Hist . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 61: “immedicabile esse hoc malum.” 14 Comenius, Hist . Eccles . Bohem ., pp. 63 — 68. 15 “An satis legitima foret ordinatio si presbyter presbyterurn crearet, non vero episcopus?” (Comenius, Hist . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 69.) 16 Comenius, Hist . Eccles . Bohem ., pp. 68 — 71. 17 Comenius, Hist . Eccles . Bohem ., p. 74.

    BOOK FOURTH

    CHAPTER - Muller, Univ . Hist ., vol. 2, p. 427; Lond., 1818. 2 Villers, Essay on the Reformation , pp. 193 — 195. 3 The insignia were kept in one of the churches of Nuremberg; Misson, who traveled 200 years ago, describes them. The diadem or crown of Charlemagne is of gold and weighs fourteen pounds. It is covered nearly all over with precious stones, and is surmounted by a cross. The scepter and globe are of gold. “They say,” remarks Misson, “that the sword was brought by an angel from heaven. The robe called Dalmatick of Charlemagne is of a violet color, embroidered with pearls, and strewed with eagles of gold, and a great number of jewels. There are likewise the cope, the stole; the gloves, the breeches, the stockings, and the buskins.” (Maximilian Misson, New Voyage to Italy , etc., vol. 1, pt. 1, p. 117; Lond., 1739.) 4 An Itinerary written by Fynes Moryson , Gent ., first in the Latin tongue , and then translated by him into English ; containing his ten years travell through the twelve dominions of Germany , Bohmerland , Sweitzerland , Netherland , Denmark , Poland , Italy , Turkey , France , England , Scotland , and Ireland . Fol.; Lond., 1617. Pt. 3, p. 191. 5 Muller, vol. 2, p. 432. 6 Muller, Univ . Hist ., vol. 3, sec. 1, p. 2; Lond., 1818. “If the tide of events had followed in the sixteenth century, and in those which succeeded, the course in which it had hitherto flowed, nothing could have saved Europe from approaching servitude, and the yoke of an universal monarchy.” (Villers, Essay on the Spirit and Influence of the Reformation of Luther , sec. 4, p. 125; Lond., 1805.)

    CHAPTER - Sir James Melville informs us that the bloody war which broke out between France and Spain in the reign of Henry II. was preceded by the Papal legate absolving the King of France from all the oaths and treaties by which he had ratified the peace between the two kingdoms but a little before. “As legate,” said Caraffa, “from God’s Vicar [Paul IV.] he would give him full absolution, he having power to bind and loose.” (Memoirs of Sir James Melvil , p. 38; Edin., 1735.) 2 Details regarding the functions of the legate-a-latere, and the acts in which his powers were shown, will be found in Dupin, Biblioth ., tom. 8, p. 56; also tom. 9, pp. 220, 223; and tom. 10, p. 126. Fleury, Eccl . Hist ., tom. 18, p. 225. Maimbourg, Hist . du Pontific de S . Gregory le Grand ; also in Words of Peace and Justice , etc., on the subject of “Diplomatic Relations with the Holy See,” by the Right Rev. Nicholas Wiseman, D.D., Bishop of Melipotamus, Pro. V.A.L.D.; Lond., Charles Dolman, 1848. 3 The interdict began to be employed in the ninth century; the practice of missioning legates-a-latere dates from the tenth; both expedients were invented and brought into use a little before the breaking out of that great war between the Papacy and the Empire, which was to decide the question which was the stronger. The interdict and the legate materially contributed to the success which attended the Church in that conflict, and which made the mitre triumphant over the Empire. 4 Let us, by way of illustration, look at the Concordat framed so recently as 1855 with Southern Germany, then under the House of Austria. Besides the privileges specified above, that Concordat gave the bishops the sole government of the priests; they could punish them according to canon law, and the priest had no appeal from the penal jurisdiction of the Church. If any one dared to appeal to the civil tribunals, he was instantly smitten with excommunication. Equally in the power of the bishops were all schools and teachers, nor could one give religious instruction in even the university without the episcopal sanction. The bishops moreover had the independent administration of all the lands and property of the Church and of the religious houses. They were guaranteed in free communication with Rome, in the independent exercise of their own discipline irrespective of the civil law, which amounted to the enforcement of canon law on all the subjects of the realm, in all cases in which the bishops saw fit to apply it. And they were, in fine, reinstated in their ancient penal jurisdiction. On the principle Ex uno disce omnes , we are forced to the conclusion that the bondage of medieval Christendom was complete, and that that bondage was to a far greater degree spiritual than temporal. It had its origin in the Roman Church; it was on the conscience and intellect that it pressed, and it gave its sanction to the temporal fetters in which the men of those ages were held. 5 We quote one or two of the clauses of the oath: — “I will be faithful and obedient to our lord the Pope and to his successors. . . . In preserving and defending the Roman Papacy and the regalia of St. Peter, I will be their assistant against all men. . . . Heretics, schismatics, and rebels to our same lord, I will [pro posse pro persequar et impugnabo ] persecute and attack to the utmost of my power.” (Decretum Greg . IX., lib. 2, tit. 24.) 6 Progetto di Legge relativo alla Soppressione di Corporazione Religiose e Disposizione sullasse Eccesiastico — Camera dei Deputati , Sess. 1863, No. 159. Relazione della Commissione composta dei Deputati , etc ., sul Progetto di Legge presentato dal Ministro di Grazia e Giustizia e dei Culti — Sess. 1863, No. 159, A. Resoconto dell Aministrazione della casa Ecclesiastica ; presentato dall Presidente dal Consiglio dei Ministri , Ministro dell Finanze — Sess. 1863, No. 215, A. Progetto di Legge . Soppressione delle decime Eccles . — Sess. 1863, No. 158. 7 Progetto di Legge relativo alla Soppressione di Corporazione Religiose e Disposizione sullasse Ecclesiastico Camera dei Deputati, Sess. 1863, No. 159. Relazione della Commissione composta dei Deputati , etc ., sul Progetto di Legge presentato dal Ministro di Grazia e Giustizia e dei Culti — Sess. 1863, No. 159, A. These and the above-quoted documents were printed, but not published, and we owe the use of them to the politeness of Sig. Malau, formerly member of the Italian Parliament. 8 “Jurisdictionem habet universalem in toto mundo papa, nedum in spiritualibus sed temporalibus.” (Alvarus Pelagius, De Planctu Eccles ., lib. 1, cap. 13.)

    BOOK FIFTH

    CHAPTER - Melancthon. Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 4; Vratislaviae, 1819. 2 Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p.5. 3 Ibid . 4 Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 5. Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 7, p. 17; Lipsiae, 1694. 5 Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 5. 6 Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 6. 7 Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 6. 8 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 8, p. 20; Lipsiae, 1694.

    CHAPTER - Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 7; Vratislaviae, 1819. 2 Ibid ., p. 11. 3 Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 7. 4 “His genius,” says Melancthon, “became the admiration of the whole college” (toti Academiae Lutheri ingenium admiratio esset). — Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 7. 5 D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform ., vol. 1, p. 156; Edin., 1846. 6 D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform ., vol. 1, pp. 157, 158. 7 Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 8. 8 Some say Alexius was killed by lightning, others that he fell in a duel. Melancthon says “he knows not how Luther’s friend came by his death.” (Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 9.) 9 Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 9, footnote.

    CHAPTER - Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., p. 19; Lipsiae, 1694. 2 Adam, Vita Luth ., p. 103. Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., p. 21. D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform ., vol 1, p. 165. 3 Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 11. 4 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., p. 19. 5 D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform ., vol 1, p. 168. Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 8. Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., p. 21. 6 “Exiguo pane et halece contentum esse.” (Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 8.) 7 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., p. 21. 8 Luther’s Works, 19. 2299. 9 Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 10.

    CHAPTER - D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform ., vol. 1, bk 2, chap. 4, Adam, Vita Staupizii . 2 Bishop King, Lectures on Jonah , delivered at York , 1594, p. 484; Lond., 1618. 3 D Aubigue, Hist . Reform ., vol 1, pp. 170 — 180. 4 Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 10. 5 The author visited Erfurt in the summer of 1871, and may be permitted here to give his reminiscences of the Augustinian convent and the cell of Luther. Erfurt is a thriving town; its size and importance are notified to the traveler by the number and elegance of its steeples and monuments. On a nearer approach he finds it enclosed by a broad moat and strong fortifications. Its principal streets are spacious, its ecclesiastical buildings numerous and superb, its population intelligent, orderly, and prosperous. But the point in which the interest of the place centres is “Luther’s Cist.” The convent of the Augustines still remains, with the chamber of Luther much as he left it. It is placed in a quarter of the city which has not been touched by modern improvements. It is a perfect net-work of narrow and winding lanes, numerous canals, sweetly lined with tall poplars, and spanned at every short distance by a bridge. The waters of the canals are employed in woollen and other manufactories. In the heart of this region, we have said, is the convent. A wide postern gives you admission. You find yourself in an open courtyard. You ascend a single flight of steps, and are ushered into a chamber of about twelve feet in length by six in width. It has a wooden floor, and roof and walls are lined with wood; the panelling looks old and dingy. The window looks out upon a small garden. It contains a few relics of its former illustrious occupant: an old cabinet, an arm-chair, a portrait of Luther, an old Bible, and a few other things; but it is not what is seen, but what is unseer, that here engrosses one.

    CHAPTER - Worsley, Life of Mart . Luth ., vol. 1, p. 53; Lond., 1856. 2 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 8, p. 19. 3 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 8, p. 18. Lipsiae, 1694. 4 Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 13. 5 His lecture-hour was one o’clock. It should have been six in the morning, but was changed ob commoditatem . (Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, p. 19.) 6 Melch. Adam, Vita Luth ., p. 104. Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 8, p. 19. 7 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 8, p. 17. 8 Ruchat, Hist . de la Reformation de la Suisse , tom. 5, p. 192; Lausanne, 1836. 9 “On the chapiters of the great pillars of the church at Strasburg there is a procession represented in which a hog carrieth the pot with the holy water, and asses and hogs in priestly vestments follow to make up the procession. There is also an ass standing before an altar, as if he were going to consecrate, and one carrieth a case with relics in which one seeth a fox; and the trains of all that go in this procession are carried by monkeys.” (Misson, New Voyage to Italy , vol. 2, pt. 2, p. 506; Lond., 1739.) 10 “Non in labris nasci, sed in pectore.” (Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 13.)

    CHAPTER - Mathesius and Seckendorf place it in 1510, Melancthon in 1512. Some mention two journeys. Luther himself speaks of only one. His object in going to Rome has also been variously stated. The author has followed the oldest authorities, who are likely to be also the best informed. Luther’s errand is a matter of small moment; the great fact is that he did visit Rome. 2 D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform ., vol. 1, p. 190. Luth . Opp . (W) 22. 1468. 3 D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform ., vol. 1, pp. 190, 191. 4 Worsley, Life of Luther , vol 1, p. 60. Michelet, Life of Luther , p. 15; Lond., 1846. 5 Lechler bears his testimony to the teaching of Savonarola. He says: “Not only is faith the gift and work of God, but also that faith alone justifies without the works of the law. This Savonarola has clearly, roundly, and fully expressed. He has done so in his exposition of the 31st and 51st Psalms, written in prison. And he quotes from Rudelbach the following words in proof: ‘Haec fides sola justificat hominem, id est, apud Deum absque operibus legis justum facit’” (Meditationes in Psalmos ). — Lechler, vol. 2, p. 542. 6 “Savonarola,” says Rudelbach, “was a prophet of the Reformation.” Lechler adds: “and the martyr of his prophecy; a martyr for reform before the Reformation.” (Vol. 2, p. 546.) 7 The author was shown, in 1864, the Bible of Savonarola, which is preserved in the library of San Lorenzo at Florence. The broad margin of its leaves is written all over in a small elegant hand, that of Savonarola. After his martyrdom his disciples were accustomed to come secretly and kiss the spot where he had been burned. This coming to the knowledge of the reigning duke, Pietro de Medici, he resolved to put an end to a practice that gave him annoyance. He accordingly erected on the spot a statue of Neptune, with a fountain falling into a circular basin of water, and sea-nymphs clustering on the brim. The duke’s device has but the more effectually fixed in the knowledge of mankind the martyrdom and the spot where it took place. 8 In proof we appeal to the engravings of Piranesi now nearly 200 years old. These represent the country around Rome as tolerably peopled and cultivated. 9 Tischreden, 441.

    CHAPTER - Luth . Opp . (W) 22. 2374, 2377. 2 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 8, p. 19. 3 Tischreden, 441. Seckendorf, lib. 1, p. 19. 4 Luth . Opp . (W) 22. 2376. 5 Luth . Opp . Lat ., Praefatio. 6 These stairs are still in the Lateran, and still retain all the virtue they ever had. When the author was at Rome in 1851, he saw some peasants from Rimini engaged in climbing them. They enlivened their performance with roars of laughter, for it is the devout act, not the devout feeling, that earns the indulgence. A French gentleman and lady with their little daughter were climbing them at the same time, but in more decorous fashion.

    CHAPTER - Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., pp. 12, 13. Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, p. 21. 2 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, p. 23. 3 “He played,” says Michelet, “the part of the first King of Europe.” (Life of Luther , chap. 2, p. 19.) Polano, after enumerating his qualities and accomplishments, says that “he would have been a Pope absolutely complete, if with these he had joined some knowledge of things that concern religion.” (Hist . Counc . Trent , lib. 1, p. 4.) 4 Paul of Venice says that this Pope labored under two grievous faults: “ignorance of religion, and impiety or atheism” (ignorantia religionis , et impietate sive atheismo ). Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 47, p. 190. 5 Polano, Hist . Counc . Trent , bk. 1, p. 4; Lond., 1629. Sarpi, Hist . Conc . Trent , livr. 1, p. 14; Basle, 1738. Sleidan, Hist . Reform ., bk. 1; Lond., 1689. 6 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 6, p. 12. 7 Gerdesius, Hist . Evan . Renov ., tom. 1, p. 92. 8 Hechtius, Vita Tezelii , p. 21. Seckendorf, Hist . Luth ., lib. 1, sec. 7, p. 16. Sleidan, bk. 13, p. 273. 9 Melancthon, Vita Mart . Luth ., p. 15. 10 Myconius, Hist . Reform ., p. 106. Gerdesius, Hist . Evan . Renov ., tom. 1, p. 84. 11 Myconius, Hist . Reform ., p. 14; Ten. edit. 12 Sleidan, Hist . Reform ., bk. 13, p. 273. 13 Gerdesius, Hist . Evan . Renov ., tom. 1, p. 82. 14 D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform ., vol 1, p. 242. 15 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 6, pp. 12 — 16 Alberti Moguntini Summaria Instructio Sub-Commissariorum in Causa Indulgentia . (Gerdesius, tom. 1, App. No. 9, p. 83.) 17 D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform ., vol. 1, pp. 241 — 243. 18 Summaria Instructio . (Gerdesius, tom. 1, App. No. 9.) 19 D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform ., vol. 1, p. 247. 20 Luther, Theses on Indulgences , 82, 83, 84. 21 Sarpi, Hist . Conc . Trent , livr. 1, p. 16. Similar is the testimony of Guicciardini and M. de Thou.

    CHAPTER - Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 7, p. 17. 2 Apologia Luth . cont . Hen . Ducem . Brunsvicensem . Ex Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 7, p. 16. 3 Loesher has inserted these “Theses” in full in his Acts and Documents of the Reformation , tom. 1, p. 438 et seq .; also Kappius in his Theatrum Nundinationis Indulgentiariae Tezelianae , p. 73 et seq .; and so too Gerdesius, tom. 1, App. No. 11, p. 114. 4 Gerdesius, Hist . Reform ., tom. 1, p. 132. 5 D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform . (Collins, 1870, pp. 79, 80), from an MS. in the archives of Weimar, taken down from the mouth of Spalatin, and which was published at the last jubilee of the Reformation, 1817.

    CHAPTER - In 1517 the Council of the Lateran, summoned by Julius II., for the reform of the Church, was dissolved. In that same year, remarks Seckendorf, God sent the Reformation. 2 Myconius, Hist . Reform ., 13. 3 Gerdesius, Hist . Reform ., tom. 1, p. 132. 4 Mathesius, p. 13. 5 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 12, p. 27. Sleidan, bk. 1, p. 2. 6 His epithets are somewhat scurrilous for a Master of the Sacred Palace. “He would like to know,” he says, “whether this Martin has an iron nose or a brazen head” (an ferreum nasum , an caput oeneum ). — Seckendorf , Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 13, p. 31. One thing was clear, that this Martin had an iron pen. 7 Sleidan, bk. 1, p. 3. 8 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 13, p. 31. 9 This almost incredible decree runs as follows: — “If the Pope should become neglectful of his own salvation, and of that of other men, and so lost to all good that he draw down with himself innumerable people by heaps into hell, and plunge them with himself into eternal torments, yet no mortal man may presume to reprehend him, forasmuch as he is judge of all, and to be judged of no one.” (Corpus Juris Canonici , Decreti , pars. 1, distinct., 40, can. 6.) 10 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 15, p. 40. 11 Ibid . “Che Fra Martino fosse un bellissimo ingegno.” 12 Ibid ., lib. 1, sec. 13, p. 30.

    CHAPTER - Pallavicino, Istoria del Concilio di Trento , lib. 1, cap. 6, p. 46; Napoli, 1757. 2 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 7, p. 46. Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 16, p. 41. 3 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 16, pp. 41, 42. Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 9, p. 52. 4 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 9, p. 52. Sleidan, bk. 1, p. 5. 5 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 16, p. 43. 6 Joach. Camerarius, De Vita Phil . Melancth . Nar ., cap, 7; Vratislaviae, 1819. 7 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec~ 16, p. 43. 8 Camerarius, Vita Melancth ., cap. 1. 9 Ibid ., cap. 3. 10 Both terms signify the same thing, black earth . It was not uncommon for learned men in those days to change their names from the harsher Teutonic into the more euphonious Latin or Greek. 11 Camerarius, Vita Melancth ., cap. 2, p. 43. 12 D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform ., vol. 1, p. 366. 13 Seckendorf, Hist . Lutheran ., lib. 1, sec. 16, p. 45. 14 Melch. Adam, Vita Myconii , p. 176. 15 Melch. Adam, Vita Myconii , p. 176.

    CHAPTER - L . Opp ., 1. 144. D’Aubigne, 1. 372. 2 Tischreden, 370 — 380. Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 16, p. 45. 3 “Tam ille, gestu Italico mordens digitum, dixit, Hem.” (Then he, after the Italian fashion biting his finger, said, Hem .) Seckendorf. 4 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 18, p. 46. Sleidan, bk. 1, p. 7. 5 Pallavicino, tom. 1, lib. 1, cap. 9, p. 53. Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 18, p. 46. 6 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 9, pp. 53 — 55. The cardinal founded this on the well-known decree of Clement VI. Boniface VIII. ordained a jubilee every hundredth year. Clement VI. shortened the term to fifty years; but lest men should think that this frequent recurrence of the year of grace would empty the treasury whence all the blessings bestowed in that year proceed, the Pope showed them that this calamity could not possibly happen. “One drop of Christ’s blood,” he said, “would have sufficed for the salvation of the whole world; but Christ shed all his blood, constituting thereby a vast treasury of merits, the distribution of which has been given to the Divine Peter [Divo Petro ] and his successors. To this have been added the merits of the Virgin Mary and all the saints, making the material of pardon [condoni materies ] literally inexhaustible.” Luther maintained that Christ had committed to Peter and his successors the keys and ministry of the Word, whereby they were empowered to declare the remission of their sins to the penitent; and that if this was the meaning of Pope Clement’s decretal, he agreed with it; but if not, he disapproved of it. (Sleidan, bk. 1, p. 9.) 7 Sleidan, bk. 1, p. 7. 8 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 18, p. 47. 9 Pallavicino, tom. 1, lib. 1, cap. 9, p. 54. 10 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 9, p. 54. 11 Sleidan, bk. 1, p. 8. 12 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 9, p. 54. Sleidan, bk. 1, p. 8. 13 Table Talk . 14 Myconius, Hist . Reform ., p. 73. Gerdesius, Evan . Renov ., tom. 1, p. 227.

    CHAPTER - Sleidan, bk. 1, p. 8. 2 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 18, p. 49. 3 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec 18, p. 49. 4 Ibid ., p. 51. 5 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 9, p. 52. 6 Luth . Opp ., tom. 1, p. 232. Sleidan, bk. 1, p. 9. Paul. Sarpi, tom. 1, livr. 1, p. 23 (foot-note). 7 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 11, pp. 58, 59. Sleidan, bk. 1, p. 10. 8 Sleidan, bk. 1, p. 11. Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 11, pp. 59, 60. 9 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 12, p. 62. Sleidan, bk. 1, p. 12. Paul. Sarpi, Hist . Conc . Trent , tom. 1, livr. 1, p. 22. 10 Letter, December 21, 1518. De Wette, 1, p. 200. 11 “Ben informato.” (Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 12, p. 62.) 12 Sleidan, bk. 1, p. 12. 13 L . Epp ., 1. 188 — 193. D’Aubigne, bk. 4, chap. 11.

    CHAPTER - Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 14. 2 The Germans invited him to their banquets. He forgot himself at table, and verified the maxim, In vino veritas . He revealed the scandals of the city and court of Rome. So Paul III. discovered and complained. (See Ranke, also Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 28, p. 78. ) 3 Sleidan, bk. 1, p. 12. Along with the “rose” to Frederick, he carried a letter from the Pope to Degenart Pfeffinger, one of Frederick’s councillors, asking his assistance to enable Miltitz “to expel that son of Satan — Luther .” (Sleidan, ut supra . Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 24, p. 64.) 4 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 24: p. 61. 5 Luth . Opp . (Lat.) in Praefatio . 6 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 24, p. 61. 7 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 13, p. 65. 8 Luth . Opp . (Lat.) in Praefatio . 9 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 14, p. 66. 10 Ibid . “Che la colpa era del Papa.” 11 Ibid ., p. 67. 12 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 24, p. 63. “Me accepto convivio, laetati sumus, et osculo mihi dato discessimus” (He received me at supper, we were very happy, and he gave me a kiss at parting). — Item Luth . Opp . (Lat.) in Praefatio . 13 “He was as eager to engage this Goliath, who was defying the people of God, as the young volunteer is to join the colors of his regiment.” (Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 14, p. 68.) 14 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 26, p. 85. 15 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 26, p. 88. 16 Ibid ., p. 90. 17 Ibid . 18 Mosellanus in Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 26, p. 90.

    CHAPTER - Compare account of disputation as given by Seckendorf, lib. 1, see. and 26, pp. 71 — 94, with that of Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 15 — 17. 2 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 25, pp. 72 — 74; Add. 1. 3 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 25, p. 74; Add. 1. Pallavicino, lib., 1, cap. 17, p. 76. 4 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 25, pp. 75, 82. Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 17. Eck distinguished between totum and totaliter , between whole and wholly . He admitted that, the good in man, viewed as a whole , was produced by God, but not wholly . This Pallavicino (lib. 1, cap. 15) explains by saying the whole apple (tutto il pomo ) is produced by the sun, (ma non tolamente ) but not wholly — the plant cooperates; in like manner, he said, the whole good in man comes from God, but man co-operates in its production. Carlstadt, on the other hand, maintained that God is the one, exclusive, and independent cause of that good — that is, of the conversion of man; that whatever is pleasing to God, and springs from saving faith, comes of the efficacious, independent, and proper working of God (totaliter a Deo esse , independenter , effcaciter , et propria vi agente — Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 25), and that man in that work contributes only the passive faculties on which God operates. 5 Romish divines generally, and Bellarmine and Moehler in particular, have misrepresented the views of both Luther and Calvin, and their respective followers, on this head. They have represented Luther as teaching a doctrine which would deprive fallen man of all religious and moral capacity. Calvin, they say, was less extravagant than Luther, but to that extent less consistent with his fundamental position. There is no inconsistency whatever between Luther’s and Calvin’s views on this point. The only difference between the two lies in the point indicated in the text, even that Calvin gives more prominence than Luther does to the remains of the Divine image still to be found in fallen man, as attested by the virtues of the heathen. But as to man’s tendency to spiritual good, and the power of realising to any degree by his own strength his salvation, both held the same doctrine. 6 1 Peter 2:4,5,6. Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 16. 7 We have seen bishops of name in our own day make the same confession. “I cannot find any traces of the Papacy in the times of the Apostles,” said Bishop Strossmayer, when arguing against the Infallibility in the Council of the Vatican. “Am I able to find them when I search the annals of the Church? Ah! well, I frankly confess that I have searched for a Pope in the first four centuries, and have not found him.” 8 “Quos non possit universalis Ecclesia damnare.” (Loescher, Acts and Docum . Reform . — Vide Gerdesius, tom. 1, 255.) 9 Luth . Opp . (W) 14. 200. D’Aubigne, vol. 2, p. 68.

    BOOK SIXTH

    CHAPTER - Seckendorf, lib. 1., sec. 27, p. 111. 2 Sleidan, bk. 1., p. 21. 3 Ibid., p. 13. 4 MullerUniv. Hist., bk. 19, sec. 1. 5 Robertson, Hist. Charles V., bk. 1., p. 83. 6 Sleidan, bk. 1., p. 18. 7 After the election the ambassadors of Charles offered a large sum of money to the Elector Frederick; he not only refused it, but commanded all about him to take not a farthing. (Sleidan, bk. 1., p. 18.) 8 L. EPP ., 2., p. 452. 9 Sleidan, bk. 1., p. 31. 10 Seckendorf, lib. 1., sec. 28, p. 112. 11 Dr. Chalmers.

    CHAPTER - Polano, 1., p. 9. 2 Pallavicino, lib. 1., cap. 20. 3 Pallavicino, lib. 1., cap. 20. 4 Sleidan, bk. 2., p. 35. 5 Art. 33 of the bull condemns this proposition:— “Haereticos comburi est contra voluntatem Spiritus.” (Bullarium Romanum, tom. 1., p. 610; Luxemburg, 1742.) 6 Sarpi, livr. 1., p. 28; Basle, 1738. Sleidan, bk 1 p.35 7 Sleidan, bk. 1., p. 32. 8 Pallavicino, lib. 1. cap. 20, p. 81. 9 D’Aubigne, vol. 2., p. 135. 10 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 28, p. 112. Sleidan, bk. 2, p. 36. 11 Lath. Opp., 2: 315; Jenae. 12 Seckendorf, lib. l, sec. 31, p. 121. 13 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 22. 14 Luth. Opp. (Lat.) 2, 123. D’Aubigne, 2 152.

    CHAPTER - Published, privately in 1515; publicly in 1516. He thus, as Gerdesius says, exhibited the foundation and rule of all reformation. (Hist. Renovati Doctrinoeque Reformata, tom. 1, p. 147.) 2 Sleidan, bk. 2, p. 37. 3 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 23. 4 Pallavicino informs us that Aleander was born of a respectable family in Friuli. 5 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 34, p. 125. 6 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 23, pp. 91, 92. 7 Ibid., p. 89. Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 34, p. 124. 8 Seckendorf, lib. 1 sec. 34, p, 9 Ibid 10 Pallavicino, lib. 1., cap. 24, p. 93. 11 Muller, Univ. Hist. vol. 2, pp. 406, 420. 12 Robertson, Hist. Charles V, bk.2 13 Muller, Univ. Hist., vol. 3, p. 14 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 25, pp. 95, 96: “Il gran seguito di Martino; 1’ alienazione del popolo d’Alemagna dalla Corte di Roma… e il rischio di perdere la Germania per avarizia d’ una moneta.” 15 This bull is engrossed in Bullarum, Jan., 1521, under the title of Decret. Romannm Pontificem. 16 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 24, p. 93. 17 Weimar State Papers: apud D’Aubigne, vol. 2, p. 192. 18 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 37, p. 143.

    CHAPTER - See Aleander’s speech in Pallavicino, bk. 1, chap. 25, pp. 98-108. 2 “Onde vvengadella Germania per la licenziosa Eresia di Lutero cio ch’ e avvenuto dell’ Asia per la sensuale Superstizione di Macometto.” (Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 25.) 3 Pallavicino, lib. 1., cap. 25, p. 97. Seckendorf has said that Pallavicino invented this speech and put it into the mouth of Aleander. Some Protestant writers have followed Seckendorf. There is no evidence in support of this supposition. D’Aubigne believes in the substantial authenticity of the speech. Pallavicino tells us the sources from which he took the speech; more especially Aleander’s own letters, still in the library of the Vatican. 4 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 26, p. 108: “la maggior partede raunati concorreva nella sentenza d’ estirpar l’ Eresia Luterana.” 5 The progress which the reforming spirit had made, even among the German ecclesiastics, may be judged of from the indifference of many who were deeply interested in the maintenance of the old system. “Even those,” complained Eck, “who hold from the Pope the best benefices and the richest canonries remained mute as fishes; many of them even extolled Luther as a man filled with the Spirit of God, and called the defenders of the Pope sophists and flatterers.” (D’Aubigne.) 6 The important catalogue has been preserved in the archives of Weimar. (Seckendorf.p.328; apud D’Aubigue, vol. 2, p. 203.) 7 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 26, p. 108. 8 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 38, p. 150. Varillas says that Charles had a strong desire to see Luther. 9 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 26, p. 109. 10 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 38, p. 11 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 26, p. 109. 12 “It may perhaps appear strange,” says Moaheim, “and even inconsistent with the laws of the Church, that a cause of a religious nature should be examined and decided in the public Diet. But it must be considered that these Diets in which the archbishops, bishops, and even certain abbots had their places, as well as the princes of the Empire, were not only political assemblies, but also provincial councils for Germany, to whose jurisdiction, by the ancient canon law, such causes as that of Luther properly belonged.” (Eccl. Hist., cent. 16, bk. 4, sec. 1, ch. 2.) 13 Sleidan, bk. 3, p. 42.

    CHAPTER - L.Epp., 1 574. D’Aubigne, 2, 208. 2 Luth. Opp ., 1, 987. 3 Maimbourg has obligingly provided our traveler with a magnificent chariot and a guard of a hundred horsemen. There is not a particle of proof to show that this imposing cavalcade ever existed save on the page of this narrator. The Canon of Altenburg, writing from Worms to John, brother of Frederick the Elector, April 16th, 1521, says: “To- day Mr. Martin arrived here in a common Saxon wagon.” (Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 39, p. 152.) 4 Letter of Canon of Altenburg to John of Saxony. 5 Letter of Warbeccius, Canon of Altenburg. (Secken-dorf, lib. 1, sec. 39, p. 152 — Additio.) 6 Luth. Opp. (L) 12:485. D’Aubigne 2: 224-226. 7 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 39, p. 152. 8 Letter of Canon of Altenburg to John of Saxony. (Seckendorf.) 9 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 39, p. 152. “These words,” says Seekendorf, “were remembered by many. They were repeated by Luther himself, a little while before his death, at Eisleben.” He added, “I know not whether I would be as courageous now.” 10 Audin, 2, p. 90. The common opinion is that this hymn, “Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott,” was composed some years later. Audin’s supposition, however, has great inherent probability, and there are some facts which seem to support it. The combined rhythm and strength of this hymn cannot be transferred to a translation. 11 “I entered Worms in a covered wagon and my monk’s gown.” said Luther afterwards. (Luth. Opp. 17, 587.) 12 “Lo, thou art come, O thou greatly desired one, whom we have waited for in the darkness of the grave.” (M. Adam, Vita Lutheri , p. 118.) 13 “E nello smontar di carozza disse forte: Iddio sard por me.” (Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 26, p. 109.) 14 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 26, p. 109. 15 Worsley, vol. 1, p. 230.

    CHAPTER - Seckendort, lib. 1, sec. 42, p. 156. 2 D’Aubigne, vol. 2, p. 237. 3 A learned man,” says Pallavicino, “a Catholic, and an intimate friend of Aleander’s.” 4 Luth. Opp. (L) 17, 588. D’Aubigne, vol. 2, p. 238. 5 Pallavicino tells us that these had been collected by the industry of Aleander. 6 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 26, p. 110. 7 “Costui certamente non mi farebbe mai diventar Eretico.” (Pallavicino, lib. 1, p. 110.) 8 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 27, p. 110. 9 Seckendorf (lib. 1, p. 156) gives extracts from Luther’s letters to Spalatin, descriptive of his feelings at Worms, which prove this. 10 “This prayer,” says D’Aubigne, “is to be found in a collection of documents relative to Luther’s appearance at Worms, under No. 16, in the midst of safe-conducts and other papers of a similar nature. One of his friends had no doubt overheard it, and has transmitted it to posterity. In our opinion, it is one of the most precious documents in all history.” (Hist. Reform., vol. 2, p. 243.) 11 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 41, p. 154. 12 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 41, p. 154. 13 Sarpi, Hist. Conc. Trent., tom. 1, pp, 32, 33; Basle, 1738. 14 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 27, p. 111. Pallavicino, who has given Aleander’s speech before the Diet at such great length, and in such eloquent phrase, has devoted scarcely more than half a page to Luther’s. The effect of Aleander’s address evaporated in a week: Luther’s has been stirring men these three centuries, and its influence is still powerful for good. For the disparity of the two reports, however, we do not blame the historian of the Council of Trent. His narrative, he tells us, was compiled from original documents in the Vatican Library, and especially the letters of Aleander, and it was natural perhaps that Aleander should make but short work with the oration of his great opponent. We have Luther’s speech from German sources. It is given with considerable fullness by D’Aubigne, who adds, “This speech, as well as all the other expressions we quote, is taken literally from authentic documents. See L. Opp. (L) 17, 776—780.” (D’Aubigne, vol 2, p. 248, foot-note.) 15 Sleidan, bk. 3, p. 44. 16 Hier stehe ich. Ich kann nicht anders. Gott belle mir. Amen.”

    CHAPTER - Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 44, Additio 1, p. 160. 2 Ibid., lib. 1, sec. 42, Additio 1, p. 157. 3 Cochlaeus, p. 32. Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 27, p. 111. 4 Pero aver egli statuito d’ impiegar i regni, i tesori, gli amici, il corpo, il sangue la vita, e lo spirito.” (Pallavicino, lib. 1, p. 112.) How affecting these words when one thinks of what now is the condition of the kingdom, the treasures, and the royal house of Spain! 5 Sleidan, bk. 3, p. 44. Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 44, p.160. Polano, Hist. Counc. Trent, bk. 1, p. 14; Lond., 1629. 6 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 44, Additio 1, p. 160. 7 Seckendorf (quoting from Altingius), lib. 1, sec. 44, Additio 1:Pallavicino denies that it was proposed to violate the safe-conduct. He founds his denial upon the silence of Aleander. But the Papal nuncio’s silence, which is exceedingly natural, can weigh but little against the testimony of so many historians. 8 The imperial proscription of Luther is said to have been dated on the same day on which the treaty with the Pope was concluded. (Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, vol. 1, p. 65; Bohn’s edit., Lond., 1847.) 9 Sommario della Storia d’ Italia. (Ranke, vol. 1, p. 66.) 10 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 28, p. 114. 11 Pallavicino, lib. 1, cap. 28, p. 117. Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 42, p. 158. 12 “Nicht ein Mensch, sondern als der bose Fiend in Gestalt eines Menschen mit angenommener Monsch-skutten.”—Luth. Opp. (L) 17:598. 13 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 44, p. 159. L. Epp., 2:3. 14 The author has surveyed the scene from the same window, and he describes it as he saw it, and as it must have been daily seen by Luther. The hill of the Wartburg is a steep and wooded slope on all sides, save that on which the window of Luther’s chamber is placed. On this side a bare steep runs sheer down to almost the foot of the mountain.

    CHAPTER - Fox, pp. 229, 230; Lond. 1838. 2 These included the condemnation of transubstantiation; exorcisms; the blessing of bread, oil, wax, water, etc.; the union of spiritual and temporal offices; clerical celibacy; prayers for the dead; the worship of saints and images; pilgrimages; auricular confession; indulgences; conventual vows, etc. etc. (Collier, Eccles. Hist., vol. 1, pp. 597, 598; Lond., 1708.) 3 Walsingham, Hist. Anglae, p. 328; Camdeni Anglica, Frankfort, 1603. Lewis, Wiclif, p. 337. Fox, Acts and Mon., bk. 1, p. 662; Lond., 1641. 4 Fox, bk. 1, p. 664. 5 Instit., pax. 3, cap. 5, fol. 39. Collier, Eccles. Hist., vol 1, pp. 614, 615. 6 Fox, bk. 1, p. 675. This statute is known as 2 Henry IV., cap. 15. Cotton remarks “that the printed statute differs greatly from the record, not only in form, but much more in matter, in order to maintain ecclesiastical tyranny.” His publisher, Prynne, has this note upon it: “This was the first statute and butcherly knife that the impeaching prelates procured or had against the poor preachers of Christ’s Gospel.” (Cobbett,. Parliament. Hist., vol. 1, p. 287; Lond., 1806.) The “Statute of Heresy” was passed in the previous reign—Richard II., 1382. It is entitled “An Act to commission sheriffs to apprehend preachers of heresy, and their abettors, reciting the enormities ensuing the preaching of heretics.” It was surreptitiously obtained by the clergy and enrolled without the consent of the Commons. On the complaint of that body this Act was repealed, but by a second artifice of the priests the Act of repeal was suppressed, and prosecutions carried on in virtue of the “Act of Heresy.” (See Cobbett, Parliament. Hist., vol. 1, p. 177.) Sir Edward Coke (Instit., par. 3, cap. 5, fol. 39) gives the same account of the matter. He says that the 6th of Richard II., which repealed the statute of the previous year (5th Richard II.), was not proclaimed, thus leaving the latter in force. Collier (Eccles. Hist., vol. 1, p. 606) argues against this view of the case. The manner of proclaiming laws, printing being then unknown, was to send a copy on parchment, in Latin or French, to each sheriff, who proclaimed them in his county; and had the 6th of Richard II., which repealed the previous Act, been omitted in the proclamation, it would, Collier thinks, have been known to the Commons. 7 Fox, bk. 1, p. 675. Collier, Eccles. Hist., vol. 1, p 618. 8 Fox, bk. 1, p. 674. 9 Collier,. Eccles. Hist., 1, 618. Burnet, Hist. Ref., 1:24. 10 There is some ground to think that Sawtrey was not the first to be put to death for religion in England. “A chronicle of London,” says the writer of the Preface to Bale’s Brefe Chronycle, “mentions one of the Albigenses burned A.D. 1210.” And Camden, it is thought, alludes to this when he says: “In the reign of John, Christians began to be put to death in the flames by Christians amongst us.” (Bale, Preface 2) 11 Fox, bk. 5, p. 266. 12 Ibid. p. 267. 13 Collier. Eccles. Hist., vol. 1, p. 629. Fox, bk. 5, p. 266. 14 Walsingham, Hist. Angliae, p. 570; Camdeni Anglica, Frankfort, 1603. Holinshed, Chronicles, vol. 3, pp. 48, 49; Lond., 1808. Holinshed says the prince “promised him not only life, but also three pence a day so long as he lived, to be paid out of the king’s coffers.” Cobbett, in his Parliamentary History, tells us that the wages of a thresher were at that time twopence per day. 15 Fox, bk. 5, pp. 266, 267; Lond., 1838.

    CHAPTER - Footnote1 Fox, bk. 5, p. 268. 2 This account of Thorpe’s examination is from Fox greatly abridged. Our aim has been to bring out his doctrinal views, seeing they may be accepted as a good general representation of the Lollard theology of his day. The threats and contumelious epithets addressed to him by the primate, we have all but entirely suppressed. 3 There were clearly but two courses open to him—retractation or condemnation. We agree with Fox in thinking that he was not likely to retract. 4 Collier, vol. 1, bk. 7, p. 625. 5 Collier, 1, bk. 7, p. 626. 6Ibid.

    CHAPTER - See ante, bk.2, chap.10. 2 Ibid., p.628. 3 Collier, vol. 1, p. 628. 4 Walsingham, Hist. Angliae, p. 569; Camdeni Anglica, Frankfort, 1603. 5Ibid., p. 570. 6 Collier, vol 1, bk. 7, pp. 628, 629. 7 Collier, vol. 1, bk. 7, p. 629. Concil. Lab. at Cossar., tom. 10, pars. 2, col. 2126. 8Ibid., col. 2131. 9 See ante, bk. 3, chap. 4. 10 Collier, vol. 1, bk. 7, p. 630. 11 This bull was afterwards voided by Sixtus IV. Wood, Hist. Univ.; Oxon, 205. Cotton’s Abridgment, p. 480. Collier, vol. 1, bk. 7, p. 630. 12 The university seal, it is believed, was surreptitiously obtained; but the occurrence proves that among the professors at Oxford were not a few who thought with Wicliffe. 13 Fox, bk. 5, p. 282; Lond., 1838. 14 Collier, vol. 1, bk. 7, p. 631. 15 Fox, bk. 5, p. 280. 16 Fox, bk. 5., p. 280. 17Ibid. 18Ibid. 19 Ibid.

    CHAPTER - Holinshed, vol. 3, p. 30. Cobbett, vol. 1, cols. 295, 296. Collier, vol. 1, bk. 7, p. 620. 2 Walsingham, pp. 371, 372. Collier, vol. 1, bk. 7, pp.620, 621. 3 Holinshed, vol. 3, p. 48. Walsingham, p. 379. Collier, vol. 1, bk. 7, p. 629. 4 Walsingham, pp. 360, 361. This vial, the chronicler tells us, had lain for many years, neglected, locked up in a chest in the Tower of London. 5 The chronicler, Holinshed, records a curious interview between the prince and his father, in the latter days of Henry. The prince heard that he had been slandered to the king, and went to court with a numerous train, to clear himself. “He was appareled,” says Holinshed, “in a gown of blue satin and full of small owlet holes, at every hole the needle hanging by a silk thread with which it was sewed.” Falling on his knees, he pulled out a dagger, and presenting it to the king, he bade him plunge it into his breast, protesting that he did not wish to live a single day under his father’s suspicions. The king, casting away the dagger, kissed the prince, and was reconciled to him. (Chron., vol. 3, p. 54.) 6 Collier, vol. 1, bk. 7, p. 632. Holinshed, vol. 3, p. 57. 7 Holinshed, Vol 3, p.58.

    CHAPTER - “A sore, ruggie, and tempestuous day, with wind, snow, and sleet, that men greatly marvelled thereat, making diverse interpretations what the same might signifie.” (Holinshed, vol. 3, p. 61.) 2 Fox, bk. 5, p. 282. 3 Walsingham, p. 382. 4 Hume, chap. 19. 5 Holinshed, vol. 3, p. 62. 6 See Dugdale, Baronetage. 7 Walsingham, p. 382. 8 Collier, vol. 1, bk. 7, p. 632. 9 Bale, Brefe Chron., p. 13; Lond., 1729. 10 Ibid. 11 Collier, vol 1, bk. 7, p. 632. 12 Bale, p. 23. Holinshed, vol 3, p. 62. 13 Bale, pp. 24, 25. Fox. bk. 5, p. 282. 14 Bale, pp. 25-28. Collier, 7, 633. Fox,5, 282. 15 The document is given in full by Bale and Fox. 16 Bale, p. 35. 17 Bale. pp. 50, 51. Fox. bk. 5, p. 284. 18 “Iniquitatis et tenebrarum filius.” (Walsingham, Hist. Ang., p. 385.) 19 “Affabiliter et suaviter recitavit excommunicationem, flebili vultu.” (Rymer, Federa, vol. 5, p. 50. Walsingham, p. 384.) 20 We give this account of Lord Cobham’s (Sir John Oldcastle) examination, slightly abridged, from Bale’s Brefe Chronycle, pp. 49-73. Walsingham gives substantially, though more briefly, the same account of the matter (pp. 383, 384). See also Collier, vol 1, bk. 7, p. 634. “Lingard’s commentary on the trial,” says M’Crie (Am. Eng. Presb., 51), “is in the true spirit of the religion which doomed the martyr to the stake with crocodile tears: ‘ The prisoner’s conduct was as arrogant and insulting as that of his judge was mild and dignified! ’” (Hist. Eng., vol. 5, p. 5.) 21 Walsingham, p. 385. 22 Bale, pp. 83-38. Fox, bk. 5, p. 288. 23 Fox, bk. 5, p.287. 24 Ibid , bk. 5, p.288.

    CHAPTER - Bale, p. 90. 2 Bale, p. 16. 3 Collier, vol. 1, bk. 7, p. 634. 4 Holinshed, vol. 3, p. 63. 5 The allegation of conspiracy, advanced beforehand by the priests, was of course entered on the records of King’s Bench as the ground of proceedings, but it stands altogether unsupported by proof or probability. No papers containing the plan of revolution were ever discovered. No confession of such a thing was made by any of those who were seized and executed. Even Walsingham can only say, “The king heard they intended to destroy him and the monasteries,” etc., and “Many were taken who were said to have conspired” (qui dicebantur conspirasse)— Hist. Ang., p. 386. When four years afterwards Lord Cobham was taken and condemned, his judges did not dare to confront him with the charge of conspiracy, but simply outlawry, passed upon him when he fled. As an instance of the wild rumors then propagated against the Lollards, Walden, the king’s confessor, and Polydore Virgil, the Pope’s collector of Peter’s pence in England, in their letters to Martin V., give vivid descriptions of terrible insurrections in England, wherein, as Bale remarks, “never a man was hurt;” and Walden, in his first preface to his fourth book against the Wicliffites, says that Sir John Oldcastle conspired against King Henry V. in the first year of his reign, and offered a golden noble for every head of monk, canon, friar, or priest that should be brought to him; while in his Fasciculus Zizaniorum Wiclevi, he tells us that Sir John was at that very time a prisoner in the Tower (Bale, p. 101). Fox, the martyrologist, charges the Papists with not only inventing the plot, but forging the records which accuse Sir John Oldcastle of complicity in it; and though Collier has attempted to reply to Fox, it is with no great success. All dispassionate men will now grant that the meeting was a voluntary one for worship, or a trap laid for the Lollards by their enemies. 6 Ezra 4, 12-15.

    CHAPTER - Bale, p. 10. 2 Fox, bk. 5, p. 288. 3 Holinshed, vol. 3, p. 63. 4 Holinshed, vol. 3, p. 64. 5 Bale, p. 92. 6 Collier, vol. 1, p. 635. 7 Bale, p. 95. 8 Walsingham, p. 399. 9 Collier, vol. 1, bk. 7, p. 645. 10 Fox, bk. 5, p. 323. Collier, vol. 1, bk. 7, p. 645. Walsingham (p. 399) says that he ran out into a long address on the duty of man to forgive, and leave the punishment of offenses in the hands of the Almighty; and, on being stopped, and asked by the court to speak to the charge of outlawry, he began a second sermon on the same text. Walsingham has been followed in this by Collier, Cotton, and Lingard. “There is nothing more in the records,” says the younger M’Crie, speaking from a personal examination of them, “than a simple appeal to mercy.” (Ann. Eng. Presb., p. 54.) 11 Bale, p. 96. 12 Holinshed, vol. 3, p. 94. Bale, pp. 96, 97. 13 Bale, pp. 98, 99. Fox, bk. 5, p. 323. The monks and friars who wrote our early plays, and acted our dumb shows, did not let slip the opportunity this gave them of vilifying, lampooning, and caricaturing the first English peer who had died a Protestant martyr. Having burned him, they never could forgive him. He was handed down, “from fair to fair, and from inn-yard to inn-yard,” as a braggart, a debauchee, and a poltroon. From them the martyr came to figure in the same character on Shakespeare’s stage. But the great dramatist came to discover how the matter really stood, and then he struck out the name “Oldcastle,” and inserted instead “Falstaff.” Not only so; as if he wished to make yet greater reparation for the injustice he had unwittingly done him, he proclaimed that Lord Cobham “died a martyr.” This indicates that Shakespeare himself had undergone some great change. “The point is curious,” says Mr. Hepworth Dixon. “It is not the change of a name, but of a state of mind. For Shakespeare is not content with striking out the name of Oldcastle and writing down that of Falstaff. He does more—much more—something beyond example in his works: he makes a confession of his faith. In his own person, as a poet and as a man, he proclaims from the stage, ‘Oldcastle died a martyr.’. . . . Shakespeare changed his way of looking at the old heroes of English thought.” The play—The First Part of the True and Honourable History of the Life of Sir John Oldcastle, the Good Lord Cobham —is a protest against the wrong which had been done to Oldcastle on the stage. The prologue said— “It is no pampered glutton we present, Nor aged councillor to youthful sin; But one whose virtue shone above the rest, A valiant martyr and a virtuous peer.” “These lines,” says Mr. Dixon, “are thought to be Shakespeare’s own. They are in his vein, and they repeat the declaration which he had already made: ‘Oldcastle died a martyr!’ The man who wrote this confession in the days of Archbishop Whitgift was a Puritan in faith.” (Her Majesty’s Tower pp. 100-102; Lond., 1869.)

    CHAPTER - Bale, pp. 91, 92. Cobbett, vol. 1, pp. 323, 324. 2 These alien priories were most of them cells to monasteries in France. “‘Twas argued,” says Collier, “that these monks, being foreigners, and depending upon superiors in another kingdom, could not be true to the interest of the English nation: that their being planted here gave them an opportunity of maintaining correspondence with the enemy, besides their transporting money and other commodities was no ordinary damage.” (Vol. 1, p. 650.) 3 Bale, p. 91. Collier, vol. 1, p. 636. Fox, vol. 1, p. 775. Cobbet, vol. 1, p. 324. 4 Collier, vol. 1, p. 638. 5 Shakspeare, Henry V., act 1. 6 Holinshed, vol. 3, p. 68. 7 Ibid., pp. 79-83. Collier, vol. 1., p. 641. Hume, chap. 20. 8 Holinshed, vol. 3, pp. 90-114. Cobbett, vol. 1, col. 338. 9 This is that Catherine who, after the death of her husband, Henry V., married Sir Owen Tudor, a Welsh gentleman, whose descendants afterwards mounted the throne of England. 10 Holinshed, vol. 3, pp. 132, 133. 11 Holmshed, vol 3, p. 134. 12 Hume, chap. 19. 13 Fox, bk. 5, pp. 319, 320. 14 Collier, vol. 1, p. 639. 15 Fox, bk. 5, pp. 320, 321. 16 Hebrews 11. 17 Fox, bk. 6, p. 339. 18 Holinshed, 3, p. 135. Collier, 7, p. 650. Fox, p. 339. 19 Fox, bk. 6, p. 20 Ibid , p. 361. 21 Ibid , p. 22 Ibid , p.

    CHAPTER - See ante, bk. 3, chap. 13. 2 We may here quote the statute of Praemunire, as passed in the 16th of Richard II. After a preambulatory remonstrance against the encroachments of the Pope in the way of translating English prelates to other sees in England, or in foreign countries, in appointing foreigners to English sees, and in sending his bulls of excommunication against bishops refusing to carry into effect his appointments, and in withdrawing persons, causes, and revenues from the jurisdiction of the king, and after the engagement of the Three Estates to stand by the crown against these assumptions of the Pope, the enacting part of the statute follows:— “Whereupon our said Lord the King, by the assent aforesaid, and at the request of his said Commons, hath ordained and established, that if any purchase or pursue, or cause to be purchased or pursued, in the court of Rome or elsewhere [the Papal court was at times at Avignon], any such translations, processes, or sentences of excommunication, bulls, instruments, or any other things whatsoever, which touch the King, against him, his crown, or his regalty, or his realm as is aforesaid; and they which bring within the realm, or them receive, or make thereof notification, or any other execution whatsoever within the same realm, or without, that they, their notaries, procurators, maintainers, abettors, ranters, and counsellors, shall be put out of the King’s protection, and their lands and tenements, goods and chattels, forfeit to our Lord the King. And that they be attached by their bodies, and if they may be, found, and brought before the King and his Council, there to answer to the cases aforesaid, or that processes be made against them by Praemunire facias, in manner as it is ordained in other statutes of Provisors. And other which do sue in any other court in derogation of the regalty of our Lord the King.” Sir Edward Coke observes that this statute is more comprehensive and strict than that of 27th Edward III. Thus provision was made, as is expressed in the preamble, against the throne and nation of England being reduced to servitude to the Papal chair. “The crown ot England, which has always been so free and independent as not to have any earthly sovereign, but to be immediately subject to God in all things touching the prerogatives and royalty of the said crown, should be made subject to the Pope, and the laws and statutes of the realm defeated and set aside by him at pleasure, to the utter destruction of the sovereignty of our Lord the King, his crown, and royalty, and whole kingdom, which God forbid.” (Collier, vol. 1, bk. 7 pp. 594- 596.) 3 Collier, vol. 1, pp. 653, 654. 4 Ibid., p. 654.

    CHAPTER - “Ut manifestaret bilem suam”—his bile or choler. The word chosen shows that the chronicler did not quite approve of such a display of independence. (Walsingham, p. 387.) 2 This was the same Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester—a son of John of Gaunt—to whom the Pope gave a commission to raise a new crusade against the Bohemians. In this way the Pope hoped, doubtless, to draw in the English to take part in those expeditions which had already cost the German nations so much treasure and blood. In fact the legate came empowered by the Pope to levy a tax of a tenth upon the English clergy for the war in Bohemia. This, however, was refused. (Collier, vol. 1, p. 658.) See ante, bk. 3, chap. 17. 3 Collier, vol. 1, bk. 7, p. 655. 4 Duck, in Vit. Chichely, p. 37; apud. Collier, vol. 1,bk. 7, p. 657. 5 In the petition given in to Henry VI. by the Duke of Gloucester (1441) against the Cardinal of Winchester, legate-a-latere, we find the duke saying, “My lord, your father would as leif see him set his crown beside him as see him wear a cardinal’s hat. . . . His intent was never to do so great derogation to the Church of Canterbury, as to make them that were his suffragans sit above their ordinary and metropolitan. . . . Item, it is not unknown to you, how through your lands it is noised that the said cardinal and the Archbishop of York had and have the governance of you, and of all your land, the which none of your true liege men ought to usurp or take upon them.” (Holinshed, vol. 3, p. 199.) For this honest advice the Duke of Gloucester had in after-years (1447) to pay the penalty of his life. Henry Beaufort, the rich cardinal as he was styled, died in 1447. “He was,” says Holinshed, “more noble in blood than notable in learning; haughty in stomach and high of countenance; rich above measure, but not very liberal; disdainful to his kin, and dreadful to his lovers; preferring money to friendship; many things beginning and few performing, save in malice and mischief.” (Vol. 3, p. 112.) He was succeeded in his bishopric by William Waynflete, a prelate of wisdom and learning, who was made Chancellor of England, and was the founder of Magdalen College, Oxford. 6 It may be viewed, perhaps, as collateral evidence of the reviving power of Christianity in England, that about this time it was enacted that fairs and markets should not be held in cathedrals and churches, save twice in the year (Collier); that no commodities or victuals should be exposed for sale in London on Sabbath, and that artificers and handicraftsmen should not carry home their wares to their employers on the sacred day. “But this ordinance was too good,” says the author from whom Holinshed quotes, “for so bad an age, and therefore died within a short time after the magistrate had given it life.” (Vol. 3, p. 206.) 7 Collier, vol 1, bk. 7, p. 655. The letter is dated 8th December, the tenth year of his Popedom. Collier supposes that this is a mistake for the eleventh year of Martin’s Pontificate, which would make the year 1427. 8 Burnet, Hist. Reform., vol. 1, p. 111. Collier, vol. 1, p. 656. 9 Burner, Collection of Records, vol. 1, p. 100; apud Collier, vol. 1, p. 656. In 1438, Charles VII. established the Pragmatic Sanction in his Parliament at Bourges. The Pragmatic Sanction was very much in France what the Act of Praemunire was in England. 10 Collier, Vol. 1, bk. 7, p. 666. 11 Created a Cardinal of the Church of Rome, March, 1875. 12The Unity of the Church, p. 361; Lond., 1842.

    CHAPTER - In proof of this summary view of the origin and effects of the crusades, the author begs to refer his readers to Baron., Ann., 1096; Gibbon, chap. 58, 59; Moreri, Le Grand Dict. Hist., tom. 3; Innet, Origines Anglicance, vol. 2; Sismondi, Hist., etc. etc. The author speaks, of course, of the direct and immediate effects which flowed from the crusades; there were remote and indirect results of a beneficent kind evolved from them, but this was the doing of an overruling Providence, and was neither foreseen nor intended by their authors. 2 Hardouin, Acta Concil., tom. 7, p; 395; Parisiis, 1714. 3 Shakespeare, King John, act 2, scene 1. 4 “God suddenly touched him, unbodying his soul in the flower of his youth, and the glory of his conquest.”—Speech of Duke of York to Parliament, 1460. (Holinshed, vol 3, p. 264.) While the duke was asserting his title to the crown in the Upper House, there happened, says the chronicler, “a strange chance in the very same instant among the Commons in the Nether House. A crown, which did hang in the middle of the same, to garnish a branch to set lights upon, without touch of man, or blast of wind, suddenly fell down. About the same time also fell down the crown which stood on the top of Dover Castle. Soon after the duke was slain on the battlefield, and with him 2,800, mostly young gentlemen, heirs of great families. His head, with a crown of paper, stuck on a pole, was presented to the queen. Some write,” says the chronicler, “that he was taken alive, made to stand on a mole-hill, with a garland of bulrushes instead of a crown, and his captors, kneeling before him in derision, said, ‘Hail, king without rule!- hail, king without heritage!—hail, duke and prince without people and possessions!’” and then struck off his head. 5 “This year, 1477,” says Holinshed (vol. 3, p. 346),“happened so fierce and quick a pestilence that the previous fifteen years consumed not the third part of the people that only four months miserably and pitifully dispatched and brought to their graves.” 6 Hume, Hist. Eng. chap. 29. 7 Rumors of prodigies and portents helped to augment the prevalent foreboding and alarm of the people. Of these the following may be taken as a sample, the more that there is a touch of the dramatic about it:—“In November, 1457, in the isle of Portland, not far from the town of Weymouth, was seen a cock coming out of the sea, having a great crest upon his head, and a great red beard, and legs half a yard long. He stood on the water and crowed three times, and every time turned him about, and beckoned with his head, toward the north, the south, and the west, and was in color like a pheasant, and when he had crowed three times he vanished away.” (Holinshed, vol. 3, p. 244.) We read of “a rain of blood” in Bedfordshire, “which spotted clothes hung out to dry.” 8 The Romish clergy were careful, in the midst of this general destruction of life and substance, that their possessions should not come by loss. The following award was made at Westminster, 23rd March, 1458: “ That at the costs, charges, and expenses of the Duke of York, the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury, forty-five pounds of yearly rent should be assured by way of mortisement for ever, unto the monastery of St. Albans, for suffrages and obits to be kept, and alms to be employed for the souls of Edmund, late Duke of Somerset; Henry, late Earl of Northumberland; and Thomas, late Lord Clifford, lately slain in the battle of St. Albans, and buried in the Abbey church, and also for the souls of all others slain in the same battle.” (Holinshed, vol. 3, p. 247.) 9 D’Aubigne, vol. 5, p. 148.

    BOOK SEVENTH

    CHAPTER - Histoire de la Reformation, de la Suisse. Par Abraham Ruchat, Ministre du Saint Evangile et Professeur en Belles Lettres dans l’Academie du Lausanne. Vol 1, p. 70. Lausanne, 1835.

    CHAPTER - Augustin., Epist. 119., Ad Januarium. 2 Sulp. Severus, Vit. Martini, cap. 11; apud Ruchat, 1:17. 3 Commentar., in 1 Epist. Timot., cap. 3. 4 Melchior Canus, Loc. Com., p. 59. 5 Hottinger, tom. 3, p. 125; apud Ruchat. 6Ibid., tom. 3, pp. 285, 286. 7 Zwing., Oper., tom. 2, p. 613. 8 Alphons. de Castro adv. Haeres, lib. 1, cap. 4; apud Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 21. 9 Hottinger, apud Ruchat, tom. l, p. 22. 10 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 22. Mosheim, cent. 7, pt. 2, chap. 5. 11 Zwing, Oper., tom. 2, p.622 12 De Invent rer ., lib. 6: 13: “Imaginibus magis fidunt, quam Christo ipsi;” apud Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 24. 13 The sale of benefices was as ordinary an affair, says Ruchat (tom. 1, p. 26), “que celle des cochons au march3 —as that of swine in a market. 14 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 26.

    CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. 1 p. 27. 2 Arch. de Moud. Registr.; apud Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 27. 3 Ibid. 3 Ibid. 4 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 29. 5 “Venalia Romae Templa, Sacerdotes, Altaria, Sacra, Coronae, Ignis, Thura, Preces, Coelum est venale, Deusque.”(At Rome are on sale, temples, priests, altars, mitres, crowns, fire [or, excommunications], incense, prayers, heaven, and God himself.) 6 Arch. de Moud. Registr.; apud Ruchat, 1, 30. 7 Ibid. 8 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 31. 9 “L’impiete, l’ivrognerie, la gourmandise et l’impurete, etaient parmi eux a leur comble; ils le portaient plus loin que les laiques.” (Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 32.) 10Arch. de Bern. et MS. amp., p. 18; apud Ruchat, 1, 33. 11 “Taken,” says Ruchat, “from an original paper, which has been communicated to me by M. Olivier, chtatelain of La Sarraz.” 12 Two or three years before the occurrence of this plague, a pestilence had raged in Lausanne and its environs. (Ruchat.)

    CHAPTER - Christoffel, Zwingli, or Rise of the Reformation in Switzerland, p. 1; Clark’s ed., Edin., 1858. D’Aubigne, bk. 8, chap. 1. 2 Pallavicino asserts that he was obscurely born—“nato bassamente” (tom. 1, lib. 1, cap. 19). His family was ancient and highly respected (Gerdesius, p. 101)—“Issu d’une honnete et ancienne famille,” says Ruchat (tom. 1, p. 71). 3 Oswald Myconius, Vit. Zwing. Not to be confounded with Myconius the friend and biographer of Luther. 4 De Providentia Dei. 5 Christoffel, p. 3. 6 Osw. Mycon., Vit. Zwing. 7 Christoffel, p. 5. 8 Bullinger, Chron.

    CHAPTER - Christoffel, p. 8. 2 Osw. Mycon., Vit. Zwing. 3 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 67. 4 Hottinger, 16. Ruchat, tom. 1, pp. 76, 77. 5 Hottinger, 16, 17. Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 77. 6 “Jesum Christum nobis a Patre justitiam et satisfactionem pro peccatis mundi factum est” (Jesus Christ is made by the Father our righteousness and the satisfaction for the sins of the world).— Gerdesius, tom. 1, pp. 100-102. 7 Christoffel, p. 9. 8 Zwing. Epp., p. 9.

    CHAPTER - Zwingli Opp., ed. Schuler et Schulthess, 1, 81; apud Dorner, Hist. Prot. Theol., vol. 1, p. 287. 2 Ibid., 1, 79; apud Dorner, vol 1, p. 287. 3 Zwingle’s own words, as given in his Works, tom. 1, p. 37, are—“ Caepi ego evangelium praedicare anno salutis decimo sexto supra millesimum et quingentesimum, eo silicet tempore, cum Lutheri nomen in nostris regionibus ne auditurn quidem adhuc erat” (I began to preach the Gospel in the year of grace 1516, at that time namely when even the name of Luther had not been heard in our country). Wolfgang’s words are, as given in Capito’s letter to Bullinger—“Nam antequam Lutherus in lucem emerserat, Zwinglius et ego inter nos communicavimus de Pontifice dejiciendo, etiam dum ille vitam degeret in Eremitorio” (For before Luther had appeared in public, Zwingle and I had conversed together regarding the overthrow of the Pope, even when he lived in the Hermitage).—Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 193.

    CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 74. 2 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 75. 3Hist. Ren. Evang., 1, 104. 4 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 94. 5 Christoffel, pp. 28, 29. 6 Christoffel, p. 111. 7 Ruchat. tom. 1, p. 105. 8 Osw. Mycon., Vit. Zwing.

    CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 90. 2 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 92. 3 Ibid 4 Hist. Ren. Evang. tom. 1, pp. 106, 122. 5 Pallavicino, tom. 1, lib. 1, cap. 19, p. 80. 6 Some of Samson’s indulgences were preserved in the archives of the towns, and in the libraries of private families, down to Ruchat’s time, the middle of last century. The indulgence bought by Arnay for dollars Ruchat had seen, signed by Samson himself. Two batzen, for which the paper indulgences were sold, are about three-halfpence. 7 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 8 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 97. 9Ibid ., pp. 97, 98. Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 124. 10 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 106. 11 Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 126. 12 Pallavicino, tom. 1, p. 80. 13 Bullinger, p. 87. 14 Zwing. Epp., p. 91.

    CHAPTER - Zwing. Opp., 1, 206; apud D’Aubigne, 2, 351. 2 Christoffel, pp. 40, 42. 3 RuchaL. tom. 1, p. 108. 4 Gerdesius, tom. 2, p. 229. 5 Scultet. p. 67. 6 Gerdesius, tom. 2, p. 229. 7 Gerdesius, tom. 2, sec. 106, 120, 121. 8 Letter to Zwingli, 1520—Gerdesius, tom. 2, p. 231. 9 Gerdesius, tom. 2, p. 232. 10 “Ne Lutherum discipulis legerem; ne nominarem, imo ne in mentem eum admitterem.” (Gerdesius, tom. 2, p. 232.) 11 Gerdesius, tom. 2, p. 233. D’Aubigne, vol. 2, p. 400. 12 Gerdesius, tom. 2, p. 237. 13Ibid., tom. 2, p. 236—Effigies. 14 Gerdesius, tom. 2, p. 15 Gerdesius, tom. 2, p. 238. Christoffel, pp. 186-192. D’Aubigne, vol. 2, p. 359; vol. 3, pp. 259-261. 16 See summary of Disputation in Gerdesius, tom 2, sec. 118.

    CHAPTER - Gerdesius, tom. 2, p. 239. 2 Ibid., p. 246. 3 Christoffel, p. 180. 4 D’Aubigne,vol. 3, p. 5 Gerdesius, tom 2, p. 367, foot-note 6 Christoffel, pp. 173, 174. 7 Gerdesius, tom 2, pp. 368,394. Christoffel, pp. 175,178. 8 Appenzell joined the Swiss league in 1513, and was the last in order of the so-called old cantons. 9 Christoffel, pp. 179—181. 10 Ruchat, tom. 1, pp. 228-230. Christoffel, pp. 183, 185. 11 Scultet., Annal., Dec. 1, p. 290; apud Gerdesius, tom. 2, pp. 292 and 304, 306· Christoffel, pp. 182-185. 12 Gerdesius, tom. 2, pp. 292, 293. 13 Hottinger, helve., pp. 380—384. Sleidan, lib. 5, apud Gerdesius, tom. 2, p. 363. 14 D’Aubigne, vol. 5, p. 306. 15 Christoffel, p. 173.

    CHAPTER - Christoffel, pp. 51, 52. 2 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 133. 3 Christoffel, p. 58. 4 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 134. 5 Ruchat, tom. 1, pp. 134,135. 6 Christoffel, pp. 58-62. 7 Gerdesius, tom 1, p. 270. Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 135. 8 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 138. Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 273. 9 Christoffel, pp. 66, 67. 10 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 140. 11 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 141. Gerdesius, tom. 1, pp. 270-277. 12 Ruchat, tom. 1, pp. 150, 151.

    CHAPTER - Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 279. Christoffel, pp. 95, 96. 2 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 160. 3 Christoffel, p. 96. 4 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 160. 5 This article would appear to be directed against the teaching of the Anabaptists, who began to appear about the year 1522. 6 Ruchat, tom 1, p. 161. 7 Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 279. Christoffel, p. 99. 8 Hotting, 106, 107. Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 160. 9 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 161. 10 Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 279. 11 Christoffel, p. 102. 12 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 162. 13 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 163. 14 Christoffel, pp. 105, 106. 15 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 164. 16 Luke 1:48. 17 Ibid. 1:43. 18 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 105. 19 Luke 10:16. 20 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 167. Sleidan, bk. 3, p. 57. Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 279: “Ut traditionibus hominum omissis, Evangelium pure doceatur e Veteris et Novi Testamenti libris” (That, laying aside the traditions of man, the pure Gospel may be taught from the books of the Old and New Testament). 21 Zwing. Op., 621, 622; apud Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 167. 22 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 168. Christoffel, pp. 107, 108. D’Aubigne, vol. 3, pp. 226, 227.

    CHAPTER - Christoffel, p. 109. 2 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 169. 3 Ibid., tom. 1, p. 181. 4 Christoffel, pp. 101-113. 5 Christoffel, p. 115. 6 Christoffel, pp. 118, 119. 7 Ibid., p. 119. 8 Christoffel, pp. 119, 120. 9 Ibid., p. 120, foot-note. 10 See D’Aubigne, 8, 13, foot-note, and Christoffel, pp. 122,123, on the time and manner of Zwingli’s marriage.

    CHAPTER - Zwing. Op., tom. 1, fol. 35. Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 280. 2 Christoffel, p. 126. Hottinger was afterwards martyred at Lucerne. But this, and other events outside the canton of Zurich, will come more fully under our notice when we advance to the second stage of the Swiss Reformation—that, namely, from the establishment of the Protestant faith at Zurich, 1525, to the battle of Kappel, 1531. 3 Christoffel, p. 126. 4 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 183. Christoffel, pp. 126-130. So did Zwingli, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, reason on the question of the worshipping of God by images. He was followed in the same line of argument by the French and English divines who rose later in the same century. And at this day the Protestant controversialist can make use of but the same weapons that Zwingli employed. 5 Sleidan, bk. iv., p. 66. 6 Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 290. 7 Ruchat, tom. 1, pp. 182,183. 8 Christoffel, p. 132. 9 Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 291. Christoffel, p. 133. 10 Christoffel, pp. 132-135. 11 Dorner, Hist. Prof. Theol., vol. 1, p. 309. 12 Christoffel, p. 137. 13 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 184. 14 Gerdesius, tom. 1, pp. 291, 292. Christoffel, pp. 137-139. 15 Ibid., tom. 1, pp. 292, 293. Christoffel, pp. 142, 143.They boasted having in the cathedral the bodies of St. Felix and St. Regulus, martyrs of the Theban legion. When their coffins were opened they were found to contain some bones mixed with pieces of charcoal and brick. The bones were committed to the earth. “Nevertheless,” says Ruchat, “the Papists in latter times have given out that the bodies of the martyrs were carried to Ursern, in the canton of Uri, since the Reformation, and they were exhibited there on the 11th April, 1688.” (Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 193.)

    CHAPTER - Christoffel, p. 143. See also foot-note. 2 Sleidan, bk. 4, p. 73. Zwing. Op., tom. 1, fol. 261. Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 294, also p. 305. Christoffel, pp. 143, 144. 3 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 217. 4 , ibid p. 218. 5 Ibid., p. 221. 6 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 221. Sleidan, bk. 4, p. 77. Christoffel, pp. 214-221. 7 Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 318. 8 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 245. 9 Sleidan, bk. 4, p. 82. Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 321. Christoffel. p. 146. 10 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 246. Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 322. 11 “Ater an albus, nihil memini, somnium enim narro.” (Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 322.) 12 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 247. Christoffel, p. 149. 13 Christoffel, pp. 147,148. 14 Christoffel, pp. 151,165.

    BOOK EIGHTH

    CHAPTER - Muller, vol. 3, p. 55. 2 Sleidan, p. 51. 3 Robertson, Hist. of Charles V., vol. 1, p. 115; Edin., 1829. 4 Ranke, Hist. of Popes, vol. 1, p. 66; Bohn’s ed., 1847. 5Ibid., vol. 1, p. 67. “He has died like a heretic without confession and without the Sacrament,” said the populace. The celebrated Italian poet, Sannazaro, made the following distich upon the occurrence:—“Sacra, sub extrema, si forte requiris, hora, Cur Leo non potuit sumere? Vendiderat.” (Are you curious to know why Pope Leo could not receive the Sacrament in his last hour? The reason is, he had sold it.) 6 Pallavicino, tom. 1, lib. 2, cap. 2, p. 123. 7 Sleidan, p. 56. Ranke, vol. 1, pp. 68, 69. 8 Pallavicino, tom. 1, lib. 2, cap. 3, p. 126. Ranke,vol. 1, p. 70. D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 122. 9 Comm. in lib. iv., Sententiarum Quest. de Sacr. Confirm.; Romae, 1522; apud D’Aubigne, bk. 10, chap. 2. 10 Pallavicino, tom. 1, cap. 4. Platina, Vit. Ad. 6. No. 222, Som. Pont. 11 The Archbishop of Mainz had resumed the sale of indulgences. The money raised was to be devoted to combatting the Mussulman hordes. Luther, from the Wartburg, sent a severe letter to the archbishop, to which he returned a meek reply, promising amendment touching the matter which had drawn upon him Luther’s reprimand. 12 Michelet, Life of Luth., pp. 103, 104; Lond., 1846. 13 These versions were published, says Seckendorf, at Nuremberg, in the years stated in the text, but they were wholly useless, for not only was the typography of the versions execrable, but the people were not permitted to read them. (Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 51, p. 204.) 14 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 51, p. 204. 15 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 51, p. 203. 16 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 51; Additio. 17 The cicerone of the Wartburg was careful to draw the author’s attention, as he does that of every visitor, to the indentation in the wall produced, as he affirms, by Luther’s inkstand. The plaster, over against the spot where Luther must have sat, is broken and blackened as if by the sharp blow of some body of moderate weight.

    CHAPTER - Melan., Vit. Luth., p. 19; Vratislavae, 1819. 2 Seckendorf, lib. 1, p. 214; Add. l, 216. Sleidan, 3, 49. 3 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 54; Additio i. 4 Sleidan, bk. 3, p. 52. Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 49, p.197. 5 Michelet, Life of Luth., p. 114. 6 Seckendorf, lib. 1, sec. 48; Additio, pp. 192, 193. 7 Sleidan, bk., 3, p. 52. 8 Luth. Opp. (L) 18, 225; apud D’Aubigne 3, 67, 68.

    CHAPTER - D’Aubigne, bk. 9, chap. 11. 2 Sleidan, bk. 3, p. 55. 3 Pallavicino, tom. 1, lib. 2, cap. 7, p. 140. Sleidan, 3, 55. 4 Sleidan, bk. 4, p. 59. Pallavicino, tom. 1, lib. 2, cap. 7, p. 141. 5 Pallavicino, tom. 1, p. 141. 6 Sleidan, bk. 4, p. 60. 7 Ibid, bk. 4, p. 63. Pallavicino, lib. 2, cap. 8. 8 “Che in questo tempo si predicasse piamente e mansuetamente il puro Evangelio e la Scrittura approvata secondo resposizione approvata e ricevuta dlla Chiesa”—“That in the meantime the pure Gospel be preached piously and soberly, according to the exposition of Scripture received and approved by the Church.” (Pallavicino, lib. 2, cap. 8, p. 146.) The decree was ambiguous, remarks Pallavicino. Each put his own interpretation upon the phrase “the pure Gospel.” The phrase “exposition hitherto in use” was also variously interpreted. According, said some, to the manner of Thomas Aquinas and other medieval doctors; according, said others, to that of the more ancient, Cyprian, Augustine, etc. The decree, nevertheless, helped to shield the Protestant preachers. 9 See Adrian’s energetic epistle, in D’Aubigne, pp.132-185; Edin., 1846. 10 The execution of the third, Lambert Thorn, followed that of the first two by a few days. 11 Sleidan, bk. 4, pp. 63, 64.Ranke, vol. 1, p. 75.

    CHAPTER - Ranke, vol. 1, p. 75. 2 Cochlaeus, p. 82. D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 3 Sleidan, bk. 4, p. 68. 4 Ibid., bk. iv., p. 69. Fra-Paolo Sarpi, livr. 1, pp. 64, 65. “It is evident,” says the French translator and editor (Pierre Francois le Courayer) of Sarpi’s History of the Council of Trent, “that both the Pope and the legate believed themselves justified in this falsehood for the good of the cause. For it is not doubted that the ‘Hundred Grievances’ had been received at the court of Rome, and Pallavicino even does not leave us ignorant that the legate was instructed to dissemble the fact of their reception, in order to treat on more favorable terms with the princes.” 5 Pallavicino, lib. 2, cap. 10, p. 155. 6 Cochlaeus, p. 84. D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 145.

    CHAPTER - One is surprised to learn how many of the arts in daily use were invented in Nuremberg. The oldest specimens of stained glass are said to be here. Playing-cards were manufactured here as early as 1380. In 1390 a citizen of Nuremberg built a paper-mill, undoubtedly the first in Germany. There are records of cannon being cast here as early as 1356. Previously cannon were constructed of iron bars placed lengthwise and held together by hoops. The celebrated cannon “Mons Meg,” at Edinburgh Castle, is constructed after that fashion. The common opinion, supported by Polydore Virgil and other learned writers, is that gunpowder was also invented at Nuremberg, by a Franciscan friar named Berthold Schwartz, in 1378. Here the first watches were made, in 1500; they were called “Nuremberg eggs.” Here the air-gun was invented, 1560; the clarionet, 1690. Here Erasmus Ebner, in 1556, hit upon that particular alloy of metals which forms brass. The brass of former times was a different combination. 2 Decline and Fall, vol. 9, p. 216; Edin., 1832. 3 The discovery of the mariner’s compass gave a great blow to the prosperity of Nuremberg. The mariner’s compass, as every one knows, revolutionized the carrying trade of the world, closing old channels of commerce and opening new. After this invention, ships freighted in the harbors of the East unloaded only when they reached the ports of the Western world. The commerce that had flowed for centuries across the plain on which Nuremberg stands, making it one of its main depots, was after this carried through the Straits or round the Cape; and Nuremberg would have become like a stranded galleon from which the tide had receded, but for the scientific and artistic genius of her sons. They still continued, by their skill and industry, to supply the other cities of Europe with those necessary or luxurious articles which they had not yet learned to create for themselves. The railroad is bringing back, in part at least, the trade and wealth that Nuremberg lost by the mariner’s compass. It is the center of the trade between Southern and Northern Germany; besides, it has not wholly lost the artistic skill and mechanical industry for which it was so famous in olden times.

    CHAPTER - D’Aubigne, bk. 10, chap. 5. 2 Pallavicino, lib. 2, cap. 11. Sleidan, bk. 4, p. 74. Fra-Paolo Sarpi, livr. 1, p. 67; Basle, 1738. 3 Fra-Paolo Sarpi, livr. 1, p. 68. Pallavicino, lib. 2, cap. 11. 4 Sleidan, bk. 4, pp. 75, 76. Pallavicino, lib. 2, cap. 10. Fra-Paolo Sarpi, livr. 1, pp. 69, 70. 5 Sleidan, bk. 4, p. 75. Luth. Opp., lib. 19, p. 330. D’Aubigne, vol. 3, pp. 151—155; Glas., 1855. 6 Luther to Hausmann, 1524, p. 563.

    CHAPTER - Camerarius, p. 94. 2 The order was instituted in A.D. 1190, and the first Master was chosen in the camp before Ptolemais. (Sleidan.) 3 Robertson, Hist. Charles V., bk. 4:Sleidan, bk. 5, pp. 98, 99. 4 Seckendorf. lib. 1, sec. 61, p. 304. 5 Seckendorf. lib. 1, sec. 61, p. 304. 6 Seckendorf, lib.2, sec. 7 Seckendorf, lib.2, sec.

    CHAPTER - Robertson, Hist. Charles V., bk. 4, p. 150. 2 Sir James Mackintosh, in his Vindiciae Gallicoe. 3 Sleidan, bk. 5, p. 83. 4 Ibid., p. 90. 5 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 3, pp. 7, 8. 6 Sleidan, bk. 5, pp 90-95. D’Aubigne, vol. 3, pp. 185, 186. 7 , Hist. Charles V., bk. 4, p. 151. 8 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 4, p. 9. 9 Sleidan, bk. 4, p. 80. 10 Ibid., p. 81. 11 Sleidan bk. 5, pp. 85, 86. Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 4, pp. 9.10. 12 Sleidan, bk. 4, p. 81. 13 Luth. Opp ., lib. 19, p. 297. D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 14 Sleidan, bk. 5, p. 87.

    CHAPTER - Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 102. 2 Sleidan, bk. 6, pp. 102, 103. Robertson, bk. 4, pp. 149, 150. 3 Sleidan, bk. 5, p. 96. 4Ibid, bk. vi., p. 103. 5 Sleidan, bk. 5, p. 97. 6 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 5, pp. 15, 16. 7 The portraits of Kate, from originals by Lucas Cranach, represent her with a round full face, a straight pointed nose, and large eyes. Romanist writers have been more complimentary to her, as regards beauty, than Protestants, who generally speak of her as plain. 8 Melch. Adam., Vit. Luth., p. 131. Seckendorf, 2, 5, p. 18.

    CHAPTER - Ranke, bk. 1, chap. 3, p. 77; Lond., 1847. 2 Bulllar, Mag . Rom., 10, 55; Luxem., 1741. The bull of Clement styles the league “Confideratio atque Sanctissimum Foedus,” and names “Our dear son in Christ, Henry, King of England and Lord of Ireland, Defender of the Faith, protector and conservator of it.” 3 Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 105—where the reader win find a summary of the conditions of the league between the Pope and his confederates. Ranke, bk. 1, chap. 3, pp. 77, 78. D’Aubigne, vol. 4, p. 10. 4 Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 105. 5 “‘The command of God endures through Eternity, Verbum Dei Manet In AEternum,’ was the Epigraph and Life-motto which John the Steadfast had adopted for himself; V. D. M. I. AE., these initials he had engraved on all the furnitures of his existence, on his standards, pictures, plate, on the very sleeves of his lackeys, and I can perceive, on his own deep heart first of all. V.D.M. I.E.: —or might it not be read withal, as Philip of Hessen sometimes said (Philip, still a young fellow, capable of sport in his magnanimous scorn), ‘Verbum Diaboli Manet in Episcopis , The Devil’s Word sticks fast in the Bishops’?” (Carlyle, Frederick the Great, bk. 3, chap. 5.) 6 Psalm 20:7. 7 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 9. 8 Cochlaeus complains of this as a tempting of the faithful by the savor of wines and meats (p. 138). 9 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 9. 10 Sleidan, bk. 6, pp. 103. 104. 11 Sleidan, bk. 6, pp. 103, 104. 12 At that time the Pope had not concluded his alliance with France. 13 Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 103. Fra-Paolo Sarpi, livr. 1, p. 71.

    CHAPTER - Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 103. 2 Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 104. 3 Ranke, bk. 1, chap. 3, p. 80. 4 D’Aubigne, vol. 4, p. 12. 5 Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 107; see the correspondence between the emperor, the Pope, and the cardinals in his pages. 6 The authorities consulted for this account of the sack of Rome are Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 111; Guiciardini, Wars of Italy, 2, 723; Ranke, vol. 1, pp. 80—83; D’Aubigne, vol. 4, pp. 14—20. 7 Quoted by Ranke, vol. 1, p. 82 (foot-note). For a picture of the Rome of the early part of the sixteenth century, see the Memoirs of a Roman of that age—Benvenuto Cellini.

    CHAPTER - Luther, Theologie, 2, 126—135. Dorner, Hist. Protest. Theol, vol. 1, p. 174; Clerk, Edin., 1871. 2 Dorner, vol. 1, pp. 172—175. 3 Corpus Ref., 2, 990—D’Aubigne, vol. 4, p. 35. 4 Corpus Ref.— D’Aubigne, vol. 4, p. 35.

    CHAPTER - Paradoxa Lamberti— Scultet, Annal. 2 See details of the Hessian Church constitution in D’ Aubigne, vol. 4, pp. 24—30, taken from the Moumenta Hassiaca, vol. 2, p. 588. 3 J. H. Kurtz, D.D., Hi.st. of the Christian Church, p. 30; Edin., 1864. 4 “Alibi licentius ageret.” (Letter to John, Duke of Saxony, April 23, 1523—Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 13: Additio 1.) 5 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 13; Additio 1. 6 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 13; Additio 1. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 9 Ibid. 10 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 14, p. 130.

    CHAPTER - Ranke, vol. 1, p. 84. 2 Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 115. 3 Werk,. 9, 542. Michelet, Luther, p. 210. 4 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 13, p. 94. 5 Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 114. 6 Seckendorf, lib. 2, see. 13, pp. 95—98. 7 See details in Sleidan, bk. 6; Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 13; D’Aubigne, bk 8, chap. 4; Michelet, Luther, bk. 3, chap. 1. Some mystery rests on this affair still, but when we take into account the league formed at Ratisbon four years before, the principles and practices of the men at whose door this design was laid, and the fact that the most of the Popish princes agreed to pay a large sum as an indemnity to the Lutheran princes for the expense to which they had been put in raising armaments to defend themselves, we may be disposed to think that Luther’s opinion was not far from the truth; that the league if not concluded had been conceived. 8 Sleidan, bk. 6., p. 110. 9 Scutlet., 2, 110.

    CHAPTER - Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 117. 2 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 14, p. 129. 3 Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 115. Footntoe 4 Corp. Ref., 1. 1040—D’Aubigne, bk 8, chap. 5. 5 Sleiden, bk. 6, p. 6 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 14; Additio. 7 Ibid., p. 129. 8 Pallavicino, lib. 2, cap. 18. Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 118. Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 14, p. 127. The edict contained other articles, such as that Sacramentarians or Zwinglians should be banished from all the lands of the Empire, and that Anabaptists should be punished with death. (Pallavicino, lib. 2, cap. 18.) 9 The date of this edict is variously given. Seckendorf says it passed on the 4th April; D’Aubigne says the 7th, on the authority of Sleidan, but this is a mistake, for Sleidan gives no date. The continuator of M. Fleury makes the date of the edict the 13th April. Sleidan says that the Protest of the princes against it was read on the 19th April, while Pallavicino makes the date of the edict the 23rd April. The most probable reconcilement of these differences is, that the edict was passed on the 13th April, published on the 23rd, and that the Protest was given in on the 19th. 10 Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 120. 11 Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 120. 12 Pallavicino thinks that they would have been more truly named had they been called “Rebels against the Pope and Caesar”—Ribella al Papa ed al Cesare (lib. 2, cap. 18). 13 D’Aubigne, bk 8, chap. 6. 14 Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 120. D’Aubigne, bk 8, chap. 6.

    CHAPTER - Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 121. 2 Luth. Cor., Aug. 2, 1529—Michelet, bk. 3, ch. 1, p. 217. 3 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 143. 4 Sleidan, bk. 6, P. 121. Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 18; Additio. 5 Scultet, Annal., ad 1529. 6 Scultet, tom. 2, p. 198. Ruchat. tom. 2, p. 143. 7 Scultet, 2, 217. Ruchat, 2, 145. 8 Ibid. 9 D’Aubigne, bk 8, chap. 7. 10 Scultet. 2, 220-228. Ruchat, 2, 148-155. 11 Luth. Cor.— Michelet, pp. 217, 218; Lond., 1846.

    CHAPTER - Scult., p. 207. 2 Zwing. Opp., 4, 203. 3 Ibid., p. 194. 4 Zwing, Opp., 4, 203. 5 Pallavicino, lib. 3, cap. 1. Seckendorf, lib. 3, sec. 17, p. 158. Ruchat, tom. 2, pp. 156—159. 6 Scultet, p. 282. 7 Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 12l.

    CHAPTER - “Heer predigt wider die Turken.”—L. Opp. (W) 20, 2691. 2 Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 12l. 3 Luth. Opp., 3, 324. 4 Worsley, Life of Luther, vol. 2, p. 193. 5 Robertson, Hist. Charles V ., bk. 5, p. 171; Edin., 1829. 6 Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 123. 7 Ibid. 8 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 16; Additio, 134. 9 Sleidan. bk. 7, p. 124. D’Aubigne, bk. 14, chap. 1. 10 Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 124. Seckendorf, lib. 2, p. 133. 11 Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 125. Seckendorf, lib. 2, p. 133. 12 The progress towards constitutional government which some Continental nations, and France in particular, have made since 1870, may be supposed to traverse the above argument, which may therefore be thought to require further explanation. The experience of a couple of decades is too limited to settle so large a question either way. Another decade may sweep away what had been won during its predecessors. One thing is certain, namely, that the permanent liberty of States must rest on a moral basis, and a moral basis true religion alone can create. France does well to dissociate her battle from Popery, the genius of which is so hostile to freedom, but her prospects of victory will be brighter according to the degree in which she allies herself with the religion of the Bible. The Continental nations are by no means at the end of their struggle. It is a great step to success to cast out the Papacy, but unless they fill its place by a Scriptural faith, Nihilism, or some other form of atheism, will rush in, and order and liberty will eventually perish.

    CHAPTER - Sleidan, bk. 7, p: 125. 2 Seckendorf, lib. 2,sec. 16; Additio. 3 The articles are given in Walch, 16, p. 681. 4 Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 126. D’Aubigne, bk. 14, chap. 1. 5 Sleidan, 7, 126. Robertson, Hist. Charles V., 5, 171. 6 Instructio data Caesari a Reverendmo Campeggio in Dieta Augustana, 1530. “I found it,” says Ranke, “in a foot-note, in a Roman library, in the handwriting of the time, and beyond all doubt authentic.” (Ranke, vol. I., p. 85; Bohn’s edition, 1847.) 7 Ranke, bk. 1, chap. 3. 8 Oratio de Congressu Bononiensi, in Melanchthonis, Orationum, 4, 87, and Caelestinus, Hist. Council, 1530. Augustae, 1, 10. D’Aubigne, bk. 9, chap. 1. 9 “Non concilii decretis sed armis controversias dirimendas.” Scultet., p. 248. Maimbourg, 2, 177. Fra Paolo Sarpi, Histoire du Concile de Trent, tom. 1, pp. 95—97; Basle, 1738.) 10 Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 126. 11 D’Aubigne, bk. 9, chap. 1. 12 In front; of the palace at Bologna is a tablet with an inscription, in which this and other particulars of the coronation are mentioned: “Fenestra haec ad dextrum fuit porta Praetoria; et egressus Caesar per pontem sublicium, in AEdem D. Petronii deductus. Sacris ritis peractis a Pont. Max. auream coronam Imperii caeteraque insignia accepit.” (The window on the right was the Praetorian gate, out of which Caesar passed by a wooden bridge to the temple of San Petronio. The sacred rites being performed by the supreme Pontiff, he received the golden crown and the rest of the imperial insignia.)—Maximilian Misson, Travels, vol. 2, part 1; Lond., 1739.

    CHAPTER - Fra Paolo Sarpi, tom. 1, p. 99. 2 Sleidan, 7, 127. Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 21; Additio 4. 3 Seckendorf., lib. 2, sec. 20, pp. 150, 151. 4 Ibid. 5 Seckerdorf, lib. 2, sec. 20, pp. 150, 151. 6 Matthew 10:32. 7 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 21, p. 152. 8 Ibid. 9 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 21, p. 153. 10 Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 127. 11 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 21; Additio 2. 12 Corpus Ref., 2, 86: “Audires homines stupidissimos atque etiam sensu communi carentes.” 13 Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 127. 14 Pallavicino, lib. 3, cap. 3, p. 193. Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 21, p. 153. 15 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 20, p. 151. 16 Confessio Christianae Doctrines et Fidei, per D. Martinum Lutherum; edita a P.Mullero, Lipsiae et Jenae, 17 Corpus Ref., 2, 40.

    CHAPTER - Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 24, p. 160. 2 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 24, p. 160. 3 Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 127. 4 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 24, p. 161. 5 Urkunden, 1, 26. D’Aubigne, vol. 4, p. 143. 6 D’Aubigne, vol. 4, p. 143. 7 Sarpi, tom. 1, lib. 1 Pallavicino, lib. 3, cap. 3. 8 Fra Paolo Sarpi, tom. 1, p. 99. Pallavicino, lib. 3, cap. 3, p. 190. 9 Pallavicino, lib. 3, cap. 3. 10 Corp. Ref., 2, 115. 11 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 25, p. 162. 12 Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 127. Polano, Hist. Conc. Trent, lib. 1, p. 52. 13 Fra Paolo Sarpi, tom. 1, p. 99. 14 Pallavicino, lib. 3, cap. 3, p. 191. Fra Paolo Sarpi, tom. 1, pp. 99, 100. Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 27, p. 167. 15 Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 127. Polano, lib. 1, pp. 52, 53. D’Aubigne, Vol. 4, pp. 156, 157. 16 Polano, lib. 1, p. 53. Fra Paolo Sarpi, tom. 1, p. 100. 17 “Con una diabolica persuasione sbandiscono e traggono ad ogni scherno ed impudicizia.” (Pallavicino, tom. 1, lib. 3, cap. 3, p. 192.)

    CHAPTER - The Turks had made a breach in the walls of Vienna, and were on the point of entering and taking the city, when a mysterous panic seized them and they fled. 2 Sleidan, bk. 7, pp. 127—129. 3 Sonnets, No. 19:(on his blindness). 4 Corp. Ref., 2, 159. 5Zwing,.Epp ., 2, 473. D’Aubigne. vol 4, p. 165. 6 Corp. Ref., 2, 140. 7 The Confession, afterwards read in the Diet. 8 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 32, p. 182.

    CHAPTER - 1Corp. Ref. 2, 155. 2 We have taken the names and order of the subscribers to this memorable deed from the Augustana Confessio, printed at Leipsic and Jena (1705), and carefully edited by Philip Mullero, from the first printed copy at Leipsic, 1580. 3 Seckendorf, lib. 2, p. 169. 4 Corp. Ref., 2, 154. 5 Fra Paolo Sarpi, tom. 1, lib. 1, p. 101. Polano, lib. 1,’ p. 54. 6 Fra Paolo Sarpi, tom. 1, p. 102. 7 Scultet, tom. 1, p.273 8 Seckendorf, lib. 2, p.170 9 Augustana Confessio —Praefatio ad Caesarem; Lipsiae et Jenae, 1705. 10 “Quanquam ecclesia” etc. “cum in hac vita multi hypocritae et mali admixti sunt.” (Augustana Confessio.) 11 “De Coena Domini docent, quod corpus et sanguis Christi vere adsint, et distribuantur vescentibus in Coena Domini.” (Ibid .) 12 Augustarna Confessio, art. 20, De Bonis Operibus. 13 Si missa tollit peccata vivorum et mortuorum ex opere operato contingit justificatio ex opere Missarum, non ex fide.” (Augustaria Confessio, art. 24, De Missa.) 14 Primo obscurata est doctrina de gratia et justitia fidei, quae est praecipua pars evangelii.” (Augustana Confessio, art. 26.) 15 Augustana Confessio—Epilogus.

    CHAPTER - You may see in the bishop’s palace the chamber where the famous Confession of Augsburg was presented to the Emperor Charles V. From thence we went to the cathedral, where there is a gate of brass, over which many places of the sacred history are represented in basso relievo, and they made us observe in the history of the creation that it was the Virgin Mary who created Eve, and formed her out of one of Adam’s ribs.” (Misson, vol. 1, p. 135.) 2 Corp. Ref., p. 187. Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 130. 3 Fra Paolo Sarpi, tom. 1, lib. 1, p. 102. 4Corp. Ref., 2, 155. 5 Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 130.

    CHAPTER - Corp. Ref., 2, 154—D’Aubigne, bk. 14, chap 8. 2 Ibid , 2, 147—D’Aubigne. 3 Mathesius, Hist., p. 99. 4 Luth. Opp., 4, 96.—D’Aubigne, bk. 14, chap. 8. 5 Ibid., 4, 83—D’Aubigne. 6 Seckendorf, lib. 2, sec. 32, p. 182. 7 Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 130. 8 Corp. Ref., 2. 193—198. 9 Seckendorf, lib. 2,sec. 32, p. 183. 10 This, of course, was before the Vatican decree of 1870. Such a mistake is not conceivable now; although it perplexes one to think that the Popes of the age of Leo X. were, according to the decree, as infallible as those of the days of Pio Nono; seeing the latter—with greater generosity than prudence—admitted all his predecessors to partnership with him in his attribute of infallibility. 11 D’Aubigne, bk. 14, chap. 9. Worsley, Life of Luther, vol. 2, pp 226, 227.

    CHAPTER - Sleidan, bk. 7, pp. 132. 133. 2 D’Aubigne, 4, 209. 3 Pallavicino, bk. 3, chap. 4, p. 195. 4 Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 132. Pallavicino, lib. 3, cap. 4, p. 195. 5 Pallavicino, lib. 3, cap. 4, p. 195. 6 Pallavicino says that Melancthon “had fallen into hatred and reproach with his own party” (in odio ed in biasimo de’ suoi), and Sleidan informs us that when chosen one of the Committee of Three it was on the condition that he should make no more concessions (Pallavicino, p. 196; Sleidan, p. 132). Pallavicino (lib. 3, cap. 4, p. 135) gives a letter of Melancthon’s addressed to Campeggio, which is all but an unqualified submission to Rome. Its genuineness has been questioned, but D’Aubigne sees no reason to doubt it. 7 Luth. Opp., 4, pp. 144-151. 8 Pallavicino, lib. 3, cap. 4, p. 197. 9 Pallavicino, lib. 3, cap. 4. Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 135.

    CHAPTER - Isaiah 43:2. 2 See Scottish Reformation, by Peter Lorimer, D.D., Professor of Theology, English Presbyterian College, London. Lond., 1860. 3 Song of Solomon 6:11.

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