History Of The Albigenses, Those Other Glorious Witnesses To The Truth Of Christianity, Against The Antichrist Of Rome.

Containing The Tedious Wars And Terrible Persecutions Which They Suffered For The Sake Of The Gospel, In The Thirteenth Century.

CHAPTER - 1

Who the Albigenses were. — Their faith. — Who Were comprehended under the name of the Albigenses. — At what time, and by whom they were instructed in their faith. — In what credit and esteem their pastors have been. — By whom, and in what council condemned. — How they have multiplied and increased. — What cities and great lords have sided with them, — For what doctrine the Popes hated, and put them to death.

THE Albigenses, who are treated of in this history, did not differ from the Waldenses in faith, but were only so called from the country of Albi where they dwelt, and whence at first they derived their original. The popes condemned them as Waldenses. The legates made war upon them as professors of the faith of the Waldenses. The monks inquisitors formed their process and indictments as against Waldenses. 1 The people persecuted them as such, and they themselves looked upon that title as an honor, being very well assured of the purity of their doctrine, as the same with that of the Waldenses. 2 In respect whereof, several historians call them Waldenses. We shall distinguish them therefore not by their faith, but by the place wherein they, lived, and by the particular wars that they suffered for above fifty years. Under the name of Albigenses, we comprehend all the subjects of the earls Remond of Toulouse, both the father and the son, the subjects of the earls of Foix and Comminge, and all those who adhered to their party, who fought for their religion, and underwent the same troubles and persecutions.

They received the faith of the Waldenses, a little after the departure of Waldo 3 from Lyons. The instruments who were employed in that work, were Peter Bruis, Henry, Joseph, Esperon, and Arnold Hot, from whom they were afterwards called Pierrebruisians or Petrobruisians, Henricians, Josephists, Esperonists, and Arnoldists. But Henry and Arnold principally labored in the country of Albi, and with such success, that within a little time there were found but few, and in several places not any, who would go any more to the mass; saying, that the sacrifice of the mass was only invented to enrich the priests, and to make them the more esteemed and regarded in the world, as being able by their words to make the body of Christ, and to offer him up as a sacrifice to God the Father, for the sins both of the living and the dead. Which is a piece of wickedness and impiety, that in effect destroys the sacrifice of the Son of God, and makes the merit of his death and passion of none effect. There were many in the dioceses of Rhodes, Cahors, Agen, Toulouse, and Narbonne, who gave ear to their reasons and persuasions, because the doctors who taught amongst the Waldenses were learned men, and well skilled and versed in the holy Scripture. But the priests on the contrary, who applied their study to nothing else but the sacrifice of the mass, and to receive the oblations for the dead, were ignorant, and therefore contemned and slighted by the people. Pope Alexander III being much moved and incensed, because several great provinces did east off and reject the yoke of the court of Rome, and withdrew their obedience from it, condemned them as heretics in the Council of Lateran. Nevertheless they multiplied and increased to that degree, that in the year 1200, they possessed the cities of Toulouse, Apamiers, Montauban, Villemur, Antonin, Puech Laurence, Castres, Lambes, Carcassone, Beziers, Narbonne, Beaucaire, Avignon, Tarascon, the country of Veniscin; and in Dauphiny, Crest, Arnaud, and Monteil-Aimar. Moreover, they had many great lords who sided with them, Remond earl of Thoulouse, the earl of Foix, the viscount of Beziers, Gaston lord of Bearn, the earl of Carmain, the earl of Bigorre, the lady of Lauar, and several others, of whom mention shall be made in their proper place.

Besides all which, the kings of Arragon and England often took upon, them the defense of their cause, by reason of their alliance with Remond earl of Toulouse.

The doctrines that they maintained against the court of Rome were these: I. That the Romish church is not the holy church, and spouse of Christ, but that it is a church filled with the doctrine of devils. — That Babylon, which John described in the Revelation, the mother of fornications and abominations, forged with the blood of the saints.

II. That the mass was not instituted either by Christ, or the apostles, but is the invention of men.

III. That the prayers of the living are unprofitable to the dead.

IV. That purgatory, as held and maintained in the church of Rome, is a human invention, to serve the avarice of the priests.

V. That the saints ought not to be invocated.

VI. That transubstantiation is an invention of men, a false and erroneous doctrine; and the adoration of the bread, manifest and downright idolatry.

Therefore that we must forsake the church of Rome, wherein the contrary was affirmed and taught, because we cannot be present at the mass, wherein idolatry is used and practiced, nor expect salvation by any other means than by Jesus Christ, nor transfer that honor to creatures, which is due to the Creator, nor call bread by the name of God, and worship it as such, without incurring eternal damnation, because idolaters shall not inherit the kingdom of heaven.

For all these things affirmed by them, the papists hated, persecuted, and put those “WITNESSES” to death.

CHAPTER - 2

Pope Innocent III. made show of a desire to reduce the Albigenses into subjection to the Court of Rome by preaching and conference. The famous dispute at Montreal. For what end the Pope permitted controversial debates in matters of religion.

Pope Innocent III. was desirous to recover and reduce the Waldenses under the power of Rome, either by preaching and conference, or else entirely to destroy and root them out by force of arms and cruel punishments.

Before he came to extremities, he thought it convenient, and even necessary, in order to justify his proceedings, first to begin with words, and afterwards fall to blows. He therefore sent certain preaching friars among them who might endeavor to win them over by gentle arguments and persuasions.

The author of the Treasury of Histories thus speaks concerning those times: “When the news was brought to Pope Innocent III. that the disloyal heresy of the Waldenses had spread itself throughout his province of Narbonne; not only amongst the meaner sort, but that even earls, barons, and knights, were tainted and infected therewith; he therefore sent the abbot of Cisteaux thither, and two monks with him, to preach against those rebellious miscreants. When they had traveled a little way preaching throughout the country, they returned to Monpelier, where they met with a courageous man, who was bishop of Cestree. That good man asked the abbot of Cisteaux what he did there. He replied, that the pope had sent him against the Sodomites, but he could not convert them. That good man told him, that he was not at all dismayed and astonished at it; but bid them still vigorously and diligently maintain the work of our Lord, and went himself on foot to set a good example unto others, and they also tarried and went on foot with him. The abbot afterwards returned to the general assembly: but the bishop and two monks traveling a long time, and preaching through the country, converted some of the poorer sort of people; but of the grandees there were but few who returned to the popish faith.

The abbot returned into the country, and brought another abbot along with him, and several monks came thither, all on foot, whereupon the bishop began to think of returning into his country, but he died by the way. The monks who preached through the countries, found the princes so hardened and obdurate in their malice, that they would no longer stay there, but went back into their own countries; all except friar Peter of Chasteauneuf, who continued there preaching with one of his companions.” When the Albigenses understood the design of the pope, which was to pretend that it was not his fault that those whom he judged to be wanderers and strayers from the faith, were not brought over to the obedience of the court of Rome, by gentle arguments and reasonings; they thought it much concerned them to vindicate and maintain their faith by conferences, or that otherwise they should give people occasion to think, that there was some weakness and imbecility in their religion, if none of their pastors would undertake its defense. It was therefore concluded and agreed upon among the said Albigenses, to give the bishops to understand, that their pastors, or some of them in the name and behalf of the rest, were ready to prove and maintain their faith and religion by the word of God, provided the conference might be well ordered and governed; that there might be moderators on both sides, who should be vested with full power and authority to prevent all sedition and tumult. Provided also that it were held in some place, to which all parties concerned in the said conference might have a free and safe access. Moreover, that some one point or subject should be pitched upon and chosen, with the common consent of all the disputants, which should not be given over till fully discussed and determined; and that he who could not prove and maintain it by the word of God, should acknowledge himself to be vanquished and confuted.

The bishops and monks accepted of all the above mentioned conditions.

The place where the said dispute was held, was Montreal near Carcassone, in the year 1206. The umpires agreed upon by both parties, were the bishops of Villeneufe and Auxerre, on the bishop’s side, and R. de Bot, and Anthony Riviere for the Albigenses.

Arnold Hot was the pastor for the Albigenses, together with those who were judged to be proper persons for such an action. Arnold arrived the first, at the time and place appointed; then came the bishop Eusus, and the monk Dominick, with two of the pope’s legates, Peter Chastel, and Racul de Just abbot of Candets, Bertrand prior de Autreive; also the prior of Palats, and several other priests and monks.

The theses or points proposed by Arnold to be discussed, were these: that the mass and transubstantiation were invented by men, and not instituted and ordained by Christ, nor his apostles.

That the church of Rome is not the spouse of Christ, but the church of trouble and confusion, drunken with the blood of the martyrs.

That the polity or government of the church of Rome is neither good nor holy, nor established by Jesus Christ.

Arnold sent those propositions to the bishop, who required fifteen days to answer them, which was granted. The bishop did not fail to appear at the day appointed, bringing along with him a great scroll of writing. Arnold Hot desired to be heard by word of mouth, saying, that he would fully make answer to the contents of the said writing, begging his auditors’ patience if he took time in answering so tedious and prolix a writing. They promised to give him a patient and attentive audience without any interruption. He discoursed at several times for the space of four days, to the great admiration of the assistants, and with so much readiness on his part, that all the bishops, abbots, monks and priests might well wish to have been elsewhere. For he suited and adapted his answer to the points laid down in the said writing, with so much order, clearness and perspicuity, that he made it manifest and evident to the assistants, that the bishop had written much, but proved nothing against his propositions, which might truly tend to the advantage of the court of Rome.

Then Arnold required, that since in the beginning of their conference, both the bishops and himself were bound and obliged to prove what they alleged by the word of God alone, the said bishops, priests and monks might be put upon making out that the mass, in every part of it, as they authorized and sung it, was instituted by the Son of God, and sung in the same manner by his apostles, commencing at the beginning, down to the Ite, missa est. But the bishops could not prove, that any part thereof was ordained either by Jesus Christ or his apostles; at which the bishops were very much ashamed and displeased, for Arnold had reduced them to their only canon, which they pretended to be the best part of their mass, in which point he proved, that their mass was not the holy supper of the Lord, saying; that if the mass was not the holy supper instituted by the Lord, there would remain after the consecration, all that which was in the Lord’s Supper, namely, bread; but in your mass, as you so say, there is no bread: for by transubstantiation the bread vanishes. Therefore, said he, the mass without bread is not the holy supper of the Lord, wherein there was bread. JESUS CHRIST BROKE BREAD,PAUL BROKE BREAD. THE PRIEST BREAKS THE BODY,NOT BREAD.

The priest therefore doth not do that which Jesus Christ or Paul did.

Upon these antitheses, which Arnold made concerning the Lord’s Supper, and the mass, to prove that it was instituted neither by Christ nor his apostles, the monks, bishops, legates, and priests withdrew, without hearing him any further, fearing lest he should make some impressions upon the assistants, which would very much stagger their belief of the mass.

The monk of the valley of Sernay endeavored to render that action suspicious, saying, that when the heretical judges, being the more numerous, perceived the badness of their cause, and the wretchedness of the dispute on their side, they would not, saith he, give judgment in that dispute, nor even deliver up the writing to those of our party, for fear, he adds, they should come to light, and so render the heretics their due. But how should two legates of the pope, bishops, abbots, monks, and priests, put themselves into such a place, where they were so overnumbered? That monk saith in the same place, that the chief among the heretics came to dispute with the papists at the castle of Montreal. They therefore were masters of the castle, and consequently had no reason to fear or doubt of any such violence. Besides, how should the bishops have required the judgments of the moderators or umpires in a point, wherein they held, that there needs no more than the sentence of the pope, who cannot err? and how could that monk tell that the Waldenses were overcome, if there was no judgment given in the case?

About the same time there were held several other disputes at Sarignon and Painters, but this was only to amuse the Albigenses; for while the bishops of Toulouse and Onizomonde were disputing at Painters, and the two legates of the pope with Arnold at Montreal, the bishop of Villeneufe, the umpire and moderator of the bishop’s party, declared, that nothing could be concluded upon or determined, by reason of the coming of the soldiers, with the mark of the cross, as on a crusade. This was a piece of murderous craft and policy of the pope, to hold them in conference about religion, whilst he levied and prepared great armies to exterminate and destroy both them and their religion.

CHAPTER - 3

The disputes about religion terminated in wars stirred up by the Pope. — Pretences of the Pope for publishing the Croisade against the Albigenses. — Earl Remond submitted and humbled himself before the Pope’s legate, was whipped by him; deprived of his earldom of Veniscin by the Pope, and then made General of the Army of the Cross, at the Siege of Beziers.

WHEN pope Innocent had made ready his armies of crusaders, and dispersed them throughout the country of the Albigenses, they held no other disputes, but by fire and faggot. The executioners were then the chief disputants, and the monks inquisitors the harpies, whom the pope made use of towards the extirpation of the Albigenses. The pretense which he alleged for so signal and remarkable an expedition against Remond earl of Toulouse, was the death of a certain jacobin monk, who, as he said, was slam by the Albigenses. For the pope took occasion thence, to dispatch preaching monks throughout all Europe, to gather together all such as would come to revenge the blood of friar Peter of Chasteauneuf, who was slain by the heretics, as he fabled, promising paradise to who soever should bear arms for the space of forty days in the said war. A war which he termed the Holy War, and for which he gave the same pardons, and the same indulgences, as he did to those who transported themselves to conquer the holy land. He likewise styled it the War for the Cross, and the army of the Church. As to earl Remond; in these terms he thundered against him in his bull. “We command and enjoin all archbishops and bishops, throughout their respective dioceses, to pronounce and declare earl Remond anathematized and excommunicated, as the murderer of a good servant of God, and that with bell, book and candle, each Lord’s-day and holy-days. We moreover promise to all those who shall take up arms to revenge the said murder, the pardon and remission of their sins, since those pestilent and troublesome villains aim at nothing but to take away our lives. And since according to the sanctions of the holy canons,WE ARE NOT TO KEEP FAITH WITH THOSE WHO DO NOT KEEP IT WITH GOD, we would have all to know and understand, that every person who is bound to the said earl, either by oath of allegiance, covenant, or alliance, or any other way, whatsoever, is absolved by apostolical authority, from such obligations, and it is lawful for any Roman Catholic, not only to persecute the said earl in his person, but also to seize upon, and possess his country.”

As to the Albigenses, see here what treatment he gives them. “We therefore, strictly and earnestly admonish and exhort you, as being a matter of so vast importance and concern, that you would study and endeavor, by all the means which God shall put into your hands, to abolish and destroy the wicked heresy of the Albigenses, and its followers.

And that with more rigor and severity than you would use towards the Saracens themselves, persecuting and impugning them with a strong hand, and a stretched out arm, because they are worse than they, driving them out of the land of the Lord, and depriving them of their lands and possessions, banishing them, and putting Roman Catholics in their room.”

The pope wrote to all christian princes, to dispose themselves to obtain the like pardons and indulgences, by warring against the Albigenses, as they should obtain by crossing the seas to fight against the Turk. The author of the Treasure of Histories, particularly says, that the pope entreated king Philip, and several barons, to undertake with him that expedition against the Albigensian heretics, and thereby gain his pardons; and that the king made answer, that he could not do it, by reason of his war with the emperor Otho, and John king of England. Of the barons, many undertook the expedition, thereby to procure their pardon.

Earl Remond being informed of what was in agitation against him throughout Europe, at the instance of the pope, sent an ambassage unto him, and besought that he would not condemn him unheard, and assured him that he was not guilty of the death of friar Peter de Chasteauneuf, it having been evidently proved, that the murderer had fled to Baucaire. He complained of the malice of his enemies, who had given a wrong information of the said murder: but it was all to no purpose, for before his apology could come to Rome, the troops of crusading soldiers were set forth to pour out their rage and fury upon his territories; namely, the duke of Burgundy, the earl of Nevers, the earl of St. Paul, the earl of Auxerre, the earl of Geneva, the earl of Poitiers, the earl of Forests, and earl Simon of Montfort, the Sieur de Bar, Guichard de Beaujeu, and Gauchier de Joigni. The ecclesiastics who raised a great number of pilgrims in their dioceses, were the archbishop of Sens, the archbishop of Rouan, the bishop of Clermont, the bishop of Nevers, the bishop of Lizieux, the bishop of Bayeux, and the bishop of Chartres, and several others. Each bishop came with his party of pilgrims, to whom the pope promised paradise in Heaven; but gave them not one farthing upon earth. He only gave them to know, that in such kinds of war, they often meet with more blows than pardons. That levy of pilgrims was made in the year 1209.

Now the earl must of necessity either make head against the violence of his enemies, or else come to submission. The latter was esteemed the more easy, but very dangerous. For to surrender himself to the discretion of his enemies, was to run the hazard of his destruction. The earl Remond therefore made his appearance at Valence before Milo the pope’s legate.

Being entered the toil, he went about to excuse himself; saying, that he wondered so great a number of armed men should come against him, who had recourse to no other arms but his own innocence. — That it was a great piece of injustice in those who would persuade the soldiers of the cross, that he was guilty of the death of friar Peter de Chasteauneuf — That they ought, before they had thus moved heaven and earth, as it were, to have inquired into the truth of the fact, and not condemn any one without hearing him. — That there were several witnesses of the death of the said monk, who was slain at St. Giles by a certain gentleman, whom he pursued. — That the murderer, after he had given the blow, fled to his relations at Baucaire. — That that murder was very displeasing to him, and that therefore he had endeavored to the utmost of his power to have him apprehended and punished; but he made his escape. But suppose he had been guilty of the said crime, the ordinary course or method of justice therein was to proceed against him, and not fall upon his subjects, who in such a case would be altogether innocent. And therefore he told the said legate, that since in confidence of his own innocence, and fortified with the testimony of his conscience alone, he was come to deliver himself into his hands, there was no farther occasion to employ such a vast number of pilgrims against him whom they already had in their power. — That he was sure, were his innocence and integrity known, those who were coming to fight against him, would employ their weapons in his defense. And therefore he desired the said legate to countermand the crossed soldiers, before they approached any nearer his territories, promising to clear and justify himself of what was laid to his charge, in such a manner, as should be to the satisfaction both of the pope and the church. And lastly, that his person ought to be a sufficient hostage or security, for the performance of his promises.

The legate replied, That earl Remond had done well in coming to make his appearance, and inform him of his innocence, of which he would advertise his holiness, and make intercession for him. But that the buisiness was of such consequence and importance, that it did not depend upon his knowledge only to send back the soldiers of the cross, the raising of whom has caused so much pains and cost, unless he gave such proofs and assurances of what he said, as might take away all suspicion from the pope and the church, that he would not hereafter deceive those who had confided in him — and therefore he ought to think it no difficult matter to deliver into his hands seven of the best castles that he had in Provence, in the country of Veniscin, which was then joined to Provence, as a pledge.

Earl Remond knew then well enough his error in putting himself under the hatches. But it was too late to retreat, for the counsels which the legate gave him, were as so many commands. He knew that he was a prisoner, and that he must receive the law from him into whose hands he had imprudently thrown himself, and therefore seemed willing to obey whatsoever the legate commanded him; saying, that both himself and his country were at the service of his holiness; only beseeching the legate, that his subjects might receive no damage from the soldiers of the cross. The legate promised him all the assistance that he desired in that matter, and immediately sent Theodosius, canon of Gennes, into the country of Veniscin, to put garrisons into the castles and places of importance belonging to the said country, and to command all the governors of the cities to come to the said legate without delay. 1 There being arrived, it was told them that the earl Remond had resigned his castles into the hands and protection of the pope, in token of his fidelity to the church; of which they ought to be advertised and informed, that they might be disposed for the future to acknowledge themselves the lawful subjects of his holiness, if the said earl should in any thing act contrary to the oath of allegiance, which he had taken to the pope, and the court of Rome; in which case, as they were already, they should be freed and discharged from all their oaths of fidelity, formerly made to the said earl, and his country forfeited and confiscated to the pope. The said governors being astonished to see their lord stripped and deprived of his territories and dominions, could not in his presence, avoid doing whatsoever the legate required of them. But that which grieved them most was, to see the earl Remond conveyed to St. Giles’s, where he was reconciled to the pope and the church of Rome, with the following ceremonies. The legate commanded him to strip himself naked without the church of St. Giles, having nothing on but a pair of linen drawers, his feet, head, and shoulders bare: then he put a cowl which priests wear, about his neck, and dragging him by the said cowl, he caused him to go nine times about the grave of the late friar Peter of Chasteauneuf, who was buried in the said church, whipping him with rods, which he had in his hand, all the time that he went about the said grave. The earl Remond demanded satisfaction for so extraordinary a penance, inflicted for a crime which he had never committed, since he did not slay the said monk. The legate replied, that although he did neither slay him nor cause him to be slain, yet because that murder was committed within his territories and jurisdiction, and he never made any pursuit or inquiry after the murderer; that murder was deservedly imputed to him, and that he must therefore make satisfaction to the pope and the church, by that humble repentance, if he desired to be reconciled to either. Nay, that he must likewise be whipt before the earls, barons, marquesses, prelates, and a great number of other people. He made him also swear by the corpus domini, as they call it, and by certain other relics, which were brought for that purpose, that he would continue to his life’s end, to pay universal obedience in all things to the pope and the court of Rome, and that he would wage a perpetual, mortal and irreconcilable war against the Albigenses, until they were either entirely extirpated and destroyed, or else reduced to the obedience of the pope of Rome. To which having solemnly, but by force given this oath; the legate, to honor him the more, and to oblige him to stand to what he had sworn, made him general of the army of the cross, to lead them to the siege of Beziers. Which he did with the design, to make the Albigenses despair of ever being maintained and defended by him, who having abjured their religion, was put in commission to oppose and persecute it.

CHAPTER - 4

The perplexity of Earl Remond after his pretended reconciliation. — The siege of Beziers. — The intercession of the Earl of Beziers for his city, to no purpose. — The taking of Beziers; how, and with what cruelty they were used.

EARL REMOND of Toulouse, was very much troubled and perplexed, when the charge was laid upon him of leading the army of the cross before Beziers. To make war against the Albigenses was to act in contradiction to his conscience, and to make himself an enemy to those of whom, till then, he had been the chief support and pillar; and moreover, to bind and stake himself down to a perpetual servitude to the pope and his legates. On the other hand, to endeavor to desert the army of the cross by flight — that was to give them a new handle to persecute him; for in that case they might with some color of justice pursue him, as a perfidious, relapsed, and perjured person; and if he were apprehended, he should run the danger of losing his life, his dignity, and his friends together. On the other side, in doing what the legate’s charge obliged him to, he would occasion the loss of Beziers, the total destruction of the subjects of the earl of Beziers, his nephew, and even of his nephew himself. In that trouble and anxiety of spirit, he chose rather to tarry in the army of the crusaders for some days; after which he took leave of the legate, to set out for Rome, in order to humble himself before the pope, which could not be denied him. In the mean time, while the persecutors made their approaches to the city of Beziers, the rams, slings, machines, and other engines of war, were prepared to give the general assault, applying so vast a number of scaling ladders to the walls of the city, that it was utterly impossible to resist, or withstand the furious attack that the crusaders were preparing to make.

The earl of Beziers went forth out of the city, and cast himself at the feet of the legate Milo, begging his mercy for the city of Beziers, and beseeching him not to involve the innocent in the same punishment with the guilty, which would undoubtedly come to pass if Beziers were taken by storm, which might easily be done by so great and powerful an army as that was, which was ready to mount the scaling ladders at every part of the city. That there would be great effusion of blood on both sides, which might be hindered and prevented; that there was a great number of Romanists in Beziers, who would he involved in the self-same ruin, contrary to the intention and design of the pope, who aimed at nothing but the punishment of the Albigenses. But if it was not his pleasure to spare his subjects for their own sake, yet he desired him to have regard to himself, his age, and quality, since the damage would fall upon him, who was in his minority, and a most faithful and obedient servant to the pope, as having been brought up and educated in the church of Rome, in which he would live and die. But if he was offended that such persons as were enemies to the pope had been tolerated within his dominions, it ought not to be imputed to him as his fault, since he had no other subjects than those which his deceased father had left him; and that by reason of his minority and the shortness of the time since he came to the government, he could not as yet be supposed able to take cognizance of that evil, or apply a proper remedy, although he did design so to do. However, that he hoped for the future, to give such satisfaction to the pope and the court of Rome, as became a dutiful and obedient son to them both.

The legate’s answer was, that all his apologies and excuses would stand him in no stead, and that he must do as he could.

The earl of Beziers returned into the city, caused the people to be called together, and told them, that after he had made his submission to the legate, he interceded for them, but could obtain nothing in their behalf but pardon upon condition that all those who made profession of the faith of the Albigenses, would abjure their religion, and promise to live according to the laws of the court of Rome.

The papists entreated them to submit to that great violence, and not be the occasion of their death, since the legate was resolved to pardon none, unless they would all of them live in subjection to one and the same law.

The Albigenses made answer, that they would not renounce their faith for the poor and contemptible purchase of this perishing life; that they knew well enough that God could, if he pleased, save and defend them. But they knew as well, that if he was pleased to be glorified by the confession of their faith, it would be an exceeding honor for them to sacrifice their lives for righteousness’ sake; — that they had rather displease the pope, who could only destroy their bodies, than God, who is able to destroy both soul and body together; — that they never would be ashamed of and forsake a faith whereby they had been taught the knowledge of Christ and his righteousness, and at the hazard of eternal death, exchange it for a religion which annihilated the merit of Christ, and made his righteousness of none effect; — that they therefore might treat for themselves as they could, but must not promise anything in. their behalf, contrary to the duty of good Christians.

Which being understood, the Romanists sent their bishop to the legate, to entreat him not to comprehend those in that punishment of the Waldenses, who had ever been constant adherents to the pope of Rome; of whom, he who was their bishop had a certain knowledge, not believing that the rest were so past all hopes of repentance, but that they might be brought over by a becoming mildness, to the church, which doth not delight in blood.

The legate flew into a passion, and with terrible threatenings and menaces, did protest and swear, that “unless all those who were in the city, did acknowledge their fault, and submit to the power of Rome, they should all be put to the sword, without any regard to Roman Catholics, to age or sex.” He immediately commanded, that the city should be summoned to surrender at discretion; which they refusing to do, he caused all his engines of war to play, and gave orders for the general assault. Now, it was impossible for those who were within to withstand such an attack: so that being thus pressed and overcharged by above a hundred thousand crusaders, they were at length vanquished, saith the author of the Treasure of Histories; the enemies rushed in upon them, slew a great number of them, and then set fire to the city. The city being taken, the priests, monks, and clerks, came forth out of the great church of Beziers, called Nazari, carrying the banner, cross, and holy water, bare-headed, clothed with their ecclesiastical robes and ornaments, singing the Te Deum laudamus, in token of joy that the town was taken, and purged of the Albigenses. The pilgrims who had received orders from the legate to slay all, broke in upon their procession, made the heads and arms of the priests to fly about, striving who should do best; so that even those were all hewed in pieces.

To excuse this cruelty, even condemned by some of the spectators themselves, they have inserted these lying stories in history — that the cross-men were enraged against the said inhabitants of Beziers, because they had thrown the book of the Gospels over the walls of the city, crying, there is the law of your God; and that the pilgrims thereupon made a resolution, to slay all those that they should find within the compass of Beziers, that they might be sure those might not escape, who had been guilty of such a blasphemy. But how is it possible that the Albigenses could have acted with so much impiety against the holy Gospel of our Lord, when one of the chief causes why they forsook the church of Rome was, because the holy Gospel of Christ was locked up from the people?

One of the principal false crimes which they laid to earl Remond’s charge was, that he always carried a New Testament about him. To that lying wonder they annexed a cheating miracle, which is, that Beziers was taken upon Magdalen’s day, because, say they, the heretics speak evil of Magdalen in their law. Thus doth the author of the Treasure of Histories express himself in the case. Now this is such a hellish and diabolical imposture, that I hardly dared commit it to paper; and yet the monk of the valleys of Sernay hath set it down at large, without any scruple, although the very thoughts of it alone is sufficient to make any one’s hair to stand on end, who hath the least spark, the least grain of piety. The city being thus pillaged, burned and razed, the crusaders, who thought that they had merited paradise by that devastation and effusion of Christian blood, were immediately led to Carcassone, before the expiration of the forty days of war, which they had vowed to the pope of Rome; because, at the end of that term, every one was permitted to return home.

CHAPTER - 5

The siege and capture of the town of Carcassone. — The general assault on the city. — A great number of the soldiers of the cross slain. — The intercession of the King of Arragon for the Earl of Beziers ineffectual. — The stratagem for the taking of the Earl of Beziera. — The flight of the people of Carcassone. — The taking of Carcassone.

WHEN the earl of Beziers saw that he could obtain nothing from the legate in favor of his city, having left it to the prelate, to try if he could by any means, obtain pardon for the people; in the mean time, knowing very well that Beziers being taken, the city of Carcassone would not fail of being next attacked by him; because, being strong by nature, the legate could not make a place of arms, nor fix a garrison in a more proper place; he was advised to retire thither, and immediately to furnish it with whatsoever was necessary to hold out a long and tedious siege. He therefore made his retreat to Carcassone, attended by his most faithful friends and servants.

The legate’s army followed close upon his heels, to which there arrived fresh supplies of soldiers of the cross; — the bishops of Agenois, Limoges, Bazades, Cahors, and the archbishop of Bordeaux, each bringing along with him the crusaders of his diocess. There likewise came the earl of Touraine, Bertrand de Cardaillac, the lord of Chastelneau, and the lord of Montratier, who commanded the troops of Querci; of all which troops the earl of Dunoy was general. There came also so great a number out of Provence, Lombardy, and Germany, that the legate Milo’s army was found to consist of about three hundred thousand fighting men, when he arrived before Carcassone.

This is the situation of Carcassone. There is a city, and a town or borough; the city stands upon a hill, or rising ground, surrounded with a double wall: the borough is in the plain, about two miles distant from the city. In those days, the city was accounted a very strong place, and a great number of the Albigenses fled thither. The crusaders thought to make themselves masters of it out of hand, for they furiously rushed upon the first rampart, and filled the ditch with fascines; but they met with so courageous and valiant a repulse, that the ground was covered with their dead bodies round about the city.

The young earl of Beziers very much signalized himself in that first day’s action, animating his subjects, and telling them that they must remember the usage and treatment which those of Beziers received; — that they had to do with the same enemies, who had changed the siege, but not the cruelty of their temper, nor their will to exterminate and destroy them if they could; — that it was therefore better for them to die in battle, than to fall into the hands of such cruel and relentless enemies; — that as for his part, he made profession of the Roman religion, but he saw well enough that that war was not upon the account of religion, but only a piece of robbery contrived and agreed upon, to invade the territories and dominions of the earl Remond, and all those that were related to him; — that it did much more concern them to stand stoutly in their own defense, than it did him, who could lose no more than his life and possessions, without changing his religion; but they were liable to lose both their lives and the free exercise of their religion at once; — that he would never desert nor forsake them in so honorable a cause as was that of defending themselves against those common enemies, who, under the mask of pretended piety, were nothing else than thieves and robbers.

The Albigenses being animated and encouraged by the speech of this young lord, took a solemn oath, that they would devote and venture both their lives and fortunes in the preservation and defense of the city of Carcassone, and whatever else did concern the said lord.

The day following the legate ordered the scaling ladders to be applied, and the general attack to be given to the town of Carcassone. The people who were within made a stout and resolute defense; but the ladders being crowded with assailants, and placed so near together as to touch one another, those that were in the borough being beat from the walls, the enemies entered in upon them, and gave the inhabitants of the said borough just the same treatment as they did those of Beziers, putting them all to the sword, and then burned the town.

Whilst those things were transacted, the king of Arragon came to the legate’s army, and went first into earl Remond’s tent, who was forced to assist at that siege against his own nephew. Thence he went to the legate, and told him, that having heard that the earl of Beziers, his kinsman, was besieged in Carcassone, he was come in order to endeavor to make him sensible of his duty to the pope and the church: which he persuaded himself, he might the more easily do, because he knew that the said earl had always made profession of the Roman religion.

The legate gave him leave to undertake what he said he designed. The king of Arragon approached the ramparts; — the earl of Beziers held a parley with him. The king of Arragon desired to know, what had moved the earl to shut himself up in the city of Carcassone against so vast an army of crusaders. The earl replied, that it was the justice of his cause which obliged him to defend his life, his possessions, and his subjects, who had put him upon it; — that he knew the pope, under the color and pretense of religion, had a design to ruin both the earl Remond his uncle, and himself too; — that he found this when entreating for the inhabitants of Beziers, his subjects — he would not receive the Roman catholics into favor, neither did he spare the priests themselves, who were all cut in pieces, though clothed with their sacerdotal ornaments, and under the banner of the cross; — that that horrid instance of cruelty and impiety, together with that transacted in the borough of Carcassone, where they were all exposed to fire and sword, without distinction either of age or sex, had taught him not to look for any mercy at the hands of the legate, or his crusaders; — that he had therefore much rather die with his subjects in his own defense, than be exposed to the mercy of so relentless and inexorable an enemy as the legate was; and although there were several of his subjects in the city of Carcassone of a contrary faith to that of Rome, yet they were such persons as never did any wrong or injury to any one, and who were come to aid and assist him in his necessity — and that in recompense for that good service to him, he was resolved never to desert them, as they had promised on their part to hazard and expose both their lives and fortunes in his defense; — that he hoped that God, who is the protector and defender of the innocent and oppressed, would aid and support them against that misinformed multitude, who, under the color of meriting heaven, had left their own houses to murder, plunder, burn and destroy the houses of other men, without reason, mercy, or discretion.

The king of Arragon returned to the legate, who assembled several great lords and prelates together, to hear what report the king of Arragon had to make to them; who told them, that he had found his kinsman, the earl of Beziers, very much offended and displeased with their former proceedings against the people of Beziers and the borough of Carcassone, his subjects — and that he was induced to believe, that since they did not spare the Roman catholics, nor the priests themselves, this was not a war undertaken upon the account of religion, but only a kind of robbery carried on under the color and pretense thereof; — that he hoped that God would be pleased to make known his innocence, and the occasion which he had to secure himself by a just defense; — that he must no longer hope nor expect, that they would surrender themselves to their discretion, since the only discretion which they had was, to slay all those that did resign themselves to their mercy; — that no one ever got anything by driving his enemy to despair, but that if the legate was pleased to grant to the earl of Beziers and his subjects a tolerable composition, and upon reasonable terms, the Albigenses might sooner be brought over to the church of Rome by gentleness and mildness, than by the extremity of rigor and severity; and above all, they ought to remember, that the earl of Beziers was but young, and a Roman catholic, who might prove very instrumental to the reduction of those who had put their confidence in him.

The legate answered the king of Arragon, that if he would Withdraw a little, they would consult about what was best to be done in the case.

The king being called in again, the legate gave him to understand, that in regard to his intercession he would receive the earl of Beziers to mercy; and that therefore he might, if he pleased, bring out a dozen more with him, with their bag and baggage. But as to the people in the city of Carcassone, they should not go out but at his discretion — of whom they ought to have a good opinion, because he was the pope’s legate, and that they should all, both men, women, maidens and children, come forth stark naked, without any covering to hide their nakedness — That the earl of Beziers should be kept under strait custody and confinement, and all his possessions remain in the hands of the succeeding lord, which should be chosen for the preservation of the country.

The king of Arragon, although he knew that a composition upon those terms was not worth the proposing to the earl of Beziers, nevertheless performed his trust therein. Which when the earl of Beziers understood, he replied that he would never go out upon such unjust and dishonorabie conditions as those were, and that he was resolved to defend himself with his subjects, by such means and methods as God should be pleased to appoint.

The king of Arragon departed not without showing his displeasure and dislike of those ungodly proceedings.

The legate commanded them to play all their engines of war, and to, take the city by force. But he had the mortification to see a great number of his crusaders slain: — for those who were in the city, cast such a quantity of great stones, fire, pitch and brimstone upon them, and galled the assailants with such showers of arrows, that the ground was covered, and the ditches filled with the dead bodies of the crossmen; which occasioned a very great stench both in the camp and city. This rough entertainment, caused the remainder of the soldiers of the cross to seek for forage about the fields, as having accomplished their forty days’ service, in which time they had purchased paradise, refusing to enter upon any further conquest, after so glorious a purchase, for fear they should exchange their former felicity for mere blows.

The legate was very much troubled to see his army reduced to so small a number, and out of all hopes of taking that important place, so convenient for the quartering of those who should have the future charge and conduct of “the army of the church.” Therefore he bethought himself of a stratagem, which he effected. He sent for a gentleman, who was in the army, and told him, that it lay in his power to do the church a signal piece of service. For which, besides the rewards he would receive in heaven, he should be recompensed upon earth in proportion to his merit. He was to approach near to the ramparts of the city of Carcassone, and there by some signal or other to let the besieged know, that he desired parley with them; and then that he would beg leave to speak with the earl of Beziers, because, as his kinsman and servant, he had something to tell him, which would tend to the great honor and advantage of all the inhabitants of Carcassone — which having done, he must in the next place make use of all his craft and subtilty to terrify and intimidate him, and to persuade him to fling himself upon our mercy; and particularly, that he would endeavor to the utmost of his power, both by persuasions, promises, oaths and execrations, of which he, as being the pope’s legate, had power to clear and absolve him, to bring him to him, with assurance to see him safe back into Carcassone.

That person played his part so well, that he brought the earl of Beziers along with him to the legate, where being arrived, the young earl told the legate, that if he were pleased to exercise a little more moderation and mildness towards his subjects, that business should be concluded to his satisfaction, and he would reduce the Albigenses into the church of Rome — that the conditions which had been proposed to him were shameful and dishonorable, and very ill becoming those whose eyes ought to be as chaste as their thoughts — That his people would choose rather to die, than to see themselves exposed to such ignominy and disgrace; and therefore he desired him to be more moderate in his proposals, and told him, that he was persuaded he could make his subjects submit to any thing that was tolerable and reasonable.

The legate’s answer was this — ”The inhabitants of Carcassone might do as they pleased — That he need not take any further care about them, because he was his prisoner till Carcassone was taken, and his subjects had better learnt their duty.”

The earl being astonished and surprised, vowed and protested that he was betrayed, and that faith was violated; and that he came thither upon the word of a gentleman, who promised with solemn oaths and execrations, to conduct him safe back into the city of Carcassone. Being demanded who, or where that gentleman was, that young earl did then learn how imprudent it was to leave his city upon bare words alone. He was committed to the guard and custody of the duke of Burgundy.

The inhabitants of Carcassone having heard of the confinement of their lord, burst out into tears, and were seized with such a fear and error, that they thought of nothing more than how to escape the danger they were in.

But all means of so doing, to outward appearance, were taken away from them, for they were blocked up on all sides, and the trenches filled with men. But there was one among them, who told them that he had heard some ancient men of the city say, that there was a certain vault or passage under ground in Carcassone, so big, that very many might walk upright therein, which led to the castle of Cameret or Cabaret, about three leagues distance from Carcassone; and that if the mouth or entry thereof could be found, Providence had provided for them a miraculous deliverance. Then was all the city, except those that kept guard upon the ramparts, employed in searching out this passage. At length the entrance being found, they all of them began their journey through it about the beginning of the night, carrying with them only a little victuals to serve them for a few days. It was a dismal and sorrowful sight, to see this removal and departure accompanied with tears, sighs, and lamentations, to think that they must leave their moveables, and houses furnished with all sorts of goods, to betake themselves to the uncertain event of saving themselves by flight, leading their children, and decrepid old persons along with them, and to hear the miserable outcries of the women. They arrived next day at the said castle, from whence they dispersed themselves up and down, some to Arragon, others into Catalonia, others to Toulouse, and the other cities belonging to their party, Wheresoever it pleased Divine Providence to dispose of them.

The next day the crusaders wondered that they had heard no noise all that night, and much more, that they saw nobody stirring that day. They drew near to the wall, in much doubt, fearing lest it should be a stratagem, contrived to draw them into an ambuscade; but not perceiving any thing, which might give them any cause of suspicion, they mounted the breach, entered the town, and cried out to the army, that the Albigenses were fled.

The legate caused speedy proclamation throughout the army, that no person should offer to seize, and carry off any of the plunder; but that it should all be carried to the great church of Carcassone, whence it should all be afterwards brought out and sold for the profit of the crusaders, rewarding each of them according to their deserts. But the earl of Beziers was committed close prisoner to one of the strongest castles in Carcassone.

CHAPTER - 6

The legate Milo establishes a general for the Church. — Earl Simon of Montfort accepts the commission. — Earl Remond is absolved by the Pope. — Death of the Earl of Beziers. — The King of Arragon displeased with Earl Simon. — Several revolts from his obedience. — He desired a fresh supply of crusaders from the prelates.

THE city of Carcassone being in the possession of the legate, he resolved to make it a place of arms against the Albigenses. Thereupon he called a council of all the prelates and lords who remained in his army, to ask their advice about his future conduct in a war, which, as they saw, must needs be of long continuance. He likewise told them, that although he thought it expedient, that a legate of his holiness should always accompany the army of the church, to give authority to its proceedings, it was notwithstanding necessary, that a secular general should be chosen, both potent, wise, valiant and formidable, with absolute power to command on all occurrences, and to expedite and despatch all the affairs relating to the war, by his wise and prudent management — it being beyond the capacity of the clergy to lead the armies, or to make war. That they should therefore agree among themselves upon one of the lords of the cross, who should be put in possession of the conquered countries, and to whom the care and management of that holy war should be committed, until it was otherwise disposed of by the pope.

That charge was at first offered to the duke of Burgundy, and then to the earls of Nevers and Paul, who all refused it; which they perceiving, and not being able to agree about the nomination of the said general, they unanimously nominated and appointed two bishops, with the abbot of Cisteaux, the legate of the apostolic see, and four military men, to whom they gave full power to choose a person, who should have the future conduct and government of the army of the church.

They nominated the earl Simon of Montfort, which being declared unto him, he excused himself, alleging his inability. But he at length accepted of it, after the abbot of Cisteaux had enjoined him, by virtue of his obedience, to submit to the said nomination, and he promised, saith the author of the Treasure of Histories, 1 to endeavor, to the utmost of his power, to harass and persecute the enemies of our Lord, for so they called the Albigenses.

Earl Simon of Montfort being made general of the army of the church, took up his residence at Carcassone with four thousand crusaders, who were still remaining out of that vast levy of three hundred thousand men.

Montreal, Faniaux and Limons, made large contributions towards the garrison, for they were not to harbor crusaders therein, who were obliged to no service after the expiration of their forty days, but such soldiers as were well affected to guard and secure that place.

In the meantime, the earl Remond of Toulouse, went to king Philip Dieu Donne, to obtain his letters recommendatory to the pope, to the end that he might be fully justified and cleared of the murder of friar Peter of Chasteauneuf, of which he had been unjustly forced to confess himself guilty, only because the said murder was committed in his territories, and legate Milo had inflicted a very unjust and severe penance for the same.

From the court of France he set out for Rome, where he immediately received absolution from Pope Innocent III. as if it had been prepared and reserved for him. The pope gave him a very kind reception, presented him with a very rich cloak, and a ring of great value, and fully pardoned and absolved him concerning the said murder, declaring him sufficiently cleared and justified with relation to that matter.

The earl of Beziers, prisoner at Carcassone, died quickly after earl Simon of Montfort had been put in possession of his lands, with great suspicion of having been poisoned. Earl Simon seemed to be very much concerned for his death, and caused him to be interred with great pomp and splendor in the great church of Carcassone, being carried with his face uncovered, to the end, that his subjects might not question his death. He went soon after to lay claim to the inheritance of the said earl, as belonging to him, by virtue of the donation which had been made him by the pope’s legate, and the charge or commission in which he was placed for the service of the church. In pursuance of which, he demanded the investiture of the country of Beziers and the city of Carcassone, of the king of Arragon. The king of Arragon refused to give it him, showing his displeasure and dislike of the ruin and extinction of that family, under the color and cloak of religion.

The duke of Burgundy testified the like displeasure, when the charge of general was offered to him, saying, “that he had lands and lordships enough of his own, without accepting of those of the earl of Beziers, and robbing him of his possessions; adding, that he had already suffered but too much injury and wrong.”

Earl Simon began to be feared by all his neighbors, upon the report which he spread abroad, that in the spring following, he should have a great army of crusaders at his command, and that he would then punish those who would not acknowledge the authority in which the church had placed him.

The inhabitants of Castres sent certain of their citizens to him, with the keys of their city; the castle of Pamies was delivered up to him, every one submitted to his commands round about Carcassone, and in the earldom of Beziers. Notwithstanding this, he met with a cross accident in the midst of his prosperity, which to him was an omen of many misfortunes. The king of Arragon holding secretly correspondence with the gentlemen of Beziers, instigated them to humble that petty tyrant, who had been intruded into the possession of another, saying, that if he was not put to the necessity of having always a great number of crusaders for his conquests, he would abuse their rest and repose, and take courage to seize upon, and invade the dominions of all his neighbors, under pretense of that commission which had been conferred upon him by the pope; but if he knew the danger of wanting his soldiers of the cross, he would be better advised, since it was impossible for him always to have so great a number of crusaders at his command, as to render him continually formidable; for there must be time to raise, time to bring them out of far countries, and if he did not make use of them within forty days after their arrival, he would be more weak after the expiration of their pilgrimage, than he was before. That the best course they could take to annoy, and to do him a mischief was, to keep themselves blocked up in their garrisons at the arrival of the crusaders, and to set upon them on all sides at their departure when they were weak; so that being at length quite tired and wearied out with the fatigue of this business, he might dearly pay for that possession, to which he supposed he had a sufficient right and title, by the donation of those who had nothing to do therewith. The king of Arragon added further, that he could not bear to hear of so unjust a usurpation, without showing his resentments of it; since if that war was made with a design to take away the goods and the lives of the Albigenses, what right had the legate to confiscate the estate of the earl of Beziers, who ever lived and died in the faith of the church of Rome? That it was therefore apparent, that the greatest fault they found in the said earl was, that they knew him to be young, and not powerful. That should it please God to spare his life, he would undoubtedly testify and make known his love to the earl of Beziers; and that he would revenge the wrong of his kinsman and nephew, and be a friend to those who had any resentment of his injuries. Those hopes of being succoured and assisted by the king of Arragon, gave heart and courage to those who bore with impatience the tyrannical government of earl Simon of Montfort, so that going one day from Carcassone to Montelier, he found at his return, that several had taken up arms to free themselves from his yoke, having besieged certain of his soldiers in a tower near Carcassone. He made what haste he could to their assistance, but it was too late; for not being able to pass a river called Sarasse, and going to Carcassone to pass over the bridge, the tower was in the meantime taken, and his soldiers in it. This petty affront brought him into contempt, and gave several others the boldness to offer the like. Upon this, captain Boucard, one of the commanders of earl Simon, belonging to the castle of Seissac, undertook the surprisal of the strong castle of Cabaret, and to that purpose, made his approaches with as much secrecy as he could. Captain Rougier, who held the castle for the earl Remond, was gone out with twenty-four horses to forage. Boucard set upon him at unawares, and had like to have routed him, but Rougier perceiving it to be the enemy, charged him with that fury and briskness, that he put Boucard’s troop to flight, and brought him prisoner to that very castle, which, as he said, he was come to surprise.

About the same time Gerard de Pepios joined himself to the Albigenses, and seized upon Puiforignier, and the castle of Menerbe. Now the war was carried on on both sides with extreme cruelty; for if it be true, as the monk of the valleys of Sernay hath written, Gerard put out the eyes, and cut off the ears, nose, and upper lips of all the soldiers of earl Simon which he could take, and sent them back naked to the said earl, leaving only one with one eye to be a guide to the rest. On the other hand, whensoever the earl Simon gained the superiority, he caused a great fire to be kindled, and burnt all the prisoners that he took of the Albigenses therein.

The Romish adherents who took up arms for the Albigenses, did the like; for William of Rochfort, bishop of Carcassone, caused the abbot of Cisteaux to be slain, whom he met near Carcassone, his body being found murdered with twenty-six wounds, and the monk that was with him, with twenty-four.

Upon this, saith the monk, the city of Carcassone, and the soldiers that were therein, were under such a consternation, that they were almost out of all hopes of saving themselves otherwise than by flight; for they saw themselves surrounded with an infinite number of enemies. The earl Simon took occasion from those miseries, which put him out of patience, to write to the prelates throughout all Europe, that if he were not assisted the spring following, with a fresh supply of crusaders, it was impossible for him to hold out; because the enemies perceiving his weakness, made their advantages of it, as might hence appear, that since the departure of the last crusaders, he had lost above forty cities and castles, the keys of which had been formerly brought, and delivered to him by the people, who now revolted from him and the church, he being unable, for want of men, to remedy and prevent it. That he therefore besought them in God’s name to lend him their assistance, or else he must be forced to quit and fling up the rights of the church and the country together.

Thus each party striving which should do the greatest mischief to the other, the earl Simon, whilst he waited for fresh supplies, took the castle of Beron near Montreal, where he put out the eyes, and cut off the noses of above a hundred Albigenses, and left one of them with one eye, to serve for a guide to conduct those mutilated christians to Cabaret.

CHAPTER - 7

Fresh hosts of Crusaders join Earl Simon, led from France by his wife.

Earl Simon recovered by them the castles of Menerbe, Termes, and the city de la Vaur. Earl Remond is cited to appear before the Legate. — He refuses to make his appearance. — He is deceived by Tolquet Bishop of Toulouse, who maketh him lose the castle of Narbonne. — Death of the legate Milo.

IN the year 1210, earl Simon being shut up in Carcassone, saith the treasure of histories, for want of forces, he understood that the countess his wife was bringing a great number of crusaders along with her from France, at which news he greatly rejoiced and went to meet her. A pleasant war indeed it was, in which the soldiers were raised by the priests, and headed by a woman.

The crusaders were employed in the recovery of the castle of Menerbe, a place by nature very strong, upon the frontiers of Spain. That siege was obtained at the intreaty of Ameri, lord of Narbonne, and the inhabitants thereof, who told them, that that place had ever been a thorn in their feet.

They surrendered themselves for lack of water to the discretion of the legate, who ordered the crusaders to enter into the place with the cross and banner, causing the Te Deum to be sung. The abbot of Vaux had a mind to preach to those who were found in the castle, and exhort them to acknowledge the pope and adhere to the church of Rome; but they not staying till he had made an end of his discourse, unanimously cried out:

We will not renounce our faith, we reject that of the church of Rome; your labor is to no purpose; neither life nor death shall move us to forsake our religion. Upon this answer, earl Simon and the legate caused a great fire to be kindled, and cast a hundred and forty persons of both sexes therein, who approached the flames with joy and alacrity, thanking and praising God, that he had vouchsafed them the honor to suffer death for his name’s sake. Thus did those true martyrs of Jesus Christ end their frail and perishing lives in the midst of the flames, to live eternally in Heaven. Thus did they triumph over the. pope’s legate, opposing him to his face, threatening earl Simon with the just judgment of God, and that he would one day, when the books should be opened, dearly pay for the cruelties, which he then seemed, without danger of punishment, to exercise. Several of their monks and priests exhorted them to have pity on themselves, promising them their lives, provided they would live in obedience to the Romish faith; but three women only accepted of life upon condition of the abjuration of their religion; and they were induced so to do, by the allurements of Richard de Marsiac’s mother, all the rest most constantly suffering death. After that expedition, earl Simon laid siege to the castle of Termes, in the same territory of Narbonne, a place which seemed invincible by human force; which was also taken for want of water, not by capitulation; but because having for a long time wanted water, when it rained, and they drinking of the rain water which fell into their cisterns, which were not sufficiently cleansed and purified, they all fell sick. Therefore seeing themselves reduced to such a condition, and if they were put upon the necessity of fighting, they were unable to make any defense; they resolved to quit the place by night: which they did, without being perceived. The bishop of Chartres’ soldiers entered the place, as soon as they perceived they had departed, and set up the standard of their bishop therein. Among other reasons which earl Simon made use of to animate the pilgrims, this was one of the most powerful, that that place was of all others most execrable, because there had been no mass sung therein, ever since the year 1180, for the space of thirty years. The castle Vetville de la Vaur, gave great uneasiness to earl Simon. 4 It was besieged with fresh troops of crusaders, who came not long before from France, during the siege of Termes, under the conduct of the prelates of Chartres and Beauvais, the earls of Dreux, and Pontieure. That place was situated upon the river d’Agotte, five leagues from Carcassone, looking towards Toulouse, the lady of which was one Gerandi, sister to Aimeri, lord of Montreal. The legate had deprived the lord of Montreal of all his places and possessions, which occasioned him to cast himself into the city de la Vaur, to defend his sister. There were a great many honest people within that place. The legate had crusaders with him from all parts; from Normandy, they were led by their bishops, especially by the bishop of Liseux. Six thousand Germans were likewise upon their march to him. The earl of Foix being advertised of their coming, lay in ambush in their way, where he totally routed them, without suffering any to escape, except one count, who at the beginning of the engagement fled to carry the news to earl Simon, who caused the earl of Foix to be pursued with fourteen thousand men, but it was to no purpose; for he had already made his retreat to Mongiscard.

After six months siege, the city de la Vaur was scaled and taken, where the inhabitants were all put to the sword, except twenty-four gentlemen, whom earl Simon caused to be hanged. Aimeri was hanged upon a gallows higher than the rest; the lady de Lavaur was cast into a pit, and there knocked on the head with stones. We read but of one single act of humanity, that was ever done by earl Simon’s troops, which was this; a certain gentleman being informed, that there were several women and damsels shut up in a house together, he begged them of the general, who granted them to him, and he conducted them safe and secure out of their hands, without any violence or indignity. 5 Those were the principal places which the legate took in the year 1210.

Earl Remond of Toulouse, upon his return from Rome with the pope’s letter, gave legate Milo to understand, that he was reconciled to the pope, and had received a full and entire absolution from him, and that he had made him some presents. The matter notwithstanding is otherwise set down in the Treasure of Histories, 6 for it is there said, that the pope wrote to the bishop of Rhodes, to Milo, and to Theodosius, that if the earl could sufficiently clear himself before them of the death of friar Peter, and the heresy of which he was accused, they might give him his absolution.

That clause gave authority to the legate to call again the said earl to an account for the facts aforesaid, which was to reduce him to the source and original of his misfortunes. Earl Simon pressed the legate to proceed in the cause of earl Remond, either to absolve or condemn him, that he might know whether he was to take him for a friend or enemy to the pope and church, whether he must be at peace, or whether he was to wage war against him.

The legate Milo commanded him to appear in person, because he would examine into the matter once more, and know how he and his subjects would demean themselves towards earl Simon and the church.

Earl Remond replied, that neither he nor his subjects had any thing to do with them, that he had made his reconciliation with the pope, which the legate could not be ignorant of, since he had shown him the bulls, and that therefore he should desist from molesting him.

Earl Simon and the legate wrote to him a second time, telling him that it was necessary for him to come to them, to confirm the contents of the bulls, and render them effectual. His answer was, that he had much rather take the pains to go to Philip king of France, and the emperor, nay, and even to Rome itself, to make his complaint to the pope of the injury they did him, than to put himself any more into their hands.

When the legate saw that he could not entice him by letters, he consuited how he might take him by craft. They sent Tolquet bishop of Toulouse to him, with instructions how to demean himself in order to deceive him.

That person was a very fit and proper instrument to bring about and accoomplish the premeditated treachery. he therefore went his way to earl Remond, and insinuated himself into his favor, by feigned protestations of service, and sorrow to see an ill understanding betwixt him and the legate. — That he wished it were in his power to remove all jealousies, and to make up the breach, though it were at the hazard of his life, offering him all the service and good offices he could do him. — That he was much more obliged to procure the preservation of his welfare, than of any other person besides. — That as a friend, he advised him to take away from the legate all pretense of suspicion; so that when he would show he put his confidence in him, he could then no longer question his fidelity. — That a fair occasion now offered itself of obliging the legate and earl Simon, which was this, that he knew they were coming to Toulouse, and if he would offer them his lodgings in the castle of Narbonne, he would thereby let them see, that he put confidence in them, and so lay an obligation of friendship upon them. The earl Remond, incited by that bishop, offered them his castle. They accepted of it, and immediately placed a great garrison therein. That earl had no sooner let the words slip out of his mouth, than he began to repent of them, but it was too late to recede. He cursed his own imprudence, and his friends and subjects, his too great facility; for he saw his castle immediately fortified, to serve for a fortress, to check and overawe his subjects. And when they were masters of that place, they began publicly and openly to anathematize earl Remond; saying, that he deceived the pope, telling him that which he never designed to perform, since he continued as great an heretic as ever he was before his abjuration. That the destruction of the Albigenses, did depend upon the punishment and ruin of earl Remond; insomuch that if the earth were covered with the dead bodies of the Albigenses, yet whilst earl Remond remained in being, they would continually spring up and increase; it was therefore resolved to exterminate the house of earl Remond, and utterly destroy it both root and branch. But as when man proposes that which Providence hath otherwise ordained, he finds himself fall short of his design — so was earl Simon disappointed of his hopes by the sudden death of the legate Milo, which changed the scene of Simon’s affairs; for it required several years, to ruin and overthrow the house of earl Remond and his adherents, which he had proposed to do in a few days.

CHAPTER - 8

Theodosius succeeding the legate Milo, proceeds against Earl Remond. — Excommunicated and drew up most violent articles against him. — Earl Remond and the king of Arragon withdraw from St. Giles and Aries, that they might not be taken by the legate. — Simon lays siege to Montserrand. — Baudoin revolts. — The king of Arragon allies himself with earl Simon.

IN the year 1211, the pope’s legate Theodosius gave earl Remond to understand, that he would do him all the justice he could desire in his affairs, and enticed him by specious words to St. Giles. Upon his arrival thither, he opened from the beginning the murder of friar Peter de Chasteauneuf, without consideration or regard to any preceding justification; and excommunicated Remond, not for being guilty of the death of the said monk; but because he did not expel the Albigenses out of his country, as he had obliged himself by promise to do. The earl Remond suspecting the said excommunication, withdrew to Toulouse, without saying one word, before the legate could have the means and opportunity of pronouncing and declaring the sentence against him.

The prelate of Thoulouse knowing him to be excommunicated, sent him word, that he must depart the city of Toulouse, whilst he sung mass; because he must not perform it, whilst any excommunicated person was in the city. Earl Remond, enraged at the impudence of that bishop, sent a certain gentleman of his attendance to tell him, that he was immediately to quit his territories, upon pain of death. The bishop departed, and sent word to the provost and canons of the cathedral church, that they must likewise go along with him, carrying the cross, the banner, and the host, and that for the greater solemnity and devotion, they should go barefoot, and in procession. In that equipage they arrived at the legate’s army, where they were received as confessors persecuted for the mass, with the tears of the crusaders, and the universal applause of the whole army.

The legate thought, that he had now sufficient grounds to persecute the earl Remond, as a relapsed and impenitent person: but he desired very much to lay hold of him, for he thought if he should once get him into his clutches, he could bring him to make such a conclusion of the business as the earl of Beziers did. To that end, he soothed him up with letters full of testimonies of kindness and good will, and by that means drew him a second time to Arles. The earl Remond desired the king of Arragon to be there, to prevent foul play, if occasion should require. At their arrival thither, the legate forbade the king of Arragon, and the said. earl Remond, to depart from the city without his leave, upon pain of his displeasure, and being proceeded against as rebels to the church.

Some of earl Remond’s friends found out the means to give him a sight of the articles of the sentence, which the legate was going to pronounce against him, as follows: — That the earl of Toulouse should immediately disband all his soldiers, without reservation of one of them.

That he should live in obedience and subjection to the church, make reparation for its damages, and defray its charges and expense.

That they should eat of but two sorts of flesh throughout all his dominions.

That he should expel all the heretics, and their allies, out of his territories.

That he should deliver up into the hands of the legate, and the earl of Montfort, all those whom they would name to him, to do with them according to their will and pleasure, and that within the space of one year.

That no person within his dominions, either noble or ignoble, should wear any valuable apparel, but only black and coarse cloaks.

That all his strong places and castles of defense should be razed and demolished.

That no gentleman belonging to him should reside in any city or castle, but should dwell in cottages, and in the fields, like villagers.

That he should levy no toll or tributes in his land, but what were anciently imposed.

That every housekeeper should pay a yearly tribute of four Toulousian pence to the legate.

That when the earl of Montfort, or any of his subjects, passed through his country, they should pay nothing for what they had there.

That having accomplished and performed all the articles abovementioned, he should moreover go to the war against the Turks, and never return thence until he received orders so to do from the legate.

That after he had done all this, the legate, and the earl of Montfort, would restore him to his lands and lordships, when they thought good.

Those articles were communicated to the king of Arragon, who found them so tyrannical and unjust, that he would stay no longer in that place, but advised the earl of Toulouse instantly to take horse, for fear they should seize him, until the said articles were fully executed, or should murder and make him away, as he supposed they would do, to get possession of what he had. Because the king of Arragon had persuaded him never to trust the legate, or earl Simon any more, he upbraided his credulity, telling him in the Gascon tongue, Plabous an pagat; — They have well rewarded you.

The legate and earl Simon being very much displeased, that the prey had escaped their hands, and knowing well enough that he would not suffer himself to be cajoled and imposed upon by them any more; endeavored to gain that by force of arms, which by artifice they could not obtain. Upon that they went and laid siege to the castle of Montserrand, in which earl Remond had placed earl Baudoin his brother together with the viscount of Montelar, Remond of Pierregourde, and Pons Roux of Toulouse, and several other valiant persons, for the defense of that place, the importance of which he very well knew. The earl Simon, out of all hopes of taking that place, desired to speak with earl Baudoin, which being granted, he told him that his brother did evidently demonstrate, that he had a desire to destroy him, when he shut him up in so sorry and inconsiderable a place, which he very well saw he was no longer able to secure or defend; since at the arrival of so great a number of crusaders who were coming, he would be made sensible of his folly in shutting himself up in so weak a hold. That if he stood out any violent assaults of the soldiers, there would be left no room for mercy. That if he would deliver up himself and the place, he would commit it to his custody for the church, and moreover would make him partaker of his future conquests, with such advantage, that he might one day become greater, and in more authority than his brother, who by his rebellion had brought himself to the brink of total ruin and destruction.

That his strength would never be sufficient to withstand the force of so many kings, princes, and potentates, who sent their people to that war, rewarded by their own pure zeal alone, without putting the church to any charge or expense. That every one would admire and commend his prudent retreat, besides the happiness and satisfaction which he would procure to himself, by consecrating himself to the service of God and his church, and forsaking an unhappy party, in which there was not any but whom the church judged worthy to be committed to the flames. Earl Baudoin suffering himself to be overcome by the fair speeches and promises of earl Simon, surrendered the place to him, and put himself into Bruniquel, a fortress very strong, belonging to earl Remond, and promised never to bear arms again, but in favor of the church. Those two places drew over to earl Simon’s party, the towns of Rabasteins, Gaillac, Montagu, La Guards, Pech, Selfas, La Guipia, Antonin, and some other neighboring places.

Earl Remond being very much surprised to see himself forsaken and betrayed by his own brother, condoled his misfortunes at Toulouse, where he waited day after day for his investiture. To add to the weight of his calamities, he heard that the legate and earl Simon had enticed the king of Arragon into their alliance, his only support and stay under God upon earth. The means which they made use of to effect it was after this manner: the legate wrote to him, that he would get himself much praise and honor, and do a signal and notable piece of service to the pope and the church, if he would become once more a mediator to make peace between them; and that therefore they desired him to come to Narbonne, where he would see good foundations laid in order thereto. He took his journey thither. The first thing they proposed to him was, to make some accommodation between the earl of Foix, earl Simon, and the church; — a premeditated design to deprive earl Remond of his succours. After which, they gave him to understand, that earl Simon desired to live with him as the best friend and relation that he had in the world, and for that reason he was very willing to enter into alliance with him, if he pleased to accept of a daughter of his to marry with his eldest son; and such conditions they proposed to him, that he gave earl Simon his consent to the match between his son and carl Simon’s daughter. Out of regard and consideration to which alliance, he gave the investiture of the earldom of Beziers, which he never would consent to before, nor to that of the country of Carcassone, which he did then likewise obtain. But the greatest mischief which this alliance did to the earls of Foix and Toulouse was, that they had caused the king of Arragon to oblige himself by oath, not to take the part of the Albigenses any more, but to stand neutral in that war of the church against them.

The earl Simon having accomplished his desire, which was to alienate the king of Arragon from the earls of Toulouse and Foix, took his opportunity, and fell upon both of them, with all his ravaging crusaders.

CHAPTER - 9

Earl Simon lays siege to Toulouse. — After committing great spoils in the vineyards, be was beaten, and raised the siege — Aimeri is taken prisoner — The Earl of Toulouse was succoured. — Earl Simon made war with the Earl of Foix, who went to speak with the Legate in person, but obtained nothing. — The King of Arragon animated the Earl of Foix, for whom his son Roger makes intercession in vain.

THE first attempt of earl Simon, after the alliance which he had contracted with the king of Arragon, was the siege of Toulouse, being strengthened by a vast multitude of crusaders, whom the bishop of Toulouse went to levy in France, whilst Theodosius the legate, and earl Simon diverted and amused earl Remond, under the color and pretense of a treaty with him.

Being arrived at Montandre, upon the banks of the Garonne, near to Toulouse, earl Remond made a sally out of Toulouse with five hundred horse and a good many foot, upon them, and came as far as the bridge, in hope either to gain or to break it down. There was an obstinate dispute at that place, and many were slain on both sides. Earl Remond at length gave orders to sound a retreat; the enemy taking courage thereat, passed the bridge, and pursued earl Remond even to the gates of Toulouse. The earl returned upon them with that briskness and fury, that he drove the enemy back to the bridge, which being not large enough to receive them, they were almost all slain, before they could reach the foot of the bridge. Aimeri, earl Simon of Montfort’s son, was taken prisoner.

Earl Simon seeing that loss, and his son taken prisoner, spurred on and encouraged his crusaders to the engagement. They endeavoring to revenge that overthrow, rushed into the ditches, and set up their scaling ladders; but they met with a most brave and valiant repulse. The ditches were filled with the dead bodies of pilgrims, and earl Simon was beaten from off his horse. Just in the midst of that action arrived the earl of Champaigne, with a great number of crusaders, and he also came just in time to be well beaten. Earl Simon then ordered them to make what ravages they could.

Upon that, the papists rushed into the vineyards, orchards and gardens, cut down all the fruit trees, and rooted up the vines; at which time, the president of Agennes, sallying out of Toulouse with a great number of the inhabitants, and seeing them spoil and destroy their possessions, they furiously fell upon the crusaders scattered about the fields, and slew a great number of them. The earl of Foix, on the other hand, at the head of some troops of horse and foot, slew as many of them as he could meet with. The earl of Bar kept his troops in better order, and observing the confusion and disorder of those especially who were flying away, he cried out a Bar, a Bar; which the inhabitants of Toulouse hearing, they charged them so briskly before any of them could rally and fall in with his party, that he was likewise defeated with the rest. Earl Remond retired with his troops into Toulouse, and commanded public and solemn thanksgivings to be made to God, for the signal and admirable victory which he had obtained over his enemies.

The fame of earl Remond’s victories being spread abroad, there arrived succours to him from all parts round about: for they all began to grow weary of the troops of the pope, and willingly contributed both their lives and estates to drive them out of the country. 2 Earl Simon growing scarce of provision, because the passages by which it should come were blocked up, was constrained to raise the stage. The earls of Chalons and Bar, and several other German earls, returned home, their quarantines, or term of forty days, being expired. 3 Notwithstanding this, he would not lie idle in autumn. He therefore marched into the territories of the earl of Foix, to refresh the rest of his army, and to possess himself of some places. He penetrated even to the very town of Foix, and pillaged and destroyed all that was round about it, and afterwards set fire to the said town. Being come to Pamiers, the legate took one half of the army to accompany him to Roquemaure, where he went with the design to pass the winter. In his way, being in the territories of St. Felix de Caraman, he took the tower of Cassas, and about an hundred men that were found therein, whom he burnt alive, and caused the place to be demolished. Earl Simon, in the mean time, ruinated and laid waste the country of the earl of Foix, while the earl was confined to his bed by a grievous fit of sickness, during which his servants dared not tell him of his losses, of Pamiers, Sauerdun, Mirepoix, and Pressaut, a very strong place near Carcassone, which they had also battered. Being recovered of his sickness, and understanding what havoc the earl Simon had made of his houses, and what ruin and devastation his poor subjects had endured, he went to the army of the cross, and desiring to speak with the general of the army, he delivered his mind to them as follows: “The inconstancy of tottering and fickle fortune, most noble lords and gentlemen, makes me not at all wonder to see myself so severely handled and afflicted by that cruel step-dame. I have heretofore braved and defied mine enemies, fought in open field against those who durst resist my power, and entertained great and mighty monarchs as my friends. Nobody durst threaten, much less offer to offend me, neither could my sword endure it. I have been entrusted and employed in public negotiations, which are ever attended with great difficulties, but never contracted therein any dishonor or reproach. And I should have thought my labor ill bestowed, had it not been upon signal and eminent occasions — not desiring to acquire to myself the name of a man of honor and honesty, by the unjust and unworthy means which some men propose to themselves. For he that is not an honest man, but because the world should know him to be such, and honor and esteem him the more for it; — he who will not do good, but upon condition that men should know his virtue, is not a person from whom much service may be expected. We must, saith the maxim, go to war out of duty, and wait for that recompense which cannot fail to attend all worthy actions, though never so secret; so we must content ourselves with our good intentions, it being a mighty pleasure and satisfaction which a well-governed conscience receives in itself for well doing. My courage therefore remaining in my breast entire proof against all the assaults of fortune, and having my conscience clear in this, that I never gave you any occasion whatsoever to move you against me, I have made no difficulty to appear in your assembly, to bring my head, not my treasures, to expose it to the mercy of the soldiers; not to bring my riches, as so many bulwarks to secure my country, which you have already without cause reduced to a very miserable condition, but to resign myself to be judged by your council, and to submit to whatsoever shall be agreed upon thereby. For I had much rather never been born than to survive my reputation, and I could not endure to see that honor and glory extinguished, which I justly acquired in my younger years. Have you ever known me to be an enemy to the kingdom of France? If so, then let me shamefully lose both my life and honor together. And who is it that dares say it to my face?

Have I ever conspired against the church? What then can I have done to deserve such treatment as this? And do you think, that for the sake of the little time which I have to spend in this vain and trifling life, I would forfeit the life eternal, and expose myself to everlasting death, to please any one’s fancy and desire? Wise men are wont to propose more just and honorable ends in so weighty and important an enterprise. Every person of honor would rather choose to sacrifice his honor than his conscience. It is that which I look upon as the most valuable jewel in all my cabinet. Let me, I pray you, enjoy the same privilege which the kings of France have given me; that is, to he accounted faithful, as they have formerly esteemed me, when they had occasion to make use of my house: to the end, that not being provoked, I may not be constrained to defend myself, and offend you, which would be contrary both to my inclinations and design. This I solemnly vow and protest to you.” Roger the earl of Foix’s son was very much concerned at the submission of his father, as being an action beneath the grandeur of their house. The king of Arragon was likewise distasted at it; for although he was allied to the earl Simon, yet he did not spare to let him know, that he could not approve of his unjust usurpations, under the color of religion.

The earl Simon on the other hand, spoke openly and aloud; “That the conquests wore just and lawful: that he had his right from the pope: that he possessed nothing, but what he had won by the sword: that he had an army to answer whomsoever offered to oppose him in it, though it were the king of Arragon himself, and strength enough to defend himself against any one whatsoever. The king of Arragon wrote to the earl of Foix, that since the legate and earl Simon had deceived him, in not making restitution of his lands and places, which they had promised to restore unto him, he must trust them no more: that the design of earl Simon was too evident and well known; which was, to make himself great and rich out of other men’s substance, under the cloak of religion; if a stop were not put to his ambition and avarice, by the joint arms and confederacy of those, whom he had already robbed and deprived of their goods, together with those who were apprehensive, that having begun with their neighbors, his inclinations would prompt him to persecute them without end; for that the insatiable desires of men are boundless. That he knew, he did not seek after an alliance with him, out of any desire he had to be honored thereby; but only to hinder him from succouring and assisting those, whom he designed to strip naked of what they had. He also sent letters to Roger the earl of Foix his son, exhorting him to strengthen himself against the unjust usurpations of Montfort, or otherwise he would be made a general laughing stock: that the earl Simon was but weak, accompanied with a few discontented crusaders, ready to return home; and that he should therefore take the field, and then he would quickly see who would assist him.

Earl Remond being troubled at the alienation of the king of Arragon, by the marriage of his son with Simon of Montfort’s daughter, thought it necessary to try to regain him by another marriage. He therefore moved a match between Remond his only son, and one of the king of Arragon’s daughters. The king of Arragon complied with the motion. Earl Simon was displeased at it. The monk saith, That that marriage rendered the king of Arragon very infamous and suspected, because the earl of Toulouse was a manifest persecutor of the church. The king of Arragon knowing the murmuring of earl Simon, did not fear openly to declare his design, to defend the earls of Foix and Toulouse; that one was his brother in law, and the other his subject. That he did not doubt, but that God would one day put it into their power to make him repent of his unjust conquests.

Earl Simon being advertised of the threats of the king of Arragon, besought him to blot those ill opinions, which he had conceived of him, out of his mind, and he would make him judge and umpire of the difference betwixt him and the earl of Foix. The earl of Foix, on the other hand, entreated the king of Arragon to comply with the motion, who obtained of earl Simon a restitution of all his lands, except Pamiers. When Roger his son heard of that exception, he presently said, that he would agree to nothing of that; but that he knew well enough how to recover that by the sword, which he by treachery and false pretences had unjustly taken from him. He took up arms, entered the field, foraged the country, and so seasonably laid hold of all opportunities and occasions, and managed his time with such an incredible diligence in all his exploits, that he made the army of the cross feel the bloody effects of his valor.

The earl of Thoulouse, on the other hand, laid hold on that occasion, kindled and fomented those sparks of division, endeavored to insinuate himself into the friendship of the earl of Foix, and they made between them and their confederates, a league offensive and defensive, against earl Simon, their common enemy; and met together at Toulouse to confirm it by oath; and thereupon they prepared themselves for the war: every one of them contributing according to their abilities, to so weighty and important an affair.

CHAPTER - 10

Siege of Castelnau d’Arri. — Earl Simon’s retreat. — The Earl of Foix offered him battle. — The King Of Arragon interceded for the Earls of Toulouse, Foix, and Comminge. — He wrote in their behalf to the Council at de la Vaur. — The King of Arragon bade defiance to Earl Simon. — Levies made on both sides; but Earl Simon advancing, took several places.

THE first exploit which the confederates undertook in that war, was the siege of Castelnau d’Arri. They marched thither in the following manner; the vanguard was led by the earl of Foix and his son Roger; the main body by Remond earl of Toulouse; and the prince and sovereign de Beam brought up the rear. That army consisted of fifty thousand infantry, and ten thousand cavalry; and moreover the city of Toulouse was well furnished and supplied with a good strong garrison, and all sorts of ammunition and instruments of war. Earl Simon threw himself into Castelnau d’Arri. That place was very well situated, and the castle much better; and the city was sufficiently provided with soldiers, officers, and ammunition, to hold out a long siege. The earl of Foix made his approach, and lodged himself near the rampires, where he erected several machines.

The enemy at the time made a sally out of the city, and rudely fell upon the vanguard, but they were so vigorously repulsed, that many were left dead in the trenches. The suburbs were taken by the besiegers. Earl Roger was there wounded with a stone from the city, cast out of one of their engines. The earl of Toulouse encamped upon a hill over against the castle, encompassed and surrounded with barriers. The prince de Bearn pitched on the other side of the city. The army of the Albigenses hourly increased upon the report which was spread abroad, that earl Simon was there blocked up, so great a desire had every one to see his ruin. Because there were too many Albigenses at that siege, it was judged convenient that Earl Remond should go with a party to surprise certain little castles, which were disadvantageous to the army. He made himself master of Puilaurens, Albi, Rabasteins, Gaillac, Montagu, and Sanerdun.

Earl Simon began to be sensible of his folly, in suffering himself to be blocked up in Castelnau d’Arri; and that he, a general, ought to be at liberty, to make a general provision for those places which did depend upon his authority. He left Guy de Lewis, called the marshal of the faith, within the place; and the better to favor his escape, he caused a sally to be made upon the besiegers, to engage some of the troops whilst he made it.

Earl Remond being advertised of Earl Simon’s departure, was extremely vexed, rather out of shame, than from an apprehension of any evil, which he supposed would follow it. For the report had been every where spread abroad, that the general was in the cage, and that he should not come out thence, but bareheaded with a rope about his neck, begging for mercy.

They complained one of another; the earl of Foix, because they had left him to engage in so fierce a battle without succours; and earl Remond, because he had run himself into such extreme dangers, without communicating it to any one.

At length they resolved to raise the siege, because winter was drawing on, and a vast levy of crusaders were marching towards them, whose lives the earl Simon would not much value, because he had the pope’s bull, that such as should lose their lives in that war, would go straight into paradise, as free from sin, as a hen-roost is from scent. This earl Simon began to be puffed up with pride, and made a scoff at the great and fruitless preparations, which the Albigenses made for the war, and especially that they had suffered him to make his escape, though they were twelve to one.

Upon that retreat, the people of Castelnau must needs pursue the army: but they came off with the worst of it. For Roger turned upon them with that fury, that he chased and slew the enemy even to their gates.

The monk of the valleys of Sernay writes very fabulously concerning this matter. For he says, that although the army of the Albigenses did consist of one hundred thousand fighting men, yet the people of Castelnau d’Arri did gather their vintage, as if there had been no enemy before the city, and that the servants went to water the horses, half a league from the place, the Albigenses never daring to set upon them. Thus you may see the fidelity of such monkish historiographers; yet when he falls to vilifying and reproaches, he knows no limits in his excess. In the same place he put himself in a rage against one Savari de Mauleon, president to the king of England at Guienne, who had led some troops before Castelnau d’Arri in favor of the Albigenses. He calls him infidel, oppugner of the church, a most virulent and venomous person, a wicked and undone wretch, an enemy to God, the prince of apostacy, artificial in cruelty, the author of perversity, a diabolical person, nay even the devil himself. He had either doubtless followed very close upon their heels, or else this style is very monkish. After this retreat, every one of the Albigensian lords withdrew into their own quarters. The earl of Foix understanding that earl Simon was gone to Painters, where he did much annoy his subjects, departed from Toulouse with two thousand men, and came to the gates of Pamiers, to offer earl Simon battle, but he would not hearken thereto, finding his crusaders too weak to run the hazard of it; and doubting that the Albigenses would take the field the spring following, earl Simon thought of nothing so much all the winter, as to fortify those places in his possession, so as that they might hold out a siege. Amongst others, endeavoring to make provision for Famiaux, a place of importance. Roger perceiving the design, lay in ambush so advantageously, that he routed and defeated all those who brought them either ammunition or provision.

Earl Simon in the meanwhile, who feared nothing but the king of Arragon, got the legate to write to him, that he should intermeddle no more with the affairs of the Albigenses, unless he would involve himself in the same miseries and excommunication with them. He desired also that Philip king of France would write to him, and entreat him not to take their parts, who are enemies to the pope and the church. The legate also got the pope to write to him upon the same subject.

Those entreaties of the pope and the king of France were to him as so many express commands, and therefore when the earls of Foix, Toulouse, and Comminge, were urgent upon him to assist them; he told them he would do it, but that it was necessary first to try whether he could not procure that by peaceable and gentle means, which could not without danger be obtained by war. That the legate had called a council of all those of his party, that he would write to them, and that if he could do no good by letters, he would endeavor to bring them to reason by arms. He therefore wrote to the said council, entreating them to put an end to those cruel and bloody wars undertaken under color of religion, offering for the earls’ part, their obedience to the pope and the court of Rome — but that they must never promise themselves any peace, until they had made restitution to the said earls of all their lands and possessions. The council at de la Vaur made the following answer. “We have heard the requests which you have formerly made in behalf of the earl of Toulouse, his son and his council, the earls of Foix and Comminge, and the lord of Bearn, in which you style yourself the humble and devoted son of the church; for which we return hearty thanks to our Lord God and your highness. You may assure yourself, that out of regard to the love you bear to the church, we would readily hear, and gladly comply with your petitions — but in answer to your highness, and the intercession which you make for the earl of Toulouse, his council, and his son, we do certify and assure you, that their cause and the determination thereof, doth belong to our sovereign father, he having reserved it to himself. You may call to mind if you please, the infinite number of graces, favors, and offers, made to him by our holy father the pope, after innumerable cruelties, and horrid outrages committed by him: you may also remember the kind and endearing entertainment which he found at the hands of the then abbot of Cisteaux, and the legate at Montpelier, in the archbishopric of Narbonne, about two years ago; as likewise the offers that were then made to him, which he rejected and refused to accept. Which grace and favor he did in such a manner contemn and despise, that he did often and arrogantly make himself appear to be an enemy not only to God, but also to his church; for which reason he hath deserved to be forever banished and excluded from the favor of God, and of his church. As to the petitions of the earls of Foix and Comminge, and the lord of Beam, they have falsified and infringed the oaths which they took; and instead of conforming themselves to that mild and courteous admonition and instruction given, they are filled with that abominable heresy, for which they were to their great shame and disgrace excommunicated. This is all the answer that we can make in satisfaction to the request of your highness. Given at La Vaur the fifteenth of the Kalends of February, Anno 1212.”

The king of Arragon being much moved with this answer, wrote a second time to the council, requiring truce for the said earls, until an answer could come from the pope: but it was denied.

The earl of Foix was very well pleased that the council had not satisfied the requests of the king of Arragon, because he must have been engaged to promise for him, and in his behalf, that he should acknowledge the pope and the church of Rome; and which was more, seeing the king persisted in that opinion, that such promises must be made in order to recover their goods and possessions, to the end that they might never oblige themselves to that which they could never perform; knowing that the king of Arragon and the earls of Comminge and Toulouse, were met at Toulouse to order and settle their affairs, he came thither, and thus he spake unto them: “Sir, and you my worthy masters, — Since ambition can teach men both valor and temperance, and avarice can give courage to a boy bred up in laziness in a shop, to commit himself to the mercy of the waves, and of angry Neptune, in a weak and slender vessel, it would be a piece of cowardly negligence in us, who, by the renowned trophies of our glorious actions and exploits, have signalized our names, even as far as the confines of Arabia, should we now, by a shameful and treacherous acknowledgment, pull down and overthrow the towering monuments of our valor. No: my arm shall never consent to that — we are not yet in a state of servitude. I and my son choose rather to try the inconstant fortune of war, than to derive upon us and ours so notable and so indelible a reproach. And therefore, for the honor of God, let us free ourselves from that shame; that men may not see us reduced to that deplorable condition, lamenting and condoling our losses like women. If we must needs submit, let it be after we have played the part of brave and heroic generals. This is a great and hazardous undertaking, you will say, but was resolved upon by you all: Que je voy maintenant les resters que lui donnent le branle de sa chcute.

Adieu! we refuse to give our consent in anything, let come what will.”

The king of Arragon was moved with the discourse of the earl of Foix, which charged him in particular with being the cause of their ruin, because he had animated them against the earl Simon and the legate, and then either left them as a prey to, or else procured them a peace worse than a bloody war. “You have, sir,” said he, “set open a door to our enemies, to tyrannize over us, had they accepted of it, and with much greater glory than they could have hoped to obtain by force of arms; for we had all been their subjects, without any other cost and labor than that of your earnest and diligent suit and request. As for my part,” said he, “I would sooner have stabbed myself than have drunk of that cup.” And after several examples, which he laid before them of those who have exchanged a shameful and miserable life for death, choosing rather to kill themselves than to serve for triumphs to their enemies, he continued his discourse to this effect: “As for my part, I had rather follow those great and generous spirits, than after having so often, in the cause of another, given testimony with sword in hand, that I preferred mine honor before my life, to play the coward, and grow negligent of it at last in a matter relating to myself. And although fortune should deprive me of all means of opposing the wrong and injury which they would do unto me, yet my courage will never permit that I should expose myself to the reflections of the people, nor to the insults and triumphs of persons less worthy than myself. This their denial of your request is my comfort, and the support of our honor, for we must either — oh, horrid and unheard of action! — have broken our faith, or else basely have played the coward, and lived a life more miserable, more cruel, than any torment of Phalaris; like unhappy wretches, submitting our necks to the yoke of the enemy, and acknowledging ourselves subdued, sell our own and the liberty of our posterity for ever. Good God, what a blow were this! Since, therefore, the tempest is risen so high, receive us into your protection, and be our general, serving us for an example, a guide, and a tower of defense: so shall we engage our wills and lives, to show ourselves your most humble and devoted servants and valiant soldiers, when opportunity, and Occasion require. And although I be now worn out with years, yet never had I greater courage and resolution.”

Earl Remond, seconding him, entreated the king of Arragon not to desert their cause, and offered both his estate and life, to fight under his authority.

The king of Arragon, overcome by these entreaties, and moved with compassion towards the afflicted, at length took up arms, and sent two trumpeters with this note of defiance to earl Simon. — ”Endeavor without delay to execute the will of the pope, or to fight with your lord; and if you fall into my hands, I will make you pay for it. It is your duty — I will have it so — and! rather desire it, than to put myself to the trouble and charge of a great army for your destruction.”

Earl Simon made good use of this letter of defiance, for he sent it into several parts of Europe, telling them by the bishops and monks who preached the croisade, that they had not only the earls of Toulouse, Foix and Comminge, or the prince of Bearu, to deal with, but they were to cope with a mighty and potent king, who had made himself general of the Albigenses; that if he was not supplied with extraordinary succours and assistants, the cause of the church was at an end; and therefore he desired every good christian, and especially the king of France, to aid and assist him in that holy quarrel, and extreme necessity.

The king of Arragon, on the other hand, wrote to the king of France, that earl Simon of Montfort had his mind puffed up with great conceits, beyond the reach and capacity both of his understanding and strength; — that all his designs were only varnished over with a pretense of religion, and that in the mean time his aim was nothing less than to be a king indeed, and Simon by name. He besought the king, both by his letters and agents, not to join with either party in the said war; which he easily obtained of the king, because it. grieved him to see his subjects continually led away to be butchered in that war of the Albigenses, under pretense of the pope’s pardon, and to see so many great lords, his relations, so harassed and persecuted by earl Simon.

When earl Simon knew that the king of France stood neuter, he was very much troubled at it, and could find nothing to have recourse to but the threatenings of the legate to excommunicate the king of Arragon, in case he proceeded any further. The legate sent him an ambassage and letters. The king of Arragon returned them the following answer: “Go quickly, and tell your master that I will come and see him, and give him an answer with an army of ten thousand fighting men; and bid him see well to defend himself, for I will teach him to play with his peer.”

Every one made preparation. Earl Simon sent the archdeacon of Paris and James de Vitri into France, to preach the croisade . 3 King Philip Augustus would not suffer that levy to be made in his kingdom; notwithstanding which, there went a great number thither from Auvergne, Normandy, and round about Lyons. The crusaders arrived before the king of Arragon had made ready his army, which gave advantage to earl Simon — for in the mean time he took Grave, and marched into the country of Foix, took Tudelle belonging to the Albigenses, and put all that were found therein to the sword, without distinction of age or sex; he besieged St. Antonin, took it, and caused thirty of the principal persons of that place to be hanged in cool blood, after he had given them their lives; and suffered the convent of monks which was in that place to be sacked and pillaged. He besieged Penes, and took it by capitulation, as he likewise did Marmand. He also seized upon the castle of Biron by the sea-side. Earl Simon caused Martin Alquay to be tied to a horse’s tail, and so dragged through his army, and afterwards hanged him, because he had before surrendered the said place to earl Remond. Moreover, the castles of Sarrazin and Agen surrendered to him. The people of Moissac also opened their gates to the army of the cross. All this did earl Simon, before the king of Arragon appeared in the field. 4

CHAPTER - 11

Exploits of Earl Simon, before the King of Arragon had prepared his army — The King of Arragon refused to come to any composition with Earl Simon, being weak. — The taking of the city,of Muret, by the King of Arragon. — The battle. — The King of Arragon slain, and his army routed.

UPON the thirteenth day of September, in the year 1213, the king of Arragon, with Remond, earl of Toulouse, the earls of Foix and Comminge, and the prince of Bearn, appeared in the field with an army of seven thousand horse and thirty thousand foot. They took Muret, a little city bordering upon the country of Foix, seated upon the river Garonne; but they could not take the castle. Earl Simon supposed that would be the place where the army of the Albigenses would spend itself, because the castle was strong, and that if it held out for some time, the army would of itself be scattered and overthrown. He therefore put himself into that castle with a small number of his stoutest soldiers, and furnished it with ammunitions, and so heartened and encouraged the besieged by his presence, that they thought themselves invincible. Of such power and efficacy is the good opinion which soldiers have of their general to strengthen and confirm the most weak and faint hearted.

Some began to reflect upon the king of Arragon’s proceeding, in that he refused to accept of a composition so advantageous to himself, and all the Albigensian lords, which was offered him by earl Simon when he saw the disparity of their forces; for earl Simon had but about seven hundred foot and five hundred horse. It is ill assaulting a man who is destitute of all other hopes of escaping but by arms, for necessity is a violent schoolmistress.

But the king of Arragon thought it beneath him to be flattered, after having received so many insolent affronts from his vassal; for, as he observes, he wrote several letters without any salutation, containing the following expressions: “That if he continued in his obstinate defiance, he did likewise bid him defiance, and that thenceforth he would be bound to no service to him, and that he hoped, by God’s assistance, to defend himself against him and his confederates.” 1 The king of Arragon having these insolent expressions engraven in his memory, thought him altogether unworthy of favor in this his weakness, especially supposing that this submission of his was only to evade this dangerous shock, and to wait the arrival of his crusaders, and that then he would become more insolent and intolerable than before. Since earl Simon, at other times, when in the height of his strength and prosperity, and when he saw himself followed by an army of one hundred thousand men, used to make a jest of the submissions of the earls of Foix and Toulouse, he thought it would be a piece of weakness and cowardice not to return like for like; and that he would laugh at them afterwards, if they should show compassion to one who never had mercy upon any; — that since he had so long took delight in provoking and incensing the lords to be his enemies, he ought to have had a great number of soldiers, and such as might have had more solid pay than the pope’s pardons; and those such as would not desert him in his greatest necessity, and be persuaded, as the crusaders were, that there was nothing more to be gained; — for he that hath purchased paradise, as the pope would make men believe in his bulls, hath nothing more to get but blows, if he desire any further reward, as those did who outstayed their quarantins, or forty days, in that war.

The king of Arragon thought that it was fit to make use of his advantages against so malicious and insolent a person. But nobody must promise himself the victory but the Lord, who is the God of Hosts — for the victory doth not depend either upon the number or forces of men, but upon God alone, who many times shows his strength and power in the weakness of men.

Their armies were ranged and ordered in the following manner. The earl of Foix and his son Roger led on the van of the king of Arragon’s army, composed of three thousand horse and ten thousand foot, bowmen and pikemen, which were reckoned the surest arms in those days. The main body was commanded by earl Remond of Toulouse, in conjunction with the earls of Comminge, and the prince of Beam, which did consist of above four thousand horse and twenty thousand foot, without any rearguard.

Earl Simon’s vanguard was led by Guy de Lewis, marshal of the faith, consisting, of five hundred horse and three hundred foot. The earl came in the main body, with one thousand norse and four hundred foot, almost all of them Frenchmen, without any rear.

The king of Arragon made his turns and returns at the head of his army, which was judged a great fault and oversight — because a general of an army ought not to behave himself like a captain of harquebusiers, nor run his curvets to be seen, since on the loss of him depends the fate both of the battle and of the country which he defends; but he ought to keep in the center of the army, to manage and conduct as occasion requires, the whole body, which ought not to move without his direction and commands. Earl Simon, on the contrary, came down slowly and gradually from the castle of Muret, enclosed, as it were, and in good order. The king of Arragon seeing him, thought that he rather came to throw himself at his feet than to fight; — however, he drew up his army upon very advantageous ground.

They immediately joined battle, and earl Simon’s vanguard were almost cut in pieces; and so ill did it go with him and his party, that it seemed to him, as if that were the place where Providence had called him to pay with interest for his former insolencies and cruelties, to his own shame and confusion. Then alas the king of Arragon approached at the head of his vanguard to his own total ruin and destruction; for drawing near to an ambuscade of four hundred musketeers, which earl Simon had placed within some old barns, he was there mortally wounded, and fell dead from his horse; whereupon they fell into such terror and disorder, that though the earls of Foix, Toulouse and Comminge, did what they could to stop the flight of their cowardly army, yet they could prevail nothing with them, but were forced themselves to follow the rest, and to commit themselves to the hazard of that shameful retreat, flying directly to Toulouse. Earl Simon prosecuted his victory, and pursued them to the very gates of Toulouse, and slew so great a number of them, that even he himself was moved with some compassion; and condoling the misfortune of his lord the king of Arragon, and causing search to be made for him among the slain, he interred him, not in the ground which they call holy, because he was excommunicated, but in a field near St. Granter.

The bishops, priests and monks, who were in the castle of Muret, where they might see the engagement from afar, had a certain monk, who attributed all the praise of that famous and signal victory to them, saying, that it was obtained by the benediction which the bishop of Comminge gave to the army of the cross, promising paradise to the pilgrims, without any pain of purgatory; and that if they lost their lives, they would all be received in heaven as martyrs; as also that all the clergy that were therein, retired into a church during the battle, and prayed with such ardency and fervor, that they rather seemed to howl than to pray. The author of the History of Languedoc saith, that they got the better, because they had received the blessing of the bishops, and worshipped the wood of the true cross, in the hands of the bishop of Toulouse. The Albigenses, on the contrary, acknowledged it to be a signal and remarkable instance of divine justice, in that the king of Arragon did at that time attribute more to his own might and power than to the divine succors and assistance; yet did they not lose their courage, although they lost in that day’s engagement fifteen thousand fighting men; neither did they doubt or despair of the justice and goodness of their cause, it not being the first army which hath been defeated in a just quarrel, nor the first bad cause which hath been crowned and supported with victory. Thus were four hundred thousand Israelites beaten by twenty-six thousand Benjamites, who maintained a bad cause, and slew in two battles fortytwo thousand men. Thus did the idolatrous and uncircumcised Philistines overcome the Israelites in two battles, and slew thirty-four thousand men, and took the ark of the covenant, and carried it about in triumph. So was Jonathan slain by the Philistines. Thus did Josias, who was zealous for the service of God, receive his mortal wound in fighting with the king of Egypt at Megiddo. Thus was king John, with an army of sixty thousand men, defeated and taken prisoner by the prince of Wales, who had not above eight thousand men; notwithstanding, the cause of the king of France was very just, he fighting in his own defense against an enemy who came to invade his own country.

The war of the Albigenses increased and grew very hot; for earl Simon thought it necessary to pursue his enemies half dead and overthrown; and on the other side, the Albigenses knew that they must of necessity defend themselves, or else be vanquished and brought into slavery.

CHAPTER - 12

Pope Innocent III. sends a new Legate, named Bonaventure, against the Albigenses. — Prince Louis, son of Philip Augustus, took upon him the cross, and caused Toulouse and Narbonne to be dismantled.

EARL SIMON, puffed up with that victory, sent to summons the earls of Toulouse, Foix, and the prince of Bearn, to deliver up to him the keys of the cities and castles which they possessed, and that they should either subscribe to what the legate pleased, or else resolve miserably to perish.

They returned him no answer, but all of them retired into their own countries, to make the best provision they could for their affairs. Earl Remond withdrew to Montauban, and wrote to the inhabitants of Toulouse, whence he had lately departed, that he understood that Rodolph, bishop of Arras, was coming with a great number of crusaders, and that therefore he saw it was impossible for them to defend the city against such an assault; that therefore they should capitulate and compound with earl Simon, reserving only their hearts to themselves, until God should enable them to disentangle and free themselves from those miseries into which they were plunged and involved, by the insatiable avarice of their common enemy; — that he, in the mean time, with the earls of Foix and Comminge, and the prince of Beam, would endeavor to the utmost of their power, to perplex and infest the enemy’s army, in order to their public and common good. The people of Toulouse deputed six of the most eminent persons of their city to present earl Simon with the keys of Toulouse. He gave those persons an honorable reception, and commanded them not to stir thence without his permission. In the mean time, he sent word to Louis, the son of king Philip Augustus, that after the battle of Muret, the inhabitants of Toulouse proffered to surrender themselves unto him; but it was his desire, that he should reap the glory of that conquest, as being worthy of himself alone. King Philip’s father would not suffer him before to go to the war against the Albigenses, because he had promised the king of Arragon to stand neuter. But hearing of the death of the said king of Arragon, he permitted him to go. Upon the prince’s arrival at Toulouse, the city was put into his hands, and the legate presently calling a council of the prelates of his party, it was concluded, that the plunder should be granted to the crusaders, and the city be dismantled, the castle of Narbonne excepted, which was speedily executed, contrary to the promise which they had made unto them, that nothing within the city should be altered. This use did earl Simon make of the forces and presence of prince Louis — for otherwise he durst not have undertaken either to plunder or dismantle that great and glorious city, without running the risk of his own destruction, had his forces been never so great.

At that same time came Bonaventure, the pope’s new legate, and the soldiers of the cross, attended by the bishop of Beauvois, the earls of Paul.

Savoy, and Alencon, the viscount of Melun, Mathew de Montmorenci, and other lords. The legate seeing such a number of crusaders, feared that prince Louis would dispose of several places belonging to the Albigenses, to the prejudice of the pope’s authority, in whose name all those conquests were made to surrender. To prevent which, he sent to all those places which held for the said Albigenses, the absolution and protection of the church, so that when the prince went about to attack any of them, they produced their absolution, and showed that they were under the protection of the church. That legate had the confidence to tell prince Louis, that since he had taken upon him the cross, he ought to be subject to his commands — because he represented the person of the pope, whose pardons he was come to gain, by obeying the church, and not by commanding, like a king’s son; hitting him likewise in the teeth, that the king, his father, refused to contribute to the extirpation of the Albigenses, when occasion required, — but that after the so many miraculous and notable victories which they had obtained, he came to glean the ears of that glory, which was due to those alone who had prodigally spent their lives in the service of the church. Prince Louis dissembled that audacity.

Narbonne was dismantled, with the advice and consent of the prince, which neither the legate nor earl Simon durst have done, without his presence. The bishop did what he could to hinder it from being dismantled, saying, that it was a matter of great importance, that the walls and ramparts of a place bordering upon the frontiers of Spain, should not be demolished; but earl Simon and the legate urged the contrary, and they prevailed.