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  • THE BOOK OF 2 CHRONICLES
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    III. HISTORY OF SOLOMON'S KINGSHIP. CH. 1-9.

    The kingship of Solomon centres in the building of the temple of the Lord, and the account of that begins in ch. 2 with a statement of the preparations which Solomon made for the accomplishment of this great work, so much pressed upon him by his father, and concludes in ch. 7 with the answer which the Lord gave to his consecrating prayer in a vision. In ch. 1, before the history of the temple building, we have an account of the sacrifice at Gibeon by which Solomon inaugurated his reign (v. 1-13), with some short notices of his power and riches (vv. 14-17); and in ch. 8 and 9, after the temple building, we have summary statements about the palaces and cities which he built (2 Chron 8:1-11), the arrangement of the regular religious service (vv. 12-16), the voyage to Ophir (vv. 17 and 18), the visit of the queen of Sheba (9:1-12), his riches and his royal magnificence and glory (vv. 13-28), with the concluding notices of the duration of his reign, and of his death (vv. 29, 30).

    If we compare with this the description of Solomon's reign in 1 Kings 1-11, we find that in the Chronicle not only are the narratives of his accession to the throne in consequence of Adonijah's attempted usurpation, and his confirming his kingdom by punishing the revolter (1 Kings ch. 1 and 2), of his marriage to the Egyptian princess (1 Kings 3:1 and 2), his wise judgment (3:16-28), his public officers, his official men, his royal magnificence and glory (1 Kings 4:1-5:14), omitted, but also the accounts of the building of his palace (1 Kings 7:1-12), of his idolatry, and of the adversaries who rose against him (1 Kings 11:1-40). On the other hand, the description of the building and consecration of the temple is supplemented by various important details which are omitted from the first book of Kings. Hence it is clear that the author of the Chronicle purposed only to portray more exactly the building of the house of God, and has only shortly touched upon all the other undertakings of this wise and fortunate king.

    CH. 1:1-17. SOLOMON'S SACRIFICE, AND THE THEOPHANY AT GIBEON. CHARIOTS, HORSES, AND RICHES OF SOLOMON. 2 CHRONICLES 1:1-13 And Solomon the son of David was strengthened in his kingdom, and the LORD his God was with him, and magnified him exceedingly.

    Verse 1-6. The sacrifice at Gibeon, and the theophany.-Vv. 1-6. When Solomon had established himself upon his throne, he went with the princes and representatives of the congregation of Israel to Gibeon, to seek for the divine blessing upon his reign by a solemn sacrifice to be offered there before the tabernacle. V. 1 forms, as it were, the superscription of the account of Solomon's reign which follows. In wgw' wayit|chazeeq = Solomon established himself in his kingdom, i.e., he became strong and mighty in his kingdom, the older commentators saw a reference to the defeat of Adonijah, the pretender to the crown, and his followers (1 Kings 2). But this view of the words is too narrow; we find the same remark made of other kings whose succession to the throne had not been questioned (cf. 2 Chron 12:13; 13:21; 17:1, and 21:4), and the remark refers to the whole reign-to all that Solomon undertook in order to establish a firm dominion, not merely to his entry upon it. With this view of the words, the second clause, "his God was with him, and made him very great," coincides. God gave His blessing to all that Solomon did for this end. With the last words cf. 1 Chron 29:25.

    We have an account of the sacrifice at Gibeon (vv. 7-13) in 1 Kings 3:4-15 also. The two narratives agree in all the main points, but, in so far as their form is concerned, it is at once discernible that they are two independent descriptions of the same thing, but derived from the same sources. In Kings 3 the theophany-in our text, on the contrary, that aspect of the sacrifice which connected it with the public worship-is more circumstantially narrated. While in 1 Kings 3:4 it is briefly said the king went to Gibeon to sacrifice there, our historian records that Solomon summoned the princes and representatives of the people to this solemn act, and accompanied by them went to Gibeon. This sacrifice was no mere private sacrifice-it was the religious consecration of the opening of his reign, at which the estates of the kingdom were present as a matter of course. "All Israel" is defined by "the princes over the thousands..., the judges, and all the honourable;" then l|kaal-yis|raa'eel is again taken up and explained by the apposition haa'aabowt raa'sheey : to all Israel, viz., the heads of the fathers'-houses. l| is to be repeated before raa'sheey .

    What Solomon said to all Israel through its representatives, is not communicated; but it may be gathered from what succeeds, that he summoned them to accompany him to Gibeon to offer the sacrifice. The reason why he offered his sacrifice at the baamaah , i.e., place of sacrifice, is given in v. 3f. There the Mosaic tabernacle stood, yet without the ark, which David had caused to be brought up from Kirjath-jearim to Jerusalem (1 Chron 13 and 15f.). In low () baheekiyn the article in ba represents the relative 'asher = baa'asher or low () heekiyn 'asher bim|qowm ; cf. Judg 5:27; Ruth 1:16; 1 Kings 21:19; see on 1 Chron 26:28. Although the ark was separated from the tabernacle, yet by the latter at Gibeon was the Mosaic altar of burnt-offering, and on that account the sanctuary at Gibeon was Jahve's dwelling, and the legal place of worship for burnt-offerings of national-theocratic import. "As our historian here brings forward emphatically the fact that Solomon offered his burnt-offering at the legal place of worship, so he points out in 1 Chron 21:28-30:1, how David was only brought by extraordinary events, and special signs from God, to sacrifice on the altar of burntoffering erected by him on the threshing-floor of Ornan, and also states how he was prevented from offering his burnt-offering in Gibeon" (Berth.). As to Bezaleel, the maker of the brazen altar, cf. Ex 31:2 and 37:1. Instead of saam , which most manuscripts and many editions have before lip|neey , and which the Targ. and Syr. also express, there is found in most editions of the 16th century, and also in manuscripts, shaam , which the LXX and Vulgate also read. The reading shaam is unquestionably better and more correct, and the Masoretic pointing saam , posuit, has arisen by an undue assimilation of it to Ex 40:29. The suffix in yid|r|sheehuw does not refer to the altar, but to the preceding word yhwh ; cf. 'elohiym daarash , 1 Chron 21:30; 15:13, etc.

    Verse 7-10. The theophany, cf. 1 Kings 3:5-15. In that night, i.e., on the night succeeding the day of the sacrifice. The appearance of God by night points to a dream, and in 1 Kings 35:15 we are expressly informed that He appeared in a vision. Solomon's address to God, vv. 8-10, is in 1 Kings 5:6-10 given more at length. The mode of expression brings to mind Chron 17:23, and recurs in 2 Chron 6:17; 1 Kings 8:26. mada` , with Pathach in the second syllable, elsewhere madaa` (vv. 11, 12), occurs elsewhere only in Dan 1:4,17; Eccl 10:20.

    Verse 11-13. The divine promise. Here `osher is strengthened by the addition n|kaaciym , treasures (Josh 22:8; Eccl 5:18; 6:2). tish|pot 'asher , ut judicare possis. In general, the mode of expression is briefer than in 1 Kings 3:11-13, and the conditional promise, "long life" (1 Kings 3:14), is omitted, because Solomon did not fulfil the condition, and the promise was not fulfilled. In v. 13 labaamaah is unintelligible, and has probably come into our text only by a backward glance at v. 3, instead of meehabaamaah , which the contents demand, and as the LXX and Vulgate have rightly translated it. The addition, "from before the tabernacle," which seems superfluous after the preceding "from the Bamah at Gibeon," is inserted in order again to point to the place of sacrifice at Gibeon, and to the legal validity of the sacrifices offered there (Berth.). According to 1 Kings 3:15, Solomon, on his return to Jerusalem, offered before the ark still other burnt-offerings and thankofferings, and prepared a meal for his servants.

    This is omitted by the author of the Chronicle, because these sacrifices had no ultimate import for Solomon's reign, and not, as Then, supposes, because in his view only the sacrifices offered on the ancient brazen altar of burnt-offering belonging to the temple had legal validity. For he narrates at length in 1 Chron 21:18,26ff. how God Himself directed David to sacrifice in Jerusalem, and how the sacrifice offered there was graciously accepted by fire from heaven, and the threshing-floor of Araunah thereby consecrated as a place of sacrifice; and it is only with the purpose of explaining to his readers why Solomon offered the solemn burnt-offering in Gibeon, and not, as we should have expected from 1 Chron 21, in Jerusalem, that he is so circumstantial in his statements as to the tabernacle. The last clause of v. 13, "and he was king over Israel," does not belong to the section treating of the sacrifice at Gibeon, but corresponds to the remark in 1 Kings 4:1, and forms the transition to what follows. 2 CHRONICLES 1:14-17 And Solomon gathered chariots and horsemen: and he had a thousand and four hundred chariots, and twelve thousand horsemen, which he placed in the chariot cities, and with the king at Jerusalem.

    Solomon's chariots, horses, and riches.-In order to prove by facts the fulfilment of the divine promise which Solomon received in answer to his prayer at Gibeon, we have in 1 Kings 3:16-28 a narrative of Solomon's wise judgment, then in ch. 4 an account of his public officers; and in Chron 5 the royal magnificence, glory, and wisdom of his reign is further portrayed. In our Chronicle, on the contrary, we have in vv. 14-17 only a short statement as to his chariots and horses, and the wealth in silver and gold to be found in the land, merely for the purpose of showing how God had given him riches and possessions. This statement recurs verbally in Kings 10:26-29, in the concluding remarks on the riches and splendour of Solomon's reign; while in the parallel passage, 2 Chron 9:13-28, it is repeated in an abridged form, and interwoven with other statements. From this we see in how free and peculiar a manner the author of the Chronicle has made use of his authorities, and how he has arranged the material derived from them according to his own special plan. (Note: The assertion of Thenius on 1 Kings 10:26ff., that he found this section in his authorities in two different places and in different connections, copied them mechanically, and only towards the end of the second passage remarked the repetition and then abridged the statement, is at once refuted by observing, that in the supposed repetition the first half (2 Chron 9:25-26) does not at all agree with Kings 10:26, but coincides with the statement in 1 Kings 5:6-7.)

    For the commentary on this section, see on 1 Kings 10:26-28.

    Verse 14-15. Vv. 14, 15, with the exception of one divergence in form and one in matter, correspond word for word to 1 Kings 10:26 and 27. Instead of wayan|cheem , he led them (Kings), there stands in v. 15, as in 2 Chron 9:25, the more expressive word wayaniyheem, "he laid them" in the chariot cities; and in v. 15 w|'et-hazaahaab is added to 'et-hakecep, while it is omitted from both 1 Kings 10:27 and also 2 Chron 9:27. It is, however, very suitable in this connection, since the comparison "like stones" has reference to quantity, and Solomon had collected not only silver, but also gold, in quantity.

    Verse 16-17. Vv. 16, 17 coincide with 1 Kings 10:28-29, except that miq|ree' is used for miq|weeh , and wateetsee' wata`aleh is altered into wayowtsiy'uw waya`aluw . For the commentary on these verses, see 1 Kings 10:28f.

    CH. 1:18-2:17. SOLOMON'S PREPARATIONS FOR THE BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE. (CF. 1 KINGS 5:15-32.) 2 CHRONICLES 2:1-2 (1:18; 2:1) And Solomon determined to build an house for the name of the LORD, and an house for his kingdom. 1:18. The account of these is introduced by 1:18: "Solomon thought to build." 'aamar with an infinitive following does not signify here to command one to do anything, as e.g., in 1 Chron 21:17, but to purpose to do something, as e.g., in 1 Kings 5:19. For yhwh l|sheem , see on 1 Kings 5:17. l|mal|kuwtow bayit , house for his kingdom, i.e., the royal palace. The building of this palace is indeed shortly spoken of in 2 Chron 2:11; 7:11, and 8:1, but is not in the Chronicle described in detail as in 1 Kings 7:1-12.

    With 2 Chron 2:1 begins the account of the preparations which Solomon made for the erection of these buildings, especially of the temple building, accompanied by a statement that the king caused all the workmen of the necessary sort in his kingdom to be numbered. There follows thereafter an account of the negotiations with King Hiram of Tyre in regard to the sending of a skilful architect, and of the necessary materials, such as cedar wood and hewn stones, from Lebanon (vv. 2-15); and, in conclusion, the statements as to the levying of the statute labourers of Israel (v. 1) are repeated and rendered more complete (vv. 16, 17). If we compare the parallel account in 1 Kings 5:15-32, we find that Solomon's negotiation with Hiram about the proposed buildings is preceded (v. 15) by a notice, that Hiram, after he had heard of Solomon's accession, had sent him an embassy to congratulate him. This notice is omitted in the Chronicle, because it was of no importance in the negotiations which succeeded. In the account of Solomon's negotiation with Hiram, both narratives (Chr. vv. 2-15 and 1 Kings 5:16-26) agree in the main, but differ in form so considerably, that it is manifest that they are free adaptations of one common original document, quite independent of each other, as has been already remarked on 1 Kings 5:15. On v. 1 see further on v. 16f. 2 CHRONICLES 2:3-10 (2:2-9) Solomon, through his ambassadors, addressed himself to Huram king of Tyre, with the request that he would send him an architect and building wood for the temple. On the Tyrian king Huram or Hiram, the contemporary of David and Solomon, see the discussion on 2 Sam 5:11.

    According to the account in 1 Kings 5, Solomon asked cedar wood from Lebanon from Hiram; according to our account, which is more exact, he desired an architect, and cedar, cypress, and other wood. In 1 Kings 5 the motive of Solomon's request is given in the communication to Hiram, viz., that David could not carry out the building of the proposed temple on account of his wars, but that Jahve had given him (Solomon) rest and peace, so that he now, in accordance with the divine promise to David, desired to carry on the building (vv. 17-19). In the Chr. vv. 2-5, on the contrary, Solomon reminds the Tyrian king of the friendliness with which he had supplied his father David with cedar wood for his palace, and then announces to him his purpose to build a temple to the Lord, at the same time stating that it was designed for the worship of God, whom the heavens and the earth cannot contain. It is clear, therefore, that both authors have expanded the fundamental thoughts of their authority in somewhat freer fashion. The apodosis of the clause beginning with ka'asher is wanting, and the sentence is an anacolouthon. The apodosis should be: "do so also for me, and send me cedars." This latter clause follows in vv. 6, 7, while the first can easily be supplied, as is done e.g., in the Vulg., by sic fac mecum.

    Verse 3. "Behold, I will build." hineeh with a participle of that which is imminent, what one intends to do. low () l|haq|diysh , to sanctify (the house) to Him. The infinitive clause which follows (wgw' l|haq|Tiyr ) defines more clearly the design of the temple. The temple is to be consecrated by worshipping Him there in the manner prescribed, by burning incense, etc. camiym q|Toret , incense of odours, Ex 25:6, which was burnt every morning and evening on the altar of incense, Ex 30:7f. The clauses which follow are to be connected by zeugma with l|haq|Tiyr , i.e., the verbs corresponding to the objects are to be supplied from hqTyr: "and to spread the continual spreading of bread" (Ex 25:30), and to offer burnt-offerings, as is prescribed in Num and 29. wgw' zo't l|`owlaam , for ever is this enjoined upon Israel, cf. 1 Chron 23:31.

    Verse 4. In order properly to worship Jahve by these sacrifices, the temple must be large, because Jahve is greater than all gods; cf. Ex 18:11; Deut 10:17.

    Verse 5-6. No one is able (kowach `aatsar as in 1 Chron 29:14) to build a house in which this God could dwell, for the heaven of heavens cannot contain Him. These words are a reminiscence of Solomon's prayer (1 Kings 8:27; 2 Chron 6:18). How should I (Solomon) be able to build Him a house, scil. that He should dwell therein? In connection with this, there then comes the thought: and that is not my purpose, but only to offer incense before Him will I build a temple. haq|Tiyr is used as pars pro toto, to designate the whole worship of the Lord. After this declaration of the purpose, there follows in v. 6 the request that he would send him for this end a skilful chief workman, and the necessary material, viz., costly woods. The chief workman was to be a man wise to work in gold, silver, etc. According to 2 Chron 4:11-16 and 1 Kings 7:13ff., he prepared the brazen and metal work, and the vessels of the temple; here, on the contrary, and in v. 13 also, he is described as a man who was skilful also in purple weaving, and in stone and wood work, to denote that he was an artificer who could take charge of all the artistic work connected with the building of the temple.

    To indicate this, all the costly materials which were to be employed for the temple and its vessels are enumerated. 'ar|g|waan , the later form of 'ar|gaamaan , deep-red purple, see on Ex 25:4. kar|miyl , occurring only here, vv. 6, 13, and in 2 Chron 3:14, in the signification of the Heb. shaaniy towla`at , crimson or scarlet purple, see on Ex 25:4. It is not originally a Hebrew word, but is probably derived from the Old-Persian, and has been imported, along with the thing itself, from Persia by the Hebrews. t|keelet , deep-blue purple, hyacinth purple, see on Ex 25:4. pituwchiym pateeach , to make engraved work, and Ex 28:9,11,36, and 39:6, of engraving precious stones, but used here, as kaal-pituwach, v. 13, shows, in the general signification of engraved work in metal or carved work in wood; cf. 1 Kings 6:29. `imhachakaamiym depends upon la`asowt : to work in gold..., together with the wise (skilful) men which are with me in Judah. heekiyn 'asher , quos comparavit, cf. 1 Chron 28:21; 22:15.

    Verse 7. The materials Hiram was to send were cedar, cypress, and algummim wood from Lebanon. 'al|guwmiym , v. 7 and 2 Chron 9:10, instead of 'al|mugiym , 1 Kings 10:11, probably means sandal wood, which was employed in the temple, according to 1 Kings 10:12, for stairs and musical instruments, and is therefore mentioned here, although it did not grow in Lebanon, but, according to 9:10 and 1 Kings 10:11, was procured at Ophir. Here, in our enumeration, it is inexactly grouped along with the cedars and cypresses brought from Lebanon.

    Verse 8-9. The infinitive uwl|haakiyn cannot be regarded as the continuation of lik|rowt , nor is it a continuation of the imperat. liy () sh|lach (v. 7), with the signification, "and let there be prepared for me" (Berth.). It is subordinated to the preceding clauses: send me cedars, which thy people who are skilful in the matter hew, and in that my servants will assist, in order, viz., to prepare me building timber in plenty (the w is explic). On v. 8b cf. v. 4. The infin. abs. hap|lee' is used adverbially: "wonderfully" (Ew. §280, c). In return, Solomon promises to supply the Tyrian workmen with grain, wine, and oil for their maintenance-a circumstance which is omitted in 1 Kings 5:10; see on v. 14. lachoT|biym is more closely defined by haa`eetsiym l|kor|teey , and l| is the introductory l|: "and behold, as to the hewers, the fellers of trees." chaaTab, to hew (wood), and to dress it (Deut 29:10; Josh 9:21,23), would seem to have been supplanted by chaatsab, which in vv. 1, 17 is used for it, and it is therefore explained by haa`eetsiym kaarat . "I will give wheat makowt to thy servants" (the hewers of wood). The word makowt gives no suitable sense; for "wheat of the strokes," for threshed wheat, would be a very extraordinary expression, even apart from the facts that wheat, which is always reckoned by measure, is as a matter of course supposed to be threshed, and that no such addition is made use of with the barley. makowt is probably only an orthographical error for makolet , food, as may be seen from 1 Kings 5:25. 2 CHRONICLES 2:11-16 (2:10-15) The answer of King Hiram; cf. 1 Kings 5:21-25.-Hiram answered bik|taab , in a writing, a letter, which he sent to Solomon. In 1 Kings 5:21 Hiram first expresses his joy at Solomon's request, because it was of importance to him to be on a friendly footing with the king of Israel. In the Chronicle his writing begins with the congratulation: because Jahve loveth His people, hath He made thee king over them. Cf. for the expression, Chron 9:8 and 1 Kings 10:9. He then, according to both narratives, praises God that He has given David so wise a son. wayo'mer , v. 11, means: then he said further. The praise of God is heightened in the Chronicle by Hiram's entering into Solomon's religious ideas, calling Jahve the Creator of heaven and earth. Then, further, chaakaam been is strengthened by uwbiynaah seekel yowdeea` , having understanding and discernment; and this predicate is specially referred to Solomon's resolve to build a temple to the Lord. Then in v. 12f. he promises to send Solomon the artificer Huram-Abi. On the title 'aabiy , my father, i.e., minister, counsellor, and the descent of this man, cf. the commentary on 1 Kings 7:13-14.

    In v. 13 of the Chronicle his artistic skill is described in terms coinciding with Solomon's wish in v. 6, only heightened by small additions. To the metals as materials in which he could work, there are added stone and wood work, and to the woven fabrics buwts (byssus), the later word for sheesh ; and finally, to exhaust the whole, he is said to be able kaal-mch' w|lach|shob, to devise all manner of devices which shall be put to him, as in Ex 31:4, he being thus raised to the level of Bezaleel, the chief artificer of the tabernacle. `im-chakaameykaa is dependent upon la`asowt , as in v. 6. The promise to send cedars and cypresses is for the sake of brevity here omitted, and only indirectly indicated in v. 15.

    In v. 14, however, it is mentioned that Hiram accepted the promised supply of grain, wine, and oil for the labourers; and v. 15 closes with the promise to fell the wood required in Lebanon, and to cause it to be sent in floats to Joppa (Jaffa), whence Solomon could take it up to Jerusalem.

    The word tsorek| , "need," is a ha'pax leg . in the Old Testament, but is very common in Aramaic writings. rap|codowt , "floats," too, occurs only here instead of dob|rowt , 1 Kings 5:23, and its etymology is unknown.

    If we compare vv. 12-15 with the parallel account in 1 Kings 5:22-25, we find that, besides Hiram's somewhat verbose promise to fell the desired quantity of cedars and cypresses on Lebanon, and to send them in floats by sea to the place appointed by Solomon, the latter contains a request from Hiram that Solomon would give him lechem , maintenance for his house, and a concluding remark that Hiram sent Solomon cedar wood, while Solomon gave Hiram, year by year, 20,000 kor of wheat as food for his house, i.e., the royal household, and twenty kor beaten oil, that is, of the finest oil. In the book of Kings, therefore, the promised wages of grain, wine, and oil, which were sent to the Tyrian woodcutters, is passed over, and only the quantity of wheat and finest oil which Solomon gave to the Tyrian king for his household, year by year, in return for the timber sent, is mentioned. In the Chronicle, on the contrary, only the wages or payment to the woodcutters is mentioned, and the return made for the building timber is not spoken of; but there is no reason for bringing these two passages, which treat of different things, into harmony by alterations of the text. For further discussion of this and of the measures, see on Kings 5:22. 2 CHRONICLES 2:17-18 (2:16-17) In vv. 16 and 17 the short statement in v. 1 as to Solomon's statute labourers is again taken up and expanded. Solomon caused all the men to be numbered who dwelt in the land of Israel as strangers, viz., the descendants of the Canaanites who were not exterminated, "according to the numbering (c|paar occurs only here) as his father David had numbered them." This remark refers to 1 Chron 22:2, where, however, it is only said that David commanded the strangers to be assembled. But as he caused them to be assembled in order to secure labourers for the building of the temple, he doubtless caused them to be numbered; and to this reference is here made. The numbering gave a total of 153,000 men, of whom 70,000 were made bearers of burdens, 80,000 chotseeb , i.e., probably hewers of stone and wood baahaar , i.e., on Lebanon, and 3600 foremen or overseers over the workmen, 'et-haa`aam l|ha`abiyd, to cause the people to work, that is, to hold them to their task.

    With this cf. 1 Kings 5:29f., where the number of the overseers is stated at 3300. This difference is explained by the fact that in the Chronicle the total number of overseers, of higher and lower rank, is given, while in the book of Kings only the number of overseers of the lower rank is given without the higher overseers. Solomon had in all 550 higher overseers of the builders (Israelite and Canaanite)-cf. 1 Kings 9:23; and of these, were Israelites, who alone are mentioned in 2 Chron 8:10, while the remaining 300 were Canaanites. The total number of overseers is the same in both accounts-3850; who are divided in the Chronicle into Canaanitish and 250 Israelitish, in the book of Kings into 3300 lower and 550 higher overseers (see on 1 Kings 5:30). It is, moreover, stated in Kings 5:27f. that Solomon had levied a force of 30,000 statute labourers from among the people of Israel, with the design that a third part of them, that is, 10,000 men, should labour alternately for a month at a time in Lebanon, looking after their own affairs at home during the two following months. This levy of workmen from among the people of Israel is not mentioned in the Chronicle.

    CH. 3-5:1. THE BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE. (CF. 1 KINGS 6; 7:13-51.)

    The description of the building begins with a statement of the place where and of the time when the temple was built (2 Chron 3:1-2). Then follows an account of the proportions of the building, a description of the individual parts, commencing on the outside and advancing inwards. First we have the porch (vv. 3, 4), then the house, i.e., the interior apartment or the holy place (vv. 5-7), then the holiest of all, and cherubim therein (vv. 8-13), and the veil of partition between the holy place and the most holy (v. 14). After that we have the furniture of the court, the pillars of the porch (vv. 15-17), the brazen altar (4:1), the brazen sea (4:2-5), the ten lavers (v. 6), the furniture of the holy place, candlesticks and tables (vv. 7, 8), and of the two courts (vv. 9, 10), and finally a summary enumeration of the brazen and golden utensils of the temple (vv. 11, 12). The description in 1 Kings 6 and 7 is differently arranged; the divine promise which Solomon received while the building was in progress, and a description of the building of the palace, being inserted: see on 1 Kings and 7. 2 CHRONICLES 3:1-2 Then Solomon began to build the house of the LORD at Jerusalem in mount Moriah, where the LORD appeared unto David his father, in the place that David had prepared in the threshingfloor of Ornan the Jebusite.

    Verse 1-2. The building of the temple.-Vv. 1-3. The statements as to the place where the temple was built (v. 1) are found here only. Mount Moriah is manifestly the mountain in the land of Moriah where Abraham was to have sacrificed his son Isaac (Gen 22:2), which had received the name hamowriyaah , i.e., "the appearance of Jahve," from that event. It is the mountain which lies to the north-east of Zion, now called Haram after the most sacred mosque of the Mohammedans, which is built there; cf. Rosen, das Haram von Jerusalem, Gotha 1866. ld' nir|'aah 'asher is usually translated: "which was pointed out to David his father." But raa'aah has not in Niphal the signification "to be pointed out," which is peculiar to the Hophal (cf. Ex 25:40; 26:30; Deut 4:35, etc.); it means only "to be seen," "to let oneself be seen," to appear, especially used of appearances of God. It cannot be shown to be anywhere used of a place which lets itself be seen, or appears to one.

    We must therefore translate: "on mount Moriah, where He had appeared to David his father." The unexpressed subject yhwh is easily supplied from the context; and with 'asher baahaar , "on the mountain where," cf. 'asher bamaaqowm , Gen 35:13f., and Ew. §331, c, 3. heekiyn 'asher is separated from what precedes, and connected with what follows, by the Athnach under 'aabiyhuw , and is translated, after the LXX, Vulg., and Syr., as a hyperbaton thus: "in the place where David had prepared," scil. the building of the temple by the laying up of the materials there (1 Chron 22:5; 29:2). But there are no proper analogies to such a hyperbaton, since Jer 14:1 and 46:1 are differently constituted. Berth. therefore is of opinion that our text can only signify, "which temple he prepared on the place of David," and that this reading cannot be the original, because heekiyn occurs elsewhere only of David's activity in preparing for the building of the temple, and "place of David" cannot, without further ceremony, mean the place which David had chosen.

    He would therefore transpose the words thus: daawiyd heekiyn 'asher bim|qowm . But this conjecture is by no means certain. In the first place, the mere transposition of the words is not sufficient; we must also alter bim|qowm into bamaaqowm , to get the required sense; and, further, Bertheau's reasons are not conclusive. heekiyn means not merely to make ready for (zurüsten), to prepare, but also to make ready, make (bereiten), found e.g., 1 Kings 6:19; Ezra 3:3; and the frequent use of this word in reference to David's action in preparing for the building of the temple does not prove that it has this signification here also. The clause may be quite well translated, with J. J. Rambach: "quam domum praeparavit (Salomo) in loco Davidis." The expression "David's place," for "place which David had fixed upon," cannot in this connection be misunderstood, but yet it cannot be denied that the clause is stiff and constrained if we refer it to yhwh 'etbeeyt.

    We would therefore prefer to give up the Masoretic punctuation, and construe the words otherwise, connecting heekiyn 'asher with the preceding thus: where Jahve had appeared to his father David, who had prepared (the house, i.e., the building of it), and make d' bim|qowm , with the following designation of the place, to depend upon lib|nowt as a further explanation of the hm' b|har , viz., in the place of David, i.e., on the place fixed by David on the threshingfloor of the Jebusite Ornan; cf. 1 Chron 21:18.-In v. 2 lib|nowt wayaachel is repeated in order to fix the time of the building. In 1 Kings 6:1 the time is fixed by its relation to the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt. basheeniy , which the older commentators always understood of the second day of the month, is strange. Elsewhere the day of the month is always designated by the cardinal number with the addition of lachodeesh or yowm , the month having been previously given. Berth. therefore considers basheeniy to be a gloss which has come into the text by a repetition of hasheeniy , since the LXX and Vulg. have not expressed it. 2 CHRONICLES 3:3 Now these are the things wherein Solomon was instructed for the building of the house of God. The length by cubits after the first measure was threescore cubits, and the breadth twenty cubits. "And this is Solomon's founding, to build the house of God;" i.e., this is the foundation which Solomon laid for the building of the house of God.

    The infin. Hoph. huwcad is used here and in Ezra 3:11 substantively. The measurements only of the length and breadth of the building are given; the height, which is stated in 1 Kings 6:2, is omitted here. The former, i.e., the ancient measurement, is the Mosaic or sacred cubit, which, according to Ezek 40:5 and 43:13, was a handbreadth longer than the civil cubit of the earlier time; see on 1 Kings 6:2. 2 CHRONICLES 3:4-7 And the porch that was in the front of the house, the length of it was according to the breadth of the house, twenty cubits, and the height was an hundred and twenty: and he overlaid it within with pure gold.

    The porch and the interior of the holy place.-V. 4. The porch which was before (i.e., in front of) the length (of the house), was twenty cubits before the breadth of the house, i.e., was as broad as the house. So understood, the words give an intelligible sense. haa'orek| with the article refers back to haa'orek| in v. 3 (the length of the house), and `al-p|neey in the two defining clauses means "in front;" but in the first clause it is "lying in front of the house," i.e., built in front; in the second it is "measured across the front of the breadth of the house." (Note: There is consequently no need to alter the text according to Kings 6:3, from which passage Berth. would interpolate the words paanaayw `al raach|bow baa'amaah `eeser habayit between `al-p|neey and haa'orek| , and thereby get the signification: "and the porch which is before the house, ten cubits is its breadth before the same, and the length which is before the breadth twenty cubits." But this conjecture is neither necessary nor probable. It is not necessary, for (1) the present text gives an intelligible sense; (2) the assertion that the length and breadth of the porch must be stated cannot be justified, if for no other reason, for this, that even of the main buildings all three dimensions are not given, only two being stated, and that it was not the purpose of the author of the Chronicle to give an architecturally complete statement, his main anxiety being to supply a general idea of the splendour of the temple. It is not probable; because the chronicler, if he had followed 1 Kings 6:3, would not have written `al-paanaayw, but habayit `al-p|neey, and instead of haa'orek| would have written w|'aar|kow , to correspond with raach|bow .)

    There is certainly either a corruption of the text, or a wrong number in the statement of the height of the porch, 120 cubits; for a front 120 cubits high to a house only thirty cubits high could not be called 'uwlaam ; it would have been a mig|daal , a tower. It cannot with certainty be determined whether we should read twenty or thirty cubits; see in 1 Kings 6:3. He overlaid it (the porch) with pure gold; cf. 1 Kings 6:21.

    Verse 5-7. The interior of the holy place.-V. 5. The "great house," i.e., the large apartment of the house, the holy place, he wainscotted with cypresses, and overlaid it with good gold, and carved thereon palms and garlands. chipaah from chaapaah, to cover, cover over, alternates with the synonymous tsipaah in the signification to coat or overlay with wood and gold. timoriym as in Ezek 41:18, for timorowt, Kings 6:29,35, are artificial palms as wall ornaments. shar|sh|rowt are in Ex 28:14 small scroll-formed chains of gold wire, here spiral chainlike decorations on the walls, garlands of flowers carved on the wainscot, as we learn from 1 Kings 6:18.

    Verse 6-7. And he garnished the house with precious stones for ornament (of the inner sides of the walls); cf. 1 Chron 29:2, on which Bähr on Kings 6:7 appositely remarks, that the ornamenting of the walls with precious stones is very easily credible, since among the things which Solomon brought in quantity from Ophir they are expressly mentioned (1 Kings 10:11), and it was a common custom in the East so to employ them in buildings and in vessels; cf. Symbolik des mos. Cult. i. S. 280, 294, 297.

    The gold was from par|wayim . This, the name of a place rich in gold, does not elsewhere occur, and has not as yet been satisfactorily explained. Gesen. with Wilson compares the Sanscrit parvam, the first, foremost, and takes it to be the name of the foremost, i.e., eastern regions; others hold the word to be the name of some city in southern or eastern Arabia, whence Indian gold was brought to Palestine.-In v. 7 the garnishing of the house with gold is more exactly and completely described. He garnished the house, the beams (of the roof), the thresholds (of the doors), and its walls and its doors with gold, and carved cherubs on the walls. For details as to the internal garnishing, decoration, and gilding of the house, see 1 Kings 6:18,29, and 30, and for the doors, vv. 32-35. 2 CHRONICLES 3:8-9 And he made the most holy house, the length whereof was according to the breadth of the house, twenty cubits, and the breadth thereof twenty cubits: and he overlaid it with fine gold, amounting to six hundred talents.

    The most holy place, with the figures of the cherubim and the veil; cf. Kings 6:19-28.-The length of the most holy place in front of the breadth of the house, twenty cubits, consequently measured in the same way as the porch (v. 4); the breadth, i.e., the depth of it, also twenty cubits. The height, which was the same (1 Kings 6:20), is not stated; but instead of that we have the weight of the gold which was used for the gilding, which is omitted in 1 Kings 6, viz., 600 talents for the overlaying of the walls, and 50 shekels for the nails to fasten the sheet gold on the wainscotting.

    He covered the upper chambers of the most holy place also with gold; see 1 Chron 28:11. This is not noticed in 1 Kings 6. 2 CHRONICLES 3:10-13 And in the most holy house he made two cherubims of image work, and overlaid them with gold.

    The figures of the cherubim are called tsa`atsu`iym ma`aseeh , sculpture work. The hap leg. ts`ts`ym comes from tsuwa`, Arab. tsâg', formavit, finxit, and signifies sculptures. The plur. y|tsapuw , "they overlaid them," is indefinite. The length of the wings was five cubits, and the four outspread wings extended across the whole width of the most holy place from one wall to the other. The repetition of the clauses haa'acheer hak|ruwb ...haa'echaad k|nap (vv. 11, 12) has a distributive force: the top of one wing of each cherub reached the wall of the house, that of the other wing reached the wing of the other cherub standing by. In the repetition the masc. magiya` alternates with the fem. maga`at , being construed in a freer way as the principal gender with the fem. kaanaap , and also with d|beeqaah , adhaerebat, in the last clause.-In v. 12 Bertheau would strike out the word kan|peey because it does not suit por|siym , which occurs in 1 Chron 28:17; 2 Chron 5:8; 1 Kings 8:7, in the transitive signification, "to stretch out the wings." But nothing is gained by that, for we must then supply the erased word after por|siym again. And, moreover, the succeeding clause is introduced by w|heem , just because in the first clause the wings, and not the cherubim, were the subject. We hold the text to be correct, and translate: "the wings of these cherubim were, for they stretched them out, twenty cubits." w|heem refers to hak|ruwbiym . They stood upon their feet, consequently upright, and were, according to 1 Kings 6:26, ten cubits high. "And their faces towards the house," i.e., turned towards the holy place, not having their faces turned towards each other, as was the case with the cherubim upon the Capporeth (Ex 25:20). 2 CHRONICLES 3:14 And he made the vail of blue, and purple, and crimson, and fine linen, and wrought cherubims thereon.

    The veil between the holy place and the most holy, not mentioned in Kings 6:21, was made of the same materials and colours as the veil on the tabernacle, and was inwoven with similar cherub figures; cf. Ex 26:31. uwbuwts kar|miyl as in 2 Chron 2:13. `al `aalaah , to bring upon; an indefinite expression for: to weave into the material. 2 CHRONICLES 3:15-17 Also he made before the house two pillars of thirty and five cubits high, and the chapiter that was on the top of each of them was five cubits.

    The two brazen pillars before the house, i.e., before the porch, whose form is more accurately described in 1 Kings 7:15-22. The height of it is here given at thirty-five cubits, while, according to 1 Kings 7:15; 2 Kings 25:17; Jer 52:21, it was only eighteen cubits. The number thirty-five has arisen by confounding ych = 18 with lh = 35; see on 1 Kings 7:16. hatsepet (hap leg.) from tsaapaah , overlay, cover, is the hood of the pillar, i.e., the capital, called in 1 Kings 7:16ff. koteret , crown, capital, five cubits high, as in 1 Kings 7:16.

    Verse 16. "And he made little chains on the collar (Halsreife), and put it on the top of the pillars, and made 100 pomegranates, and put them on the chains." In the first clause of this verse, bad|biyr , "in (on) the most holy place," has no meaning, for the most holy place is not here being discussed, but the pillars before the porch, or rather an ornament on the capital of these pillars. We must not therefore think of chains in the most holy place, which extended thence out to the pillars, as the Syriac and Arabic seem to have done, paraphrasing as they do: chains of fifty cubits (i.e., the length of the holy place and the porch). According to 1 Kings 7:17-20 and v. 41f., compared with 2 Chron 4:12-13, each capital consisted of two parts. The lower part was a circumvolution (Wulst) covered with chain-like net-work, one cubit high, with a setting of carved pomegranates one row above and one row below.

    The upper part, or that which formed the crown of the capital, was four cubits high, and carved in the form of an open lily-calyx. In our verse it is the lower part of the capital, the circumvolution, with the chain net-work and the pomegranates, which is spoken of. From this, Bertheau concludes that d|biyr must signify the same as the more usual s|baakaah , viz., "the lattice-work which was set about the top of the pillars, and served to fasten the pomegranates," and that bdbyr has arisen out of b|raabiyd by a transposition of the letters. b|raabiyd (chains) should be read here. This conjecture so decidedly commends itself, that we regard it as certainly correct, since raabiyd denotes in Gen 41:42; Ezek 16:11, a necklace, and so may easily denote also a ring or hoop; but we cannot adopt the translation "chains on a ring," nor the idea that the s|baakaah , since it surrounded the head of the pillars as a girdle or broad ring, is called the ring of the pillars.

    For this idea does not agree with the translation "chains in a ring," even when they are conceived of as "chain-like ornaments, which could scarcely otherwise be made visible on the ring than by open work." Then the chainlike decorations were not, as Bertheau thinks, on the upper and under border of the ring, but formed a net-work which surrounded the lower part of the capital of the pillar like a ring, as though a necklace had been drawn round it. raabiyd consequently is not the same as s|baakaah , but rather corresponds to that part of the capital which is called gulaah (gulowt ) in 1 Kings 7:14; for the s|baakowt served to cover the gulowt , and were consequently placed on or over the gulowt , as the pomegranates were on the chains or woven work. hagulaah denotes the curve, the circumvolution, which is in 1 Kings 7:20 called habeTen , a broad-arched band, bulging towards the middle, which formed the lower part of the capital. This arched part of the capital the author of the Chronicle calls raabiyd , ring or collar, because it may be regarded as the neck ornament of the head of the pillar, in contrast to the upper part of the capital, that consisted in lily-work, i.e., the ball wrought into the form of an open lily-calyx (koteret ).

    Verse 17. As to the position of the pillars, and their names, see on 1 Kings 7:21. 2 CHRONICLES 4:1 Moreover he made an altar of brass, twenty cubits the length thereof, and twenty cubits the breadth thereof, and ten cubits the height thereof. 1-11a. The sacred furniture and the courts of the temple.-Vv. 1-6. The copper furniture of the court. V. 1. The altar of burnt-offering. Its preparation is passed over in 1 Kings 6 and 7, so that there it is only mentioned incidentally in connection with the consecration of the temple, 8:22,54, and 9:25. It was twenty cubits square (long and broad) and ten cubits high, and constructed on the model of the Mosaic altar of burnt- offering, and probably of brass plates, which enclosed the inner core, consisting of earth and unhewn stones; and if we may judge from Ezekiel's description, 2 Chr 43:13-17, it rose in steps, as it were, so that at each step its extent was smaller; and the measurement of twenty cubits refers only to the lowest scale, while the space at the top, with the hearth, was only twelve cubits square; cf. my Bibl. Archaeol. i. S. 127, with the figure, plate iii. fig. 2. 2 CHRONICLES 4:2-5 Also he made a molten sea of ten cubits from brim to brim, round in compass, and five cubits the height thereof; and a line of thirty cubits did compass it round about.

    The brazen sea described as in 1 Kings 7:23-26. See the commentary on that passage, and the sketch in my Archaeol. i. plate iii. fig. 1. The differences in substance, such as the occurrence of b|qaariym and habaaqaar , v. 3, instead of p|qaa`iym and hap|qaa`iym , and 3000 baths instead of 2000, are probably the result of orthographical errors in the Chronicle. yaakiyl in v. 5 appears superfluous after the preceding machaziyq , and Berth. considers it a gloss which has come from 1 Kings into our text by mistake. But the expression is only pleonastic: "receiving baths, 3000 it held;" and there is no sufficient reason to strike out the words. 2 CHRONICLES 4:6 He made also ten lavers, and put five on the right hand, and five on the left, to wash in them: such things as they offered for the burnt offering they washed in them; but the sea was for the priests to wash in.

    The ten lavers which, according to 1 Kings 7:38, stood upon ten brazen stands, i.e., chests provided with carriage wheels. These stands, the artistic work on which is circumstantially described in 1 Kings 7:27-37, are omitted in the Chronicle, because they are merely subordinate parts of the lavers. The size or capacity of the lavers is not stated, only their position on both sides of the temple porch, and the purpose for which they were designed, "to wash therein, viz., the work of the burnt-offering (the flesh of the burnt-offering which was to be burnt upon the altar) they rinsed therein," being mentioned. For details, see in 1 Kings 7:38f. and the figure in my Archaol. i. plate iii. fig. 4. Occasion is here taken to mention in a supplementary way the use of the brazen sea. 2 CHRONICLES 4:7-8 And he made ten candlesticks of gold according to their form, and set them in the temple, five on the right hand, and five on the left.

    The golden furniture of the holy place and the courts. These three verses are not found in the parallel narrative 1 Kings 7, where in v. 39b the statement as to the position of the brazen sea (v. 10 of Chron.) follows immediately the statement of the position of the stands with the lavers.

    The candlesticks and the table of the shew-bread are indeed mentioned in the summary enumeration of the temple furniture, 1 Kings 7:48 and 49, as in the corresponding passage of the Chronicle (vv. 19 and 20) they again occur; and in 1 Kings 6:36 and 7:12, in the description of the temple building, the inner court is spoken of, but the outer court is not expressly mentioned. No reason can be given for the omission of these verses in Kings 7; but that they have been omitted or have dropped out, may be concluded from the fact that not only do the whole contents of our fourth chapter correspond to the section 1 Kings 7:23-50, but both passages are rounded off by the same concluding verse (Chr. 2 Chron 5:1 and 1 Kings 51).

    Verse 7. He made ten golden candlesticks k|mish|paaTaam , according to their right, i.e., as they should be according to the prescript, or corresponding to the prescript as to the golden candlesticks in the Mosaic sanctuary (Ex 25:31ff.). mish|paaT is the law established by the Mosaic legislation.

    Verse 8. Ten golden tables, corresponding to the ten candlesticks, and, like these, placed five on the right and five on the left side of the holy place.

    The tables were not intended to bear the candlesticks (Berth.), but for the shew-bread; cf. on v. 19 and 1 Chron 28:16. And a hundred golden basins, not for the catching and sprinkling of the blood (Berth.), but, as their connection with the tables for the shew-bread shows, wine flagons, or sacrificial vessels for wine libations, probably corresponding to the m|naqiyowt on the table of shew-bread in the tabernacle (Ex 25:29). The signification, wine flagons, for miz|raaqiym, is placed beyond a doubt by Amos 6:6. 2 CHRONICLES 4:9-10 Furthermore he made the court of the priests, and the great court, and doors for the court, and overlaid the doors of them with brass.

    The two courts are not further described. For the court of the priests, see on 1 Kings 6:36 and 7:12. As to the great or outer court, the only remark made is that it had doors, and its doors, i.e., the folds or leaves of the doors, were overlaid with copper. In v. 10 we have a supplementary statement as to the position of the brazen sea, which coincides with Kings 7:39; see on the passage. In v. 11a the heavier brazen (copper) utensils, belonging to the altar of burnt-offering, are mentioned: ciydowt , pots for the removal of the ashes; yaa`iym , shovels, to take the ashes out from the altar; and miz|raaqowt , basins to catch and sprinkle the sacrificial blood. This half verse belongs to the preceding, notwithstanding that Huram is mentioned as the maker. This is clear beyond doubt, from the fact that the same utensils are again introduced in the summary catalogue which follows (v. 16). 2 CHRONICLES 4:11-22 And Solomon made all the vessels that were for the house of God, the golden altar also, and the tables whereon the shewbread was set; 11b-22. Summary catalogue of the temple utensils and furniture.-Vv. 11b- 18. The brass work wrought by Huram.

    The golden furniture of the holy place and the gilded doors of the temple.

    This section is found also in 1 Kings 7:40b-50. The enumeration of the things wrought in brass coincides to a word, with the exception of trifling linguistic differences and some defects in the text, with 1 Kings 7:40b-47.

    In v. 12 w|hakotaarowt hagulowt is the true reading, and we should so read in 1 Kings 7:41 also, since the gulowt , circumvolutions, are to be distinguished from the kotaarowt , crowns; see on 3:16. In v. 14 the first `aasaah is a mistake for `eser , the second for `asaaraah , Kings v. 43; for the verb `aasaah is not required nor expected, as the accusative depends upon la`asowt , v. 11, while the number cannot be omitted, since it is always given with the other things. In v. 16 miz|laagowt is an orthographic error for miz|raaqowt ; cf. v. 11 and 1 Kings 7:44. w|'et-kaal-k|leeyhem is surprising, for there is no meaning in speaking of the utensils of the utensils enumerated in vv. 12-16c. According to 1 Kings 7:45, we should read haa'eeleh kaal-hakeeliym 'eet. As to 'aabiyw , see on 2 Chron 2:12. maaruwq n|choshet is accusative of the material, of polished brass; and so also m|moraaT nch', 1 Kings 7:45, with a similar signification. In reference to the rest, see the commentary on Kings 7:40ff.

    Verse 19-21. In the enumeration of the golden furniture of the holy place, our text diverges somewhat more from 1 Kings 7:48-50. On the difference in respect to the tables of the shew-bread, see on 1 Kings 7:48. In v. 20 the number and position of the candlesticks in the holy place are not stated as they are in 1 Kings 7:49, both having been already given in v. 7. Instead of that, their use is emphasized: to light them, according to the right, before the most holy place (kamish|paaT as in v. 7). As to the decorations and subordinate utensils of the candlesticks, see on 1 Kings 7:49. To zaahaab , v. 21 (accus. of the material), is added zaahaab mik|lowt huw' , "that is perfect gold." mik|laah , which occurs only here, is synonymous with mik|laal , perfection. This addition seems superfluous, because before and afterwards it is remarked of these vessels that they were of precious gold (caaguwr zaahaab ), and it is consequently omitted by the LXX, perhaps also because mik|lowt was not intelligible to them. The words, probably, are meant to indicate that even the decorations and the subordinate utensils of the candlesticks (lamps, snuffers, etc.) were of solid gold, and not merely gilded.

    Verse 22. m|zam|rowt , knives, probably used along with the snuffers for the cleansing and trimming of the candlesticks and lamps, are not met with among the utensils of the tabernacle, but are here mentioned (Chr. and Kings), and in 2 Kings 12:14 and Jer 52:18, among the temple utensils. Along with the miz|raaqowt , sacrificial vessels (see on v. 8), in 1 Chron 28:17 miz|laagowt , forks of gold, are also mentioned, which are not elsewhere spoken of. Among the utensils of the tabernacle we find only mzlgwt of brass, flesh-forks, as an appurtenance of the altar of burnt-offering (Ex 27:3; 38:3; Num 4:14; cf. 1 Sam 2:13f.), which, however, cannot be intended here, because all the utensils here enumerated belonged to the holy place. What purpose the golden forks served cannot be determined, but the mention of golden knives might lead us to presuppose that there would be golden forks as well.

    That the forks are not mentioned in our verse does not render their existence doubtful, for the enumeration is not complete: e.g., the cipowt , 1 Kings 7:50, are also omitted. kapowt , vessels for the incense, and mach|towt , extinguishers, as in 1 Kings 7:50. Instead of dal|towtaayw habayit uwpetach , "and as regards the opening (door) of the house, its door-leaves," in 1 Kings 7:50 we have habayit l|dal|towt w|hapotot, "and the hinges of the door-leaves of the house." This suggests that ptch is only an orthographical error for potot; but then if we take it to be so, we must alter dal|towtaayw into l|dal|towtaayw. And, moreover, the expression habayit potot, doorhinges of the house, is strange, as powt properly denotes a recess or space between, and which renders the above-mentioned conjecture improbable.

    The author of the Chronicle seems rather himself to have generalized the expression, and emphasizes merely the fact that even the leaves of the doors in the most holy place and on the holy place were of gold;-of course not of solid gold; but they were, as we learn from 2 Chron 3:7, overlaid with gold. This interpretation is favoured by the simple zaahaab being used without the predicate caaguwr . To the sing. petach no objection can be made, for the word in its fundamental signification, "opening," may easily be taken collectively. -Ch. 5:1 contains the conclusion of the account of the preparation of the sacred utensils as in 1 Kings 7:51, and with it also the whole account of the building of the temple is brought to an end. The w before 'et-hakecep and 'ethazaahaab corresponds to the Lat. et-et, both-and also. As to David's offerings, cf. 1 Chron 18:10 and 11; and on the whole matter, compare also the remarks on 1 Kings 7:51.

    CH. 5:2-7:22. THE DEDICATION OF THE TEMPLE.

    This solemnity, to which Solomon had invited the elders and heads of all Israel to Jerusalem, consisted in four acts: (a) the transfer of the ark into the temple (2 Chron 5:2-6:11); (b) Solomon's dedicatory prayer (6:12-42); (c) the solemn sacrifice (7:1-10); and (d) the Lord's answer to Solomon's prayer (7:11-22). By the first two acts the temple was dedicated by the king and the congregation of Israel to its holy purpose; by the two last it was consecrated by Jahve to be the dwelling-place of His name. If we compare our account of this solemnity with the account given in the book of Kings, we find that they agree in their main substance, and for the most part even verbally coincide. Only, in the Chronicle the part performed by the priests and Levites is described more in detail; and in treating of the third act, instead of the blessing spoken by Solomon (1 Kings 8:54-61), we have in Chr. 2 Chron 7:1-3 a narrative of the devouring of the sacrifices by fire from heaven. 2 CHRONICLES 5:2-3 Then Solomon assembled the elders of Israel, and all the heads of the tribes, the chief of the fathers of the children of Israel, unto Jerusalem, to bring up the ark of the covenant of the LORD out of the city of David, which is Zion.

    Verse 2-3. The first part of the celebration was the transfer of the ark from Mount Zion to the temple (2 Chron 5:2-14), and in connection with this we have the words in which Solomon celebrates the entry of the Lord into the new temple (6:1-11). This section has been already commented on in the remarks on 1 Kings 8:1-21, and we have here, consequently, only to set down briefly those discrepancies between our account and that other, which have any influence upon the meaning.-In v. 3 the name of the month, haa'eetaaniym b|yerach (Kings v. 2), with which the supplementary clause, "that is the seventh month," is there connected, is omitted, so that we must either change hachodesh into bachodesh , or supply the name of the month; for the festival is not the seventh month, but was held in that month. 2 CHRONICLES 5:4-9 And all the elders of Israel came; and the Levites took up the ark.

    Instead of hal|wiyim , we have in 2 Kings hakohaniym , the priests bare the ark; and since even according to the Chronicle (v. 7) the priests bare the ark into the holy place, we must understand by hal|wiyim such Levites were also priests.-In v. 5, too the words hal|wiyim hakohaniym are inexact, and are to be corrected by Kings v. 4, w|hal|wiyim hakohaniym . For even if the Levitic priests bare the ark and the sacred utensils of the tabernacle into the temple, yet the tabernacle itself (the planks, hangings, and coverings of it) was borne into the temple, to be preserved as a holy relic, not by priests, but only by Levites. The conj. w before hlwym has probably been omitted only by a copyist, who was thinking of hlwym hkhnym (Josh 3:3; Deut 17:9,18, etc.).-In v. 8 way|kacuw is an orthographical error for wayaacokuw , 1 Kings 8:7; cf. 1 Chron 28:18; Ex 25:20.-In v. 9, too, minhaa'aarown has probably come into our text only by a copyist's mistake instead of min-haqodeesh (Kings v. 8). 2 CHRONICLES 5:10 There was nothing in the ark save the two tables which Moses put therein at Horeb, when the LORD made a covenant with the children of Israel, when they came out of Egypt. naatan 'asher , who had given, i.e., laid in, is not so exact as shaam hiniyach 'asher (Kings v. 9), but may be justified by a reference to Ex 40:20. 11b-13a. Vv. 11b-13a describe the part which the priests and Levitical singers and musicians took in the solemn act of transferring the ark to the temple-a matter entirely passed over in the narrative in Kings 2 Chron 8:11, which confines itself to the main transaction. The mention of the priests gives occasion for the remark, v. 11b, "for all the priests present had sanctified themselves, but the courses were not to be observed," i.e., the courses of the priests (1 Chron 24) could not be observed. The festival was so great, that not merely the course appointed to perform the service of that week, but also all the courses had sanctified themselves and co- operated in the celebration. In reference to the construction lish|mowr 'eeyn , cf. Ew. §321, b. 2 CHRONICLES 5:12 Also the Levites which were the singers, all of them of Asaph, of Heman, of Jeduthun, with their sons and their brethren, being arrayed in white linen, having cymbals and psalteries and harps, stood at the east end of the altar, and with them an hundred and twenty priests sounding with trumpets:) All the Levitic singers and musicians were also engaged in it, to make the festival glorious by song and instrumental music: "and the Levites, the singers, all of them, Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun, and their sons and brethren, clad in byssus, with cymbals, psalteries, and harps, stood eastward from the altar, and with them priests to 120, blowing trumpets."

    The l| before kulaam and the following noun is the introductory l|: "as regards." On the form mchtsrrym, see on 1 Chron 15:24; on these singers and musicians, their clothing, and their instruments, see on 1 Chron 15:17-28 and 2 Chron 25:1-8. 13a. V. 13a runs thus literally: "And it came to pass, as one, regarding the trumpeters and the singers, that they sang with one voice to praise and thank Jahve." The meaning is: and the trumpeters and singers, together as one man, sang with one voice to praise. k|'echaad is placed first for emphasis; stress is laid upon the subject, the trumpeters and singers, by the introductory l|; and haayaah is construed with the following infinitive (l|hash|miya` ): it was to sound, to cause to hear, for they were causing to hear, where l| c. infin. is connected with haayaah , as the participle is elsewhere, to describe the circumstances; cf. Ew. §237.

    But in order to express very strongly the idea of the unisono of the trumpet-sound, and the singing accompanied by the harp-playing, which lies in k|'echaad , 'echaad qowl is added to l|hash|miya` .

    By wgw' qowl uwk|haariym all that was to be said of the song and music is drawn together in the form of a protasis, to which is joined maalee' w|habayit , the apodosis both of this latter and also of the protasis which was interrupted by the parenthesis in v. 11: "When the priests went forth from the holy place, for...(v. 11), and when they lifted up the voice with trumpets and with cymbals, and the (other) instruments of song, and with the praise of Jahve, that He is good, that His mercy endureth for ever (cf. 1 Chron 16:34), then was the house filled with the cloud of the house of Jahve." The absence of the article before `aanaan requires us thus to connect the yhwh beeyt at the close of the verse with `anan (stat. constr.), since the indefinite `aanaan (without the article) is not at all suitable here; for it is not any cloud which is here spoken of, but that which overshadowed the glory of the Lord in the most holy place. 2 CHRONICLES 5:14-6:11 So that the priests could not stand to minister by reason of the cloud: for the glory of the LORD had filled the house of God.

    V. 14, again, agrees with 1 Kings 8:6, and has been there commented upon, 2 Chron 6:1-11. The words with which Solomon celebrates this wondrous evidence of the divine favour, entirely coincide with the narrative in Kings 8:12-21, except that in v. 5f. the actual words of Solomon's speech are more completely given than in 1 Kings 8:16, where the words, "and I have not chosen a man to be prince over my people Israel, and I have chosen Jerusalem that my name might be there," are omitted. For the commentary on this address, see on 1 Kings 8:12-21. 2 CHRONICLES 6:12-42 And he stood before the altar of the LORD in the presence of all the congregation of Israel, and spread forth his hands:

    Solomon's dedicatory prayer likewise corresponds exactly with the account of it given in 1 Kings 8:22-53 till near the end (vv. 40-42), where it takes quite a different turn. Besides this, in the introduction (v. 13) Solomon's position during the prayer is more accurately described, it being there stated that Solomon had caused a high stage (kiyowr , a basinlike elevation) to be erected, which he ascended, and kneeling, spoke the prayer which follows. This fact is not stated in 1 Kings 8:22, and Then. and Berth. conjecture that it has been dropped out of our text only by mistake. Perhaps so, but it may have been passed over by the author of the books of Kings as a point of subordinate importance. On the contents of the prayer, which begins with the joyful confession that the Lord had fulfilled His promise to David in reference to the building of the temple, and proceeds with a request for a further bestowment of the blessing promised to His people, and a supplication that all prayers made to the Lord in the temple may be heard, see the Com. on 1 Kings 8:22ff.

    The conclusion of the prayer in the Chronicle is different from that in Kings 8. There the last supplication, that the prayers might be heard, is followed by the thought: for they (the Israelites) are Thy people and inheritance; and in the further amplification of this thought the prayer returns to the idea with which it commenced. In the narrative of the Chronicle, on the other hand, the supplications conclude with the general thought (v. 40): "Now, my God, let, I beseech Thee, Thine eyes be open, and Thine ears attend unto the prayer of this place" (i.e., unto the prayer spoken in this place). There follows, then, the conclusion of the whole prayer-a summons to the Lord (v. 41f.): "And now, Lord God, arise into Thy rest, Thou and the ark of Thy strength; let Thy priests, Lord God, clothe themselves in salvation, and Thy saints rejoice in good! Lord God, turn not away the face of Thine anointed: remember the pious deeds of Thy servant David." chacaadiym as in 2 Chr. 33:32; 35:26, and Neh 13:14.

    On this Thenius remarks, to 1 Kings 8:53: "This conclusion is probably authentic, for there is in the text of the prayer, 1 Kings 8, no special expression of dedication, and this the summons to enter into possession of the temple very fittingly supplies. The whole contents of the conclusion are in perfect correspondence with the situation, and, as to form, nothing better could be desired. It can scarcely be thought an arbitrary addition made by the chronicler for no other reason than that the summons spoken of, if taken literally, is irreconcilable with the entrance of the cloud into the temple, of which he has already given us an account." Berth. indeed thinks that it does not thence follow that our conclusion is authentic, and considers it more probable that it was introduced because it appeared more suitable, in place of the somewhat obscure words in 1 Kings 8:51-53, though not by the author of the Chronicle, and scarcely at an earlier time.

    The decision on this question can only be arrived at in connection with the question as to the origin of the statements peculiar to the Chronicle contained in 2 Chron 7:1-3.

    If we consider, in the first place, our verses in themselves, they contain no thought which Solomon might not have spoken, and consequently nothing which would tend to show that they are not authentic. It is true that the phrase qashubowt 'aaz|neykaa occurs only here and in Chron 7:15, and again in Ps 130:2, and the noun nuwach instead of m|nuwchaah is found only in Est 9:16-18 in the form nowach; but even if these two expressions be peculiar to the later time, no further conclusion can be drawn from that, than that the author of the Chronicle has here, as often elsewhere, given the thoughts of his authority in the language of his own time. Nor is the relation in which vv. 41 and 42 stand to Ps 132:8-10 a valid proof of the later composition of the conclusion of our prayer. For (a) it is still a question whether our verses have been borrowed from Ps 132, or the verses of the psalm from our passage; and (b) the period when Ps 138 was written is so doubtful, that some regard it as a Solomonic psalm, while others place it in the post-exilic period.

    Neither the one nor the other of these questions can be determined on convincing grounds. The appeal to the fact that the chronicler has compounded the hymn in 1 Chron 15 also out of post-exilic psalms proves nothing, for even in that case it is at least doubtful if that be a correct account of the matter. But the further assertion, that the conclusion (v. 42) resembles Isa 55:3, and that recollections of this passage may have had some effect also on the conclusion (v. 41), is undoubtedly erroneous, for daawiyd chac|deey in v. 42 has quite a different meaning from that which it has in Isa 55:3. There daawid chac|deey are the favours granted to David by the Lord; in v. 42, on the contrary, they are the pious deeds of David-all that he had done for the raising and advancement of the public worship (see above). The phrase wgw' quwmaah , "Arise, O Lord God, into Thy rest," is modelled on the formula which was spoken when the ark was lifted and when it was set down on the journey through the wilderness, which explains both quwmaah and the use of l|nuwchekaa , which is formed after b|nuwchoh, Num 10:36.

    The call to arise into rest is not inconsistent with the fact that the ark had already been brought into the most holy place, for quwmaah has merely the general signification, "to set oneself to anything." The idea is, that God would now take the rest to which the throne of His glory had attained, show Himself to His people from this His throne to be the God of salvation, endue His priests, the guardians of His sanctuary, with salvation, and cause the pious to rejoice in His goodness. baTowb yis|m|chuw is generalized in Ps 132:9 into y|raneenuw . p' p|neey haasheeb , to turn away the face of any one, i.e., to deny the request, cf. 1 Kings 2:16. 2 CHRONICLES 7:1-22 Now when Solomon had made an end of praying, the fire came down from heaven, and consumed the burnt offering and the sacrifices; and the glory of the LORD filled the house.

    The divine confirmation of the dedication of the temple.-Vv. 1-10. The consecration of the sacrificial service by fire from heaven (vv. 1-3), and the sacrifices and festival of the people (vv. 4-10).

    Verse 1-3. At the conclusion of Solomon's prayer there fell fire from heaven, which devoured the burnt-offering and the thank-offering, and the glory of the Lord filled the house, so that the priests could not enter the house of Jahve. The assembled congregation, when they saw the fire and the glory of the Lord descend, bowed themselves with their faces to the ground upon the pavement, and worshipped God to praise. Now since this narrative is not found in 1 Kings 8:54ff., and there a speech of Solomon to the whole congregation, in which he thanks God for the fulfilment of His promise, and expresses the desire that the Lord would hear his prayers at all times, and bestow the promised salvation on the people, is communicated, modern criticism has rejected this narrative of the Chronicle as a later unhistorical embellishment of the temple dedication. "If we turn our attention," says Berth. in agreement with Then., "to 2 Chron 5:11-14, and compare ch. 5:14 with our second verse, we must maintain that our historian found that there existed two different narratives of the proceedings at the dedication of the temple, and received both into his work. According to the one narrative, the clouds filled the house (1 Kings 8:10, cf. 2 Chron 5:11-14); and after this was done Solomon uttered the prayer, with the conclusion which we find in 1 Kings 8; according to the other narrative, Solomon uttered the prayer, with the conclusion which we find in Chron., and God thereafter gave the confirmatory signs. Now we can hardly imagine that the course of events was, that the glory of Jahve filled the house (2 Chron 5:14); that then Solomon spoke the words and the prayer in ch. 6; that while he uttered the prayer the glory of Jahve again left the house, and then came down in a way manifest to all the people (2 Chron 7:3), in order to fill the house for a second time."

    Certainly it was not so; but the narrative itself gives no ground for any such representation. Not a word is said in the text of the glory of Jahve having left the temple during Solomon's prayer. The supposed contradiction between 2 Chron 5:14 and the account in ch. 7:1-3 is founded entirely on a misinterpretation of our verse. The course of events described here was, as the words run, this: Fire came down from heaven upon the sacrifices and devoured them, and the glory of the Lord filled the house; and this is in v. 3 more exactly and precisely repeated by the statement that the people saw the fire and the glory of Jahve descend upon the house. According to these plain words, the glory of Jahve descended upon the temple in the fire which came down from heaven. In the heavenly fire which devoured the sacrifices, the assembled congregation saw the glory of the Lord descend upon the temple and fill it.

    But the filling of the temple by the cloud when the ark was brought in and set in its place (5:15) can be without difficulty reconciled with this manifestation of the divine glory in the fire. Just as the manifestation of the gracious divine presence in the temple by a cloud, as its visible vehicle, does not exclude the omnipresence of God or His sitting enthroned in heaven, God's essence not being so confined to the visible vehicle of His gracious presence among His people that He ceases thereby to be enthroned in heaven, and to manifest Himself therefrom; so the revelation of the same God from heaven by a descending fire is not excluded or set aside by the presence of the cloud in the holy place of the temple, and in the most holy. We may consequently quite well represent to ourselves the course of events, by supposing, that while the gracious presence of God enthroned above the cherubim on the ark made itself known in the cloud which filled the temple, or while the cloud filled the interior of the temple, God revealed His glory from heaven, before the eyes of the assembled congregation, in the fire which descended upon the sacrifices, so that the temple was covered or overshadowed by His glory.

    The parts of this double manifestation of the divine glory are clearly distinguished even in our narrative; for in 2 Chron 5:13-14 the cloud which filled the house, as vehicle of the manifestation of the divine glory, and which hindered the priests from standing and serving (in the house, i.e., in the holy place and the most holy), is spoken of; while in our verses, again, it is the glory of God which descended upon the temple in the fire coming down from heaven on the sacrifices, and so filled it that the priests could not enter it, which is noticed.

    Since, therefore, the two passages involve no contradiction, the hypothesis of a compounding together of discrepant narratives loses all standing ground; and it only remains to determine the mutual relations of the two narratives, and to answer the question, why the author of the book of Kings has omitted the account of the fire which came down from heaven upon the sacrifices, and the author of the Chronicle the blessing of the congregation (1 Kings 8:54-61). From the whole plan and character of the two histories, there can be no doubt that in these accounts we have not a perfect enumeration of all the different occurrences, but only a record of the chief things which were done. The authority made use of by both, however, doubtless contained both the blessing of the congregation (1 Kings 8:55-61) and the account of the fire which devoured the sacrifices (2 Chron 7:2-3); and probably the latter preceded the blessing spoken by Solomon to the congregation (Kings).

    In all probability, the fire dame down from heaven immediately after the conclusion of the dedicatory prayer, and devoured the sacrifices lying upon the altar of burnt-offering; and after this had happened, Solomon turned towards the assembled congregation and praised the Lord, because He had given rest to His people, of which the completion of the temple, and the filling of it with the cloud of the divine glory, was a pledge. To record this speech of Solomon to the congregation, falls wholly in with the plan of the book of Kings, in which the prophetic interest, the realization of the divine purpose of grace by the acts and omissions of the kings, is the prominent one; while it did not lie within the scope of his purpose to enter upon a detailed history of the public worship. We should be justified in expecting the fire which devoured the sacrifices to be mentioned in the book of Kings, only if the temple had been first consecrated by this divine act to be the dwelling-place of the gracious presence of God, or a sanctuary of the Lord; but such significance the devouring of the sacrifices by fire coming forth from God did not possess.

    Jahve consecrated the temple to be the dwelling-place of His name, and the abode of His gracious presence, in proclaiming His presence by the cloud which filled the sanctuary, when the ark was brought into the most holy place. The devouring of the sacrifices upon the altar by fire from heaven was merely the confirmatory sign that the Lord, enthroned above the ark in the temple, accepted, well pleased, the sacrificial service carried on on the altar of this temple; and since the people could draw near to the Lord only with sacrifices before the altar, it was a confirmatory sign that He from His throne would bestow His covenant grace upon those who appeared before him with sacrifices; cf. Lev 9:23f. Implicitly, this grace was already secured to the people by God's consecrating the sanctuary to be the throne of His grace by the cloud which filled the temple; and the author of the book of Kings thought it sufficient to mention this sign, and passed over the second, which only served as a confirmation of the first.

    With the chronicler the case was different; for his plan to portray in detail the glory of the worship of the former time, the divine confirmation of the sacrificial worship, which was to be carried on continually in the temple as the only legitimate place of worship, by fire from heaven, was so important that he could not leave it unmentioned; while the words of blessing spoken by Solomon to the congregation, as being already implicitly contained in the dedicatory prayer, did not appear important enough to be received into his book. For the rest, the sacrifices which the fire from heaven devoured are the sacrifices mentioned in 2 Chron 5:6, which the king and the congregation had offered when the ark was borne into the temple. As there was an immense number of these sacrifices, they cannot all have been offered on the altar of burnt-offering, but, like the thank-offerings afterwards brought by Solomon and the congregation, must have been offered on the whole space which had been consecrated in the court for this purpose (v. 7). This is expressly attested by v. 7, for the haa`olowt can only be the sacrifices in 5:6, since the sacrifices in v. 5 of our chapter were only sh|laamiym ; cf. 1 Kings 8:62.

    Verse 4-6. the sacrifices and the festival. After fire from heaven had devoured the sacrifices, and Solomon had praised the Lord for the fulfilment of His word, and sought for the congregation the further bestowal of the divine blessing (1 Kings 8:54-61), the dedication of the temple was concluded by a great thank-offering, of which we have in vv. 5, 6 an account which completely agrees with 1 Kings 8:62-63.-In v. 6 the author of the Chr. again makes express mention of the singing and playing of the Levites when these offerings were presented. In the performance of this sacrificial act the priests stood `al-mish|m|rowtaam, in their stations; but that does not signify separated according to their divisions (Berth.), but in officiis suis (Vulg.), i.e., ordines suos et functiones suas a Davide Chron. 2 Chron 24:7ff. institutas servarunt (Ramb.); see on Num 8:26.

    The Levites with the instruments of song of Jahve, which David had made, i.e., with the instruments invented and appointed by David for song to the praise of the Lord. b|yaadaam daawiyd b|haleel , not hymnos David canentes per manus suas (Vulg.), taking daawiyd haleel for the praising appointed by David, which by the hands of the Levites, i.e., was performed by the hands of the Levites (Berth.), but literally: when David sang praise by their hand (i.e., their service). This clause seems to be added to the relative clause, "which king David had made," for nearer definition, and to signify that the Levites used the same instruments which David had introduced when he praised God by the playing of the Levites. The form mchtstsrym as in 1 Chron 15:24.

    Verse 7-10. V. 7 contains a supplementary remark, and the w relat. expresses only the connection of the thought, and the verb is to be translated in English by the pluperfect. For the rest, compare on vv. 4-10 the commentary on 1 Kings 8:62-66.

    Verse 11-22. The Lord's answer to Solomon's dedicatory prayer. Cf. Kings 9:1-9. The general contents, and the order of the thoughts in the divine answer in the two texts, agree, but in the Chronicle individual thoughts are further expounded than in the book of Kings, and expressions are here and there made clear. The second clause of v. 11 is an instance of this, where "and all the desire of Solomon, which he was pleased to do," is represented by "and all that came into Solomon's heart, to make in the house of the Lord and in his own house, he prosperously effected."

    Everything else is explained in the Com. on 1 Kings 9.

    CH. 8. SOLOMON'S CITY-BUILDING, STATUTE LABOUR, ARRANGEMENT OF PUBLIC WORSHIP, AND NAUTICAL UNDERTAKINGS.

    The building of the temple was the most important work of Solomon's reign, as compared with which all the other undertakings of the king fall into the background; and these are consequently only summarily enumerated both in the book of Kings and in the Chronicle. In our chapter, in the first place, we have, (a) the building or completion of various cities, which were of importance partly as strongholds, partly as magazines, for the maintenance of the army necessary for the defence of the kingdom against hostile attacks (vv. 1-6); (b) the arrangement of the statute labour for the execution of all his building works (vv. 7-11); (c) the regulation of the sacrificial service and the public worship (vv. 12-16); and (d) the voyage to Ophir (vv. 17, 18). All these undertakings are recounted in the same order and in the same aphoristic way in 1 Kings 9:10-28, but with the addition of various notes, which are not found in our narrative; while the Chronicle, again, mentions several not unimportant though subordinate circumstances, which are not found in the book of Kings; whence it is clear that in the two narratives we have merely short and mutually supplementary extracts from a more elaborate description of these matters. 2 CHRONICLES 8:1-6 And it came to pass at the end of twenty years, wherein Solomon had built the house of the LORD, and his own house, Verse 1-6. The city-building.-V. 1. The date, "at the end of twenty years, when Solomon...had built," agrees with that in 1 Kings 9:10. The twenty years are to be reckoned from the commencement of the building of the temple, for he had spent seven years in the building of the temple, and thirteen years in that of his palace (1 Kings 6:38; 7:1).

    Verse 2-4. V. 2 must be regarded as the apodosis of v. 1, notwithstanding that the object, the cities which...precedes. The unusual position of the words is the result of the aphoristic character of the notice. As to its relation to the statement 1 Kings 9:10-13, see the discussion on that passage. baanaah , v. 2, is not to be understood of the fortification of these cities, but of their completion, for, according to 1 Kings 9:10,13, they were in very bad condition. wayowsheb , he caused to dwell there, i.e., transplanted Israelites thither, cf. 2 Kings 17:6. The account of the cities which Solomon built, i.e., fortified, is introduced (v. 3) by the important statement, omitted in 1 Kings 9: "Solomon went to Hamathzobah, and prevailed against it." `al chaazaq , to be strong upon, that is, prevail against, conquer; cf. 2 Chron 27:5. Hamath-zobah is not the city Hamath in Zobah, but, as we learn from v. 4, the land or kingdom of Hamath. This did not lie, any more than the city Hamath, in Zobah, but bordered on the kingdom of Zobah: cf. 1 Chron 18:3; and as to the position of Zobah, see the Commentary on 2 Sam 8:3. In David's time Hamath and Zobah had their own kings; and David conquered them, and made their kingdoms tributary (1 Chr. 18:49). Because they bordered on each other, Hamath and Zobah are here bound together as a nomen compos. `aaleyhaa yechezaq signifies at least this, that these tributary kingdoms had either rebelled against Solomon, or at least had made attempts to do so; which Solomon suppressed, and in order to establish his dominion over them fortified Tadmor, i.e., Palmyra, and all the store cities in the land of Hamath (see on 1 Kings 9:18f.); for, according to 1 Kings 11:23ff., he had Rezon of Zobah as an enemy during his whole reign; see on that passage.

    Verse 5-6. Besides these, he made Upper and Nether Beth-horon (see on Chron 7:24) into fortified cities, with walls, gates, and bars. maatsowr `aareey is the second object of wayiben , and wgw' chowmowt is in apposition to that. Further, he fortified Baalah, in the tribe of Dan, to defend the kingdom against the Philistines, and, according to 1 Kings 9:15-17, Hazor, Megiddo, and Gezer also-which are omitted here, while in 1 Kings 9:17 Upper Beth-horon is omitted-and store cities, chariot cities, and cavalry cities; see on 1 Kings 9:15-19. 2 CHRONICLES 8:7-8 As for all the people that were left of the Hittites, and the Amorites, and the Perizzites, and the Hivites, and the Jebusites, which were not of Israel, On the arrangement of the statute labour, see on 1 Kings 9:20-23.-This note is in Chr. abruptly introduced immediately after the preceding. V. 7 is an absolute clause: "as regards the whole people, those." min-b|neeyhem (v. 8) is not partitive: some of their sons; but is only placed before the 'asher : those of their sons (i.e., of the descendants of the whole Canaanite people) who had remained in the land, whom the Israelites had not exterminated; Solomon made a levy of these for statute labourers. The min is wanting in 1 Kings, but is not to be struck out here on that account. Much more surprising is the 'asher after yis|raa'eel minb| neey, v. 9, which is likewise not found in 1 Kings, since the following verb naatan lo' is not to be taken relatively, but contains the predicate of the subject contained in the words ys' min-b|neey. This 'asher cannot be otherwise justified than by supposing that it is placed after ys bny mn, as in Ps 69:27 it is placed after the subject of the relative clause, and so stands for ys' bny mn 'shr : those who were of the sons of Israel (i.e., Israelites) Solomon did not make... The preplacing of b|neeyhem min in v. 8 would naturally suggest that ys' bny mn should also precede, in order to bring out sharply the contrast between the sons of the Canaanites and the sons of Israel. 2 CHRONICLES 8:9-10 But of the children of Israel did Solomon make no servants for his work; but they were men of war, and chief of his captains, and captains of his chariots and horsemen. shaaliyshaayw w|saareey should be altered into w|shaaliyshaayw saaraayw as in 1 Kings 9:22, for shaaliyshiym are not chariot combatants, but royal adjutants; see on Ex 14:7 and 2 Sam 23:8. Over the statute labourers 250 upper overseers were placed. n|tsiybiym saareey , chief of the superiors, i.e., chief overseer. The Keth. n|tsiybiym , praefecti, is the true reading; cf. 1 Chron 18:13; 2 Chron 17:2. The Keri has arisen out of 1 Kings 9:23.

    These overseers were Israelites, while in the number 550 (1 Kings 9:23) the Israelite and Canaanite upper overseers are both included; see on 2:17. baa`aam refers to kaal-haa`aam, v. 7, and denotes the Canaanite people who remained. 2 CHRONICLES 8:11 And Solomon brought up the daughter of Pharaoh out of the city of David unto the house that he had built for her: for he said, My wife shall not dwell in the house of David king of Israel, because the places are holy, whereunto the ark of the LORD hath come.

    The remark that Solomon caused Pharaoh's daughter, whom he had married (1 Kings 3:1), to remove from the city of David into the house which he had built her, i.e., into that part of his newly-built palace which was appointed for the queen, is introduced here, as in 1 Kings 9:24, because it belongs to the history of Solomon's buildings, although in the Chronicle it comes in very abruptly, the author not having mentioned Solomon's marriage to the daughter of Pharaoh (1 Kings 3:1). The reason given for this change of residence on the part of the Egyptian princess is, that Solomon could not allow her, an Egyptian, to dwell in the palace of King David, which had been sanctified by the reception of the ark, and consequently assigned to her a dwelling in the city of David until he should have finished the building of his palace, in which she might dwell along with him. heemaah is, as neuter, used instead of the singular; cf. Ew. §318, b. See also on 1 Kings 3:1 and 9:24. 2 CHRONICLES 8:12-16 Then Solomon offered burnt offerings unto the LORD on the altar of the LORD, which he had built before the porch, The sacrificial service in the new temple. Cf. 1 Kings 9:25, where it is merely briefly recorded that Solomon offered sacrifices three times a year on the altar built by him to the Lord. In our verses we have a detailed account of it. 'aaz , at that time, scil. when the temple building had been finished and the temple dedicated (cf. v. 1), Solomon offered burntofferings upon the altar which he had built before the porch of the temple.

    He no longer now sacrifices upon the altar of the tabernacle at Gibeon, as in the beginning of his reign (2 Chron 1:3ff.).

    Verse 13. "Even sacrificing at the daily rate, according to the direction of Moses." These words give a supplementary and closer definition of the sacrificing in the form of an explanatory subordinate clause, which is interpolated in the principal sentence. For the following words wgw' lashabaatowt belong to the principal sentence (v. 12): he offered sacrifices...on the sabbaths, the new moons, etc. The w before bid|bar is explicative, and that = viz.; and the infin. l|ha`alowt , according to the later usage, instead of infin. absol.; cf. Ew. §280, d. The preposition b| (before d|bar ) is the so-called b essentiae: consisting in the daily (rate) to sacrifice (this); cf. Ew. §299, b. The daily rate, i.e., that which was prescribed in the law of Moses for each day, cf. Lev 23:37. lamow`adowt is further explained by the succeeding clause: on the three chief festivals of the year.

    Verse 14. He ordered the temple service, also, entirely according to the arrangement introduced by David as to the service of the priests and Levites. He appointed, according to the ordinance of David his father, i.e., according to the ordinance established by David, the classes of the priests (see on 1 Chron 24) to that service, and the Levites to their stations (mish|maarowt as in 7:6), to praise (cf. 1 Chron 25), and to serve before the priests (1 Chron 23:28ff.), according to that which was appointed for every day, and the doorkeepers according to their courses, etc. (see 1 Chron 27:1-19). With the last words cf. Neh 12:24.

    Verse 15-16. This arrangement was faithfully observed by the priests and Levites. The verb cuwr is here construed c. accus. in the signification to transgress a command (cf. Ew. §282, a), and it is therefore not necessary to alter mits|wat into mimits|wat. `al-hakohaniym depends upon mits|wat : the king's command concerning the priests and the Levites, i.e., that which David commanded them. wgw' l|kaal-d|bar, in regard to all things, and especially also in regard to the treasures; cf. Chron 26:20-28.-With v. 16 the account of what Solomon did for the public worship is concluded: "Now all the work of Solomon was prepared until the (this) day, the foundation of the house of Jahve until its completion; the house of Jahve was finished." m|le'ket is explained by muwcad . hayowm is the day on which, after the consecration of the completed temple, the regular public worship was commenced in it, which doubtless was done immediately after the dedication of the temple. Only when the regular worship according to the law of Moses, and with the arrangements as to the service of the priests and Levites established by David, had been commenced, was Solomon's work in connection with the temple completed, and the house of God shaaleem , integer, perfect in all its parts, as it should be. The last clause, y' byt shaaleem , is connected rhetorically with what precedes without the conjunction, and is not to be regarded as a subscription, "with which the historian concludes the whole narrative commencing with 2 Chr 1:18" (Berth.); for shaaleem does not signify "ended," or to be at an end, but to be set thoroughly (perfectly) in order. 2 CHRONICLES 8:17,18 Then went Solomon to Eziongeber, and to Eloth, at the sea side in the land of Edom.

    Voyage to Ophir. Cf. 1 Kings 9:26-28, and the commentary on that passage, where we have discussed the divergences of our narrative, and have also come to the conclusion that Ophir is not to be sought in India, but in Southern Arabia. By 'aaz the date of this voyage is made to fall in the period after the building of the temple and the palace, i.e., in the second half of Solomon's reign.

    CH. 9. VISIT OF THE QUEEN OF SHEBA.

    SOLOMON'S RICHES, AND ROYAL POWER AND GLORY; HIS DEATH. 2 CHRONICLES 9:1-12 And when the queen of Sheba heard of the fame of Solomon, she came to prove Solomon with hard questions at Jerusalem, with a very great company, and camels that bare spices, and gold in abundance, and precious stones: and when she was come to Solomon, she communed with him of all that was in her heart.

    The visit of the queen of Sheba. Cf. 1 Kings 10:1-13.-This event is narrated as a practical proof of Solomon's extraordinary wisdom. The narrative agrees so exactly in both texts, with the exception of some few quite unimportant differences, that we must regard them as literal extracts from an original document which they have used in common. For the commentary on this section, see on 1 Kings 10:1-13. 2 CHRONICLES 9:13-21 Now the weight of gold that came to Solomon in one year was six hundred and threescore and six talents of gold; Solomon's revenue in gold, and the use he made of it. Cf. 1 Kings 10:14-22, and the commentary there on this section, which is identical in both narratives, with the exception of some trifling differences. Before m|biy'iym w|hacochariym the relative pronoun is to be supplied: "and what the merchants brought." As to the derivation of the word pachowt , which comes from the Aramaic form pechaah , governor (v. 14), see on Hagg. 2 Chron 1:1.-tar|shiysh hol|kowt 'aaniyowt, in v. 21, ships going to Tarshish, is an erroneous paraphrase of tar|shiysh 'aaniyowt, Tarshish-ships, i.e., ships built for long sea voyages; for the fleet did not go to Tartessus in Spain, but to Ophir in Southern Arabia (see on 1 Kings 9:26ff.). All the rest has been explained in the commentary on 1 Kings 10. 2 CHRONICLES 9:22-24 And king Solomon passed all the kings of the earth in riches and wisdom.

    In vv. 22-28, all that remained to be said of Solomon's royal glory, his riches, his wisdom, and his revenues, is in conclusion briefly summed up, as in 1 Kings 10:23-29. From v. 25 onwards, the account given in the Chronicle diverges from that in 1 Kings 10:26ff., in so far that what is narrated in 1 Kings 10:26-28 concerning Solomon's chariots and horses, and his trade with Egypt in horses, is here partly replaced by statements similar in import to those in 1 Kings 5, because the former matters had been already treated of in Chr. 2 Chron 1:14-17. 2 CHRONICLES 9:25-28 And Solomon had four thousand stalls for horses and chariots, and twelve thousand horsemen; whom he bestowed in the chariot cities, and with the king at Jerusalem.

    V. 25 does not correspond to the passage 1 Kings 10:26, but in contents and language agrees with 1 Kings 5:6, and v. 26 with 1 Kings 5:1. Only the general estimate of Solomon's riches in gold and silver, in v. 27, repeated from 2 Chron 1:15, corresponds to 1 Kings 10:27. Finally, in v. 28 the whole description is rounded off; all that has already been said in 2 Chron 1:16 and 17 as to the trade in horses with Egypt (1 Kings 10:28-29) being drawn together into one general statement. 2 CHRONICLES 9:29-31 Now the rest of the acts of Solomon, first and last, are they not written in the book of Nathan the prophet, and in the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and in the visions of Iddo the seer against Jeroboam the son of Nebat?

    Conclusion of Solomon's history.-V. 29. Sources; see the introduction, p. 28f.

    Verse 30-31. The length of his reign, his death and burial, and his successor, as in 1 Kings 11:42f.

    IV. THE HISTORY OF THE KINGDOM OF JUDAH UNTIL ITS FALL. CH. 10-36.

    After giving an account of the revolt of the ten tribes of Israel from the divinely chosen royal house of David (ch. 10), the author of the Chronicle narrates the history of the kingdom of Judah-to which he confines himself, to the exclusion of the history of the kingdom of the ten tribes-at much greater length than the author of the books of Kings has done. This latter portrays the development of both kingdoms, but treats only very briefly of the history of the kingdom of Judah, especially under its first rulers, and characterizes the attitude of the kings and people of Judah to the kingdom of Israel and to the Lord only in the most general way. The author of the Chronicle, on the other hand, depicts the development of Judah under Rehoboam, Abijah, Asa, and Jehoshaphat much more thoroughly, by communicating a considerable number of events which are omitted in the book of Kings. As we have already proved (p. 381), the purpose of the chronicler was to show, according to the varying attitude of the kings of the house of David to the Lord and to His law, how, on the one hand, God rewarded the fidelity of the kings and of the people to His covenant with prosperity and blessing, and furnished to the kingdom of Judah, in war with its enemies, power which secured the victory; and how, on the other, He took vengeance for every revolt of the kings and people, and for every fall into idolatry and superstition, by humiliations and awful judgments.

    And more especially from the times of the godless kings Ahaz and Manasseh does our author do this, pointing out how God suffered the people to fall ever deeper into feebleness, and dependence upon the heathen world powers, until finally, when the efforts of the pious kings Hezekiah and Josiah to bring back the people, sunk as they were in idolatry and moral corruption, to the God of their fathers and to His service failed to bring about any permanent repentance and reformation, He cast forth Judah also from His presence, and gave over Jerusalem and the temple to destruction by the Chaldeans, and caused the inhabitants of Jerusalem and Judah to be led away into exile to Babylon.

    CH. 10. REVOLT OF THE TEN TRIBES FROM REHOBOAM AND THE HOUSE OF DAVID. 2 CHRONICLES 10:1-19 And Rehoboam went to Shechem: for to Shechem were all Israel come to make him king.

    Verse 1-19. This event is narrated in our chapter, except in so far as a few unessential differences in form are concerned, exactly as we have it in Kings 12:1-19; so that we may refer for the exposition of it to the commentary on 1 Kings 12, where we have both treated the contents of this chapter, and have also discussed the deeper and more latent causes of this event, so important in its consequences.

    CH. 11 AND 12. REHOBOAM'S REIGN.

    When the ten tribes had renounced their allegiance to Rehoboam the son of Solomon, and had made Jeroboam their king (1 Kings 12:20), Rehoboam wished to compel them by force of arms again to submit to him, and made for this purpose a levy of all the men capable of bearing arms in Judah and Benjamin. But the prophet Shemaiah commanded him, in the name of the Lord, to desist from making war upon the Israelites, they being brethren, and Rehoboam abandoned his purpose (vv. 1-4, cf. 1 Kings 12:21-24), and began to establish his dominion over Judah and Benjamin. His kingdom, moreover, was increased in power by the immigration of the priests and Levites, whom Jeroboam had expelled from the priesthood, and also of many God-fearing Israelites out of the ten tribes, to Judah (vv. 13-17).

    Rehoboam also set his family affairs in order, by nominating from among his many sons, whom his wives had borne to him, Abijah to be his successor on the throne, and making provision for the others in different parts of the country (vv. 18-23). But when he had established his royal authority, he forsook the law of Jahve, and was punished for it by the inroad of the Egyptian king Shishak, who marched through his land with a numerous host, took Jerusalem, and plundered the palace and the temple (2 Chron 12:1-11), but without wholly ruining Judah; and Rehoboam was king until his death, and his son succeeded him on the throne (vv. 12-16).

    The order in which these events are narrated is not chronological; they are rather grouped together according to their similarities. As Rehoboam began even in the third year of his reign to forsake the law of God, and King Shishak made war upon Judah as early as in his fifth year, the building of the fortresses may have been begun in the first three or four years, but cannot have been ended then; still less can the sons of Rehoboam have been provided for in the time before Shishak's inroad. 2 CHRONICLES 11:1-4 And when Rehoboam was come to Jerusalem, he gathered of the house of Judah and Benjamin an hundred and fourscore thousand chosen men, which were warriors, to fight against Israel, that he might bring the kingdom again to Rehoboam.

    Verse 1-4. Rehoboam's attitude to the ten rebel tribes. Cf. 1 Kings 12:21-24.-Rehoboam's purpose, to subdue these tribes by force of arms, and bring them again under his dominion, and the abandonment of this purpose in consequence of the command of the prophet Shemaiah, belong in a certain measure to the history of the revolt of the ten tribes from the house of David; for the revolt only became an accomplished fact when the prophet Shemaiah proclaimed in the name of the Lord that the matter was from the Lord. V. 3f. Of Jahve was the thing done; He had ordained the revolt as a chastisement of the seed of David for walking no more in His ways. Solomon had, by allowing himself to be seduced by his many foreign wives into departing from the Lord, exposed himself to the divine displeasure, and his successor Rehoboam increased the guilt by his impolitic treatment of the tribes dissatisfied with Solomon's rule, and had, if not brought about the revolt, yet hastened it; but yet the conduct of these tribes was not thereby justified. Their demand that the burdens laid upon them by Solomon should be lightened, flowed from impure and godless motives, and at bottom had its root in discontent with the theocratic rule of the house of David (see on 1 Kings 12:21ff.). The expression, "to all Israel in Judah and Benjamin," is deeper than "the whole house of Judah and Benjamin and the remnant of the people," i.e., those belonging to the other tribes who were dwelling in the tribal domains of Judah and Benjamin (1 Kings 12:23); for it characterizes all who had remained true to the house of David as Israel, i.e., those who walked in the footsteps of their progenitor Israel (Jacob). 2 CHRONICLES 11:5-12 And Rehoboam dwelt in Jerusalem, and built cities for defence in Judah.

    Rehoboam's measures for the fortifying of his kingdom.-To defend his kingdom against hostile attacks, Rehoboam built cities for defence in Judah. The sing. l|maatsowr is used, because the building of cities served for the defence of the kingdom. Judah is the name of the kingdom, for the fifteen fenced cities enumerated in the following verses were situated in the tribal domains of both Benjamin and Judah.

    Verse 6. In Judah lay Bethlehem, a small city mentioned as early as in Jacob's time (Gen 35:19), two hours south of Jerusalem, the birthplace of David and of Christ (Mic 5:1; Matt 2:5,11), now Beit-Lahm; see on Josh 15:59. Etam is not the place bearing the same name which is spoken of in Chron 4:32 and Judg 15:8, and mentioned in the Talmud as the place where, near Solomon's Pools, the aqueduct which supplied Jerusalem with water commenced (cf. Robins. Pal. sub voce; Tobler, Topogr. v. Jerus. ii.

    S. 84ff., 855ff.); (Note: For further information as to the commencement of this aqueduct, see the masterly dissertation of Dr. Herm. Zschokke, "Die versiegelte Quelle Salomo's," in the Tübingen Theol. Quartalschr. 1867, H. 3, S. 426ff.) nor is it to be looked for, as Robins. loc. cit., and New Bibl. Researches, maintains, in the present village Urtâs (Artâs), for it has been identified by Tobl., dritte Wand. S. 89, with Ain Attân, a valley south-west from Artâs.

    Not only does the name Attân correspond more than Artâs with Etam, but from it the water is conducted to Jerusalem, while according to Tobler's thorough conviction it could not have been brought from Artâs. Tekoa, now Tekua, on the summit of a hill covered with ancient ruins, two hours south of Bethlehem; see on Josh 15:59.

    Verse 7. Beth-zur was situated where the ruin Beth-Sur now stands, midway between Urtâs and Hebron; see on Josh 15:58. Shoko, the present Shuweike in Wady Sumt, 3 1/2 hours south-west from Jerusalem; see on Josh 15:35. Adullam, in Josh 15:35 included among the cities of the hill country, reckoned part of the lowland (Shephelah), i.e., the slope of the hills, has not yet been discovered. Tobler, dritte Wand. S. 151, conjectures that it is identical with the present Dula, about eight miles to the east of Beit-Jibrin; but this can hardly be correct (see against it, Arnold in Herzog's Realenc. xiv. S. 723. It is much more probable that its site was that of the present Deir Dubban, two hours to the north of Beit-Jibrin; see on Josh 12:15.

    Verse 8. Gath, a royal city of the Philistines, which was first made subject to the Israelites by David (1 Chron 18:1), and was under Solomon the seat of its own king, who was subject to the Israelite king (1 Kings 2:39), has not yet been certainly discovered; see on Josh 13:3. (Note: C. Schick, Reise in das Philisterland (in "Ausland" 1867, Nr. 7, S. 162), identifies Gath with the present Tel Safieh, "an isolated conical hill in the plain, like a sentinel of a watchtower or fortress, and on that account there was so much struggling for its possession."

    On the other hand, Konr. Furrer, Wanderungen durch Palästina, Zürich 1865, thinks, S. 133, that he has found the true situation of Gath in the Wady el Gat, northward of the ruins of Askalon.)

    Mareshah, the city Marissa, on the road from Hebron to the land of the Philistines, was at a later time very important, and is not represented by the ruin Marash, twenty-four minutes to the south of Beit-Jibrin (Eleutheropolis); see on Josh 15:44, and Tobl. dritte Wand. S. 129, 142f.

    Ziph is probably the Ziph mentioned in Josh 15:55, in the hill country of Judah, of which ruins yet remain on the hill Ziph, about an hour and a quarter south-east of Hebron; see on Josh 15:55. C. v. Raumer thinks, on the contrary, Pal. S. 222, Anm. 249, that our Ziph, as it is mentioned along with Mareshah and other cities of the lowland, cannot be identified with either of the Ziphs mentioned in Josh 15:24 and 55, but is probably Achzib in the lowland mentioned along with Mareshah, Josh 15:44; but this is very improbable.

    Verse 9. Adoraim (Adoorai'm in Joseph. Antt. viii. 10. 1), met with in Macc. 13:20 as an Idumean city, A'doora, and so also frequently in Josephus, was taken by Hyrcanus, and rebuilt by Gabinius (Jos. Antt. xiii. 15. 4, and xiv. 5. 3) under the name Doo'ra , and often spoken of along with Marissa (s. Reland, Palaest. p. 547). Robinson (Pal. sub voce) has identified it with the present Dûra, a village about 7 1/2 miles to the westward of Hebron. Lachish, situated in the lowland of Judah, as we learn from Josh 15:39, is probably the present Um Lakis, on the road from Gaza to Beit-Jibrin and Hebron, to the left hand, seven hours to the west of Beit-Jibrin, on a circular height covered with ancient walls and marble fragments, and overgrown with thistles and bushes; see on Josh 10:3, and Pressel in Herz.'s Realenc. viii. S. 157f. Azekah, situated in the neighbourhood of Shoco (v. 7), and, according to 1 Sam 17:1, in an oblique direction near Ephes-dammim, i.e., Damûm, one hour east to the south of Beit-Nettif, (Note: Compare the interesting note of Breytenbach (Reybb. des heil.

    Landes, i. 134) in Tobler, dritte Wand. S. 463: "Thence (from Azekah) three miles is the city Zochot-Jude, not far from Nobah, where David slew Goliath.") has not been re-discovered; see on Josh 10:10.

    Verse 10. Zorah, Samson's birthplace, is represented by the ruin Sura, at the south-west end of the ridge, which encloses the Wady es Surar on the north; see on Josh 15:33. To the north of that again lay Ajalon, now the village Jâlo, on the verge of the plain Merj ibn Omeir, four leagues to the west of Gibeon; see on Josh 10:12 and 19:42. Finally, Hebron, the ancient city of the patriarchs, now called el Khalil (The friend of God, i.e., Abraham); see on Gen 23:2. All these fenced cities lay in the tribal domain of Judah, with the exception of Zorah and Ajalon, which were assigned to the tribe of Dan (Josh 19:41f.). These two were probably afterwards, in the time of the judges, when a part of the Danites emigrated from Zorah and Eshtaol to the north of Palestine (Judg 18:1), taken possession of by Benjamites, and were afterwards reckoned to the land of Benjamin, and are here named as cities which Rehoboam fortified in Benjamin. If we glance for a moment at the geographical position of the whole fifteen cities, we see that they lay partly to the south of Jerusalem, on the road which went by Hebron to Beersheba and Egypt, partly on the western slopes of the hill country of Judah, on the road by Beit-Jibrin to Gaza, while only a few lay to the north of this road towards the Philistine plain, and there were none to the north to defend the kingdom against invasions from that side. "Rehoboam seems, therefore, to have had much more apprehension of an attack from the south and west, i.e., from the Egyptians, than of a war with the northern kingdom" (Berth.). Hence we may conclude that Rehoboam fortified these cities only after the inroad of the Egyptian king Shishak.

    Verse 11-12. "And he made strong the fortresses, and put captains in them," etc.; i.e., he increased their strength by placing them in a thoroughly efficient condition to defend themselves against attacks, appointing commandants (n|giydiym ), provisioning them, and (v. 12) laying up stores of all kinds of arms. In this way he made them exceedingly strong.

    The last clause, v. 12, "And there were to him Judah and Benjamin," corresponds to the statement, 2 Chron 10:19, that Israel revolted from the house of David, and forms the conclusion of the account (vv. 1-17a) of that which Rehoboam did to establish his power and consolidate his kingdom. There follows hereupon, in 2 CHRONICLES 11:13-17 And the priests and the Levites that were in all Israel resorted to him out of all their coasts.

    Vv. 13-17, the account of the internal spiritual strengthening of the kingdom of Judah by the migration of the priests and Levites, and many pious worshippers of Jahve out of all the tribes, to the kingdom of Judah.

    Verse 13-14. The priests and Levites in all Israel went over to him out of their whole domain. `al hit|yatseeb , to present oneself before any one, to await his commands, cf. Zech 6:5; Job 1:6; 2:1; here in the signification to place oneself at another's disposal, i.e., to go over to one.

    The suffix in g|buwlaam refers to "all Israel." For-this was the motive of their migration, v. 14-the Levites (in the wider signification of the word, including the priests) forsook their territory and their possessions, i.e., the cities assigned to them, with the pasture lands for their cattle (Num 35:1-8), scil. in the domain of the ten tribes; "for Jeroboam and his sons had driven them out from the priesthood of Jahve."

    To prevent his subjects from visiting the temple at Jerusalem, which he feared might ultimately cause the people to return to the house of David, Jeroboam had erected his own places of worship for his kingdom in Bethel and Dan, where Jahve was worshipped in the ox images (the golden calves), and had appointed, not the Levites, but men from the body of the people, to be priests in these so-called sanctuaries (1 Kings 12:26-31), consecrated by himself. By these innovations not only the priests and Levites, who would not recognise this unlawful image-worship, were compelled to migrate to Judah and Jerusalem, but also the pious worshippers of the Lord, who would not renounce the temple worship which had been consecrated by God Himself. All Jeroboam's successors held firmly by this calf-worship introduced by him, and consequently the driving out of the priests and Levites is here said to have been the act of Jeroboam and his sons. By his sons are meant Jeroboam's successors on the throne, without respect to the fact that of Jeroboam's own sons only Nadab reached the throne, and that his dynasty terminated with him; for in this matter all the kings of Israel walked in the footsteps of Jeroboam.

    Verse 15. And had ordained him priests for the high places. waya`amedlow is a continuation of hiz|niychaam kiy , v. 14. baamowt are the places of worship which were erected by Jeroboam for the image-worship, called in 1 Kings 12:31 baamowt beeyt ; see on that passage. The gods worshipped in these houses in high places the author of the Chronicle calls s|`iyriym from their nature, and `agaaliym from their form. The word s|`iyriym is taken from Lev 17:7, and signifies demons, so named from the Egyptian idolatry, in which the worship of goats, of Pan (Mendes), who was always represented in the form of a goat, occupied a prominent place; see on Lev 17:7. For further details as to the `agaaliym , see on 1 Kings 12:28.

    Verse 16. 'achareeyhem , after them, i.e., following after the priests and Levites. With 'et-l|baabaam hanot|niym, who turned their hearts thereto, cf. 1 Chron 22:19. They went to Jerusalem to sacrifice there; i.e., as we learn from the context, not merely to offer sacrifices, but also to remain in the kingdom of Judah.

    Verse 17. These immigrants-priests, Levites, and pious worshippers of Jahve-made the kingdom of Judah strong, by strengthening the religious foundation on which the kingdom was founded, and made Rehoboam strong three years, so that they (king and people) walked in the way of David and Solomon. The strengthening lasted only three years-only while the opposition to Jeroboam's action in the matter of religion was kept alive by the emigration of the pious people from the ten tribes. What occurred after these three years is narrated only in ch. 12.-Here there follows, in 2 CHRONICLES 11:18-19 And Rehoboam took him Mahalath the daughter of Jerimoth the son of David to wife, and Abihail the daughter of Eliab the son of Jesse; Vv. 18-23, information as to Rehoboam's family relationships.-V. 18.

    Instead of been we must read, with the Keri, many MSS, LXX, and Vulg., bat : Mahalath the daughter of Jerimoth, the son of David.

    Among the sons of David (1 Chron 3:1-8) no Jerimoth is found. If this name be not another form of yit|r|`aam , 1 Chron 3:3, Jerimoth must have been a son of one of David's concubines. Before the name 'abiychayil, w| must have been dropped out, and is to be supplied; so that Mahalath's father and mother are both named: the daughter of Jerimoth the son of David, and Abihail the daughter of Eliab the son of Jesse, i.e., David's eldest brother (1 Chron 2:13; 1 Sam 17:13). For Abihail cannot be held to be a second wife of Rehoboam, because v. 19, "and she bore," and v. 20, "and after her," show that in v. 18 only one wife is named. She bare him three sons, whose names occur only here (v. 19). 2 CHRONICLES 11:20 And after her he took Maachah the daughter of Absalom; which bare him Abijah, and Attai, and Ziza, and Shelomith.

    Maachah the daughter, i.e., the granddaughter, of Absalom; for she cannot have been Absalom's daughter, because Absalom, according to 2 Sam 14:27, had only one daughter, Tamar by name, who must have been fifty years old at Solomon's death. According to 2 Sam 18:18, Absalom left no son; Maachah therefore can only be a daughter of Tamar, who, according to 2 Chron 13:2, was married to Uriel of Gibeah: see on 1 Kings 15:2.

    Abijah, the oldest son of Maachah, whom his father nominated his successor (v. 22 and 2 Chron 12:16), is called in the book of Kings constantly Abijam, the original form of the name, which was afterwards weakened into Abijah. 2 CHRONICLES 11:21-22 And Rehoboam loved Maachah the daughter of Absalom above all his wives and his concubines: (for he took eighteen wives, and threescore concubines; and begat twenty and eight sons, and threescore daughters.)

    Only these wives with their children are mentioned by name, though besides these Rehoboam had a number of wives,18 wives and 60 (according to Josephus, 30) concubines, who bore him twenty-eight sons and sixty daughters. Rehoboam trod in his father's footsteps in this not quite praise-worthy point. The eldest son of Maachah he made head (laaro'sh ), i.e., prince, among his brethren; l|ham|liykow kiy , for to make him king, scil. was his intention. The infin. with l| is here used in the swiftness of speech in loose connection to state with what further purpose he had appointed him naagiyd ; cf. Ew. §351, c, at the end. 2 CHRONICLES 11:23 And he dealt wisely, and dispersed of all his children throughout all the countries of Judah and Benjamin, unto every fenced city: and he gave them victual in abundance. And he desired many wives.

    And he did wisely, and dispersed of all his sons in all the countries of Judah and Benjamin, i.e., dispersed all his sons so, that they were placed in all parts of Judah and Benjamin in the fenced cities, and he gave them victual in abundance, and he sought (for them) a multitude of wives. shaa'al , to ask for, for the father brought about the marriage of his sons. He therefore took care that his sons, by being thus scattered in the fenced cities of the country as their governors, were separated from each other, but also that they received the necessary means for living in a way befitting their princely rank, in the shape of an abundant maintenance and a considerable number of wives. They were thus kept in a state of contentment, so that they might not make any attempt to gain the crown, which he had reserved for Abijah; and in this lay the wisdom of his conduct. 2 CHRONICLES 12:1 And it came to pass, when Rehoboam had established the kingdom, and had strengthened himself, he forsook the law of the LORD, and all Israel with him.

    Rehoboam's defection from the Lord, and his humiliation by the Egyptian king Shishak.-V. 1. The infinitive k|haakiyn , "at the time of the establishing," with an indefinite subject, may be expressed in English by the passive: when Rehoboam's royal power was established. The words refer back to 2 Chron 11:17. k|chez|qaatow , "when he had become strong" (chez|qaah is a nomen verbale: the becoming strong; cf. 26:16; 11:2), he forsook the Lord, and all Israel with him. The inhabitants of the kingdom of Judah are here called Israel, to hint at the contrast between the actual conduct of the people in their defection from the Lord, and the destiny of Israel, the people of God. The forsaking of the law of Jahve is in substance the fall into idolatry, as we find it stated more definitely in Kings 14:22ff. 2 CHRONICLES 12:2-3 And it came to pass, that in the fifth year of king Rehoboam Shishak king of Egypt came up against Jerusalem, because they had transgressed against the LORD, In punishment of this defection (by' maa`aluw kiy , because they had acted faithlessly to Jahve), Shishak, the king of Egypt, marched with a great host against Jerusalem. This hostile invasion is also briefly narrated in 1 Kings 14:25-28. Shishak (Sisak) is, as we have remarked on Kings 14, Sesonchis or Sechonchosis, the first king of the 22nd dynasty, who has celebrated his victory in a relief at Karnak. In this sculpture the names of the cities captured are recorded on shields, and a considerable number have been deciphered with some certainty, and by them our account is completely confirmed. According to v. 3, Shishak's host consisted of 1200 chariots, 60,000 horsemen-numbers which, of course, are founded only upon a rough estimate-and an innumerable multitude of footmen, among whom were l|uwbiym , Libyans, probably the Libyaegyptii of the ancients (see on Gen 10:13); cukiyiym , according to the LXX and Vulg. Troglodytes, probably the Ethiopian Troglodytes, who dwelt in the mountains on the west coast of the Arabian Gulf; and Cushites, i.e., Ethiopians. The Libyans and Cushites are mentioned in Nah 3:9 also as auxiliaries of the Egyptians. 2 CHRONICLES 12:4-7 And he took the fenced cities which pertained to Judah, and came to Jerusalem.

    After the capture of the fenced cities of Judah, he marched against Jerusalem.-V. 5. Then the prophet Shemaiah announced to the king and the princes, who had retired to Jerusalem before Shishak, that the Lord had given them into the power of Shishak because they had forsaken Him. b|yad `aazab , forsaken and given over into the hand of Shishak. When the king and the priests immediately humbled themselves before God, acknowledging the righteousness of the Lord, the prophet announced to them further that the Lord would not destroy them since they had humbled themselves, but would give them deliverance in a little space. kim|`aaT , according to a little, i.e., in a short time. p|leeyTaah is accusative after w|naatatiy . My anger shall not pour itself out upon Jerusalem. The pouring out of anger is the designation of an exterminating judgment; cf. 2 Chron 34:25. 2 CHRONICLES 12:8 Nevertheless they shall be his servants; that they may know my service, and the service of the kingdoms of the countries.

    But (kiy after a negative clause) they shall be his servants, sc. for a short time (see v. 7), "that they may know my service, and the service of the kingdoms of the countries" (cf. 1 Chron 29:30); i.e., that they may learn to know by experience the difference between the rule of God and that of the heathen kings, and that God's rule was not so oppressive as that of the rulers of the world. 2 CHRONICLES 12:9-12 So Shishak king of Egypt came up against Jerusalem, and took away the treasures of the house of the LORD, and the treasures of the king's house; he took all: he carried away also the shields of gold which Solomon had made.

    With v. 9 the account of the war is taken up again and continued by the repetition of the words, "Then marched Shishak...against Jerusalem" (v. 4).

    Shishak plundered the treasures of the temple and the palace; he had consequently captured Jerusalem. The golden shields also which had been placed in the house of the forest of Lebanon, i.e., the palace built by Solomon in Jerusalem, which Solomon had caused to be made (cf. 2 Chron 9:16), Shishak took away, and in their place Rehoboam caused brazen shields to be prepared; see on 1 Kings 14:26-28.-In v. 12 the author of the Chronicle concludes the account of this event with the didactic remark, "Because he (Rehoboam) humbled himself, the anger of Jahve was turned away from him." l|hash|chiyt w|lo' , and it was not to extermination utterly (l|kaalaah , properly to destruction, i.e., completely; cf. Ezek 13:13). And also in Judah were good things. This is the other motive which caused the Lord to turn away His wrath. Good things are proofs of piety and fear of God, cf. 2 Chron 19:3. 2 CHRONICLES 12:13-14 So king Rehoboam strengthened himself in Jerusalem, and reigned: for Rehoboam was one and forty years old when he began to reign, and he reigned seventeen years in Jerusalem, the city which the LORD had chosen out of all the tribes of Israel, to put his name there. And his mother's name was Naamah an Ammonitess.

    The length of Rehoboam's reign, his mother, and the judgment about him.

    Cf. 1 Kings 14:21 and 22a. wayit|chazeeq here, as in 2 Chron 13:21, can, in its connection with what precedes, be only understood to mean that Rehoboam, after his humiliation at the hands of Shishak, by which his kingdom was utterly weakened and almost destroyed, again gained strength and power. Cf. also 1:1, where yit|chazeeq is used of Solomon in the beginning of his reign, after he overcame Adonijah, the pretender to the crown, and his party.-As to the age of Rehoboam, etc., see on 1 Kings 14:21. haaraa` waya`as , v. 14, is defined by the addition, "for he prepared not his heart to seek the Lord." For the expression cf. 2 Chron 19:3; 30:19; Ezra 7:10. 2 CHRONICLES 12:15,16 Now the acts of Rehoboam, first and last, are they not written in the book of Shemaiah the prophet, and of Iddo the seer concerning genealogies? And there were wars between Rehoboam and Jeroboam continually.

    Close of his reign. On the authorities, see the Introduction, p. 34; and in reference to the other statements, the commentary on 1 Kings 14:29-31. mil|chamowt , wars, i.e., a state of hostility, was between Rehoboam and Jeroboam all days, can only be understood of the hostile attitude of the two rulers to each other, like mil|chaamaah in Kings; for we have no narrative of wars between them after Rehoboam had abandoned, at the instance of the prophet, his proposed war with the Israelites at the commencement of his reign.

    CH. 13. THE REIGN OF ABIJAH.

    In the book of Kings it is merely remarked in general, that the hostile relationship between Jeroboam and Rehoboam continued during his whole life, and that between Abijah and Jeroboam there was war (vv. 6 and 7); but not one of his enterprises is recounted, and only his attitude towards the Lord is exactly characterized. In our chapter, on the contrary, we have a vivid and circumstantial narrative of the commencement, course, and results of a great war against Jeroboam, in which Abijah, with the help of the Lord, inflicted a crushing defeat on the great army of the Israelites, and conquered several cities. 2 CHRONICLES 13:1,2 Now in the eighteenth year of king Jeroboam began Abijah to reign over Judah.

    Verse 1,2. The commencement and duration of the reign, as in 1 Kings 15:1-2. Abijah's mother is here (v. 2) called Michaiah instead of Maachah, as in 2 Chron 11:20 and 1 Kings 15:2, but it can hardly be a second name which Maachah had received for some unknown reason; probably mykyhw is a mere orthographical error for m`kh. She is here called, not the daughter = granddaughter of Abishalom, but after her father, the daughter of Uriel of Gibeah; see on 2 Chron 11:20. (Note: Against this Bertheau remarks, after the example of Thenius: "When we consider that the wife of Abijah and mother of Asa was also called Maachah, 1 Kings 15:13; 2 Chron 15:16, and that in Kings 15:2 this Maachah is again called the daughter of Abishalom, and that this latter statement is not met with in the Chronicle, we are led to conjecture that Maachah, the mother of Abijah, the daughter of Abishalom, has been confounded with Maachah the mother of Asa, the daughter of Uriel of Gibeah, and that in our passage Asa's mother is erroneously named instead of the mother of Abijah." This conjecture is a strange fabric of perverted facts and inconsequential reasoning. In 1 Kings 15:2 Abijam's mother is called Maachah the daughter of Abishalom, exactly as in 2 Chron 11:20 and 21; and in Kings 15:13, in perfect agreement with 2 Chron 15:16, it is stated that Asa removed Maachah from the dignity of Gebira because she had made herself a statute of Asherah. This Maachah, deposed by Asa, is called in 1 Kings 15:10 the daughter of Abishalom, and only this latter remark is omitted from the Chronicle. How from these statements we must conclude that the mother of Abijah, Maachah the daughter of Abishalom, has been confounded with Maachah the mother of Asa, the daughter of Uriel, we cannot see.

    The author of the book of Kings knows only one Maachah, the daughter of Abishalom, whom in 2 Chron 15:2 he calls mother, i.e., g|biyraah , i.e., Sultana Walide of Abijah, and in 15:10 makes to stand in the same relationship of mother to Asa. From this, however, the only natural and logically sound conclusion which can be drawn is that Abijam's mother, Rehoboam's wife, occupied the position of queen-mother, not merely during the three years' reign of Abijam, but also during the first years of the reign of his son Asa, as his grandmother, until Asa had deprived her of this dignity because of her idolatry. It is nowhere said in Scripture that this woman was Abijam's wife, but that is a conclusion drawn by Thenius and Bertheau only from her being called 'imow , his (Asa's) mother, as if 'eem could denote merely the actual mother, and not the grandmother. Finally, the omission in the Chronicle of the statement in 1 Kings 15:10, "The name of his mother was Maachah, the daughter of Abishalom," does not favour in the very least the conjecture that Asa's mother has been confounded with the mother of Abijah; for it is easily explained by the fact that at the accession of Asa no change was made in reference to the dignity of queen-mother, Abijah's mother still holding that position even under Asa.) 2b-21. The War between Abijah and Jeroboam.-haay|taah mil|chaamaah , war arose, broke out. 2 CHRONICLES 13:3 And Abijah set the battle in array with an army of valiant men of war, even four hundred thousand chosen men: Jeroboam also set the battle in array against him with eight hundred thousand chosen men, being mighty men of valour.

    Abijah began the war with an army of 400,000 valiant warriors. baachuwr 'iysh , chosen men. m' 'eet 'aacar , to bind on war, i.e., to open the war. Jeroboam prepared for the war with 800,000 warriors. The number of Jeroboam's warriors is exactly that which Joab returned as the result, as to Israel, of the numbering of the people commanded by David, while that of Abijah's army is less by 100,000 men than Joab numbered in Judah (2 Sam 24:9). 2 CHRONICLES 13:4 And Abijah stood up upon mount Zemaraim, which is in mount Ephraim, and said, Hear me, thou Jeroboam, and all Israel; When the two armies lay over against each other, ready for the combat, Abijah addressed the enemy, King Jeroboam and all Israel, in a speech from Mount Zemaraim. The mountain ts|maarayim is met with only here; but a city of this name is mentioned in Josh 18:22, whence we would incline to the conclusion that the mountain near or upon which this city lay was intended. But if this city was situated to the east, not only of Bethel, but also of Jerusalem, on the road to Jericho (see on Josh 18:22), as we may conclude from its enumeration between Beth-arabah and Bethel in Josh. loc. cit., it will not suit our passage, at least if Zemaraim be really represented by the ruin el Sumra to the east of Khan Hadur on the way from Jerusalem to Jericho. Robinson (Phys. Geog. S. 38) conjectures Mount Zemaraim to the east of Bethel, near the border of the two kingdoms, to which Mount Ephraim also extends. Abijah represented first of all (vv. 5-7) to Jeroboam and the Israelites that their kingdom was the result of a revolt against Jahve, who had given the kingship over Israel to David and his sons for ever. 2 CHRONICLES 13:5-7 Ought ye not to know that the LORD God of Israel gave the kingdom over Israel to David for ever, even to him and to his sons by a covenant of salt? "Is it not to you to know?" i.e., can it be unknown to you? melach b|riyt , accus. of nearer definition: after the fashion of a covenant of salt, i.e., of an irrevocable covenant; cf. on Lev 2:13 and Num 18:19. "And Jeroboam, the servant of Solomon the son of David (cf. 1 Kings 11:11), rebelled against his lord," with the help of frivolous, worthless men (reeqiym as in Judg 9:4; 11:3; b|liya`al b|neey as in Kings 21:10,13-not recurring elsewhere in the Chronicle), who gathered around him, and rose against Rehoboam with power. `al hit|'ameets , to show oneself powerful, to show power against any one. Against this rising Rehoboam showed himself not strong enough, because he was an inexperienced man and soft of heart. na`ar denotes not "a boy," for Rehoboam was forty-one years old when he entered upon his reign, but "an inexperienced young man," as in 1 Chron 29:1. leebaab rak| , soft of heart, i.e., faint-hearted, inclined to give way, without energy to make a stand against those rising insolently against him. lp' hit|chazeeq w|lo' , and showed himself not strong before them, proved to be too weak in opposition to them. This representation does not conform to the state of the case as narrated in ch. 10. Rehoboam did not appear soft-hearted and compliant in the negotiation with the rebellious tribes at Sichem; on the contrary, he was hard and defiant, and showed himself youthfully inconsiderate only in throwing to the winds the wise advice of the older men, and in pursuance of the rash counsel of the young men who had grown up with him, brought about the rupture by his domineering manner. But Abijah wishes to justify his father as much as possible in his speech, and shifts all the guilt of the rebellion of the ten tribes from the house of David on to Jeroboam and his worthless following. 2 CHRONICLES 13:8,9 And now ye think to withstand the kingdom of the LORD in the hand of the sons of David; and ye be a great multitude, and there are with you golden calves, which Jeroboam made you for gods.

    Abijah then points out to his opponents the vanity of their trust in the great multitude of their warriors and their gods, while yet they had driven out the priests of Jahve. "And now ye say," scil. in your heart, i.e., you think to show yourself strong before the kingdom of Jahve in the hands of the sons of David, i.e., against the kingdom of Jahve ruled over by the sons of David, by raising a great army in order to make war upon and to destroy this kingdom. raab haamown w|'atem , and truly ye are a great multitude, and with you are the golden calves, which Jeroboam hath made to you for gods; but trust not unto them, for Jahve, the true God, have ye not for you as a helper.

    Verse 9. "Yea, ye have cast out the priests of Jahve, the sons of Aaron, and made you priests after the manner of the nations of the lands. Every one who has come, to fill his hand with a young bullock and...he has become a priest to the no-god." yaadow milee' , to fill his hand, denotes, in the language of the law, to invest one with the priesthood, and connected with lyhwh it signifies to provide oneself with that which is to be offered to Jahve. To fill his hand with a young bullock, etc., therefore denotes to come with sacrificial beasts, to cause oneself to be consecrated priest. The animals mentioned also, a young bullock and seven rams, point to the consecration to the priesthood. In Ex 29 a young bullock as a sin-offering, a ram as a burnt-offering, and a ram as a consecratory-offering, are prescribed for this purpose. These sacrifices were to be repeated during seven days, so that in all seven rams were required for consecratory-sacrifices. Abijah mentions only one young bullock along with these, because it was not of any importance for him to enumerate perfectly the sacrifices which were necessary. But by offering these sacrifices no one becomes a priest of Jahve, and consequently the priests of Jeroboam also are only priests for Not-Elohim, i.e., only for the golden calves made Elohim by Jeroboam, to whom the attributes of the Godhead did not belong. 2 CHRONICLES 13:10-11 But as for us, the LORD is our God, and we have not forsaken him; and the priests, which minister unto the LORD, are the sons of Aaron, and the Levites wait upon their business:

    While, therefore, the Israelites have no-gods in their golden calves, Judah has Jahve for its God, whom it worships in His temple in the manner prescribed by Moses. "But in Jahve is our God, and we have not forsaken Him," in so far, viz., as they observed the legal Jahve-worship. So Abijah himself explains his words, "as priests serve Him the sons of Aaron (who were chosen by Jahve), and the Levites are bam|le'ket, in service," i.e., performing the service prescribed to them. As essential parts of that service of God, the offering of the daily burnt-offering and the daily incense-offering (Ex 29:38ff., 2 Chron 30:7), the laying out of the shewbread (Ex 25:30; Lev 24:5ff.), the lighting of the lamps of the golden candlesticks (Ex 25:37; 27:20f.), are mentioned. In this respect they keep the yhwh mish|meret (cf. Lev 8:35). 2 CHRONICLES 13:12 And, behold, God himself is with us for our captain, and his priests with sounding trumpets to cry alarm against you. O children of Israel, fight ye not against the LORD God of your fathers; for ye shall not prosper.

    Abijah draws from all this the conclusion: "Behold, with us at our head are (not the two calves of gold, but) God (h'lhym with the article, the true God) and His priests, and the alarm-trumpets to sound against you." He mentions the trumpets as being the divinely appointed pledges that God would remember them in war, and would deliver them from their enemies, Num 10:9. Then he closes with a warning to the Israelites not to strive with Jahve, the God of their fathers. 2 CHRONICLES 13:13-15 But Jeroboam caused an ambushment to come about behind them: so they were before Judah, and the ambushment was behind them.

    The war; Judah's victory, and the defeat of Jeroboam and the Israelites.-V. 13. Jeroboam caused the ambush (the troops appointed to be an ambush) to go round about, so as to come upon their rear (i.e., of the men of Judah); and so they (the main division of Jeroboam's troops) were before Judah, and the ambush in their rear (i.e., of the men of Judah); and the men of Judah, when they turned themselves (scil. to attack), saw war before and behind them, i.e., perceived that they were attacked in front and rear. In this dangerous position the men of Judah cried to the Lord, and the priests blew the trumpets (v. 15); and as they raised this war-cry, God smote their enemies so that they took to flight. In wayaariy`uw and b|haariya` the loud shout of the warriors and the clangour of the trumpets in the hands of the priests are comprehended; and haariya` is neither to be taken to refer only to the war-cry raised by the warriors in making the attack, nor, with Bertheau, to be referred only to the blowing of the trumpets. 2 CHRONICLES 13:16-17 And the children of Israel fled before Judah: and God delivered them into their hand.

    So Abijah and his people inflicted a great blow (defeat) on the Israelites, so that 500,000 of them, i.e., more than the half of Jeroboam's whole army, fell. 2 CHRONICLES 13:18-19 Thus the children of Israel were brought under at that time, and the children of Judah prevailed, because they relied upon the LORD God of their fathers.

    The results of this victory. The Israelites were bowed down, their power weakened; the men of Judah became strong, mighty, because they relied upon Jahve their God. Following up his victory, Abijah took from Jeroboam several cities with their surrounding domains: Bethel, the present Beitin, see on Josh 7:2; Jeshanah, occurring only here, and the position of which has not yet been ascertained; and Ephron (`ep|rown , Keth.; the Keri, on the contrary, `ep|rayin ). This city cannot well be identified with Mount Ephron, Josh 15:9; for that mountain was situated on the southern frontier of Benjamin, not far from Jerusalem, while the city Ephron is to be sought much farther north, in the neighbourhood of Bethel. C. v. Raumer and others identify Ephron or Ephrain both with Ophrah of Benjamin, which, it is conjectured, was situated near or in Tayibeh, to the east of Bethel, and with the Efrai'm , John 11:54, whither Jesus withdrew into the wilderness, which, according to Josephus, Bell. Jud. iv. 9. 9, lay in the neighbourhood of Bethel. See on Josh 18:23. (Note: The account of this war, which is peculiar to the Chronicle, and which de Wette declared, on utterly insufficient grounds, to be an invention of the chronicler (cf. against him my apol. Vers. über die Chron. S. 444ff.), is thus regarded by Ewald (Gesch. Isr. iii. S. 466, der 2 Aufl.): "The chronicler must certainly have found among his ancient authorities an account of this conclusion of the war, and we cannot but believe that we have here, in so far, authentic tradition;" and only the details of the description are the results of free expansion by the chronicler, but in the speech vv. 4-13 every word and every thought is marked by the peculiar colouring of the Chronicle. But this last assertion is contradicted by Ewald's own remark, i. S. 203, that "in 2 Chron 13:4-7,19-21, an antiquated manner of speech and representation appears, while in the other verses, on the contrary, those usual with the chronicler are found,"-in support of which he adduces the words b|liya`al b|neey , v. 7, and melach b|riyt , v. 5.

    According to this view, Abijah's speech cannot have been freely draughted by the chronicler, but must have been derived, at least so far as the fundamental thoughts are concerned, from an ancient authority, doubtless the Midrash of the prophet Iddo, cited in v. 22. But Ewald's further remark (iii. S. 466), that the author of the Chronicle, because he regarded the heathenized Samaria of his time as the true representative of the old kingdom of the ten tribes, seized this opportunity to put into King Abijah's mouth a long denunciatory and didactic speech, addressed at the commencement of the battle to the enemy as rebels not merely against the house of David, but also against the true religion, is founded upon the unscriptural idea that the calf-worship of the Israelites was merely a somewhat sensuous form of the true Jahve-worship, and was fundamentally distinct from the heathen idolatry, and also from the idolatry of the later Samaritans. In the judgment of all the prophets, not only of Hosea and Amos, but also of the prophetic author of the book of Kings, the calf-worship was a defection from Jahve, the God of the fathers-a forsaking of the commands of Jahve, and a serving of the Baals; cf. e.g., 1 Kings 13; 2 Kings 17:7-23.

    What Abijah says of the calf-worship of the Israelites, and of Judah's attitude to Jahve and His worship in the temple, is founded on the truth, and is also reconcilable with the statement in 1 Kings 15:3, that Abijah's heart was not wholly devoted to the Lord, like David's heart. Abijah had promoted the legal temple-worship even by consecratory gifts (1 Kings 15:15), and could consequently quite well bring forward the worship of God in Judah as the true worship, in contrast to the Israelitic calf-worship, for the discouragement of his enemies, and for the encouragement of his own army; and we may consequently regard the kernel, or the essential contents of the speech, as being historically well-founded. The account of the war, moreover, is also shown to be historical by the exact statement as to the conquered cities in v. 19, which evidently has been derived from ancient authorities. Only in the statements about the number of warriors, and of the slain Israelites, the numbers are not to be estimated according to the literal value of the figures; for they are, as has been already hinted in the commentary, only an expression in figures of the opinion of contemporaries of the war, that both kings had made a levy of all the men in their respective kingdoms capable of bearing arms, and that Jeroboam was defeated with such slaughter that he lost more than the half of his warriors.) 2 CHRONICLES 13:20 Neither did Jeroboam recover strength again in the days of Abijah: and the LORD struck him, and he died.

    Jeroboam could not afterwards gain power (kowach `aatsar , as in 1 Chron 29:14): "And Jahve smote him, and he died." The meaning of this remark is not clear, since we know nothing further of the end of Jeroboam's life than that he died two years after Abijah. w|yig|peehuw can hardly refer to the unfortunate result of the war (v. 15ff.), for Jeroboam outlived the war by several years. We would be more inclined to understand it of the blow mentioned in 1 Kings 14:1-8, when God announced to him by Ahijah the extermination of his house, and took away his son Abijah, who was mourned by all Israel. 2 CHRONICLES 13:21-22 But Abijah waxed mighty, and married fourteen wives, and begat twenty and two sons, and sixteen daughters.

    Wives and children of Abijah. His death.-V. 21. While Jeroboam was not able to recover from the defeat he had suffered, Abijah established himself in his kingdom (yit|chazeeq , cf. 2 Chron 12:13), and took to himself fourteen wives. The taking of these wives is not to be regarded as later in time than his establishment of his rule after the victory over Jeroboam.

    Since Abijah reigned only three years, he must have already had the greater number of his wives and children when he ascended the throne, as we may gather also from 2 Chron 11:21-23. The w consec. with yisaa' serves only to connect logically the information as to his wives and children with the preceding, as the great increase of his family was a sign of Abijah's increase in strength, while Jeroboam's dynasty was soon extirpated.

    Verse 22. As to the mid|raash of the prophet Iddo, see the Introduction, p. 391. 2 CHRONICLES 14:1 (13:23) Verse 23. This is remarked here, because this rest was also a result of Abijah's great victory over Jeroboam.

    CH. 14-16. ASA'S REIGN.

    In 1 Kings 15:9-24 it is merely recorded of Asa, that he reigned forty-one years, did that which was right as David did, removed from the land all the idols which his fathers had made, and, although the high places were not removed, was devoted to the Lord during his whole life, and laid up in the temple treasury all that had been consecrated by his father and himself.

    Then it is related that when Baasha marched against him, and began to fortify Ramah, he induced the Syrian king Benhadad, by sending to him the treasures of the temple and of his palace, to break faith with Baasha, and to make an inroad upon and smite the northern portion of the land; that Baasha was thereby compelled to abandon the building of Ramah, and to fall back to Tirzah, and that thereupon Asa caused the fortifications of Ramah to be pulled down, and the cities Geba and Benjamin and Mizpah to be fortified with the materials; and, finally, it is recorded that Asa in his old age became diseased in his feet, and died.

    The Chronicle also characterizes Asa as a pious king, who did that which was right, and removed the high places and sun-pillars in the land; but gives, as to other matters, a much more detailed account of his reign of forty-one years. It states that in the first years, as the land had rest, he built fortified cities in Judah, and had an army fit for war (2 Chron 14:1-7); that thereupon he marched against the Cushite Zerah, who was then advancing upon Judah with an innumerable host, prayed for help to the Lord, who then smote the Cushites, so that they fled; and that Asa pursued them to Gerar, and returned with great booty (vv. 8-14). Then we learn that the prophet Azariah, the son of Oded, came to meet him, who, pointing to the victory which the Lord had granted them, called upon the king and the people to remain stedfast in their fidelity to the Lord; that Asa thereupon took courage, extirpated all the still remaining idolatrous abominations from the land, and in the fifteenth year of his reign held with the people a great sacrificial feast in Jerusalem, renewed the covenant with the Lord, crushed out all the remains of former idolatry, although the high places were not destroyed, and also deposited in the temple treasury all that had been consecrated by his father and himself (ch. 15). Thereafter Baasha's inroad upon Judah and the alliance with Ben-hadad of Syria are narrated (16:1-6), as in the book of Kings; but it is also added that the prophet Hanani censured his seeking help from the king of Syria, and was thereupon put into the prison-house by Asa (vv. 7-10); and then we have an account of the end of his reign, in which several additions to the account in 1 Kings are communicated (vv. 11-14). 2 CHRONICLES 14:2-8 (14:1-7) So Abijah slept with his fathers, and they buried him in the city of David: and Asa his son reigned in his stead. In his days the land was quiet ten years.

    Verse 1-3. Asa's efforts for the abolition of idolatry and the establishment of the kingdom.-Vv. 1-4. The good and right in God's eyes which Asa did is further defined in vv. 2-4. He abolished all the objects of the idolatrous worship. The "altars of the strangers" are altars consecrated to foreign gods; from them the baamowt , high places, are distinguished-these latter being illegal places of sacrifice connected with the worship of Jahve (see on 1 Kings 15:14). The matseebowt are the statues or monumental columns consecrated to Baal, and 'asheeriym the wooden idols, tree-trunks, or trees, which were consecrated to Astarte (see on Kings 14:23 and Deut 16:21). Asa at the same time commanded the people to worship Jahve, the God of the fathers, and to follow the law.

    Verse 4-6. He removed from all the cities of Judah the altars of the high places, and the chamaaniym , sun-pillars, pillars or statues consecrated to Baal as sun-god, which were erected near or upon the altars of Baal (2 Chron 34:4; see on Lev 26:30). In consequence of this the kingdom had rest l|paanaayw , before him, i.e., under his oversight (cf. Num 8:22). This ten-years' quiet (13:23) which God granted him, Asa employed in building fortresses in Judah (v. 5). "We will build these cities, and surround them with walls and towers, gates and bolts." It is not said what the cities were, but they were at any rate others than Geba and Mizpah, which he caused to be built after the war with Baasha (2 Chron 16:6). "The land is still before us," i.e., open, free from enemies, so that we may freely move about, and build therein according to our pleasure. For the phraseology, cf. Gen 13:9. The repetition of daarash|nuw , v. 6, is impassioned speech. "They built and had success;" they built with effect, without meeting with any hindrances.

    Verse 7. Asa had also a well-equipped, well-armed army. The men of Judah were armed with a large shield and lance (cf. 1 Chron 12:24), the Benjamites with a small shield and bow (cf. 1 Chron 8:40). The numbers are great; of Judah 300,000, of Benjamin 280,000 men. Since in these numbers the whole population capable of bearing arms is included, 300,000 men does not appear too large for Judah, but 280,000 is a very large number for Benjamin, and is founded probably on an overestimate. 2 CHRONICLES 14:9-15 (14:8-14) And Asa had an army of men that bare targets and spears, out of Judah three hundred thousand; and out of Benjamin, that bare shields and drew bows, two hundred and fourscore thousand: all these were mighty men of valour.

    The victory over the Cushite Zerah.-V. 8. "And there went forth against them Zerah." 'aleeyhem for `aleeyhem refers to Asa's warriors mentioned in v. 7. The number of the men in Judah capable of bearing arms is mentioned only to show that Asa set his hope of victory over the innumerable host of the Cushites not on the strength of his army, but on the all-powerful help of the Lord (v. 10). The Cushite zerach is usually identified with the second king of the 22nd (Bubastitic) dynasty, Osorchon I; while Brugsch, hist. de l'Eg. i. p. 298, on the contrary, has raised objections, and holds Zerah to be an Ethiopian and not an Egyptian prince, who in the reign of Takeloth I, about 944 B.C., probably marched through Egypt as a conqueror (cf. G. Rösch in Herz.'s Realenc. xviii. S. 460). The statement as to Zerah's army, that it numbered 1,000,000 warriors and 300 war-chariots, rests upon a rough estimate, in which 1000 times 1000 expresses the idea of the greatest possible number.

    The Cushites pressed forward to Mareshah, i.e., Marissa, between Hebron and Ashdod (see on 2 Chron 11:8).

    Verse 9. Thither Asa marched to meet them, and drew up his army in battle array in the valley Zephathah, near Mareshah. The valley Zephathah is not, as Robins., Pal. sub voce, thinks, to be identified with Tel es Safieh, but must lie nearer Mareshah, to the west or north-west of Marâsch.

    Verse 10. Then he called upon the Lord his God for help. wgw' `im|kaa 'eeyn we translate, with Berth., "None is with Thee (on `im|kaa , cf. 2 Chron 20:6; Ps 73:25) to help between a mighty one and a weak," i.e., no other than Thou can help in an unequal battle, i.e., help the weaker side; while the Vulg., on the contrary, after the analogy of 1 Sam 14:6, translates, "non est apud te ulla distantia, utrum in paucis auxilieris an in pluribus;" and the older commentators (Schmidt, Ramb.) give the meaning thus: "perinde est tibi potentiori vel imbecilliori opem ferre." But in 1 Sam 14:16 the wording is different, so that that passage cannot be a standard for us here. "In Thy name (i.e., trusting in Thy help) are we come against this multitude" (not "have we fallen upon this multitude"). wgw' ya`|tsor 'al , "Let not a mortal retain strength with Thee" (`aatsar = koach `aatsar , 2 Chron 13:20; 1 Chron 29:14), i.e., let not weak men accomplish anything with Thee, show Thy power or omnipotence over weak men.

    Verse 11. God heard this prayer. Jahve drove the Cushites into flight before Asa, scil. by His mighty help.

    Verse 12. Asa, with his people, pursued to Gerar, the old ancient Philistine city, whose ruins Rowlands has discovered in the Khirbet el Gerar, in the Wady Jorf el Gerar (the torrent of Gerar), three leagues south-south-east of Gaza (see on Gen 20:1). "And there fell of the Cushites, so that to them was not revival," i.e., so many that they could not make a stand and again collect themselves, ut eis vivificatio i. e. copias restaurandi ratio non esset, as older commentators, in Annott. uberior. ad h. l., have already rightly interpreted it. The words are expressions for complete defeat. Berth. translates incorrectly: "until to them was nothing living;" for l|'eeyn does not stand for l|'eeyn `ad , but l| serves to subordinate the clause, "so that no one," where in the older language 'eeyn alone would have been sufficient, as in 2 Chron 20:25; 1 Chron 22:4, cf. Ew. §315, c; and mich|yaah denotes, not "a living thing," but only "preservation of life, vivification, revival, maintenance." For they were broken before Jahve and before His host. machaneehuw , i.e., Asa's army is called Jahve's, because Jahve fought in and with it against the enemy. There is no reason to suppose, with some older commentators, that there is any reference to an angelic host or heavenly camp (Gen 32:2f.). And they (Asa and his people) brought back very much booty.

    Verse 13. "They smote all the cities round about Gerar," which, as we must conclude from this, had made common cause with the Cushites, being inhabited by Philistines; for the fear of Jahve had fallen upon them. yhwh pachad here, and in 2 Chron 17:10; 20:29, as in 1 Sam 11:7, the fear of the omnipotence displayed by Jahve in the annihilation of the innumerable hostile army. In these cities Judah found much booty. 2 CHRONICLES 14:14-15 And they smote all the cities round about Gerar; for the fear of the LORD came upon them: and they spoiled all the cities; for there was exceeding much spoil in them.

    They also smote the tents of the herds of the wandering tribes of that district, and carried away many sheep and camels as booty. 2 CHRONICLES 15:1-4 And the Spirit of God came upon Azariah the son of Oded:

    The prophet Azariah's exhortation to faithful cleaving to the Lord, and the solemn renewal of the covenant.-Vv. 1-7. The prophet's speech. The prophet Azariah, the son of Oded, is mentioned only here. The conjecture of some of the older theologians, that `owdeed was the same person as `idow (2 Chron 12:15; 9:29), has no tenable foundation. Azariah went to meet the king and people returning from the war (lip|neey yeetsee' , he went forth in the presence of Asa, i.e., coming before him; cf. 28:9; 12:17; 14:8). "Jahve was with you (has given you the victory), because ye were with Him (held to Him)." Hence the general lesson is drawn: If ye seek Him, He will be found of you (cf. Jer 29:13); and if ye forsake Him, He will forsake you (cf. 2 Chron 24:20; 12:5). To impress the people deeply with this truth, Azariah draws a powerful picture of the times when a people is forsaken by God, when peace and security in social intercourse disappear, and the terrors of civil war prevail.

    Opinions as to the reference intended in this portrayal of the dreadful results of defection from God have been from antiquity very much divided. Tremell. and Grot., following the Targ., take the words to refer to the condition of the kingdom of the ten tribes at that time; others think they refer to the past, either to the immediately preceding period of the kingdom of Judah, to the times of the defection under Rehoboam and Abijah, before Asa had suppressed idolatry (Syr., Arab., Raschi), or to the more distant past, the anarchic period of the judges, from Joshua's death, and that of the high priest Phinehas, until Eli and Samuel's reformation (so especially Vitringa, de synag. vet. p. 335ff.). Finally, still others (Luther, Clericus, Budd., etc.) interpret the words as prophetic, as descriptive of the future, and make them refer either to the unquiet times under the later idolatrous kings, to the times of the Assyrian or Chaldean exile (Kimchi), or to the condition of the Jews since the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans up till the present day.

    Of these three views, the first, that which takes the reference to be to the present, i.e., the state of the kingdom of the ten tribes at that time, is decidedly erroneous; for during the first thirty years of the existence of that kingdom no such anarchic state of things existed as is portrayed in vv. 5 and 6, and still less could a return of the ten tribes to the Lord at that time be spoken of (v. 4). It is more difficult to decide between the two other main views. The grounds which Vitr., Ramb., Berth. adduce in support of the reference to the times of the judges are not convincing; for the contents and form (v. 4) do not prove that here something is asserted which has been confirmed by history, and still less is it manifest (v. 5) that past times are pointed to. Whether the statement about the return to Jahve in the times of trouble (v. 4) refers to the past or to the future, depends upon whether the past or future is spoken of in v. 3.

    But the unquiet condition of things portrayed in v. 5 corresponds partly to various times in the period of the judges; and if, with Vitr., we compare the general characteristics of the religious condition of the times of the judges (Judg 2:10ff.), we might certainly say that Israel in those times was without 'emet 'eloheey , as it again and again forsook Jahve and served the Baals. And moreover, several examples of the oppression of Israel portrayed in vv. 5 and 6 may be adduced from the time of the judges. Yet the words in v. 6, even when their rhetorical character is taken into account, are too strong for the anarchic state of things during the period of the judges, and the internal struggles of that time (Judg 12:1-6 and ch. 20f.). And consequently, although Vitr. and Ramb. think that a reference to experiences already past, and oppressions already lived through, would have made a much deeper impression than pointing forward to future periods of oppression, yet Ramb. himself remarks, nihilominus tamen in saeculis Asae imperium antegressis vix ullum tempus post ingressum in terram Canaan et constitutam rempubl. Israel. posse ostendi, cui omnia criteria hujus orationis propheticae omni ex parte et secundum omnia pondera verbis insita conveniant. But, without doubt, the omission of any definite statement of the time in v. 3 is decisive against the exclusive reference of this speech to the past, and to the period of the judges. The verse contains no verb, so that the words may just as well refer to the past as to the future. The prophet has not stated the time definitely, because he was giving utterance to truths which have force at all times, (Note: As Ramb. therefore rightly remarks, "Vatem videri consulto abstinuisse a determinatione temporis, ut vela sensui quam amplissime panderentur, verbaque omnibus temporum periodis adplicari possent, in quibus criteria hic recensita adpareant.") and which Israel had had experience of already in the time of the judges, but would have much deeper experience of in the future.

    We must take the words in this general sense, and supply neither a preterite nor a future in v. 3, neither fuerant nor erunt, but must express the first clause by the present in English: "Many days are for Israel (i.e., Israel lives many days) without the true God, and without teaching priests, and without law." rabiym yaamiym is not accus. of time (Berth.), but the subject of the sentence; and 'lh' l|lo' is not subject-"during many days there was to the people Israel no true God" (Berth.)-but predicate, while l| expresses the condition into which anything comes, and lo' forms part of the following noun: Days for Israel for having not a true God. l|lo' differs from b|lo' , "without," just as l| differs from b|; the latter expressing the being in a condition, the former the coming into it. On 'emet 'eloheey , cf. Jer 10:10. mowreh koheen is not to be limited to the high priest, for it refers to the priests in general, whose office it was to teach the people law and justice (Lev 10:10; Deut 33:10). The accent is upon the predicates 'emet and mowreh . Israel had indeed Elohim, but not the true God, and also priests, but not priests who attended to their office, who watched over the fulfilment of the law; and so they had no towraah , notwithstanding the book of the law composed by Moses. 2 CHRONICLES 15:5 And in those times there was no peace to him that went out, nor to him that came in, but great vexations were upon all the inhabitants of the countries. "And in these times is no peace to those going out or to those coming in."

    Free peaceful intercommunication is interfered with (cf. Judg 5:6; 6:2), but great terrors upon all inhabitants of the lands (haa'araatsowt are, according to the usage of the chronicler, the various districts of the land of Israel). 2 CHRONICLES 15:6-7 And nation was destroyed of nation, and city of city: for God did vex them with all adversity. "And one people is dashed in pieces by the other, and one city by the other; for God confounds them by all manner of adversity." haamam denotes confusion, which God brings about in order to destroy His enemies (Ex 14:24; Josh 10:10; Judg 4:15). Days when they were without the true God, without teaching prophets, and without law, Israel had already experienced in the times of defection after Joshua (cf. Judg 2:11ff.), but will experience them in the future still oftener and more enduringly under the idolatrous kings in the Assyrian and Babylonian exile, and still even now in its dispersion among all nations. That this saying refers to the future is also suggested by the fact that Hosea (ch. and 4) utters, with a manifest reference to v. 3 of our speech, a threat that the ten tribes will be brought into a similar condition (cf. Hos 9:3-4); and even Moses proclaimed to the people that the punishment of defection from the Lord would be dispersion among the heathen, where Israel would be compelled to serve idols of wood and stone (Deut 4:27ff., 28:36,64), i.e., would be without the true God. That Israel would, in such oppression, turn to its God, would seek Him, and that the Lord would be found of them, is a thought also expressed by Moses, the truth of which Israel had not only had repeated experience of during the time of the judges, but also would again often experience in the future (cf. Hos 3:5; Jer 31:1; Ezek 36:24ff.; Rom 11:25ff.). batsar-low refers back to Deut 4:30; the expression in v. 4b is founded upon Deut 4:29 (cf. Isa 55:6).-Of the oppression in the times of defection portrayed in v. 5f., Israel had also had in the time of the judges repeated experience (cf. Judg 5:6), most of all under the Midianite yoke (Judg 6:2); but such times often returned, as the employment of the very words of the first hemistich of v. 5 in Zech 8:10, in reference to the events of the post-exilic time, shows; and not only the prophet Amos (Amos 3:9) sees rabowt m|huwmowt , great confusions, where all is in an indistinguishable whirl in the Samaria of his time, but they repeated themselves at all times when the defection prevailed, and godlessness degenerated into revolution and civil war.

    Azariah portrays the terrors of such times in strong colours (v. 6): "Dashed to pieces is people by people, and city by city." The war of the tribes of Israel against Benjamin (Judg 20:f.), and the struggle of the Gileadites under Jephthah with Ephraim (Judg 12:4ff.), were civil wars; but they were only mild preludes of the bellum omnium contra omnes depicted by Azariah, which only commenced with the dissolution of both kingdoms, and was announced by the later prophets as the beginning of the judgment upon rebellious Israel (e.g., Isa 9:17-20), and upon all peoples and kingdoms hostile to God (Zech 14:13; Matt 24:7). With hamaamaam 'elohiym kiy cf. rabaah yy' m|huwmat, Zech 14:13. To this portrayal of the dread results of defection from the Lord, Azariah adds (v. 7) the exhortation, "Be ye strong (vigorous), and show yourselves not slack, languid" (cf. Zeph 3:16; Neh 6:9); i.e., in this connection, proceed courageously and vigorously to keep yourselves true to the Lord, to exterminate all idolatry; then you shall obtain a great reward: cf. on these words, Jer 31:16. 2 CHRONICLES 15:8-9 And when Asa heard these words, and the prophecy of Oded the prophet, he took courage, and put away the abominable idols out of all the land of Judah and Benjamin, and out of the cities which he had taken from mount Ephraim, and renewed the altar of the LORD, that was before the porch of the LORD.

    Completion of the reform in worship, and the renewal of the covenant.-V. 8. The speech and prophecy of the prophet strengthened the king to carry out the work he had begun, viz., the extirpation of idolatry from the whole land. In v. 8 the words hanaabiy' `odeed are surprising, not only because the prophet is called in v. 1, not Oded, but Azariah the son of Oded, but also on account of the preceding han|buw'aah in the absolute state, which cannot stand, without more ado, for the stat. constr. n|buw'at (cf. 2 Chron 9:29). The view of Cler. and Ew., that by an orthographical error ben `azar|yaahuw has been dropped out, does not remove the difficulty, for it leaves the stat. absol. han|buw'aah unexplained. This is also the case with the attempt to explain the name Oded in v. 8 by transposing the words Azariah ben Oded, v. 1, so as to obtain Oded ben Azariah (Movers); and there seems to be no other solution of the difficulty than to strike out the words Oded the prophet from the text as a gloss which has crept into it (Berth.), or to suppose that there is a considerable hiatus in the text caused by the dropping out of the words ben `azar|yaahuw diber 'asher . (Note: C. P. Caspari, der Syrisch-ephraimitische Krieg, Christian. 1849, S. 51, explains the absol. han|buw'aah by an ellipse, as in Isa 3:14; 8:11, "the prophecy (that) of Oded," but answers the question why Oded is used in v. 8 instead of Azarjahu ben Oded by various conjectures, none of which can be looked upon as probable.) hit|chazaq corresponds to chiz|quw .

    Asa complied with the exhortation, and removed (waya`abeer , as in 1 Kings 15:12) all abominations (idols) from the whole land, and from the cities which he had taken from Mount Ephraim: these are the cities which Asa's father Abijah had conquered, 13:19. "And he renewed the altar before the porch," i.e., the altar of burnt-offering, which might stand in need of repairs sixty years after the building of the temple. The Vulg. is incorrect in translating dedicavit, and Berth. in supposing that the renovation refers only to a purification of it from defilement by idolatry. chideesh is everywhere to renew, repair, restaurare; cf. 2 Chron 24:4.-But in order to give internal stability to the reform he had begun, Asa prepared a great sacrificial festival, to which he invited the people out of all the kingdom, and induced them to renew the covenant with the Lord. V. 9. He gathered together the whole of Judah and Benjamin, and the strangers out of Ephraim, Manasseh, and Simeon, who dwelt among them.

    Strangers, i.e., Israelites from the ten tribes, had come over as early as Rehoboam's reign to the kingdom of Judah (2 Chron 11:16); these immigrations increased under Asa when it was seen that Jahve was with him, and had given him a great victory over the Cushites. It is surprising that Simeon should be mentioned among the tribes from which Israelites went over to the kingdom of Judah, since Simeon had received his heritage in the southern district of the tribal domain of Judah, so that at the division of the kingdom it would not well separate itself from Judah, and join with the tribes who had revolted from the house of David. The grouping together of Simeon, Ephraim, and Manasseh, both in our verse and in 34:6, can consequently scarcely be otherwise explained than by the supposition, either from the cities assigned to them under Joshua into districts in the northern kingdom (Berth.), or that the Simeonites, though politically united with Judah, yet in religious matters were not so, but abstained from taking part in the Jahve-worship in Jerusalem, and had set up in Beersheba a worship of their own similar to that in Bethel and Dan.

    In such a case, the more earnest and thoughtful people from Simeon, as well as from Ephraim and Manasseh, may have gone to Jerusalem to the sacrificial festival prepared by Asa. In favour of this last supposition we may adduce the fact that the prophet Amos, Amos 5:5; 4:4; 8:14, mentions Beersheba, along with Bethel and Gilgal, as a place to which pilgrimages were made by the idolatrous Israelites. 2 CHRONICLES 15:10-11 So they gathered themselves together at Jerusalem in the third month, in the fifteenth year of the reign of Asa.

    At this festival, which was held on the third month of the fifteenth year of Asa's reign, they offered of the booty, i.e., of the cattle captured in the war against the Cushites (2 Chron 14:14), 700 oxen and 7000 sheep. heebiy'uw min-hashaalaal defines the wayiz|b|chuw more closely: they sacrificed, viz., from the booty they offered. From this it seems to follow that the sacrificial festival was held soon after the return from the war against the Cushites. The attack of the Cushite Zerah upon Judah can only have occurred in the eleventh year of Asa, according to 13:23; but it is not stated how long the war lasted, nor when Asa returned to Jerusalem (14:14) after conquering the enemy and plundering the towns of the south land. But Asa may quite well have remained longer in the south after the Cushites had been driven back, in order again firmly to establish his rule there; and on his return to Jerusalem, in consequence of the exhortation of the prophet Azariah, may have straightway determined to hold a sacrificial festival at which the whole people should renew the covenant with the Lord, and have set apart and reserved a portion of the captured cattle for this purpose. 2 CHRONICLES 15:12 And they entered into a covenant to seek the LORD God of their fathers with all their heart and with all their soul; And they entered into the covenant, i.e., they renewed the covenant, bound themselves by a promise on oath (sh|buw`aah , v. 14) to hold the covenant, viz., to worship Jahve the God of the fathers with their whole heart and soul; cf. Deut 4:29. With bab|riyt bow' , cf.

    Jer 34:10. 2 CHRONICLES 15:13-14 That whosoever would not seek the LORD God of Israel should be put to death, whether small or great, whether man or woman.

    To attest the sincerity of their return to the Lord, they determined at the same time to punish defection from Jahve on the part of any one, without respect to age or sex, with death, according to the command in Deut 17:2- 6. lyhwh daarash lo', not to worship Jahve, is substantially the same as to serve other gods, Deut 17:3. This they swore aloud and solemnly, bit|ruw`aah , with joyful shouting and the sound of trumpets and horns. 2 CHRONICLES 15:15-18 And all Judah rejoiced at the oath: for they had sworn with all their heart, and sought him with their whole desire; and he was found of them: and the LORD gave them rest round about.

    This return to the Lord brought joy to all Judah, i.e., to the whole kingdom, because they had sworn with all their heart, and sought the Lord b|kaal-r|tsownaam, with perfect willingness and alacrity. Therefore Jahve was found of them, and gave them rest round about.-In vv. 16-18, in conclusion, everything which still remained to be said of Asa's efforts to promote the Jahve-worship is gathered up. Even the queen-mother Maachah was deposed by him from the dignity of ruler because she had made herself an image of Asherah; yet he did not succeed in wholly removing the altars on the high places from the land, etc. These statements are also to be found in 1 Kings 15:13-16, and are commented upon at that place. Only in the Chronicle we have 'aacaa' 'eem instead of 'imow (Kings), because there Maachah had just been named (v. 10); and to the statement as to the abolition of idolatry, yaadeq , crushed, is added, and in v. 17 miyis|raa'eel ; while, on the other hand, after shaaleem , yhwh `im is omitted, as not being necessary to the expression of the meaning. 2 CHRONICLES 15:19 And there was no more war unto the five and thirtieth year of the reign of Asa.

    V. 19 is different from 1 Kings 15:16. In the latter passage it is said: war was between Asa and Baasha the king of Israel kaal-y|meeyhem, i.e., so long as both reigned contemporaneously; while in the Chronicle it is said: war was not until the thirty-fifth year of Asa's reign. This discrepancy is partly got rid of by taking mil|chaamaah in the book of Kings to denote the latent hostility or inimical attitude of the two kingdoms towards each other, and in the Chronicle to denote a war openly declared.

    The date, until the thirty-fifth year, causes a greater difficulty; but this has been explained in 2 Chron 16:1 by the supposition that in the thirty-sixth year of Asa's reign war broke out between Asa and Baasha, when the meaning of our 16th verse would be: It did not come to war with Baasha until the thirty-sixth year of Asa's rule. For further remarks on this, see on 16:1. 2 CHRONICLES 16:1-5 In the six and thirtieth year of the reign of Asa Baasha king of Israel came up against Judah, and built Ramah, to the intent that he might let none go out or come in to Asa king of Judah.

    War with Baasha, and the weakness of Asa's faith. The end of his reign.- Vv. 1-6. Baasha's invasion of Judah, and Asa's prayer for help to the king of Syria. The statement, "In the thirty-sixth year of the reign of Asa, Baasha the king of Israel came up against Judah," is inaccurate, or rather cannot possibly be correct; for, according to 1 Kings 16:8,10, Baasha died in the twenty-sixth year of Asa's reign, and his successor Elah was murdered by Zimri in the second year of his reign, i.e., in the twentyseventh year of Asa. The older commentators, for the most part, accepted the conjecture that the thirty-fifth year (in 2 Chron 15:19) is to be reckoned from the commencement of the kingdom of Judah; and consequently, since Asa became king in the twentieth year of the kingdom of Judah, that Baasha's invasion occurred in the sixteenth year of his reign, and that the land had enjoyed peace till his fifteenth year; cf.

    Ramb. ad h. l.; des Vignoles, Chronol. i. p. 299. This is in substance correct; but the statement, "in the thirty-sixth year of Asa's kingship," cannot re reconciled with it. For even if we suppose that the author of the Chronicle derived his information from an authority which reckoned from the rise of the kingdom of Judah, yet it could not have been said on that authority, 'aacaa' l|mal|kuwt . This only the author of the Chronicle can have written; but then he cannot also have taken over the statement, "in the thirty-sixth year," unaltered from his authority into his book. There remains therefore no alternative but to regard the text as erroneous-the letters l (30) and y (10), which are somewhat similar in the ancient Hebrew characters, having been interchanged by a copyist; and hence the numbers 35 and 36 have arisen out of the original 15 and 16. By this alteration all difficulties are removed, and all the statements of the Chronicle as to Asa's reign are harmonized. During the first ten years there was peace (13:23); thereafter, in the eleventh year, the inroad of the Cushites; and after the victory over them there was the continuation of the Cultus reform, and rest until the fifteenth year, in which the renewal of the covenant took place (2 Chron 15:19, cf. with v. 10); and in the sixteenth year the war with Baasha arose. (Note: Movers, S. 255ff., and Then. on 1 Kings 15, launch out into arbitrary hypotheses, founded in both cases upon the erroneous presumption that the author of the Chronicle copied our canonical books of Kings-they being his authority-partly misunderstanding and partly altering them.)

    The account of this war in vv. 1-6 agrees with that in 1 Kings 15:17-22 almost literally, and has been commented upon in the remarks on 1 Kings 15. In v. 2 the author of the Chronicle has mentioned only the main things.

    Abel-maim, i.e., Abel in the Water (v. 4), is only another name for Abel- Beth-Maachah (Kings); see on 2 Sam 20:14. In the same verse nap|taaliy `aareey kaal-mic|k|nowt w|'eet is surprising, "and all magazines (or stores) of the cities of Naphtali," instead of nap|taaliy kaal-'erets `al kaal-kin|rowt 'eet, "all Kinneroth, together with all the land of Naphtali" (Kings). Then. and Berth. think `ry mcknwt has arisen out of 'rts and knrwt by a misconception of the reading; while Gesen., Dietr. in Lex. sub voce kin|rowt , conjecture that in 1 Kings 15:20 mic|k|nowt should be read instead of kin|rowt .

    Should the difference actually be the result only of a misconception, then the latter conjecture would have much more in its favour than the first. But it is a more probable solution of the difficulty that the text of the Chronicle is a translation of the unusual and, especially on account of the n' kaal-'erets `al, scarcely intelligible kaal-kin|rowt. kin|rowt is the designation of the very fertile district on the west side of the Sea of Kinnereth, i.e., Gennesaret, after which a city also was called kineret (see on Josh 19:35), and which, on account of its fertility, might be called the granary of the tribal domain of Naphtali. But the smiting of a district can only be a devastation of it-a plundering and destruction of its produce, both in stores and elsewhere. With this idea the author of the Chronicle, instead of the district Kinnereth, the name of which had perhaps become obsolete in his time, speaks of the mic|k|nowt , the magazines or stores, of the cities of Naphtali. In v. 5, too, we cannot hold the addition 'et-m|la'k|tow wayash|beet, "he caused his work to rest," as Berth. does, for an interpretation of the original reading, b|tir|tsaah wayeesheb (Kings), it having become illegible: it is rather a free rendering of the thought that Baasha abandoned his attempt upon Judah. 2 CHRONICLES 16:6 Then Asa the king took all Judah; and they carried away the stones of Ramah, and the timber thereof, wherewith Baasha was building; and he built therewith Geba and Mizpah.

    In regard to the building of Mizpah, it is casually remarked in Jer 41:9 that Asa had there built a cistern. 2 CHRONICLES 16:7-8 And at that time Hanani the seer came to Asa king of Judah, and said unto him, Because thou hast relied on the king of Syria, and not relied on the LORD thy God, therefore is the host of the king of Syria escaped out of thine hand.

    The rebuke of the prophet Hanani, and Asa's crime.-V. 7. The prophet Hanani is met with only here. Jehu, the son of Hanani, who announced to Baasha the ruin of his house (1 Kings 16:1), and who reappears under Jehoshaphat (2 Chron 19:2), was without doubt his son. Hanani said to King Asa, "Because thou hast relied on the king of Aram, and not upon Jahve thy God, therefore is the host of the king of Aram escaped out of thy hand." Berth. has correctly given the meaning thus: "that Asa, if he had relied upon God, would have conquered not only the host of Baasha, but also the host of the king of Damascus, if he had, as was to be feared, in accordance with his league with Baasha (v. 3), in common with Israel, made an attack upon the kingdom of Judah." To confirm this statement, the prophet points to the victory over the great army of the Cushites, which Asa had won by his trust in God the Lord. With the Cushites Hanani names also luwbiym , Libyans (cf. 12:3), and besides rekeb , the war-chariots, also paaraashiym , horsemen, in order to portray the enemy rhetorically, while in the historical narrative only the immense number of warriors and the multitude of the chariots is spoken of. 2 CHRONICLES 16:9 For the eyes of the LORD run to and fro throughout the whole earth, to shew himself strong in the behalf of them whose heart is perfect toward him. Herein thou hast done foolishly: therefore from henceforth thou shalt have wars. "For Jahve, His eyes run to and fro throughout the whole earth, to show Himself strong with those whose heart is devoted to Him;" i.e., for Jahve, who looks forth over all the earth, uses every opportunity wonderfully to succour those who are piously devoted to Him. `im hit|chazeeq , to help mightily, as in 1 Chron 11:10. 'eelaayw shaaleem `iml| baabaam is a relative sentence without the relative 'asher with `im ; cf. 1 Chron 15:12. "Thou hast done foolishly, therefore," scil. because thou hast set thy trust upon men instead of upon Jahve, "for from henceforth there shall be wars to thee" (thou shalt have war). In these words the prophet does not announce to Asa definite wars, but only expresses the general idea that Asa by his godless policy would bring only wars (mil|chaamowt in indefinite universality), not peace, to the kingdom. History confirms the truth of this announcement, although we have no record of any other wars which broke out under Asa. 2 CHRONICLES 16:10 Then Asa was wroth with the seer, and put him in a prison house; for he was in a rage with him because of this thing. And Asa oppressed some of the people the same time.

    This sharp speech so angered the king, that he caused the seer to be set in the stock-house. hamah|peket beeyt , properly, house of stocks. mah|peket , twisting, is an instrument of torture, a stock, by which the body was forced into an unnatural twisted position, the victim perhaps being bent double, with the hands and feet fastened together: cf.

    Jer 20:2; 29:26; and Acts 16:24, e'balen eis tee'n fulakee'n kai' tou's po'das eesfali'sato autoo'n eis to' xu'lon . "For in wrath against him (scil. he did it) because of this thing, and Asa crushed some of the people at this time."

    Clearly Hanani's speech, and still more Asa's harsh treatment of the seer, caused great discontent among the people, at least in the upper classes, so that the king felt himself compelled to use force against them. raatsats , to break or crush, is frequently used along with `aashaq (Deut 28:33; 1 Sam 12:3, etc.), and signifies to suppress with violence.

    Asa had indeed well deserved the censure, Thou hast dealt foolishly. His folly consisted in this, that in order to get help against Baasha's attack, he had had recourse to a means which must become dangerous to him and to his kingdom; for it was not difficult to foresee that the Syrian king Benhadad would turn the superiority to Israel which he had gained against Judah itself. But in order to estimate rightly Asa's conduct, we must consider that it was perhaps an easier thing, in human estimation, to conquer the innumerable multitudes of the Ethiopian hordes than the united forces of the kings of Israel and Syria; and that, notwithstanding the victory over the Ethiopians, yet Asa's army may have been very considerably weakened by that war. But these circumstances are not sufficient to justify Asa. Since he had so manifestly had the help of the Lord in the war against the Cushites, it was at bottom mainly weakness of faith, or want of full trust in the omnipotence of the Lord, which caused him to seek the help of the enemy of God's people, the king of Syria, instead of that of the Almighty God, and to make flesh his arm; and for this he was justly censured by the prophet. 2 CHRONICLES 16:11-14 And, behold, the acts of Asa, first and last, lo, they are written in the book of the kings of Judah and Israel.

    The end of Asa's reign; cf. 1 Kings 15:23-24.-On v. 11, cf. the Introduction.

    Verse 12-13. In the thirty-ninth year of his reign Asa became diseased in his feet, and that in a high degree. The words chaal|yow `ad-l|ma`|laah are a circumstantial clause: to a high degree was his sickness. "And also in his sickness (as in the war against Baasha) he sought not Jahve, but turned to the physicians." daarash is primarily construed with the accus., as usually in connection with yhwh or 'lhym, to seek God, to come before Him with prayer and supplication; then with b|, as usually of an oracle, or seeking help of idols (cf. 1 Sam 28:7; 2 Kings 1:2ff.; 1 Chron 10:14), and so here of superstitious trust in the physicians. Consequently it is not the mere inquiring of the physicians which is here censured, but only the godless manner in which Asa trusted in the physicians.

    Verse 14. The Chronicle gives a more exact account of Asa's burial than Kings 15:24. He was buried in the city of David; not in the general tomb of the kings, however, but in a tomb which he had caused to be prepared for himself in that place. And they laid him upon the bed, which had been filled with spices (b|saamiym , see Ex 30:23), and those of various kinds, mixed for an anointing mixture, prepared. z|niym from zan , kind, species; uwz|niym , et varia quidem. m|ruqaach in Piel only here, properly spiced, from raaqach, to spice, usually to compound an unguent of various spices. mir|qachat , the compounding of ointment; so also 1 Chron 9:30, where it is usually translated by unguent. ma`aseh , work, manufacture, is a shortened terminus technicus for rowqeeach ma`aseeh , manufacture of the ointment-compounder (cf. Ex 30:25,35), and the conjecture that rowqeeach has been dropped out of the text by mistake is unnecessary. "And they kindled for him a great, very great burning," cf. Chron 21:19 and Jer 34:5, whence we gather that the kindling of a burning, i.e., the burning of odorous spices, was customary at the burials of kings.

    Here it is only remarked that at Asa's funeral an extraordinary quantity of spices was burnt. A burning of the corpse, or of the bed or clothes of the dead, is not to be thought of here: the Israelites were in the habit of burying their dead, not of burning them. That occurred only in extraordinary circumstances-as, for example, in the case of the bodies of Saul and his sons; see on 1 Sam 31:12. The kindling and burning of spices at the solemn funerals of persons of princely rank, on the other hand, occurred also among other nations, e.g., among the Romans; cf. Plinii hist. nat. xii. 18, and M. Geier, de luctu Hebr. c. 6.

    CH. 17-20. JEHOSHAPHAT'S REIGN.

    Jehoshaphat laboured to strengthen the kingdom both within and without.

    Not only did he place soldiers in the fenced cities, and removed the high places and the Astartes, but sought also to diffuse the knowledge of the law among the people, and by building castles and the possession of a well-equipped army, firmly to establish his power (ch. 17). In the course of years he married into the family of Ahab king of Israel, and, while on a visit in Samaria, allowed himself to be persuaded by Ahab to enter upon a joint war against the Syrians at Ramoth in Gilead, in which he all but lost his life, while King Ahab was mortally wounded in the battle (ch. 18).

    Censured on his return to Jerusalem by the prophet Jehu for this alliance with the godless Ahab, he sought still more earnestly to lead back his people to Jahve, the God of their fathers, bestirring himself to bring the administration of justice into a form in accordance with the law of God, and establishing a supreme tribunal in Jerusalem (ch. 19). Thereafter, when the Moabites and Ammonites, with the Edomites and other desert tribes, made an inroad into Judah, the Lord gave him a wonderful victory over these enemies. At a later time he yet again allied himself with the Israelitish king Ahaziah for the restoration of the commerce with Ophir; but the ships built for this purpose were broken in the harbour, so that the voyage was abandoned (ch. 20). Of all these enterprises of Jehoshaphat, none are mentioned in the book of Kings except the campaign entered upon with Ahab against Ramoth in Gilead, which is found in the history of Ahab, 1 Kings 22:2-35. Jehoshaphat's reign itself is only characterized generally, but in such a way as to agree with the account in the Chronicle; and, in conclusion, the alliance with Ahaz for the purpose of making the voyage to Ophir is shortly narrated in 1 Kings 22:41-57, but in a form which differs considerably from that in which it is communicated in the Chronicle. 2 CHRONICLES 17:1 And Jehoshaphat his son reigned in his stead, and strengthened himself against Israel.

    Verse 1. Jehoshaphat's efforts to strengthen the kingdom, internally and externally.-v. 1, or rather the first half of this verse, belongs properly to the preceding chapter, since, when the son immediately follows the father on the throne, the successor is mentioned immediately: cf. 2 Chron 9:31; 12:16; 24:27; 27:9, etc. Here, however, the account of the accession to the throne is combined with a general remark on the reign of the successor, and therefore it is placed at the commencement of the account of the reign; while in the case of Asa (2 Chr 13:23) both come in immediately at the conclusion of the reign of his predecessor. Asa had shown himself weak against Israel, as he had sought help against Baasha's attack from the Syrians (16:1ff.), but it was otherwise with Jehoshaphat. He indeed put the fenced cities of his kingdom in a thoroughly good condition for defence, to protect his kingdom against hostile attacks from without (v. 20: but he walked at the same time in the ways of the Lord, so that the Lord made his kingdom strong and mighty (vv. 3-5). This general characterization of his reign is in v. 6 illustrated by facts: first by the communication of what Jehoshaphat did for the inner spiritual strengthening of the kingdom, by raising the standard of religion and morals among the people (vv. 6-11), and then by what he did for the external increase of his power (vv. 12-19). 2 CHRONICLES 17:2-4 And he placed forces in all the fenced cities of Judah, and set garrisons in the land of Judah, and in the cities of Ephraim, which Asa his father had taken.

    He placed forces (chayil ) in all the fenced cities of Judah, and garrisons (n|tsiybiym , military posts; cf. 1 Chron 11:16) in the land of Judah, and in the cities of Ephraim, which is father Asa had taken; cf. Chron 15:8. God blessed these undertakings. Jahve was with him, because he walked in the ways of David his ancestor, the former ways, and sought not the Baals. The former ways of David are his ways in the earlier years of his reign, in contrast to the later years, in which his adultery with Bathsheba (2 Sam. 11ff.) and the sin of numbering the people (1 Chron 21) fall. hab|`aaliym are all false gods, in contrast to Jahve, the one God of Israel; and here the word designates not only the Baal-worship properly so called, but also the worship of Jahve by means of images, by which Jahve is brought down to the level of the Baals; cf. Judg 2:11. The l| before b|`aaliym stands, according to the later usage, as a sign of the accusative. In the last clause of v. 4, "and not after the doings of Israel" (of the ten tribes), haalak| , "he walked," is to be repeated. The doing of Israel is the worship of Jahve through the images of the golden calves, which the author of the Chronicle includes in the lab|`aaliym daarash . 2 CHRONICLES 17:5 Therefore the LORD stablished the kingdom in his hand; and all Judah brought to Jehoshaphat presents; and he had riches and honour in abundance.

    Therefore Jahve established the kingdom in his hand, i.e., under his rule; cf. 2 Kings 14:5. All Judah brought him presents. min|chaah , often used of tribute of subject peoples, e.g., in v. 11 of the Philistines, cannot here have that signification; nor can it denote the regular imposts of subjects, for these are not called min|chaah ; but must denote voluntary gifts which his subjects brought him as a token of their reverence and love. The last clause, "and there was to him (he attained) riches and honour in abundance," which is repeated 2 Chron 18:1, recalls Chron 29:28; 2 Chron 1:12, and signifies that Jehoshaphat, like his ancestors David and Solomon, was blessed for walking in the pious ways of these his forefathers. 2 CHRONICLES 17:6-9 And his heart was lifted up in the ways of the LORD: moreover he took away the high places and groves out of Judah.

    This blessing encouraged Jehoshaphat to extirpate from the land all idolatrous worship, and to teach the people the law of the Lord. leeb naabah, usually sensu malo, to be haughty, proud, cf. e.g., 2 Chron 26:16; 32:25; here sensu bono, of rising courage to advance in ways pleasing to God: and he removed the high places also, etc. `owd points back to v. 3: not only did he himself keep far from the Baals, but he removed, besides, all memorials of the Baal-worship from Judah. On baamowt and 'asheeriym, see on 14:2.

    Verse 7-9. In the third year of his reign he sent five princes, i.e., laymen of high position, with nine Levites and two priests, into the cities of Judah, with the book of the law, to teach the law everywhere to the people. benchayil is nom. prop., like ben-checed, 1 Kings 4:10, ben-deqer , 1 Kings 4:9, and is not to be translated as an adjective, as in LXX and Syr., partly on account of the l| praef., and still more on account of the singular, for the plural chayil b|neey must be used when it is in apposition to l|saareey . Nothing further is known of the men named; the designation of them as saariym suggests the idea that they were heads of families or fathers'-houses. 'adowniyaah Towb, too (v. 8), is one name. The "book of the law of Jahve" is the Pentateuch, not merely a collection of Mosaic laws, since in Jehoshaphat's time the Mosaic book of the law (the Pentateuch) had been long in existence. y|huwdaah b|`aareey caabab signifies to go through the cities of Judah in different directions; baa`aam limeed, to teach among the people (not the people).

    The mission of these men is called by the older theologians a solemn ecclesiarum visitatio, quam Josaphat laudabili exemplo per universum regnum suum instituit, and they differ in opinion only as to the part played by the princes in it. Vitringa, de synagoga vet. p. 389, in agreement with Rashi, thinks that only the Levites and priests were deputed ut docerent; the princes, ut auctoritate imperioque suo populum erudiendum in officio continerent eumque de seria regis voluntate certiorem facerent; while others, e.g., Buddaeus, refer to v. 9, ubi principes pariter ac Levitae populum docuisse dicuntur, or believe with Grotius, docere et explicare legem non tantum sacerdotum erat et Levitarum, sed omnium eruditorum.

    Both views contain elements of truth, and do not mutually exclude each other, but may be harmonized. We can hardly confine lameed to religious teaching. The Mosaic law contains a number of merely civil precepts, as to which laymen learned in the law might impart instruction; and consequently the teaching probably consisted not merely in making the people acquainted with the contents of the law, but at the same time of direction and guidance in keeping the law, and generally in restoring and confirming the authority of the law among the people. In connection with this there were many abuses and illegalities which had to be broken down and removed; so that in this respect the task of the commission sent round the country by Jehoshaphat may be compared to a church inspection, if only we understand thereby not an inspection of churches in the Christian sense of the words, but an inspection of the religious and moral life of the communities of Israel under the old covenant. 2 CHRONICLES 17:10-11 And the fear of the LORD fell upon all the kingdoms of the lands that were round about Judah, so that they made no war against Jehoshaphat.

    This attempt of Jehoshaphat brought him this blessing, that the terror of Jahve fell upon all the surrounding kingdoms; and not only did none of the neighbouring peoples venture to make war upon him, but also various tribes did homage to him by presents. Ramb. has already so understood the connection of these verses (erat hoc praemium pietatis Josaphati, quod vicini satisque potentes hostes non auderent adversus ipsum hiscere); while Berth. fails to apprehend it, saying that Jehoshaphat had time to care for the instruction of his people, because at that time the neighbouring peoples did not venture to undertake war against Judah. The words "terror of Jahve," cf. 2 Chron 14:13; 20:29, and "all the kingdoms of the lands," cf. 12:8, 1 Chron 29:30, are expressions peculiar to the author of the Chronicle, which show that by these remarks he is preparing the way for a transition to a more detailed portrayal of Jehoshaphat's political power. min-p|lish|tiym is subject, min partitive: some of the Philistines brought him presents (for min|chaah see on v. 5), "and silver a burden," i.e., in great quantity. masaa' does not signify tribute, vectigal argento (Vulg.), for the word has not that signification, but denotes burden, that which can be carried, as in masaa' l|'een , 2 Chron 20:25.-`ar|biy'iym or `ar|biyiym, 26:7, and more usually `ar|biym , 21:16; 22:1, are Arabian nomadic tribes (Bedâwin), perhaps those whom Asa, after his victory over the Cushite Zerah, had brought under the kingdom of Judah, 14:14. These paid their tribute in small cattle, rams, and he-goats. (t|yaashiym , Gen 30:35; 32:15; Prov 30:31.) 2 CHRONICLES 17:12-19 And Jehoshaphat waxed great exceedingly; and he built in Judah castles, and cities of store.

    Description of Jehoshaphat's power.-V. 12. And Jehoshaphat became ever greater, sc. in power. The partic. howleek| expresses the continuous advance in greatness, cf. Ew. §280, b, as the infin. absol. does elsewhere, e.g., Gen 8:3. l|ma`|laah `ad as in 2 Chron 16:12.-He built castles in Judah. biyraaniyowt , only here and in 27:4, from biyraaniyt , derivative formed from biyraah by the Syriac termination aa-niyt, fem. of aa-n: castle, fortress. On mic|k|nowt `aareey cf. 8:4.

    Verse 13. wgw' rabaah uwm|laa'kaah is rightly translated by Luther, "und hatte viel Vorraths" (and had much store). m|laa'kaah denotes here, as in Ex 22:7-10, property, that which has been gained by work or business. The signification, much work, opera magna (Vulg., Cler., etc.), as also Bertheau's translation, "the works for equipping and provisioning the fortresses," correspond neither to the context nor to the parallel (synonymous) second member of the verse. The work and trouble necessary to equip the cities of Judah does not correspond to "the valiant warriors in Jerusalem;" the only parallel is the goods and property which were in these cities, the provision of victuals and war material there stored up.

    Verse 14-16. The men fit for war passed in review according to their fathers'-houses. The male population of Judah fell into three divisions, that of Benjamin into two. The prince Adnah held the first place among the generals, with 300,000 men of Judah. yaadow `al , at his hand, i.e., with and under him, Jehohanan had the command of 280,000 men, and Amasiah over 200,000. hasaar is a contraction for 'alaapiym sar . For what special reason it is so honourably recorded of Amasiah that he had willingly offered himself to the Lord (cf. for hit|nadeeb , Judg 5:9) has not been communicated.

    Verse 17-18. The Benjamites fell into two detachments: archers with shields (cf. 1 Chron 8:40) 200,000 men, under the chief command of Eliada, and "equipped of the army," i.e., not heavy armed (Berth.), but provided with the usual weapons, sword, spear, and shield (cf. 1 Chron 12:24), 180,000 under the command of Jehozabad. According to this statement, Judah had 780,000 warriors capable of bearing arms. These numbers are clearly too large, and bear no proportion to the result of the numbering of the people capable of bearing arms under David, when there were in Judah only 500,000 or 470,000 men (cf. 1 Chron 21:5 with 2 Sam 24:5); yet the sums of the single divisions appear duly proportioned-a fact which renders it more difficult to believe that these exaggerated numbers are the result of orthographical errors.

    Verse 19. These were serving the king. 'eeleh refers not to the above-mentioned men capable of bearing arms, for sheereet is not used of service in war, but to the commanders whom he had placed in the fortified cities of all Judah, "in which probably bodies of the above-mentioned troops lay as garrisons" (Berth.). 2 CHRONICLES 18:1 Now Jehoshaphat had riches and honour in abundance, and joined affinity with Ahab.

    Jehoshaphat's marriage alliance with Ahab, and his campaign with Ahab against the Syrians at Ramoth in Gilead.-V. 1. Jehoshaphat came into connection by marriage with Ahab through his son Joram taking Athaliah, a daughter of Ahab, to wife (2 Chron 21:6); an event which did not take place on the visit made by Jehoshaphat to Ahab in his palace at Samaria, and recorded in v. 2, but which had preceded that by about nine years.

    That visit falls in the beginning of the year in which Ahab was mortally wounded at Ramoth, and died, i.e., the seventeenth year of Jehoshaphat's reign. But at that time Ahaziah, the son of Joram and Athaliah, was already from eight to nine years old, since thirteen years later he became king at the age of twenty-two; 2 Kings 8:26, cf. with the chronol. table to 1 Kings 12. The marriage connection is mentioned in order to account for Jehoshaphat's visit to Samaria (v. 2), and his alliance with Ahab in the war against the Syrians; but it is also introduced by a reference to Jehoshaphat's riches and his royal splendour, repeated from 2 Chron 17:5.

    In the opinion of many commentators, this is stated to account for Ahab's willingness to connect his family by marriage with that of Jehoshaphat.

    This opinion might be tenable were it Ahab's entering upon a marriage connection with Jehoshaphat which is spoken of; but for Jehoshaphat, of whom it is related that he entered into a marriage connection with Ahab, his own great wealth could not be a motive for his action in that matter. If we consider, first, that this marriage connection was very hurtful to the kingdom of Judah and the royal house of David, since Athaliah not only introduced the Phoenician idolatry into the kingdom, but also at the death of Ahaziah extirpated all the royal seed of the house of David, only the infant Joash of all the royal children being saved by the princess, a sister of Ahaziah, who was married to the high priest Jehoiada (2 Chron 22:10- 12); and, second, that Jehoshaphat was sharply censured by the prophet for his alliance with the criminal Ahab (19:2ff.), and had, moreover, all but forfeited his life in the war (18:34f.)-we see that the author of the Chronicle can only have regarded the marriage connection between Jehoshaphat and Ahab as a mistake.

    By introducing this account of it by a second reference to Jehoshaphat's riches and power, he must therefore have intended to hint that Jehoshaphat had no need to enter into this relationship with the idolatrous house of Ahab, but had acted very inconsiderately in doing so. Schmidt has correctly stated the contents of the verse thus: Josaphatus cetera dives et gloriosus infelicem adfinitatem cum Achabo, rege Israelis, contrahit.

    With which side the proposals for thus connecting the two royal houses originated we are not anywhere informed. Even if the conjecture of Ramb., that Ahab proposed it to Jehoshaphat, be not well founded, yet so much is beyond doubt, namely, that Ahab not only desired the alliance, but also promoted it by every means in his power, since it must have been of great importance to him to gain in Jehoshaphat a strong ally against the hostile pressure of the Syrians. Jehoshaphat probably entered upon the alliance bono animo et spe firmandae inter duo regna pacis (Ramb.), without much thought of the dangers which a connection of this sort with the idolatrous Ahab and with Jezebel might bring upon his kingdom. 2 CHRONICLES 18:2-34 And after certain years he went down to Ahab to Samaria. And Ahab killed sheep and oxen for him in abundance, and for the people that he had with him, and persuaded him to go up with him to Ramoth-gilead.

    The campaign undertaken along with Ahab against the Syrians at Ramoth in Gilead, with its origin, course, and results for Ahab, is narrated in Kings (in the history of Ahab) in agreement with our narrative, only the introduction to the war being different here. In 1 Kings 22:1-3 it is remarked, in connection with the preceding wars of Ahab with the Syrians, that after there had been no war for three years between Aram and Israel, in the third year Jehoshaphat king of Judah came up to the king of Israel; and the latter, when he and his servants had determined to snatch away from the Syrians the city Ramoth in Gilead, which belonged to Israel, called upon Jehoshaphat to march with him to the war against Ramoth. In the Chronicle the more exact statement, "in the third year," which is intelligible only in connection with the earlier history of Ahab, is exchanged for the indefinite shaaniym l|qeets , "at the end of years;" and mention is made of the festal entertainment which Ahab bestowed upon his guest and his train (`imow 'asher haa`aam ), to show the pains which Ahab took to induce King Jehoshaphat to take part in the proposed campaign.

    He killed sheep and oxen for him in abundance, way|ciyteehuw , and enticed, seduced him to go up with him to Ramoth. heeciyt, to incite, entice to anything (Judg 1:14), frequently to evil; cf. Deut 13:7, etc. `aalaah , to advance upon a land or a city in a warlike sense. The account which follows of the preparations for the campaign by inquiring of prophets, and of the war itself, vv. 4-34, is in almost verbal agreement with 1 Kings 22:5-35. Referring to 1 Kings for the commentary on the substance of the narrative, we will here only group together briefly the divergences. Instead of 400 men who were prophets, v. 5, in 1 Kings 22:5 we have about 400 men. It is a statement in round numbers, founded not upon exact enumeration, but upon an approximate estimate. Instead of 'ech|daal 'im ...haneeleek| , v. 5, in Kings, v. 6, we have 'ech|daal 'im ...ha'eeleek| , both verbs being in the same number; and so too in v. 14, where in Kings. v. 15, both verbs stand in the plural, notwithstanding that the answer which follows, w|hats|lach `aleeh , is addressed to Ahab alone, not to both the kings, while in the Chronicle the answer is given in the plural to both the kings, w|hats|liychuw `aluw . in v. 7a, "he prophesies me nothing good, but all his days (i.e., so long as he has been a prophet) evil," the meaning is intensified by the kaal-yaamaayw, which is not found in Kings v. 8.

    In v. 9, the w|yowsh|biym , which is introduced before the b|goren , "and sitting upon the threshing-floor," is due to difference of style, for it is quite superfluous for the signification. In v. 15, the ambiguous words of Micah,' and Jahve will give into the hand of the king" (Kings, v. 15), are given in a more definite form: "and they (the enemy) shall be given into your hand." In v. 19, in the first kaakaah 'omeer zeh , the 'omeer after the preceding wayo'mer is not only superfluous, but improper, and has probably come into the text by a copyist's error. We should therefore read only b|koh zeh , corresponding to the kaakaah zeh of Kings, v. 20: "Then spake one after this manner, and the other spake after another manner." In v. 23, the indefinite 'eey-zeh of Kings, v. 24, is elucidated by haderek| zeh 'eey , "is that the manner" (cf. 1 Kings 13:12; Kings 3:8)., and the verb. `aabar follows without the relative pronoun, as in the passages cited.

    In v. 30, only haarekeb saareey of the king are mentioned, without any statement of the number, which is given in Kings, v. 31, with a backward reference to the former war (1 Kings 20:24). In v. 31, after the words, "and Jehoshaphat cried out," the higher cause of Jehoshaphat's rescue is pointed out in the words, "and Jahve helped him, and God drove them from him," which are not found in Kings, v. 32; but by this religious reflection the actual course of the event is in no way altered. Bertheau's remark, therefore, that "the words disturb the clear connection of the events," is quite unwarrantable. Finally, in v. 34, ma`amiyd haayaah , he was holding his position, i.e., he held himself standing upright, the Hiph. is more expressive than the Hoph. maa`aamaad (Kings v. 35), since it expresses more definitely the fact that he held himself upright by his own strength. With Ahab's death, which took place in the evening at the time of the going down of the sun, the author of the Chronicle concludes his account of this war, and proceeds in ch. 19 to narrate the further course of Jehoshaphat's reign. In 1 Kings 22:36-39, the return of the defeated army, and the details as to Ahab's death and burial, are recorded; but these did not fit into the plan of the Chronicle. 2 CHRONICLES 19:1-3 And Jehoshaphat the king of Judah returned to his house in peace to Jerusalem.

    The prophet Jehu's declaration as to Jehoshaphat's alliance with Ahab, and Jehoshaphat's further efforts to promote the fear of God and the administration of justice in Judah.-Vv. 1-3. Jehu's declaration. Jehoshaphat returned from the war in which Ahab had lost his life, b|shaalowm , i.e., safe, uninjured, to his house in Jerusalem; so that the promise of Micah in 2 Chron 18:16b was fulfilled also as regards him. But on his return, the seer Jehu, the son of Hanani, who had been thrown into the stocks by Asa (16:7ff.), met him with the reproving word, "Should one help the wicked, and lovest thou the haters of Jahve!" (the inf. with l|, as in 1 Chron 5:1; 9:25, etc.). Of these sins Jehoshaphat had been guilty. "And therefore is anger from Jahve upon thee" (`al qetsep as in 1 Chron 27:24). Jehoshaphat had already had experience of this wrath, when in the battle of Ramoth the enemy pressed upon him (2 Chron 18:31), and was at a later time to have still further experience of it, partly during his own life, when the enemy invaded his land (ch. 20), and when he attempted to re-establish the sea trade with Ophir (20:35ff.), partly after his death in his family (ch. 21 and 22). "But," continues Jehu, to console him, "yet there are good things found in thee (cf. 12:12), for thou hast destroyed the Asheroth..." 'asheerowt = 'asheeriym, 17:6. On these last words, comp. 12:14 and 17:4. 2 CHRONICLES 19:4-11 And Jehoshaphat dwelt at Jerusalem: and he went out again through the people from Beersheba to mount Ephraim, and brought them back unto the LORD God of their fathers.

    Jehoshaphat's further arrangements for the revival of the Jahve-worship, and the establishment of a proper administration of justice.-The first two clauses in v. 4 are logically connected thus: When Jehoshaphat (after his return from the war) sat (dwelt) in Jerusalem, he again went forth (wayeetsee' wayaashaab are to be taken together) among the people, from Beersheba, the southern frontier (see 1 Chron 21:2), to Mount Ephraim, the northern frontier of the kingdom of Judah, and brought them back to Jahve, the God of the fathers. The "again" (yaashob ) can refer only to the former provision for the instruction of the people, recorded in 2 Chron 17:7ff.; all that was effected by the commission which Jehoshaphat had sent throughout the land being regarded as his work. The instruction of the people in the law was intended to lead them back to the Lord. Jehoshaphat now again took up his work of reformation, in order to complete the work he had begun, by ordering and improving the administration of justice.

    Verse 5-7. He set judges in the land, in all the fenced cities of Judah; they, as larger cities, being centres of communication for their respective neighbourhoods, and so best suited to be the seats of judges. waa`iyr l|`iyr , in reference to every city, as the law (Deut 16:18) prescribed. He laid it upon the consciences of these judges to administer justice conscientiously. "Not for men are ye to judge, but for Jahve;" i.e., not on the appointment and according to the will of men, but in the name and according to the will of the Lord (cf. Prov 16:11). In the last clause of v. 6, Jahve is to be supplied from the preceding context: "and Jahve is with you in judgment," i.e., in giving your decisions (cf. the conclusion of v. 11); whence this clause, of course, only serves to strengthen the foregoing, only contains the thoughts already expressed in the law, that judgment belongs to God (cf. Deut 1:17 with Ex 21:6; 22:7f.). Therefore the fear of the Lord should keep the judges from unrighteousness, so that they should neither allow themselves to be influenced by respect of persons, nor to be bribed by gifts, against which Deut 16:19 and 1:17 also warns. wa`asuw shim|ruw is rightly paraphrased by the Vulgate, cum diligentia cuncta facite. The clause, "With God there is no respect of persons," etc., recalls Deut 10:17.

    Verse 8-11. Besides this, Jehoshaphat established at Jerusalem a supreme tribunal for the decision of difficult cases, which the judges of the individual cities could not decide. V. 8. "Moreover, in Jerusalem did Jehoshaphat set certain of the Levites, and of the priests, and of the chiefs of the fathers'-houses of Israel, for the judgment of the Lord, and for controversies (laariyb )." From this clause Berth. correctly draws the conclusion, that as in Jerusalem, so also in the fenced cities (v. 5), it was Levites, priests, and heads of the fathers'-houses who were made judges. This conclusion is not inconsistent with the fact that David appointed 6000 of the Levites to be shoterim and judges; for it does not follow from that that none but Levites were appointed judges, but only that the Levites were to perform an essential part in the administration of the law. The foundation of the judicial body in Israel was the appointment of judges chosen from the elders of the people (Ex 18:21ff.; Deut 1:15ff.) by Moses, at Jethro's instigation, and under the divine sanction, David had no intention, by his appointment of some thousands of Levites to be officials (writers) and judges, to set aside the Mosaic arrangement; on the contrary, he thereby gave it the expansion which the advanced development of the kingdom required.

    For the simple relationships of the Mosaic time, the appointment of elders to be judges might have been sufficient; but when in the course of time, especially after the introduction of the kingship, the social and political relations became more complicated, it is probable that the need of appointing men with special skill in law, to co-operate with the judges chosen from among the elders, in order that justice might be administered in a right way, and in a manner corresponding to the law, made itself increasingly felt; that consequently David had felt himself called upon to appoint a greater number of Levites to this office, and that from that time forward the courts in the larger cities were composed of Levites and elders.

    The supreme court which Jehoshaphat set up in Jerusalem was established on a similar basis. For yhwh l|mish|paT we have in v. d|bar-yhwh l|kol, i.e., for all matters connected with religion and the worship and instead of qaariyb we have hamelek| d|bar l|kol , for every matter of the king, i.e., for all civil causes.

    The last clause, v. 8, y|ruwshaalayim wayaashubuw , cannot signify that the men called to this supreme tribunal went to Jerusalem to dwell there thenceforth (Ramb., etc.), or that the suitors went thither; for shuwb does not denote to betake oneself to a place, but to return, which cannot be said of the persons above named, since it is not said that they had left Jerusalem. With Kimchi and others, we must refer the words to the previous statement in v. 4, wgw' baa`aam wayeetsee' , and understand them as a supplementary statement, that Jehoshaphat and those who had gone forth with him among the people returned to Jerusalem, which would have come in more fittingly at the close of v. 7, and is to be rendered: "when they had returned to Jerusalem." The bringing in of this remark at so late a stage of the narrative, only after the establishment of the supreme tribunal has been mentioned, is explained by supposing that the historian was induced by the essential connection between the institution of the supreme court and the arrangement of the judicatories in the provincial cities, to leave out of consideration the order of time in describing the arrangements made by Jehoshaphat.

    Verse 9-11. To the members of the superior tribunal also, Jehoshaphat gave orders to exercise their office in the fear of the Lord, with fidelity and with upright heart (shaaleem b|leebaab , corde s. animo integro, cf. 2 Chron 15:17; 16:9). ta`asuwn koh , thus shall ye do; what they are to do being stated only in v. 10. The w before kaalriyb is explicative, namely, and is omitted by the LXX and Vulg. as superfluous. "Every cause which comes to you from your brethren who dwell in their cities" (and bring causes before the superior court in the following cases): between blood and blood (beeyn with l| following, as in Gen 1:6, etc.), i.e., in criminal cases of murder and manslaughter, and between law and between command, statutes, and judgments, i.e., in cases where the matter concerns the interpretation and application of the law, and its individual commands, statutes, and judgments, to particular crimes; wherever, in short, there is any doubt by what particular provision of the law the case in hand should be decided.

    With w|hiz|har|tem the apodosis commences, but it is an anacolouthon. Instead of "ye shall give them instruction therein," we have, "ye shall teach them (those who bring the cause before you), that they incur not guilt, and an anger (i.e., God's anger and punishment) come upon you and your brethren" (cf. v. 2). hiz|hiyr, properly to illuminate, metaphorically to teach, with the additional idea of exhortation or warning.

    The word is taken from Ex 18:20, and there is construed c. accus. pers. et rei. This construction is here also the underlying one, since the object which precedes in the absolute is to be taken as accus.: thus, and as regards every cause, ye shall teach them concerning it. After the enumeration of the matters falling within the jurisdiction of this court, ta`asuwn koh is repeated, and this precept is then pressed home upon the judges by the words, "that ye incur not guilt."

    Thereafter (in v. 11) Jehoshaphat nominates the spiritual and civil presidents of this tribunal: for spiritual causes the high priest Amariah, who is not the same as the Amariah mentioned after Zadok as the fifth high priest (1 Chr. 5:37) (see p. 446 and 449); in civil causes Zebadiah the son of Ishmael, the prince of the house of Judah, i.e., tribal prince of Judah. These shall be `aleeykem over you, i.e., presidents of the judges; and shot|riym , writers, shall the Levites be lip|neeykem , before you, i.e., as your assistants and servants. Jehoshaphat concludes the nomination of the judicial staff with the encouraging words, "Be strong (courageous) and do," i.e., go to work with good heart, "and the Lord be with the good," i.e., with him who discharges the duties of his office well.

    The establishment of this superior court was in form, indeed, the commencement of a new institution; but in reality it was only the expansion or firmer organization of a court of final appeal already provided by Moses, the duties of which had been until then performed partly by the high priest, partly by the existing civil heads of the people (the judges and kings). When Moses, at Horeb, set judges over the people, he commanded them to bring to him the matters which were too difficult for them to decide, that he might settle them according to decisions obtained of God (Ex 18:26 and 19). At a later time he ordained (Deut 17:8ff.) that for the future the judges in the various districts and cities should bring the more difficult cases to the Levitic priests and the judge at the place where the central sanctuary was, and let them be decided by them. In thus arranging, he presupposes that Israel would have at all times not only a high priest who might ascertain the will of God by means of the Urim and Thummim, but also a supreme director of its civil affairs at the place of the central sanctuary, who, in common with the priests, i.e., the high priest, would give decisions in cases of final appeal (see the commentary on Deut 17:8-13). On the basis of these Mosaic arrangements, Jehoshaphat set up a supreme court in Jerusalem, with the high priest and a lay president at its head, for the decision of causes which up till that time the king, either alone with the cooperation of the high priest, had decided. For further information as to this supreme court, see in my bibl. Archäol. ii. S. 250f. 2 CHRONICLES 20:1 It came to pass after this also, that the children of Moab, and the children of Ammon, and with them other beside the Ammonites, came against Jehoshaphat to battle.

    Jehoshaphat's victory over the Moabites, Ammonites, and other nations; and the remaining items of information as to his reign.-Vv. 1-30. The victory over the hostile peoples who invaded Judah. In the succeeding time, the Moabites and Ammonites, in alliance with other tribes of Mount Seir, invaded Judah with the purpose of driving the people of God out of their country, and extirpating them (v. 1). On being informed of this invasion, Jehoshaphat sought help of the Lord, while he proclaimed a fast in the land, and in the temple before the assembled people prayed God for His help (vv. 2-12); and received by the mouth of the prophet Jahaziel the promise that God would fight for Judah, and that king and people would next day behold the help the Lord would give (vv. 13-18). And so it happened. On the following day, when the Judaean army, with the Levitic singers and players at their head, came into the wilderness Jeruel, their enemies had by the dispensation of God mutually destroyed each other (vv. 19-24), so that Jehoshaphat and his people found the proposed battle-field full of corpses, and gathered spoil for three days, and then on the fourth day, in the Valley of Blessing, they praised the Lord for the wonderful deliverance; thereafter returning to Jerusalem with joy, again to thank the Lord in the house of God for His help (vv. 25-30).

    Verse 1. By 'achareey-keen, postea, the war which follows is made to fall in the latter part of Jehoshaphat's reign, but certainly not in the last year in which he reigned alone, two years before his death, but only somewhat later than the events in ch. 18 and 19, which occurred six or seven years before his death. Along with the Moabites and Ammonites there marched against Jehoshaphat also meehaa`amowniym . This statement is obscure. Since min has unquestionably a partitive or local signification, we might take the word to signify, enemies who dwelt aside from the Ammonites (min as in 1 Sam 20:22,37), which might possibly be the designation of tribes in the Syro-Arabic desert bordering upon the country of the Ammonites on the north and east; and mee'araam in v. 2 would seem to favour this idea. But vv. 10 and 22f. are scarcely reconcilable with this interpretation, since there, besides or along with the sons of Ammon and Moab, inhabitants of Mount Seir are named as enemies who had invaded Judah. Now the Edomites dwelt on Mount Seir; but had the Edomites only been allies of the Ammonites and Moabites, we should expect simply 'edom b|neey or 'edowmiym , or see`iyr b|neey (cf. 2 Chron 25:11,14).

    Nor can it be denied that the interpretation which makes meehaa`amowniym to denote peoples dwelling beyond the Ammonites is somewhat artificial and far-fetched. Under these circumstances, the alteration proposed by Hiller in Onomast. p. commends itself, viz., the change of mh`mwnym into meeham|`uwniym, Maunites or Maonites-a tribe whose headquarters were the city Maan in the neighbourhood of Petra, to the east of the Wady Musa; see on 1 Chron 4:41. Maan lay upon Mount Seir, i.e., in the mountainous district to the west of the Arabah, which stretches upwards from the head of the Dead Sea to the Elanitic Gulf, now called Jebâl (Gebalene) in its northern part, and es-Sherah in the south. The Maunites were consequently inhabitants of Mount Seir, and are here mentioned instead of the Edomites, as being a people dwelling on the southern side of the mountain, and probably of non-Edomitic origin, in order to express the idea that not merely the Edomites took part in the campaign of the Ammonites and Moabites, but also tribes from all parts of Mount Seir. In 2 Chron 26:7 the m|`uwniym are mentioned along with Arabs and Philistines as enemies of Israel, who had been conquered by Uzziah. These circumstances favour the proposed alteration; while, on the contrary, the fact that the LXX have here ek too'n Minai'oon for meehaa`amowniym proves little, since these translators have rendered haa`amowniym in 26:8 also by ohi Minai'oi, there erroneously making the Ammonites Minaiites. 2 CHRONICLES 20:2 Then there came some that told Jehoshaphat, saying, There cometh a great multitude against thee from beyond the sea on this side Syria; and, behold, they be in Hazazon-tamar, which is Engedi.

    Then they came and announced to Jehoshaphat, sc. messengers or fugitives; the subject is indefinite, and is to be supplied from the context. "Against thee there cometh a great multitude from beyond the (Dead) sea." mee'araam also has no suitable sense here, since in the whole narrative nothing is said of enemies coming out of Syria; we should read mee'edom with Calmet and others. As the enemy made their attack from the south end of the Dead Sea, the messengers announce that they were come from Edom. "Behold, they are in Hazazon-tamar," i.e., Engedi, the present Ain Jidy, midway along the west coast of the Dead Sea (see on Josh 15:62 and Gen 14:7), about fifteen hours from Jerusalem. 2 CHRONICLES 20:3-4 And Jehoshaphat feared, and set himself to seek the LORD, and proclaimed a fast throughout all Judah.

    This report filled Jehoshaphat with fear, and he resolved to seek help of the Lord. paanaayw naatan = p' suwm , cf. 2 Kings 12:18; Jer 42:15, to direct the face to anything, i.e., to purpose something, come to a determination. He proclaimed a fast in all Judah, that the people might bow themselves before God, and supplicate His help, as was wont to be done in great misfortunes; cf. Judg 20:26; 1 Sam 7:6; Isa 2:15. In consequence of the royal appeal, Judah came together to seek of the Lord, i.e., to pray for help, by fasting and prayer in the temple; and it was not only the inhabitants of Jerusalem who thus assembled, for they came out of all the cities of the kingdom. meeyhwh biqeesh, to seek of the Lord, sc. help, is expressed in the last clause by 'et-yhwh biqeesh to seek the Lord. 2 CHRONICLES 20:5 And Jehoshaphat stood in the congregation of Judah and Jerusalem, in the house of the LORD, before the new court, When the inhabitants of Judah and Jerusalem had assembled themselves in the house of God, Jehoshaphat came forth before the new court and made supplication in fervent prayer to the Lord. The new court is the outer or great court of the temple, which Solomon had built (2 Chron 4:9). It is here called the new court, probably because it had been restored or extended under Jehoshaphat or Asa. This court was the place where the congregation assembled before God in the sanctuary. Jehoshaphat placed himself before it, i.e., at the entrance into the court of the priests, so that the congregation stood opposite to him. 2 CHRONICLES 20:6-7 And said, O LORD God of our fathers, art not thou God in heaven? and rulest not thou over all the kingdoms of the heathen? and in thine hand is there not power and might, so that none is able to withstand thee?

    The prayer which Jehoshaphat directed to Jahve the God of the fathers, as the almighty Ruler over all kingdoms, consists of a short representation of the circumstances of the case. Jahve had given the land to His people Israel for an everlasting possession, and Israel had built a sanctuary to His name therein (vv. 7 and 8); but they had in no way provoked the Ammonites, Moabites, and Edomites to fall upon them, and to drive them out of their land (vv. 10 and 11). On these two facts Jehoshaphat founds his prayer for help, in a twofold manner: in respect to the first, calling to mind the divine promise to hear the prayers offered up to God in the temple (v. 9); and in reference to the second, laying emphasis upon the inability of Israel to fight against so numerous an enemy (v. 12). In his manner of addressing Jahve, "God of our fathers," there is contained a reason why God should protect His people in their present distress. Upon Him, who had given the land to the fathers for a possession, it was incumbent to maintain the children in the enjoyment of it, if they had not forfeited it by their sins.

    Now Jahve as a covenant God was bound to do this, and also as God and ruler of heaven and earth He had the requisite power and might; cf. Ps 115:3. l|hit|yatseeb `im|kaa 'eeyn , there is none with Thee who could set himself, i.e., could withstand Thee: cf. the similar phrase, 2 Chron 14:10; and for the thought, see 1 Chron 29:12.-On v. 7a, cf. Josh 23:9; 24:12; Ex 23:20ff., etc.; on 7b, cf. Gen 13:15f., 2 Chron 15:18, etc.; on 'ohab|kaa , Isa 41:8. 2 CHRONICLES 20:8-9 And they dwelt therein, and have built thee a sanctuary therein for thy name, saying, In this land they dwelt, and built Thee therein a sanctuary for Thy name; cf. 2 Chron 6:5,8. lee'mor , saying, i.e., at the consecration of this house, having expressed the confident hope contained in the following words (v. 9). In this verse, the cases enumerated in Solomon's dedicatory prayer, in which supplication is made that God would hear in the temple, are briefly summed up. By referring to that prayer, Jehoshaphat presupposes that Jahve had promised that He would answer prayer offered there, since He had filled the temple with His glory; see 7:1-3. The name sh|powT , which occurs only here, between deber and chereb , denotes in this connection a punitive judgment. 2 CHRONICLES 20:10-12 And now, behold, the children of Ammon and Moab and mount Seir, whom thou wouldest not let Israel invade, when they came out of the land of Egypt, but they turned from them, and destroyed them not; w|`ataah , and now, the contrary of this has occurred. Peoples into whose midst (baahem (OT:871a ) laabow' ...'asher ) Thou didst not allow Israel to come, i.e., into whose land Thou didst not allow Israel to enter when they came out of the land of Egypt, for they (the Israelites under Moses) turned from them and destroyed them not (cf. as to the fact, Num 20:14ff.; Deut 2:4; 9:19); behold, these peoples recompense us by coming to cast us out of our possession which Thou hast given us (howriysh , to give as a possession, as in Judg 11:24).

    There follows hereupon in v. 12 the prayer: "Our God, wilt Thou not judge," i.e., do right upon them, for we have not strength before (to withstand) this multitude? We know not what to do, sc. against so many enemies; but our eyes are turned to Thee, i.e., to Thee we look for help; cf.

    Ps 123:2; 141:8. 2 CHRONICLES 20:13 And all Judah stood before the LORD, with their little ones, their wives, and their children.

    Thus all Judah, with their king, stood praying before the Lord. They had, moreover, brought with them their little ones, their wives, and their sons, to pray for deliverance for them from the enemy; cf. Judith 4:9. 2 CHRONICLES 20:14-19 Then upon Jahaziel the son of Zechariah, the son of Benaiah, the son of Jeiel, the son of Mattaniah, a Levite of the sons of Asaph, came the Spirit of the LORD in the midst of the congregation; The Lord's answer by the prophet Jahaziel.-V. 14. In the midst of the assembly the Spirit of the Lord came upon Jahaziel, a Levite of the sons of Asaph, and promised miraculous assistance to king and people. Jahaziel's descent is traced back for five generations to the Levite Mattaniah of the sons of Asaph. This Mattaniah is not the same person as the Mattaniah in 1 Chron 25:4,16, who lived in David's time, for he belonged to the sons of Heman; but perhaps (as Movers conjectures, S. 112) he is identical with the Asaphite Nethaniah, 1 Chron 25:2,12, since m and n might easily be confounded.

    Verse 15. Jehaziel announced to the king and people that they need not fear before the great multitude of their foes; "for the war is not yours, but Jahve's," i.e., you have not to make war upon them, for the Lord will do it; cf. 1 Sam 17:47.

    Verse 16. "To-morrow go ye down against them: behold, they come up by the height Hazziz; and ye will find them at the end of the valley, before the desert Jeruel." The wilderness Jeruel was, without doubt, the name of a part of the great stretch of flat country, bounded on the south by the Wady el Ghâr, and extending from the Dead Sea to the neighbourhood of Tekoa, which is now called el Hasasah, after a wady on its northern side.

    The whole country along the west side of the Dead Sea, "where it does not consist of mountain ridges or deep valley, is a high table-land, sloping gradually towards the east, wholly waste, merely covered here and there with a few bushes, and without the slightest trace of having ever been cultivated" (Robinson's Pal. sub voce). The name hatsiyts ma`aleeh, ascent or height of Hazziz, has perhaps remained attached to the Wady el Hasasah. LXX have rendered hatsiyts by Assei's; Josephus (Antt. ix. 1. 2) has anaba'seoos legome'nees exochee's, in accordance with which Robinson (loc. cit.) takes the way "upwards from Ziz" to be the pass which at present leads from Ain Jidy to the table-land.

    Yet it is described by him as a "fearful pass," (Note: He remarks: "The path winds up in zig-zags, often at the steepest gradient which horses could ascend, and runs partly along projecting walls of rock on the perpendicular face of the cliff, and then down the heaps of debris, which are almost as steep. When one looks back at this part from below, it seems quite impossible that there could be any pathway; but by skilful windings the path has been carried down without any unconquerable difficulties, so that even loaded camels often go up and down.") and it can hardly be thought of here, even if the enemy, like the Bedouins now when on their forays, may be supposed to have marched along the shore of the sea, and ascended to the table-land only at Engedi; for the Israelites did not meet the enemy in this ascent, but above upon the tableland.

    Josephus' translation of hatsiyts by exochee' is also very questionable, for it is not necessary that the h should be the article (Ew.

    Gesch. iii. S. 475, der 2 Aufl.).

    Verse 17. Ye have not to fight therein (baazo't ); only come hither, stand and see the help of the Lord (who is) with you. You need do nothing more, and therefore need not fear.

    Verse 18-19. For this comforting assurance the king and people thanked the Lord, falling down in worship before Him, whereupon the Levites stood up to praise God with a loud voice. Levites "of the sons of Kohath, yea, of the Korahites," for they were descended from Kohath (1 Chron 6:22). 2 CHRONICLES 20:20-21 And they rose early in the morning, and went forth into the wilderness of Tekoa: and as they went forth, Jehoshaphat stood and said, Hear me, O Judah, and ye inhabitants of Jerusalem; Believe in the LORD your God, so shall ye be established; believe his prophets, so shall ye prosper.

    The fulfilment of the divine promise.-V. 20. On the next morning the assembled men of Judah marched, in accordance with the words of the prophet, to the wilderness of Tekoa. As they marched forth, Jehoshaphat stood, probably in the gate of Jerusalem, where those about to march forth were assembled, and called upon them to trust firmly in the Lord and His prophets (ha'amiynuw and tee'aameenuw , as in Isa 7:9).

    After he had thus counselled the people ('el yiuwaa`eets, shown himself a counsellor; cf. 2 Kings 6:8), he ordered them to march, not for battle, but to assure themselves of the wonderful help of the Lord. He placed singers of the Lord (l before yhwh as a periphrasis for the genitive), singing praise in holy ornaments, in the marching forth before the army, and saying; i.e., he commanded the Levitic singers to march out before the army, singing and playing in holy ornaments (l|had|rat-q', clad in holy ornaments, = b|had|rat in 1 Chron 16:29; cf. Ew. §217, a), to praise the Lord for the help He had vouchsafed. 2 CHRONICLES 20:22-23 And when they began to sing and to praise, the LORD set ambushments against the children of Ammon, Moab, and mount Seir, which were come against Judah; and they were smitten.

    And at the time when they (having come into the neighbourhood of the hostile camp) began with singing and praising, Jahve directed liers in wait against the sons of Ammon, Moab, and Mount Seir, who were come against Judah, and they were smitten. m|'aar|biym denotes liers in wait, men hidden in ambush and lying in wait (Judg 9:25). Who are here meant cannot be ascertained with certainty. Some of the older commentators, Ew. and Berth., think it refers to powers, angels sent by God, who are called insidiatores, because of the work they had to do in the army of the hostile peoples. But the passages where the interposition of heavenly powers is spoken of are different (cf. 2 Kings 6:17; 19:35), and it is not probable that heavenly powers would be called m|'aar|biym .

    Most probably earthly liers in wait are meant, who unexpectedly rushed forth from their ambush upon the hostile army, and raised a panic terror among them; so that, as is narrated in v. 23f., the Ammonites and Moabites first turned their weapons against the inhabitants of Mount Seir, and after they had exterminated them, began to exterminate each other.

    But the ambush cannot have been composed of men of Judah, because they were, according to vv. 15 and 17, not to fight, but only to behold the deliverance wrought by the Lord. Probably it was liers in wait of the Seirites, greedy of spoil, who from an ambush made an attack upon the Ammonites and Moabites, and by the divine leading put the attacked in such fear and confusion, that they turned furiously upon the inhabitants of Mount Seir, who marched with them, and then fell to fighting with each other; just as, in Judg 7:22f., the Midianites were, under divine influence, so terrified by the unexpected attack of the small band led by Gideon, that they turned their swords against and mutually destroyed each other. s' b|yowsh|beey uwk|kalowtaam , and when they had come to an end (were finished) among the inhabitants of Seir, when they had massacred these, they helped the one against the other to destruction (mash|chiyt is a substantive, as 2 Chron 22:4; Ezek 5:16, etc.). 2 CHRONICLES 20:24 And when Judah came toward the watch tower in the wilderness, they looked unto the multitude, and, behold, they were dead bodies fallen to the earth, and none escaped.

    Now, when Judah came to the height in the wilderness (mits|peh , specula, watch-tower, here a height in the wilderness of Tekoa, whence one might look out over the wilderness Jeruel, v. 16), and turned, or was about to turn, against the multitude of the enemy (hehaamown referring back to v. 12), behold, they saw "corpses lying upon the earth, and none had escaped," i.e., they saw corpses in such multitude lying there, that to all appearance none had escaped. 2 CHRONICLES 20:25 And when Jehoshaphat and his people came to take away the spoil of them, they found among them in abundance both riches with the dead bodies, and precious jewels, which they stripped off for themselves, more than they could carry away: and they were three days in gathering of the spoil, it was so much.

    So Jehoshaphat, with his people, came (as Jahaziel had announced, not to fight, but only to make booty) and found among them (baahem , among or by the fallen) in abundance both wealth and corpses and precious vessels. The mention of p|gaariym as part of the booty, between r|kuwsh and the precious vessels, is somewhat surprising.

    Some Codd. (4 Kennic. and 3 de Rossi) and various ancient editions (Complut., the Brixenian used by Luther, the Bomberg. of date 1518 and 21, and the Münster) have, instead of it, b|naadiym; but it is very questionable if the LXX and Vulg. have it (cf. de Rossi variae lectt. ad h. l.). b|gaadiym , garments, along with r|kuwsh , moveable property (cattle, tents, etc.), seems to suit better, and is therefore held by Dathe and Berth. to be the correct and original reading. Yet the proofs of this are not decisive, for pgrym is much better attested, and we need not necessarily take r|kuwsh to mean living and dead cattle; but just as r|kuwsh denotes property of any kind, which, among nomadic tribes, consists principally in cattle, we may also take p|gaariym in the signification of slain men and beasts-the clothes of the men and the accoutrements and ornaments of the beasts (cf. Judg 8:26) being a by no means worthless booty.

    Garments as such are not elsewhere met with in enumerations of things taken as booty, in Judg 8:26 only the purple robes of the Midianite princes being spoken of; and to the remark that the before-mentioned p|gaariym has given rise to the changing of b|gaadiym into p|gaariym , we may oppose the equally well-supported conjecture, that the apparently unsuitable meaning of the word pgrym may have given rise to the alteration of it into b|gaadiym . chamudowt k|leey are probably in the main gold and silver ornaments, such as are enumerated in Judg 8:25f. And they spoiled for themselves masaa' l|'eeyn , "there was not carrying," i.e., in such abundance that it could not be carried away, removed, and plundered in three days, because the booty was so great. The unusually large quantity of booty is accounted for by the fact that these peoples had gone forth with all their property to drive the Israelites out of their inheritance, and to take possession of their land for themselves; so that this invasion of Judah was a kind of migration of the peoples, such as those which, at a later time, have been repeated on a gigantic scale, and have poured forth from Central Asia over the whole of Europe. In this, the purpose of the hostile hordes, we must seek the reason for their destruction by a miracle wrought of God. Because they intended to drive the people of Israel out of the land given them by God, and to destroy them, the Lord was compelled to come to the help of His people, and to destroy their enemies. 2 CHRONICLES 20:26-28 And on the fourth day they assembled themselves in the valley of Berachah; for there they blessed the LORD: therefore the name of the same place was called, The valley of Berachah, unto this day.

    On the fourth day the men of Judah gathered themselves together, to give thanks to God the Lord for this blessing, in a valley which thence received the name b|raakaah `eemeq (valley of blessing), and which cannot have been far from the battle-field. Thence they joyfully returned, with Jehoshaphat at their head, to Jerusalem, and went up, the Levites and priests performing solemn music, to the house of God, to render further thanks to the Lord for His wondrous help (v. 27f.). The ancient name b|raakaah still exists in the Wady Bereikut, to the west of Tekoa, near the road which leads from Hebron to Jerusalem. "A wide, open valley, and upon its west side, on a small rising ground, are the ruins of Bereikut, which cover from three to four acres" (Robinson's New Biblical Researches, and Phys. Geogr. S. 106; cf. v. de Velde, Memoir, p. 292).

    Jerome makes mention of the place in Vita Paulae, where he narrates that Paula, standing in supercilio Caphar baruca, looked out thence upon the wide desert, and the former land of Sodom and Gomorrah (cf. Reland, Pal. illustr. pp. 356 and 685). There is no ground, on the other hand, for the identification of the valley of blessing with the upper part of the valley of Kidron, which, according to Joel 4:2,12, received the name of Valley of Jehoshaphat (see on Joel 4:2).-On v. 27b, cf. Ezra 6:22; Neh 12:43. 2 CHRONICLES 20:29-30 And the fear of God was on all the kingdoms of those countries, when they had heard txat the LORD fought against the enemies of Israel.

    The fame of this victory of the Lord over the enemies of Israel caused the terror of God to be spread abroad over all the kingdoms of the surrounding lands, in consequence of which the kingdom of Judah had rest (cf. 2 Chron 17:10). On the last clause of v. 30, cf. 15:15. This wonderful acts of the Lord is made the subject of praise to God in the Korahite Psalms, 46, 47, and 48, and perhaps also in Ps 83, composed by an Asaphite, perhaps Jahaziel (see Del. Introduction to these Psalms). 2 CHRONICLES 20:31-37 And Jehoshaphat reigned over Judah: he was thirty and five years old when he began to reign, and he reigned twenty and five years in Jerusalem. And his mother's name was Azubah the daughter of Shilhi.

    Concluding notes on Jehoshaphat's reign, which are found also in 1 Kings 22:41-51, where they, supplemented by some notes (vv. 45, 48, and 49) which are wanting in the Chronicle, form the whole account of his reign. In the statements as to Jehoshaphat's age at his accession, and the length and character of his reign, both accounts agree, except that the author of the Chronicle has, instead of the stereotyped formula, "and the people still sacrificed and offered incense upon the high places," a remark more significant of the state of affairs: "and the people had not yet determinedly turned their heart to the God of their fathers" (v. 33). The notice that Jehoshaphat made peace with the king of Israel (Kings. v. 45) is not found in the Chronicle, because that would, as a matter of course, follow from Jehoshaphat's having joined affinity with the royal house of Ahab, and had been already sufficiently attested by the narrative in ch. 18, and is so still further by the undertaking spoken of in v. 35ff.

    For the same reason, the clause introduced in 1 Kings 22:46 about the valiant acts and the wars of Jehoshaphat is omitted in the Chronicle, as these acts have been specially narrated here. As to Jehu's speeches, which were put into the book of Kings, see the Introduction, p. 391. Further, the remark on the driving out of the remaining Sodomites (qaadeesh ) from the land, 1 Kings 22:47, which refers back to 1 Kings 15:12, is wanting here, because this speciality is not mentioned in the case of Asa.

    Finally, the remark that Edom had no king, but only a viceroy or deputy, serves in 1 Kings 22:48 only as an introduction to the succeeding account of Jehoshaphat's attempt to open up anew the sea traffic with Ophir. But on that subject the author of the Chronicle only recounts in vv. 35-37 that Jehoshaphat allied himself with the godless Ahaziah the king of Israel to build in Ezion-gaber ships to go to Tarshish, was censured for it by the prophet Eliezer, who announced to him that Jahve would destroy his work, and that thereupon the ships were broken, doubtless by a storm, and so could not go upon the voyage. 'achareey-keen does not definitely fix the time (cf. 2 Chron 20:1), but only states that the alliance with Ahaziah took place after the victory over the Ammonites and Moabites.

    Ahaziah ascended the throne in the seventeenth year of Jehoshaphat, and reigned scarcely two years, and the enterprise under discussion falls in that period. 'et|chabar is an Aramaic form for hit|chabeer.

    The last clause of v. 38, "he did wickedly," Bertheau refers to Jehoshaphat: he did wrong; because the context shows that these words are intended to contain a censure on Jehoshaphat for his connection with the king of the northern kingdom. But this remark, though substantially correct, by no means proves that huw' refers to Jehoshaphat. The words contain a censure on Jehoshaphat on account of his alliance with Ahaziah, even if they describe Ahaziah's conduct. We must, with the older commentators, take the words to refer to Ahaziah, for hir|shiya` is much too strong a word for Jehoshaphat's fault in the matter. The author of the Chronicle does indeed use the word hir|shiya` of Jehoshaphat's grandson Ahaziah, 2 Chron 22:3, in the clause, "his mother, a daughter of Ahab and Jezebel, was for hir|shiya` his counsellor," but only that he may characterize the acts of the Ahabic house.

    Jehoshaphat allied himself with the wicked Ahaziah to build ships tar|shiysh laaleket , to go to Tarshish; and they built ships at Ezion-gaber, i.e., on the Red Sea. Instead of this, we have in 1 Kings 22:49:

    Jehoshaphat built Tarshish ships to go to Ophir for gold. Hence it is manifest that in both passages the same undertaking is spoken of, and the expression "Tarshish ships" is paraphrased in the Chronicle by "ships to go to Tarshish." This periphrasis is, however, a mistake; for Tarshish ships are merely ships which, like those going to Tarshish, were built for long sea voyages, for Jehoshaphat merely desired to renew the voyages to Ophir. With the exception of this erroneous interpretation of the words, Tarshish ships, the two narratives agree, if we only keep in mind the fact that both are incomplete extracts from a more detailed account of this enterprise. The Chronicle supplies us with an explanatory commentary on the short account in 1 Kings 22:49, both in the statement that Jehoshaphat allied himself with Ahaziah of Israel for the preparation of the ships, and also in communicating the word of the prophet Eliezer as to the enterprise, which makes clear to us the reason for the destruction of the ships; while in 1 Kings 22:49 merely the fact of their destruction is recorded.

    Of the prophet Eliezer nothing further is known than the saying here communicated. His father's name, Dodavahu, is analogous in form to Hodavya, Joshavya (see on 1 Chron 3:24), so that there is no good ground to alter it into dowdiyaahuw, friend of Jahve, after the Doodi'a of the LXX. As to Mareshah, see on 2 Chron 11:8. The perfect paarats is prophetic: Jahve will rend thy work asunder. The words which follow record the fulfilment. `aatsar as in 13:20; 14:10. With this the chronicler's account of this enterprise concludes; while in 1 Kings 22:50 it is further stated that, after the destruction of the ships first built, Ahaziah called upon Jehoshaphat still to undertake the Ophir voyage in common with him, and to build new ships for the purpose, but Jehoshaphat would not. The ground of his refusal may easily be gathered from v. 37 of the Chronicle.

    CH. 21. JEHOSHAPHAT'S DEATH, AND THE REIGN OF HIS SON JORAM.

    The account of the death and burial of Jehoshaphat is carried over to ch. 21, because Joram's first act after Jehoshaphat's death, v. 2ff., stands in essential connection with that event, since Joram began his reign with the murder of all his brothers, the sons of Jehoshaphat (vv. 2-4). The further account of Joram (vv. 5-10) agrees almost verbally with the account in 2 Kings 8:17-22; then in vv. 12-19 there follows further information as to the divine chastisements inflicted upon Joram for his crime, which is not found in 2 Kings; and in v. 20 we have remarks on his end, which correspond to the statements in 2 Kings 8:24. 2 CHRONICLES 21:1-4 Now Jehoshaphat slept with his fathers, and was buried with his fathers in the city of David. And Jehoram his son reigned in his stead.

    Verse 1-3. Jehoshaphat's death, and the slaughter of his sons by Joram.- Vv. 2, 3. Joram had six brothers, whom their father had plentifully supplied with means of subsistence-presents in silver, gold, and precious things-"in the fenced cities of Judah;" i.e., he had made them, as Rehoboam also had made his sons, commandants of fortresses, with ample revenues; but the kingdom he gave to Joram as the first-born. Among the six names two Azariah's occur-the one written Azarjah, the other Azarjahu.

    Jehoshaphat is called king of Israel instead of king of Judah, because he as king walked in the footsteps of Israel, Jacob the wrestler with God, and was a true king of God's people.

    Verse 4. Now when Joram ascended (raised himself to) the throne of his father, and attained to power (yit|chazeeq as in 2 Chron 1:1), he slew all his brethren with the sword, and also some of the princes of Israel, i.e., the tribal princes of his kingdom. It could hardly be from avarice that he slew his brothers, merely to get possession of their property; probably it was because they did not sympathize with the political course which he was entering upon, and disapproved of the idolatrous conduct of Joram and his wife Athaliah. This may be gathered from the fact that in v. they are called better than Joram. The princes probably drew down upon themselves the wrath of Joram, or of his heathen consort, by disapproving of the slaughter of the royal princes, or by giving other signs of discontent with the spirit of their reign. 2 CHRONICLES 21:5-9 Jehoram was thirty and two years old when he began to reign, and he reigned eight years in Jerusalem.

    Duration and spirit of Joram's reign.-These verses agree with 2 Kings 8:17-22, with the exception of some immaterial divergences, and have been commented upon in the remarks on that passage.-In v. 7 the thought is somewhat otherwise expressed than in v. 19 (Kings): "Jahve would not destroy the house of David, because of the covenant that He had made with David;" instead of, "He would not destroy Judah because of David His servant, as He had said." Instead of l|baanaayw niyr low () laateet we have in the Chronicle uwl|baanaayw niyr low () laateet , to give him a lamp, and that in respect of his sons, w being inserted before lbnyw to bring the idea more prominently forward. In regard to saaraayw `im , v. 9, instead of ts|`iyraah , Kings v. 21, see on 2 Kings loc. cit. At the end of v. 9 the words, "and the people fled to their tents" (v. 21, Kings), whereby the notice of Joram's attempt to bring Edom again under his sway, which is in itself obscure enough, becomes yet more obscure. 2 CHRONICLES 21:10-11 So the Edomites revolted from under the hand of Judah unto this day. The same time also did Libnah revolt from under his hand; because he had forsaken the LORD God of his fathers.

    The chronicler concludes the account of the revolt of Edom and of the city of Libnah against Judah's dominion with the reflection: "For he (Joram) had forsaken Jahve the God of the fathers," and consequently had brought this revolt upon himself, the Lord punishing him thereby for his sin. "Yea, even high places did he make." The gam placed at the beginning may be connected with baamowt (cf. Isa 30:33), while the subject is emphasized by huw' : The same who had forsaken the God of the fathers, made also high places, which Asa and Jehoshaphat had removed, 14:2,4; 17:6. "And he caused the inhabitants of Jerusalem to commit fornication," i.e., seduced them into the idolatrous worship of Baal. That the Hiph. wayezen is to be understood of the spiritual whoredom of Baal-worship we learn from v. 13: "as the house of Ahab caused to commit fornication." wayadach , "and misled Judah," i.e., drew them away by violence from the right way. yadach is to be interpreted in accordance with Deut 13:6,11. 2 CHRONICLES 21:12-17 And there came a writing to him from Elijah the prophet, saying, Thus saith the LORD God of David thy father, Because thou hast not walked in the ways of Jehoshaphat thy father, nor in the ways of Asa king of Judah, The prophet Elijah's letter against Joram, and the infliction of the punishments as announced.-V. 12. There came to him a writing from the prophet Elijah to this effect: "Thus saith Jahve, the God of thy father David, Because thou hast not walked in the ways of Jehoshaphat,...but hast walked in the way of the kings of Israel,...and also hast slain thy brethren, the house of thy father, who were better than thyself; behold, Jahve will send a great plague upon thy people, and upon thy sons, and thy wives, and upon all thy goods; and thou shalt have great sickness, by disease of thy bowels, until thy bowels fall out by reason of the sickness day by day." mik|taab , writing, is a written prophetic threatening, in which his sins are pointed out to Joram, and the divine punishment for them announced. In regard to this statement, we need not be surprised that nothing is elsewhere told us of any written prophecies of Elijah; for we have no circumstantial accounts of his prophetic activity, by which we might estimate the circumstances which may have induced him in this particular instance to commit his prophecy to writing.

    But, on the other hand, it is very questionable if Elijah was still alive in the reign of Joram of Judah. His translation to heaven is narrated in 2 Kings 2, between the reign of Ahaziah and Joram of Israel, but the year of the event is nowhere stated in Scripture. In the Jewish Chronicle Seder olam, 2 Chr 17:45, it is indeed placed in the second year of Ahaziah of Israel; but this statement is not founded upon historical tradition, but is a mere deduction from the fact that his translation is narrated in 2 Kings 2 immediately after Ahaziah's death; and the last act of Elijah of which we have any record (2 Kings 1) falls in the second year of that king. Lightfoot, indeed (Opp. i. p. 85), Ramb., and Dereser have concluded from 2 Kings 3:11 that Elijah was taken away from the earth in the reign of Jehoshaphat, because according to that passage, in the campaign against the Moabites, undertaken in company with Joram of Israel, Jehoshaphat inquired for a prophet, and received the answer that Elisha was there, who had poured water upon the hands of Elijah. But the only conclusion to be drawn from that is, that in the camp, or near it, was Elisha, Elijah's servant, not that Elijah was no longer upon earth.

    The perfect yaatsaq 'asher seems indeed to imply this; but it is questionable if we may so press the perfect, i.e., whether the speaker made use of it, or whether it was employed only by the later historian.

    The words are merely a periphrasis to express the relationship of master and servant in which Elijah stood to Elisha, and tell us only that the latter was Elijah's attendant. But Elisha had entered upon this relationship to Elijah long before Elijah's departure from the earth (1 Kings 19:19ff.).

    Elijah may therefore have still been alive under Joram of Judah; and Berth. accordingly thinks it "antecedently probable that he spoke of Joram's sins, and threatened him with punishment. But the letter," so he further says, "is couched in quite general terms, and gives, moreover, merely a prophetic explanation of the misfortunes with which Joram was visited;" whence we may conclude that in its present form it is the work of a historian living at a later time, who describes the relation of Elijah to Joram in few words, and according to his conception of it as a whole.

    This judgment rests on dogmatic grounds, and flows from a principle which refuses to recognise any supernatural prediction in the prophetic utterances. The contents of the letter can be regarded as a prophetic exposition of the misfortunes which broke in, as it were, upon Joram, only by those who deny à priori that there is any special prediction in the speeches of the prophets, and hold all prophecies which contain such to be vaticinia post eventum. Somewhat more weighty is the objection raised against the view that Elijah was still upon earth, to the effect that the divine threatenings would make a much deeper impression upon Joram by the very fact that the letter came from a prophet who was no longer in life, and would thus more easily bring him to the knowledge that the Lord is the living God, who had in His hand his breath and all his ways, and who knew all his acts. Thus the writing would smite the conscience of Joram like a voice from the other world (Dächsel). But this whole remark is founded only upon subjective conjectures and presumptions, for which actual analogies are wanting.

    For the same reason we cannot regard the remark of Menken as very much to the point, when he says: "If a man like Elias were to speak again upon earth, after he had been taken from it, he must do it from the clouds: this would harmonize with the whole splendour of his course in life; and, in my opinion, that is what actually occurred." For although we do not venture "to mark the limits to which the power and sphere of activity of the perfected saints is extended," yet we are not only justified, but also bound in duty, to judge of those facts of revelation which are susceptible of different interpretations, according to the analogy of the whole Scripture. But the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments know nothing of any communications by writings between the perfected saints in heaven and men; indeed, they rather teach the contrary in the parable of the rich man (Note: "Neque enim," says Ramb., "ulla ratione credibile est, Deum in gratiam impii regis ejusmodi quid fecisse, cujus nullum alias exemplum exstat; immo quod nec necessarium erat, quum plures aliae essent rationes, quibus Deus voluntatem suam ei manifestare poterat; coll.

    Luc. 16:27, 29." And, still more conclusively, Calov. declares: "Non enim triumphantium in coelis est erudire aut ad poenitentiam revocare mortales in terra. Habent Mosen et prophetas, si illos non audiant, neque si quis ex mortius resurrexerit, nedum si quis ex coelis literas perscripserit, credent Luc. 16:31.") There are consequently no sufficient grounds for believing that the glorified Elijah either sent a letter to Joram from heaven by an angel, or commissioned any living person to write the letter. The statement of the narrative, "there came to him a writing from Elijah the prophet," cannot well be understood to mean anything else than that Elijah wrote the threatening prophecy which follows; but we have no certain proof that Elijah was then no longer alive, but had been already received into heaven.

    The time of his translation cannot be exactly fixed. He was still alive in the second year of Ahaziah of Israel; for he announced to this king upon his sick-bed that he would die of his fall (2 Kings 1). Most probably he was still alive also at the commencement of the reign of Joram of Israel, who ascended the throne twenty-three years after Ahab. Jehoshaphat died six or seven years later; and after his death, his successor Joram slew his brothers, the other sons of Jehoshaphat. Elijah may have lived to see the perpetration of this crime, and may consequently also have sent the threatening prophecy which is under discussion to Joram. As he first appeared under Ahab, on the above supposition, he would have filled the office of prophet for about thirty years; while his servant Elisha, whom he chose to be his successor as early as in the reign of Ahab (1 Kings 19:16), died only under Joash of Israel (2 Kings 13:14f.), who became king fiftyseven years after Ahab's death, and must consequently have discharged the prophetic functions for at least sixty years.

    But even if we suppose that Elijah had been taken away from the earth before Jehoshaphat's death, we may, with Buddaeus, Ramb., and other commentators, accept this explanation: that the Lord had revealed to him Joram's wickedness before his translation, and had commissioned him to announce to Joram in writing the divine punishment which would follow, and to send this writing to him at the proper time. This would entirely harmonize with the mode of action of this great man of God. To him God had revealed the elevation of Jehu to the throne of Israel, and the extirpation of the house of Ahab by him, together with the accession of Hazael, and the great oppressions which he would inflict upon Israel-all events which took place only after the death of Joram of Judah. Him, too, God had commissioned even under Ahab to anoint Jehu to be king over Israel (1 Kings 19:16), which Elisha caused to be accomplished by a prophetic scholar fourteen years later (2 Kings 9:1ff.); and to him the Lord may also have