History Of The Albigenses, Those Other Glorious Witnesses To The Truth Of Christianity, Against The Antichrist Of Rome.

Containing The Tedious Wars And Terrible Persecutions Which They Suffered For The Sake Of The Gospel, In The Thirteenth Century.

CHAPTER -Who the Albigenses were. — Their faith. — Who Were comprehended under the name of the Albigenses. — At what time, and by whom they were instructed in their faith. — In what credit and esteem their pastors have been. — By whom, and in what council condemned. — How they have multiplied and increased. — What cities and great lords have sided with them, — For what doctrine the Popes hated, and put them to death. THE Albigenses, who are treated of in this history, did not differ from the Waldenses in faith, but were only so called from the country of Albi where they dwelt, and whence at first they derived their original. The popes condemned them as Waldenses. The legates made war upon them as professors of the faith of the Waldenses. The monks inquisitors formed their process and indictments as against Waldenses. 1 The people persecuted them as such, and they themselves looked upon that title as an honor, being very well assured of the purity of their doctrine, as the same with that of the Waldenses. 2 In respect whereof, several historians call them Waldenses. We shall distinguish them therefore not by their faith, but by the place wherein they, lived, and by the particular wars that they suffered for above fifty years. Under the name of Albigenses, we comprehend all the subjects of the earls Remond of Toulouse, both the father and the son, the subjects of the earls of Foix and Comminge, and all those who adhered to their party, who fought for their religion, and underwent the same troubles and persecutions.

They received the faith of the Waldenses, a little after the departure of Waldo 3 from Lyons. The instruments who were employed in that work, were Peter Bruis, Henry, Joseph, Esperon, and Arnold Hot, from whom they were afterwards called Pierrebruisians or Petrobruisians, Henricians, Josephists, Esperonists, and Arnoldists. But Henry and Arnold principally labored in the country of Albi, and with such success, that within a little time there were found but few, and in several places not any, who would go any more to the mass; saying, that the sacrifice of the mass was only invented to enrich the priests, and to make them the more esteemed and regarded in the world, as being able by their words to make the body of Christ, and to offer him up as a sacrifice to God the Father, for the sins both of the living and the dead. Which is a piece of wickedness and impiety, that in effect destroys the sacrifice of the Son of God, and makes the merit of his death and passion of none effect. There were many in the dioceses of Rhodes, Cahors, Agen, Toulouse, and Narbonne, who gave ear to their reasons and persuasions, because the doctors who taught amongst the Waldenses were learned men, and well skilled and versed in the holy Scripture. But the priests on the contrary, who applied their study to nothing else but the sacrifice of the mass, and to receive the oblations for the dead, were ignorant, and therefore contemned and slighted by the people. Pope Alexander III being much moved and incensed, because several great provinces did east off and reject the yoke of the court of Rome, and withdrew their obedience from it, condemned them as heretics in the Council of Lateran. Nevertheless they multiplied and increased to that degree, that in the year 1200, they possessed the cities of Toulouse, Apamiers, Montauban, Villemur, Antonin, Puech Laurence, Castres, Lambes, Carcassone, Beziers, Narbonne, Beaucaire, Avignon, Tarascon, the country of Veniscin; and in Dauphiny, Crest, Arnaud, and Monteil-Aimar. Moreover, they had many great lords who sided with them, Remond earl of Thoulouse, the earl of Foix, the viscount of Beziers, Gaston lord of Bearn, the earl of Carmain, the earl of Bigorre, the lady of Lauar, and several others, of whom mention shall be made in their proper place.

Besides all which, the kings of Arragon and England often took upon, them the defense of their cause, by reason of their alliance with Remond earl of Toulouse.

The doctrines that they maintained against the court of Rome were these: I. That the Romish church is not the holy church, and spouse of Christ, but that it is a church filled with the doctrine of devils. — That Babylon, which John described in the Revelation, the mother of fornications and abominations, forged with the blood of the saints.

II. That the mass was not instituted either by Christ, or the apostles, but is the invention of men.

III. That the prayers of the living are unprofitable to the dead.

IV. That purgatory, as held and maintained in the church of Rome, is a human invention, to serve the avarice of the priests.

V. That the saints ought not to be invocated.

VI. That transubstantiation is an invention of men, a false and erroneous doctrine; and the adoration of the bread, manifest and downright idolatry.

Therefore that we must forsake the church of Rome, wherein the contrary was affirmed and taught, because we cannot be present at the mass, wherein idolatry is used and practiced, nor expect salvation by any other means than by Jesus Christ, nor transfer that honor to creatures, which is due to the Creator, nor call bread by the name of God, and worship it as such, without incurring eternal damnation, because idolaters shall not inherit the kingdom of heaven.

For all these things affirmed by them, the papists hated, persecuted, and put those “WITNESSES” to death.

CHAPTER -Pope Innocent III. made show of a desire to reduce the Albigenses into subjection to the Court of Rome by preaching and conference. The famous dispute at Montreal. For what end the Pope permitted controversial debates in matters of religion.

Pope Innocent III. was desirous to recover and reduce the Waldenses under the power of Rome, either by preaching and conference, or else entirely to destroy and root them out by force of arms and cruel punishments.

Before he came to extremities, he thought it convenient, and even necessary, in order to justify his proceedings, first to begin with words, and afterwards fall to blows. He therefore sent certain preaching friars among them who might endeavor to win them over by gentle arguments and persuasions.

The author of the Treasury of Histories thus speaks concerning those times: “When the news was brought to Pope Innocent III. that the disloyal heresy of the Waldenses had spread itself throughout his province of Narbonne; not only amongst the meaner sort, but that even earls, barons, and knights, were tainted and infected therewith; he therefore sent the abbot of Cisteaux thither, and two monks with him, to preach against those rebellious miscreants. When they had traveled a little way preaching throughout the country, they returned to Monpelier, where they met with a courageous man, who was bishop of Cestree. That good man asked the abbot of Cisteaux what he did there. He replied, that the pope had sent him against the Sodomites, but he could not convert them. That good man told him, that he was not at all dismayed and astonished at it; but bid them still vigorously and diligently maintain the work of our Lord, and went himself on foot to set a good example unto others, and they also tarried and went on foot with him. The abbot afterwards returned to the general assembly: but the bishop and two monks traveling a long time, and preaching through the country, converted some of the poorer sort of people; but of the grandees there were but few who returned to the popish faith.

The abbot returned into the country, and brought another abbot along with him, and several monks came thither, all on foot, whereupon the bishop began to think of returning into his country, but he died by the way. The monks who preached through the countries, found the princes so hardened and obdurate in their malice, that they would no longer stay there, but went back into their own countries; all except friar Peter of Chasteauneuf, who continued there preaching with one of his companions.” When the Albigenses understood the design of the pope, which was to pretend that it was not his fault that those whom he judged to be wanderers and strayers from the faith, were not brought over to the obedience of the court of Rome, by gentle arguments and reasonings; they thought it much concerned them to vindicate and maintain their faith by conferences, or that otherwise they should give people occasion to think, that there was some weakness and imbecility in their religion, if none of their pastors would undertake its defense. It was therefore concluded and agreed upon among the said Albigenses, to give the bishops to understand, that their pastors, or some of them in the name and behalf of the rest, were ready to prove and maintain their faith and religion by the word of God, provided the conference might be well ordered and governed; that there might be moderators on both sides, who should be vested with full power and authority to prevent all sedition and tumult. Provided also that it were held in some place, to which all parties concerned in the said conference might have a free and safe access. Moreover, that some one point or subject should be pitched upon and chosen, with the common consent of all the disputants, which should not be given over till fully discussed and determined; and that he who could not prove and maintain it by the word of God, should acknowledge himself to be vanquished and confuted.

The bishops and monks accepted of all the above mentioned conditions.

The place where the said dispute was held, was Montreal near Carcassone, in the year 1206. The umpires agreed upon by both parties, were the bishops of Villeneufe and Auxerre, on the bishop’s side, and R. de Bot, and Anthony Riviere for the Albigenses.

Arnold Hot was the pastor for the Albigenses, together with those who were judged to be proper persons for such an action. Arnold arrived the first, at the time and place appointed; then came the bishop Eusus, and the monk Dominick, with two of the pope’s legates, Peter Chastel, and Racul de Just abbot of Candets, Bertrand prior de Autreive; also the prior of Palats, and several other priests and monks.

The theses or points proposed by Arnold to be discussed, were these: that the mass and transubstantiation were invented by men, and not instituted and ordained by Christ, nor his apostles.

That the church of Rome is not the spouse of Christ, but the church of trouble and confusion, drunken with the blood of the martyrs.

That the polity or government of the church of Rome is neither good nor holy, nor established by Jesus Christ.

Arnold sent those propositions to the bishop, who required fifteen days to answer them, which was granted. The bishop did not fail to appear at the day appointed, bringing along with him a great scroll of writing. Arnold Hot desired to be heard by word of mouth, saying, that he would fully make answer to the contents of the said writing, begging his auditors’ patience if he took time in answering so tedious and prolix a writing. They promised to give him a patient and attentive audience without any interruption. He discoursed at several times for the space of four days, to the great admiration of the assistants, and with so much readiness on his part, that all the bishops, abbots, monks and priests might well wish to have been elsewhere. For he suited and adapted his answer to the points laid down in the said writing, with so much order, clearness and perspicuity, that he made it manifest and evident to the assistants, that the bishop had written much, but proved nothing against his propositions, which might truly tend to the advantage of the court of Rome.

Then Arnold required, that since in the beginning of their conference, both the bishops and himself were bound and obliged to prove what they alleged by the word of God alone, the said bishops, priests and monks might be put upon making out that the mass, in every part of it, as they authorized and sung it, was instituted by the Son of God, and sung in the same manner by his apostles, commencing at the beginning, down to the Ite, missa est. But the bishops could not prove, that any part thereof was ordained either by Jesus Christ or his apostles; at which the bishops were very much ashamed and displeased, for Arnold had reduced them to their only canon, which they pretended to be the best part of their mass, in which point he proved, that their mass was not the holy supper of the Lord, saying; that if the mass was not the holy supper instituted by the Lord, there would remain after the consecration, all that which was in the Lord’s Supper, namely, bread; but in your mass, as you so say, there is no bread: for by transubstantiation the bread vanishes. Therefore, said he, the mass without bread is not the holy supper of the Lord, wherein there was bread. JESUS CHRIST BROKE BREAD,PAUL BROKE BREAD. THE PRIEST BREAKS THE BODY,NOT BREAD.

The priest therefore doth not do that which Jesus Christ or Paul did.

Upon these antitheses, which Arnold made concerning the Lord’s Supper, and the mass, to prove that it was instituted neither by Christ nor his apostles, the monks, bishops, legates, and priests withdrew, without hearing him any further, fearing lest he should make some impressions upon the assistants, which would very much stagger their belief of the mass.

The monk of the valley of Sernay endeavored to render that action suspicious, saying, that when the heretical judges, being the more numerous, perceived the badness of their cause, and the wretchedness of the dispute on their side, they would not, saith he, give judgment in that dispute, nor even deliver up the writing to those of our party, for fear, he adds, they should come to light, and so render the heretics their due. But how should two legates of the pope, bishops, abbots, monks, and priests, put themselves into such a place, where they were so overnumbered? That monk saith in the same place, that the chief among the heretics came to dispute with the papists at the castle of Montreal. They therefore were masters of the castle, and consequently had no reason to fear or doubt of any such violence. Besides, how should the bishops have required the judgments of the moderators or umpires in a point, wherein they held, that there needs no more than the sentence of the pope, who cannot err? and how could that monk tell that the Waldenses were overcome, if there was no judgment given in the case?

About the same time there were held several other disputes at Sarignon and Painters, but this was only to amuse the Albigenses; for while the bishops of Toulouse and Onizomonde were disputing at Painters, and the two legates of the pope with Arnold at Montreal, the bishop of Villeneufe, the umpire and moderator of the bishop’s party, declared, that nothing could be concluded upon or determined, by reason of the coming of the soldiers, with the mark of the cross, as on a crusade. This was a piece of murderous craft and policy of the pope, to hold them in conference about religion, whilst he levied and prepared great armies to exterminate and destroy both them and their religion.

CHAPTER -The disputes about religion terminated in wars stirred up by the Pope. — Pretences of the Pope for publishing the Croisade against the Albigenses. — Earl Remond submitted and humbled himself before the Pope’s legate, was whipped by him; deprived of his earldom of Veniscin by the Pope, and then made General of the Army of the Cross, at the Siege of Beziers. WHEN pope Innocent had made ready his armies of crusaders, and dispersed them throughout the country of the Albigenses, they held no other disputes, but by fire and faggot. The executioners were then the chief disputants, and the monks inquisitors the harpies, whom the pope made use of towards the extirpation of the Albigenses. The pretense which he alleged for so signal and remarkable an expedition against Remond earl of Toulouse, was the death of a certain jacobin monk, who, as he said, was slam by the Albigenses. For the pope took occasion thence, to dispatch preaching monks throughout all Europe, to gather together all such as would come to revenge the blood of friar Peter of Chasteauneuf, who was slain by the heretics, as he fabled, promising paradise to who soever should bear arms for the space of forty days in the said war. A war which he termed the Holy War, and for which he gave the same pardons, and the same indulgences, as he did to those who transported themselves to conquer the holy land. He likewise styled it the War for the Cross, and the army of the Church. As to earl Remond; in these terms he thundered against him in his bull. “We command and enjoin all archbishops and bishops, throughout their respective dioceses, to pronounce and declare earl Remond anathematized and excommunicated, as the murderer of a good servant of God, and that with bell, book and candle, each Lord’s-day and holy-days. We moreover promise to all those who shall take up arms to revenge the said murder, the pardon and remission of their sins, since those pestilent and troublesome villains aim at nothing but to take away our lives. And since according to the sanctions of the holy canons,WE ARE NOT TO KEEP FAITH WITH THOSE WHO DO NOT KEEP IT WITH GOD, we would have all to know and understand, that every person who is bound to the said earl, either by oath of allegiance, covenant, or alliance, or any other way, whatsoever, is absolved by apostolical authority, from such obligations, and it is lawful for any Roman Catholic, not only to persecute the said earl in his person, but also to seize upon, and possess his country.”

As to the Albigenses, see here what treatment he gives them. “We therefore, strictly and earnestly admonish and exhort you, as being a matter of so vast importance and concern, that you would study and endeavor, by all the means which God shall put into your hands, to abolish and destroy the wicked heresy of the Albigenses, and its followers.

And that with more rigor and severity than you would use towards the Saracens themselves, persecuting and impugning them with a strong hand, and a stretched out arm, because they are worse than they, driving them out of the land of the Lord, and depriving them of their lands and possessions, banishing them, and putting Roman Catholics in their room.”

The pope wrote to all christian princes, to dispose themselves to obtain the like pardons and indulgences, by warring against the Albigenses, as they should obtain by crossing the seas to fight against the Turk. The author of the Treasure of Histories, particularly says, that the pope entreated king Philip, and several barons, to undertake with him that expedition against the Albigensian heretics, and thereby gain his pardons; and that the king made answer, that he could not do it, by reason of his war with the emperor Otho, and John king of England. Of the barons, many undertook the expedition, thereby to procure their pardon.

Earl Remond being informed of what was in agitation against him throughout Europe, at the instance of the pope, sent an ambassage unto him, and besought that he would not condemn him unheard, and assured him that he was not guilty of the death of friar Peter de Chasteauneuf, it having been evidently proved, that the murderer had fled to Baucaire. He complained of the malice of his enemies, who had given a wrong information of the said murder: but it was all to no purpose, for before his apology could come to Rome, the troops of crusading soldiers were set forth to pour out their rage and fury upon his territories; namely, the duke of Burgundy, the earl of Nevers, the earl of St. Paul, the earl of Auxerre, the earl of Geneva, the earl of Poitiers, the earl of Forests, and earl Simon of Montfort, the Sieur de Bar, Guichard de Beaujeu, and Gauchier de Joigni. The ecclesiastics who raised a great number of pilgrims in their dioceses, were the archbishop of Sens, the archbishop of Rouan, the bishop of Clermont, the bishop of Nevers, the bishop of Lizieux, the bishop of Bayeux, and the bishop of Chartres, and several others. Each bishop came with his party of pilgrims, to whom the pope promised paradise in Heaven; but gave them not one farthing upon earth. He only gave them to know, that in such kinds of war, they often meet with more blows than pardons. That levy of pilgrims was made in the year 1209.

Now the earl must of necessity either make head against the violence of his enemies, or else come to submission. The latter was esteemed the more easy, but very dangerous. For to surrender himself to the discretion of his enemies, was to run the hazard of his destruction. The earl Remond therefore made his appearance at Valence before Milo the pope’s legate.

Being entered the toil, he went about to excuse himself; saying, that he wondered so great a number of armed men should come against him, who had recourse to no other arms but his own innocence. — That it was a great piece of injustice in those who would persuade the soldiers of the cross, that he was guilty of the death of friar Peter de Chasteauneuf — That they ought, before they had thus moved heaven and earth, as it were, to have inquired into the truth of the fact, and not condemn any one without hearing him. — That there were several witnesses of the death of the said monk, who was slain at St. Giles by a certain gentleman, whom he pursued. — That the murderer, after he had given the blow, fled to his relations at Baucaire. — That that murder was very displeasing to him, and that therefore he had endeavored to the utmost of his power to have him apprehended and punished; but he made his escape. But suppose he had been guilty of the said crime, the ordinary course or method of justice therein was to proceed against him, and not fall upon his subjects, who in such a case would be altogether innocent. And therefore he told the said legate, that since in confidence of his own innocence, and fortified with the testimony of his conscience alone, he was come to deliver himself into his hands, there was no farther occasion to employ such a vast number of pilgrims against him whom they already had in their power. — That he was sure, were his innocence and integrity known, those who were coming to fight against him, would employ their weapons in his defense. And therefore he desired the said legate to countermand the crossed soldiers, before they approached any nearer his territories, promising to clear and justify himself of what was laid to his charge, in such a manner, as should be to the satisfaction both of the pope and the church. And lastly, that his person ought to be a sufficient hostage or security, for the performance of his promises.

The legate replied, That earl Remond had done well in coming to make his appearance, and inform him of his innocence, of which he would advertise his holiness, and make intercession for him. But that the buisiness was of such consequence and importance, that it did not depend upon his knowledge only to send back the soldiers of the cross, the raising of whom has caused so much pains and cost, unless he gave such proofs and assurances of what he said, as might take away all suspicion from the pope and the church, that he would not hereafter deceive those who had confided in him — and therefore he ought to think it no difficult matter to deliver into his hands seven of the best castles that he had in Provence, in the country of Veniscin, which was then joined to Provence, as a pledge.

Earl Remond knew then well enough his error in putting himself under the hatches. But it was too late to retreat, for the counsels which the legate gave him, were as so many commands. He knew that he was a prisoner, and that he must receive the law from him into whose hands he had imprudently thrown himself, and therefore seemed willing to obey whatsoever the legate commanded him; saying, that both himself and his country were at the service of his holiness; only beseeching the legate, that his subjects might receive no damage from the soldiers of the cross. The legate promised him all the assistance that he desired in that matter, and immediately sent Theodosius, canon of Gennes, into the country of Veniscin, to put garrisons into the castles and places of importance belonging to the said country, and to command all the governors of the cities to come to the said legate without delay. 1 There being arrived, it was told them that the earl Remond had resigned his castles into the hands and protection of the pope, in token of his fidelity to the church; of which they ought to be advertised and informed, that they might be disposed for the future to acknowledge themselves the lawful subjects of his holiness, if the said earl should in any thing act contrary to the oath of allegiance, which he had taken to the pope, and the court of Rome; in which case, as they were already, they should be freed and discharged from all their oaths of fidelity, formerly made to the said earl, and his country forfeited and confiscated to the pope. The said governors being astonished to see their lord stripped and deprived of his territories and dominions, could not in his presence, avoid doing whatsoever the legate required of them. But that which grieved them most was, to see the earl Remond conveyed to St.

Giles’s, where he was reconciled to the pope and the church of Rome, with the following ceremonies. The legate commanded him to strip himself naked without the church of St. Giles, having nothing on but a pair of linen drawers, his feet, head, and shoulders bare: then he put a cowl which priests wear, about his neck, and dragging him by the said cowl, he caused him to go nine times about the grave of the late friar Peter of Chasteauneuf, who was buried in the said church, whipping him with rods, which he had in his hand, all the time that he went about the said grave. The earl Remond demanded satisfaction for so extraordinary a penance, inflicted for a crime which he had never committed, since he did not slay the said monk. The legate replied, that although he did neither slay him nor cause him to be slain, yet because that murder was committed within his territories and jurisdiction, and he never made any pursuit or inquiry after the murderer; that murder was deservedly imputed to him, and that he must therefore make satisfaction to the pope and the church, by that humble repentance, if he desired to be reconciled to either. Nay, that he must likewise be whipt before the earls, barons, marquesses, prelates, and a great number of other people. He made him also swear by the corpus domini, as they call it, and by certain other relics, which were brought for that purpose, that he would continue to his life’s end, to pay universal obedience in all things to the pope and the court of Rome, and that he would wage a perpetual, mortal and irreconcilable war against the Albigenses, until they were either entirely extirpated and destroyed, or else reduced to the obedience of the pope of Rome. To which having solemnly, but by force given this oath; the legate, to honor him the more, and to oblige him to stand to what he had sworn, made him general of the army of the cross, to lead them to the siege of Beziers. Which he did with the design, to make the Albigenses despair of ever being maintained and defended by him, who having abjured their religion, was put in commission to oppose and persecute it.

CHAPTER -The perplexity of Earl Remond after his pretended reconciliation. — The siege of Beziers. — The intercession of the Earl of Beziers for his city, to no purpose. — The taking of Beziers; how, and with what cruelty they were used. EARL REMOND of Toulouse, was very much troubled and perplexed, when the charge was laid upon him of leading the army of the cross before Beziers. To make war against the Albigenses was to act in contradiction to his conscience, and to make himself an enemy to those of whom, till then, he had been the chief support and pillar; and moreover, to bind and stake himself down to a perpetual servitude to the pope and his legates. On the other hand, to endeavor to desert the army of the cross by flight — that was to give them a new handle to persecute him; for in that case they might with some color of justice pursue him, as a perfidious, relapsed, and perjured person; and if he were apprehended, he should run the danger of losing his life, his dignity, and his friends together. On the other side, in doing what the legate’s charge obliged him to, he would occasion the loss of Beziers, the total destruction of the subjects of the earl of Beziers, his nephew, and even of his nephew himself. In that trouble and anxiety of spirit, he chose rather to tarry in the army of the crusaders for some days; after which he took leave of the legate, to set out for Rome, in order to humble himself before the pope, which could not be denied him. In the mean time, while the persecutors made their approaches to the city of Beziers, the rams, slings, machines, and other engines of war, were prepared to give the general assault, applying so vast a number of scaling ladders to the walls of the city, that it was utterly impossible to resist, or withstand the furious attack that the crusaders were preparing to make.

The earl of Beziers went forth out of the city, and cast himself at the feet of the legate Milo, begging his mercy for the city of Beziers, and beseeching him not to involve the innocent in the same punishment with the guilty, which would undoubtedly come to pass if Beziers were taken by storm, which might easily be done by so great and powerful an army as that was, which was ready to mount the scaling ladders at every part of the city. That there would be great effusion of blood on both sides, which might be hindered and prevented; that there was a great number of Romanists in Beziers, who would he involved in the self-same ruin, contrary to the intention and design of the pope, who aimed at nothing but the punishment of the Albigenses. But if it was not his pleasure to spare his subjects for their own sake, yet he desired him to have regard to himself, his age, and quality, since the damage would fall upon him, who was in his minority, and a most faithful and obedient servant to the pope, as having been brought up and educated in the church of Rome, in which he would live and die. But if he was offended that such persons as were enemies to the pope had been tolerated within his dominions, it ought not to be imputed to him as his fault, since he had no other subjects than those which his deceased father had left him; and that by reason of his minority and the shortness of the time since he came to the government, he could not as yet be supposed able to take cognizance of that evil, or apply a proper remedy, although he did design so to do. However, that he hoped for the future, to give such satisfaction to the pope and the court of Rome, as became a dutiful and obedient son to them both.

The legate’s answer was, that all his apologies and excuses would stand him in no stead, and that he must do as he could.

The earl of Beziers returned into the city, caused the people to be called together, and told them, that after he had made his submission to the legate, he interceded for them, but could obtain nothing in their behalf but pardon upon condition that all those who made profession of the faith of the Albigenses, would abjure their religion, and promise to live according to the laws of the court of Rome.

The papists entreated them to submit to that great violence, and not be the occasion of their death, since the legate was resolved to pardon none, unless they would all of them live in subjection to one and the same law.

The Albigenses made answer, that they would not renounce their faith for the poor and contemptible purchase of this perishing life; that they knew well enough that God could, if he pleased, save and defend them. But they knew as well, that if he was pleased to be glorified by the confession of their faith, it would be an exceeding honor for them to sacrifice their lives for righteousness’ sake; — that they had rather displease the pope, who could only destroy their bodies, than God, who is able to destroy both soul and body together; — that they never would be ashamed of and forsake a faith whereby they had been taught the knowledge of Christ and his righteousness, and at the hazard of eternal death, exchange it for a religion which annihilated the merit of Christ, and made his righteousness of none effect; — that they therefore might treat for themselves as they could, but must not promise anything in. their behalf, contrary to the duty of good Christians.

Which being understood, the Romanists sent their bishop to the legate, to entreat him not to comprehend those in that punishment of the Waldenses, who had ever been constant adherents to the pope of Rome; of whom, he who was their bishop had a certain knowledge, not believing that the rest were so past all hopes of repentance, but that they might be brought over by a becoming mildness, to the church, which doth not delight in blood.

The legate flew into a passion, and with terrible threatenings and menaces, did protest and swear, that “unless all those who were in the city, did acknowledge their fault, and submit to the power of Rome, they should all be put to the sword, without any regard to Roman Catholics, to age or sex.” He immediately commanded, that the city should be summoned to surrender at discretion; which they refusing to do, he caused all his engines of war to play, and gave orders for the general assault. Now, it was impossible for those who were within to withstand such an attack: so that being thus pressed and overcharged by above a hundred thousand crusaders, they were at length vanquished, saith the author of the Treasure of Histories; the enemies rushed in upon them, slew a great number of them, and then set fire to the city. The city being taken, the priests, monks, and clerks, came forth out of the great church of Beziers, called Nazari, carrying the banner, cross, and holy water, bare-headed, clothed with their ecclesiastical robes and ornaments, singing the Te Deum laudamus, in token of joy that the town was taken, and purged of the Albigenses. The pilgrims who had received orders from the legate to slay all, broke in upon their procession, made the heads and arms of the priests to fly about, striving who should do best; so that even those were all hewed in pieces.

To excuse this cruelty, even condemned by some of the spectators themselves, they have inserted these lying stories in history — that the cross-men were enraged against the said inhabitants of Beziers, because they had thrown the book of the Gospels over the walls of the city, crying, there is the law of your God; and that the pilgrims thereupon made a resolution, to slay all those that they should find within the compass of Beziers, that they might be sure those might not escape, who had been guilty of such a blasphemy. But how is it possible that the Albigenses could have acted with so much impiety against the holy Gospel of our Lord, when one of the chief causes why they forsook the church of Rome was, because the holy Gospel of Christ was locked up from the people?

One of the principal false crimes which they laid to earl Remond’s charge was, that he always carried a New Testament about him. To that lying wonder they annexed a cheating miracle, which is, that Beziers was taken upon Magdalen’s day, because, say they, the heretics speak evil of Magdalen in their law. Thus doth the author of the Treasure of Histories express himself in the case. Now this is such a hellish and diabolical imposture, that I hardly dared commit it to paper; and yet the monk of the valleys of Sernay hath set it down at large, without any scruple, although the very thoughts of it alone is sufficient to make any one’s hair to stand on end, who hath the least spark, the least grain of piety. The city being thus pillaged, burned and razed, the crusaders, who thought that they had merited paradise by that devastation and effusion of Christian blood, were immediately led to Carcassone, before the expiration of the forty days of war, which they had vowed to the pope of Rome; because, at the end of that term, every one was permitted to return home.

CHAPTER -The siege and capture of the town of Carcassone. — The general assault on the city. — A great number of the soldiers of the cross slain. — The intercession of the King of Arragon for the Earl of Beziers ineffectual. — The stratagem for the taking of the Earl of Beziera. — The flight of the people of Carcassone. — The taking of Carcassone. WHEN the earl of Beziers saw that he could obtain nothing from the legate in favor of his city, having left it to the prelate, to try if he could by any means, obtain pardon for the people; in the mean time, knowing very well that Beziers being taken, the city of Carcassone would not fail of being next attacked by him; because, being strong by nature, the legate could not make a place of arms, nor fix a garrison in a more proper place; he was advised to retire thither, and immediately to furnish it with whatsoever was necessary to hold out a long and tedious siege. He therefore made his retreat to Carcassone, attended by his most faithful friends and servants.

The legate’s army followed close upon his heels, to which there arrived fresh supplies of soldiers of the cross; — the bishops of Agenois, Limoges, Bazades, Cahors, and the archbishop of Bordeaux, each bringing along with him the crusaders of his diocess. There likewise came the earl of Touraine, Bertrand de Cardaillac, the lord of Chastelneau, and the lord of Montratier, who commanded the troops of Querci; of all which troops the earl of Dunoy was general. There came also so great a number out of Provence, Lombardy, and Germany, that the legate Milo’s army was found to consist of about three hundred thousand fighting men, when he arrived before Carcassone.

This is the situation of Carcassone. There is a city, and a town or borough; the city stands upon a hill, or rising ground, surrounded with a double wall: the borough is in the plain, about two miles distant from the city. In those days, the city was accounted a very strong place, and a great number of the Albigenses fled thither. The crusaders thought to make themselves masters of it out of hand, for they furiously rushed upon the first rampart, and filled the ditch with fascines; but they met with so courageous and valiant a repulse, that the ground was covered with their dead bodies round about the city.

The young earl of Beziers very much signalized himself in that first day’s action, animating his subjects, and telling them that they must remember the usage and treatment which those of Beziers received; — that they had to do with the same enemies, who had changed the siege, but not the cruelty of their temper, nor their will to exterminate and destroy them if they could; — that it was therefore better for them to die in battle, than to fall into the hands of such cruel and relentless enemies; — that as for his part, he made profession of the Roman religion, but he saw well enough that that war was not upon the account of religion, but only a piece of robbery contrived and agreed upon, to invade the territories and dominions of the earl Remond, and all those that were related to him; — that it did much more concern them to stand stoutly in their own defense, than it did him, who could lose no more than his life and possessions, without changing his religion; but they were liable to lose both their lives and the free exercise of their religion at once; — that he would never desert nor forsake them in so honorable a cause as was that of defending themselves against those common enemies, who, under the mask of pretended piety, were nothing else than thieves and robbers.

The Albigenses being animated and encouraged by the speech of this young lord, took a solemn oath, that they would devote and venture both their lives and fortunes in the preservation and defense of the city of Carcassone, and whatever else did concern the said lord.

The day following the legate ordered the scaling ladders to be applied, and the general attack to be given to the town of Carcassone. The people who were within made a stout and resolute defense; but the ladders being crowded with assailants, and placed so near together as to touch one another, those that were in the borough being beat from the walls, the enemies entered in upon them, and gave the inhabitants of the said borough just the same treatment as they did those of Beziers, putting them all to the sword, and then burned the town.

Whilst those things were transacted, the king of Arragon came to the legate’s army, and went first into earl Remond’s tent, who was forced to assist at that siege against his own nephew. Thence he went to the legate, and told him, that having heard that the earl of Beziers, his kinsman, was besieged in Carcassone, he was come in order to endeavor to make him sensible of his duty to the pope and the church: which he persuaded himself, he might the more easily do, because he knew that the said earl had always made profession of the Roman religion.

The legate gave him leave to undertake what he said he designed. The king of Arragon approached the ramparts; — the earl of Beziers held a parley with him. The king of Arragon desired to know, what had moved the earl to shut himself up in the city of Carcassone against so vast an army of crusaders. The earl replied, that it was the justice of his cause which obliged him to defend his life, his possessions, and his subjects, who had put him upon it; — that he knew the pope, under the color and pretense of religion, had a design to ruin both the earl Remond his uncle, and himself too; — that he found this when entreating for the inhabitants of Beziers, his subjects — he would not receive the Roman catholics into favor, neither did he spare the priests themselves, who were all cut in pieces, though clothed with their sacerdotal ornaments, and under the banner of the cross; — that that horrid instance of cruelty and impiety, together with that transacted in the borough of Carcassone, where they were all exposed to fire and sword, without distinction either of age or sex, had taught him not to look for any mercy at the hands of the legate, or his crusaders; — that he had therefore much rather die with his subjects in his own defense, than be exposed to the mercy of so relentless and inexorable an enemy as the legate was; and although there were several of his subjects in the city of Carcassone of a contrary faith to that of Rome, yet they were such persons as never did any wrong or injury to any one, and who were come to aid and assist him in his necessity — and that in recompense for that good service to him, he was resolved never to desert them, as they had promised on their part to hazard and expose both their lives and fortunes in his defense; — that he hoped that God, who is the protector and defender of the innocent and oppressed, would aid and support them against that misinformed multitude, who, under the color of meriting heaven, had left their own houses to murder, plunder, burn and destroy the houses of other men, without reason, mercy, or discretion.

The king of Arragon returned to the legate, who assembled several great lords and prelates together, to hear what report the king of Arragon had to make to them; who told them, that he had found his kinsman, the earl of Beziers, very much offended and displeased with their former proceedings against the people of Beziers and the borough of Carcassone, his subjects — and that he was induced to believe, that since they did not spare the Roman catholics, nor the priests themselves, this was not a war undertaken upon the account of religion, but only a kind of robbery carried on under the color and pretense thereof; — that he hoped that God would be pleased to make known his innocence, and the occasion which he had to secure himself by a just defense; — that he must no longer hope nor expect, that they would surrender themselves to their discretion, since the only discretion which they had was, to slay all those that did resign themselves to their mercy; — that no one ever got anything by driving his enemy to despair, but that if the legate was pleased to grant to the earl of Beziers and his subjects a tolerable composition, and upon reasonable terms, the Albigenses might sooner be brought over to the church of Rome by gentleness and mildness, than by the extremity of rigor and severity; and above all, they ought to remember, that the earl of Beziers was but young, and a Roman catholic, who might prove very instrumental to the reduction of those who had put their confidence in him.

The legate answered the king of Arragon, that if he would Withdraw a little, they would consult about what was best to be done in the case.

The king being called in again, the legate gave him to understand, that in regard to his intercession he would receive the earl of Beziers to mercy; and that therefore he might, if he pleased, bring out a dozen more with him, with their bag and baggage. But as to the people in the city of Carcassone, they should not go out but at his discretion — of whom they ought to have a good opinion, because he was the pope’s legate, and that they should all, both men, women, maidens and children, come forth stark naked, without any covering to hide their nakedness — That the earl of Beziers should be kept under strait custody and confinement, and all his possessions remain in the hands of the succeeding lord, which should be chosen for the preservation of the country.

The king of Arragon, although he knew that a composition upon those terms was not worth the proposing to the earl of Beziers, nevertheless performed his trust therein. Which when the earl of Beziers understood, he replied that he would never go out upon such unjust and dishonorabie conditions as those were, and that he was resolved to defend himself with his subjects, by such means and methods as God should be pleased to appoint.

The king of Arragon departed not without showing his displeasure and dislike of those ungodly proceedings.

The legate commanded them to play all their engines of war, and to, take the city by force. But he had the mortification to see a great number of his crusaders slain: — for those who were in the city, cast such a quantity of great stones, fire, pitch and brimstone upon them, and galled the assailants with such showers of arrows, that the ground was covered, and the ditches filled with the dead bodies of the crossmen; which occasioned a very great stench both in the camp and city. This rough entertainment, caused the remainder of the soldiers of the cross to seek for forage about the fields, as having accomplished their forty days’ service, in which time they had purchased paradise, refusing to enter upon any further conquest, after so glorious a purchase, for fear they should exchange their former felicity for mere blows.

The legate was very much troubled to see his army reduced to so small a number, and out of all hopes of taking that important place, so convenient for the quartering of those who should have the future charge and conduct of “the army of the church.” Therefore he bethought himself of a stratagem, which he effected. He sent for a gentleman, who was in the army, and told him, that it lay in his power to do the church a signal piece of service. For which, besides the rewards he would receive in heaven, he should be recompensed upon earth in proportion to his merit. He was to approach near to the ramparts of the city of Carcassone, and there by some signal or other to let the besieged know, that he desired parley with them; and then that he would beg leave to speak with the earl of Beziers, because, as his kinsman and servant, he had something to tell him, which would tend to the great honor and advantage of all the inhabitants of Carcassone — which having done, he must in the next place make use of all his craft and subtilty to terrify and intimidate him, and to persuade him to fling himself upon our mercy; and particularly, that he would endeavor to the utmost of his power, both by persuasions, promises, oaths and execrations, of which he, as being the pope’s legate, had power to clear and absolve him, to bring him to him, with assurance to see him safe back into Carcassone.

That person played his part so well, that he brought the earl of Beziers along with him to the legate, where being arrived, the young earl told the legate, that if he were pleased to exercise a little more moderation and mildness towards his subjects, that business should be concluded to his satisfaction, and he would reduce the Albigenses into the church of Rome — that the conditions which had been proposed to him were shameful and dishonorable, and very ill becoming those whose eyes ought to be as chaste as their thoughts — That his people would choose rather to die, than to see themselves exposed to such ignominy and disgrace; and therefore he desired him to be more moderate in his proposals, and told him, that he was persuaded he could make his subjects submit to any thing that was tolerable and reasonable.

The legate’s answer was this — ”The inhabitants of Carcassone might do as they pleased — That he need not take any further care about them, because he was his prisoner till Carcassone was taken, and his subjects had better learnt their duty.”

The earl being astonished and surprised, vowed and protested that he was betrayed, and that faith was violated; and that he came thither upon the word of a gentleman, who promised with solemn oaths and execrations, to conduct him safe back into the city of Carcassone. Being demanded who, or where that gentleman was, that young earl did then learn how imprudent it was to leave his city upon bare words alone. He was committed to the guard and custody of the duke of Burgundy.

The inhabitants of Carcassone having heard of the confinement of their lord, burst out into tears, and were seized with such a fear and error, that they thought of nothing more than how to escape the danger they were in.

But all means of so doing, to outward appearance, were taken away from them, for they were blocked up on all sides, and the trenches filled with men. But there was one among them, who told them that he had heard some ancient men of the city say, that there was a certain vault or passage under ground in Carcassone, so big, that very many might walk upright therein, which led to the castle of Cameret or Cabaret, about three leagues distance from Carcassone; and that if the mouth or entry thereof could be found, Providence had provided for them a miraculous deliverance. Then was all the city, except those that kept guard upon the ramparts, employed in searching out this passage. At length the entrance being found, they all of them began their journey through it about the beginning of the night, carrying with them only a little victuals to serve them for a few days. It was a dismal and sorrowful sight, to see this removal and departure accompanied with tears, sighs, and lamentations, to think that they must leave their moveables, and houses furnished with all sorts of goods, to betake themselves to the uncertain event of saving themselves by flight, leading their children, and decrepid old persons along with them, and to hear the miserable outcries of the women. They arrived next day at the said castle, from whence they dispersed themselves up and down, some to Arragon, others into Catalonia, others to Toulouse, and the other cities belonging to their party, Wheresoever it pleased Divine Providence to dispose of them.

The next day the crusaders wondered that they had heard no noise all that night, and much more, that they saw nobody stirring that day. They drew near to the wall, in much doubt, fearing lest it should be a stratagem, contrived to draw them into an ambuscade; but not perceiving any thing, which might give them any cause of suspicion, they mounted the breach, entered the town, and cried out to the army, that the Albigenses were fled.

The legate caused speedy proclamation throughout the army, that no person should offer to seize, and carry off any of the plunder; but that it should all be carried to the great church of Carcassone, whence it should all be afterwards brought out and sold for the profit of the crusaders, rewarding each of them according to their deserts. But the earl of Beziers was committed close prisoner to one of the strongest castles in Carcassone.

CHAPTER -The legate Milo establishes a general for the Church. — Earl Simon of Montfort accepts the commission. — Earl Remond is absolved by the Pope. — Death of the Earl of Beziers. — The King of Arragon displeased with Earl Simon. — Several revolts from his obedience. — He desired a fresh supply of crusaders from the prelates. THE city of Carcassone being in the possession of the legate, he resolved to make it a place of arms against the Albigenses. Thereupon he called a council of all the prelates and lords who remained in his army, to ask their advice about his future conduct in a war, which, as they saw, must needs be of long continuance. He likewise told them, that although he thought it expedient, that a legate of his holiness should always accompany the army of the church, to give authority to its proceedings, it was notwithstanding necessary, that a secular general should be chosen, both potent, wise, valiant and formidable, with absolute power to command on all occurrences, and to expedite and despatch all the affairs relating to the war, by his wise and prudent management — it being beyond the capacity of the clergy to lead the armies, or to make war. That they should therefore agree among themselves upon one of the lords of the cross, who should be put in possession of the conquered countries, and to whom the care and management of that holy war should be committed, until it was otherwise disposed of by the pope.

That charge was at first offered to the duke of Burgundy, and then to the earls of Nevers and Paul, who all refused it; which they perceiving, and not being able to agree about the nomination of the said general, they unanimously nominated and appointed two bishops, with the abbot of Cisteaux, the legate of the apostolic see, and four military men, to whom they gave full power to choose a person, who should have the future conduct and government of the army of the church.

They nominated the earl Simon of Montfort, which being declared unto him, he excused himself, alleging his inability. But he at length accepted of it, after the abbot of Cisteaux had enjoined him, by virtue of his obedience, to submit to the said nomination, and he promised, saith the author of the Treasure of Histories, 1 to endeavor, to the utmost of his power, to harass and persecute the enemies of our Lord, for so they called the Albigenses.

Earl Simon of Montfort being made general of the army of the church, took up his residence at Carcassone with four thousand crusaders, who were still remaining out of that vast levy of three hundred thousand men.

Montreal, Faniaux and Limons, made large contributions towards the garrison, for they were not to harbor crusaders therein, who were obliged to no service after the expiration of their forty days, but such soldiers as were well affected to guard and secure that place.

In the meantime, the earl Remond of Toulouse, went to king Philip Dieu Donne, to obtain his letters recommendatory to the pope, to the end that he might be fully justified and cleared of the murder of friar Peter of Chasteauneuf, of which he had been unjustly forced to confess himself guilty, only because the said murder was committed in his territories, and legate Milo had inflicted a very unjust and severe penance for the same.

From the court of France he set out for Rome, where he immediately received absolution from Pope Innocent III. as if it had been prepared and reserved for him. The pope gave him a very kind reception, presented him with a very rich cloak, and a ring of great value, and fully pardoned and absolved him concerning the said murder, declaring him sufficiently cleared and justified with relation to that matter.

The earl of Beziers, prisoner at Carcassone, died quickly after earl Simon of Montfort had been put in possession of his lands, with great suspicion of having been poisoned. Earl Simon seemed to be very much concerned for his death, and caused him to be interred with great pomp and splendor in the great church of Carcassone, being carried with his face uncovered, to the end, that his subjects might not question his death. He went soon after to lay claim to the inheritance of the said earl, as belonging to him, by virtue of the donation which had been made him by the pope’s legate, and the charge or commission in which he was placed for the service of the church. In pursuance of which, he demanded the investiture of the country of Beziers and the city of Carcassone, of the king of Arragon. The king of Arragon refused to give it him, showing his displeasure and dislike of the ruin and extinction of that family, under the color and cloak of religion.

The duke of Burgundy testified the like displeasure, when the charge of general was offered to him, saying, “that he had lands and lordships enough of his own, without accepting of those of the earl of Beziers, and robbing him of his possessions; adding, that he had already suffered but too much injury and wrong.”

Earl Simon began to be feared by all his neighbors, upon the report which he spread abroad, that in the spring following, he should have a great army of crusaders at his command, and that he would then punish those who would not acknowledge the authority in which the church had placed him.

The inhabitants of Castres sent certain of their citizens to him, with the keys of their city; the castle of Pamies was delivered up to him, every one submitted to his commands round about Carcassone, and in the earldom of Beziers. Notwithstanding this, he met with a cross accident in the midst of his prosperity, which to him was an omen of many misfortunes. The king of Arragon holding secretly correspondence with the gentlemen of Beziers, instigated them to humble that petty tyrant, who had been intruded into the possession of another, saying, that if he was not put to the necessity of having always a great number of crusaders for his conquests, he would abuse their rest and repose, and take courage to seize upon, and invade the dominions of all his neighbors, under pretense of that commission which had been conferred upon him by the pope; but if he knew the danger of wanting his soldiers of the cross, he would be better advised, since it was impossible for him always to have so great a number of crusaders at his command, as to render him continually formidable; for there must be time to raise, time to bring them out of far countries, and if he did not make use of them within forty days after their arrival, he would be more weak after the expiration of their pilgrimage, than he was before. That the best course they could take to annoy, and to do him a mischief was, to keep themselves blocked up in their garrisons at the arrival of the crusaders, and to set upon them on all sides at their departure when they were weak; so that being at length quite tired and wearied out with the fatigue of this business, he might dearly pay for that possession, to which he supposed he had a sufficient right and title, by the donation of those who had nothing to do therewith. The king of Arragon added further, that he could not bear to hear of so unjust a usurpation, without showing his resentments of it; since if that war was made with a design to take away the goods and the lives of the Albigenses, what right had the legate to confiscate the estate of the earl of Beziers, who ever lived and died in the faith of the church of Rome? That it was therefore apparent, that the greatest fault they found in the said earl was, that they knew him to be young, and not powerful. That should it please God to spare his life, he would undoubtedly testify and make known his love to the earl of Beziers; and that he would revenge the wrong of his kinsman and nephew, and be a friend to those who had any resentment of his injuries. Those hopes of being succoured and assisted by the king of Arragon, gave heart and courage to those who bore with impatience the tyrannical government of earl Simon of Montfort, so that going one day from Carcassone to Montelier, he found at his return, that several had taken up arms to free themselves from his yoke, having besieged certain of his soldiers in a tower near Carcassone. He made what haste he could to their assistance, but it was too late; for not being able to pass a river called Sarasse, and going to Carcassone to pass over the bridge, the tower was in the meantime taken, and his soldiers in it. This petty affront brought him into contempt, and gave several others the boldness to offer the like. Upon this, captain Boucard, one of the commanders of earl Simon, belonging to the castle of Seissac, undertook the surprisal of the strong castle of Cabaret, and to that purpose, made his approaches with as much secrecy as he could. Captain Rougier, who held the castle for the earl Remond, was gone out with twenty-four horses to forage. Boucard set upon him at unawares, and had like to have routed him, but Rougier perceiving it to be the enemy, charged him with that fury and briskness, that he put Boucard’s troop to flight, and brought him prisoner to that very castle, which, as he said, he was come to surprise.

About the same time Gerard de Pepios joined himself to the Albigenses, and seized upon Puiforignier, and the castle of Menerbe. Now the war was carried on on both sides with extreme cruelty; for if it be true, as the monk of the valleys of Sernay hath written, Gerard put out the eyes, and cut off the ears, nose, and upper lips of all the soldiers of earl Simon which he could take, and sent them back naked to the said earl, leaving only one with one eye to be a guide to the rest. On the other hand, whensoever the earl Simon gained the superiority, he caused a great fire to be kindled, and burnt all the prisoners that he took of the Albigenses therein.

The Romish adherents who took up arms for the Albigenses, did the like; for William of Rochfort, bishop of Carcassone, caused the abbot of Cisteaux to be slain, whom he met near Carcassone, his body being found murdered with twenty-six wounds, and the monk that was with him, with twenty-four.

Upon this, saith the monk, the city of Carcassone, and the soldiers that were therein, were under such a consternation, that they were almost out of all hopes of saving themselves otherwise than by flight; for they saw themselves surrounded with an infinite number of enemies. The earl Simon took occasion from those miseries, which put him out of patience, to write to the prelates throughout all Europe, that if he were not assisted the spring following, with a fresh supply of crusaders, it was impossible for him to hold out; because the enemies perceiving his weakness, made their advantages of it, as might hence appear, that since the departure of the last crusader