History Of The Albigenses, And Of The Persecutions With Which They Were Harassed By The Antichristian Powers, From The Year 1213, Until Their Total Destruction.

CHAPTER -Renewal of the war against the Earl of Foix. — The Arragonians made incursions into Earl Simon’s territories. — He is defeated by the Earl of Foix. — Bonaventure the Legate persuaded the Earls of Foix and Toulouse to go to Rome. — They do no good there. — Earl Remond’s son went thither from England, to no purpose. PRINCE LOUIS, the king of France’s son, after the expiration of his forty days, returned home, not without much displeasure and discontent, to see so much tyranny and oppression transacted in the war, carried on against the Albigenses. Earl Simon endeavored to procure a pardon for those crusaders last come from France against the earl of Foix. He laid siege to the castle of Foix, to his great loss: for a great number of his valiant men were slain before that place. At the end of ten days he raised the siege, finding to his cost, that the place was invincible. Earl Simon’s brother had his quarters at Varilles. The earl of Foix dislodged him, and slew him with a spear, and put his party to flight. This was a counterpoise to Montfort’s prosperity, which had rendered him insolent and imperious. 1 As one misfortune seldom comes alone, he likewise received advice by a messenger, that a great number of Arragonians and Catalans had made an incursion into the country of Beziers, and the places round about Carcassone, putting all they met to fire and sword, saying, that they would revenge the death of their king Alphonsus. He was therefore informed, that if he did not make what speed he could to their assistance, that whole country would be lost. He departed from Foix with great diligence. The earl of Foix, who was better acquainted than he, with the by-ways and narrow straights of his country, blocked up his passage, and lay in ambush, in a place so proper and advantageous to defeat him, that he had slain the greatest part of his forces, before any alarm was given, or he had any notice of it. He made his escape with but a few of his men.

When he came to Carcassone, he found nobody to oppose him. The Arragonians had made their retreat; but had they waited his coming, they might easily have routed him, considering the few troops which remained with him. At the same time came to him other letters, which required his presence in Dauphiny, where Ademar de Poitiers and Ponte de Monlaur obstructed the passage of the crusaders, who came down the Rhone, and were led by the archbishops of Lyons and Vienna. The cities also of Monteil, Aimar, and Crest-Arnaud, sided with the Albigenses, which very much annoyed the pilgrims. Simon came to a treaty with Monlaur and Ademar de Poitiers, not being able to cope with so many enemies at once.

He was a second time informed, that the Arragonians were returned about Carcassone, and went thither to repel them; but was well beaten, so that he was forced to keep himself shut up in Carcassone, not having wherewith to keep the field, until he received a fresh army of crusaders.

He seeing then that he could do no good with the earl of Foix by arms, had recourse to his usual subtlety and deceit, to effect his destruction under the color of friendship. He got Bonaventure the legate to write to him, telling him, that he was touched with pity and compassion towards him, to see him persist so obstinately in a great and tedious war, to his vast charges, and the expense of his subjects’ lives; which he might, if he pleased, conclude within a very short time, by taking his journey to Rome, and declaring his innocency before the pope. That he would assist him to the utmost of his power, in procuring the restitution of all his countries; but that it was also necessary, he should give the church some pledge or security of his fidelity — that he should put the castle of Foix into his hands, the only means to remove all umbrage and suspicion, which immediately upon his return should be restored to him with the rest of his castles.

He suffered himself to be gulled and imposed upon by those promises, delivered the castle of Foix into his hands, and took his journey to Rome.

But as he went, so he returned, like a fool: for the legate had written to the conclave and pope at Rome, that the earl of Foix was one of the most dangerous heretics that was amongst the Albigenses; that he was courageous, valiant, and the most formidable; and that if he were subdued, it would very much weaken the earl of Toulouse; that he had deprived him of the means of doing any mischief, by wheedling him out of those places, which the church could never have gotten by arms — the castle of Foix; that they were to take care not to make any restitution of his lands, otherwise it was impossible for the church ever to accomplish the destruction of the Albigenses. The pope was ready and willing enough to have joined in his ruin, but because he came to him with submission, he feared that it would prove a means to hinder any from ever trusting the pope hereafter.

He was prodigal of his crosses, bulls, and fair speeches; but he commanded his legate not to restore his places unto him, till such times as he had sufficiently cleared and justified himself, and given good proofs of his loyalty and obedience. Upon his return, he addressed himself to the legate, to claim and enjoy the effects of his fair promises. The legate told him, that his hands were bound up by the pope, because there were some clauses in his bulls, which obliged him to proceed afresh, and examine in good earnest into his innocency: but that he might assure himself of his friendship and affection, and that he should not lay the blame upon him, if he were not fully satisfied according to his expectation, and that he would do his best endeavors towards the disposing of earl Simon to a reconciliation and friendship with him. The earl of Foix withdrew by little and little, for fear of being stopped and arrested by them, and betook himself to the fields and houses of his subjects, for as for his own, they were all in the hands of earl Simon. There he cursed his credulity in suffering himself to be overreached and imposed upon by a priest, bit his thumbs with madness to see himself so sottishly and so grossly abused, after so many tricks and stratagems played against him.

The earl of Toulouse and the king of Arragon resolved to make a levy of their subjects, and erect a fort at Mongranier, a place fortified by nature.

They made it within a few days a place of defense, by the help of their poor subjects, who condoling their own, and the calamities of their lords, very willingly labored both night and day to finish the work. This place being built, he furnished it with a garrison, and left his son Roger therein for its defense. It was besieged by earl Simon, and at length taken by famine. The terms of the capitulation were, that Roger should not bear arms against the church for one year: an article which did very much trouble this young and valiant lord; for he confined himself to a house during the said year, where with impatience he counted the months and days, that at the end of the term appointed, he might either fall valiantly in battle, or else vanquish and subdue his enemies. And to that end, he often consulted with the son of the late king of Arragon, to stir him up to use his best endeavors to revenge the death of his father.

Bonaventure the legate, made use of the same artifice to ensnare the earl of Toulouse; persuading him to go to Rome, where he might better and more advantageously conclude his business, than with earl Simon, especially seeing he was charged with the death of earl Baudoin, his own brother, taken in the castle of Olme, in the country of Cahors, because he had taken up arms against him. An action which rendered him odious both to God and men, and which his enemies did aggravate and enhance, in order to move and excite the pilgrims to be revenged on him for it; saying, that they denied him a confessor, even at the point of death; and that Baudoin prayed to God, to raise up some good Christians to revenge the injury, which his brother, like a second Cain, had done unto him. Remond, the earl of Toulouse’s son, understanding that his father was to take his journey to Rome, also went thither with letters from his highness the king of England to the pope, beseeching him to do his brother-in-law justice. This young lord had been till then brought up in England, where he could no longer Stay, seeing his father harassed and oppressed with the fatigues of a continual war, but resolved with himself to do what he could to work his deliverance, either by treaty or by arms.

The cause of earl Remond was tried and debated before the pope. There was a certain cardinal who affirmed and maintained that those lords were very much injured and abused, who had often bestowed the best of their lands and revenues to the church in token of their obedience. The abbot of St. Uberi did also stoutly stand up in their defense. Earl Remond likewise defended his own cause, and charged the bishop of Thoulouse with several crimes and exorbitancies: and that though he had been forced to defend himself by arms, the blame ought to be laid upon those who had driven him to that necessity. That had he not made resistance, he had been long since ruined and overthrown. That the bishop of Thoulouse had several times robbed him of the best of his revenues; and that never being satisfied, he still continued to trouble and molest him, dividing the spoil of his goods with Simon, earl of Montfort. That their avarice alone had occasioned the death of one hundred thousand men at Thoulouse, and the pillage of that great and glorious city, a loss which nothing can ever repair.

The charterie of Lyons did likewise remonstrate to the pope, that the bishop of Thoulouse had always been the kindler of the fire, and then warmed himself by the flames. Arnaud Villamur also presented himself before the pope, demanding justice of the legate and earl Simon, who had invaded his country, he knew not why nor wherefore, since he had never behaved himself otherwise than as one most loyal and obedient to the church of Rome. He related at large the mischiefs, murders, plunders, burnings and robberies which the legate and earl had committed under color of the service of the pope and church; that it was therefore highly necessary, that that mask should be plucked off, which would turn to the dishonor of both; and some good and proper remedy be applied thereto, in order to procure and establish the peace and welfare of the church.

Remond de Requeseuil, of the country of Querci, did likewise lay before his holiness, several villanies which the earl of Montfort had committed, beginning with his proceedings against the earl of Beziers, whom he had caused miserably to die in prison, siezed upon his lands, and ruined his subjects; and so proceeded to what he had transacted against all the other lords, whom he had forced to defend themselves against his violence and tyranny. The pope being touched with a sense of these outrages, would have done some justice; but it was intimated to him that if he should make the earl of Montfort restore that which he had taken for the church, he would find no one would fight either for the pope or church in future. Besides, if he should command restitution to be made, yet earl Simon might justly refuse to make it, till such times as full satisfaction and recompense were made to him for his trouble, labor and expense.

The pope left the management of this affair to the legate, commanding him in general terms to restore their lands to all such as should show themselves faithful and obedient to the church. As to earl Remond’s son, it was his will and pleasure, that all, or at least part of that land which did belong to earl Remond in Provence, the county of Venescin, should be reserved for the maintenance of his son, provided he did give evident and manifest tokens and proofs of his loyalty and good conversation, showing himself worthy of divine mercy. Upon their return, they demanded of the legate, the execution of their bulls, requiring the restitution of their countries. The legate answered, that there were some restrictions therein, which would require some time to decide; that they should therefore bring forth fruits worthy of their repentance, and then they should receive what was granted to them by the pope, otherwise not.

Therefore when the earls saw that it was only a cheat, and a trick which had been put upon them, they were resolved to come to blows.

CHAPTER -Earl Remond’s son taketh Bancaire. The bishop of Toulouse betrays the citizens of Toulouse. The inhabitants of Toulouse receive very ill treatment from Earl Simon. They defend themselves to his confusion. A new expedition. Remond retakes Thoulouse. Simon of Montfort, went thither, and after several battles was slain by a stone thrown by a woman.

His army was put to flight. THE first exploit of earl Remond’s son in this war was the taking of Baucaire, where he made himself master of the city, and afterwards reduced the castle by famine. Earl Simon not being able to relieve them, made a capitulation for those that were within, which was, that they should come forth only with their baggage. Earl Simon did there lose one hundred gentlemen, whom he had laid in ambush near the city, which the people perceiving, they sallied out upon them, and cut them in pieces.

The young earl Remond did very much signalize himself in this siege, and gave earl Simon to understand, that this young lord would prove a thorn in the foot of his son Aimeri, which would give him as much trouble and disturbance as he in his time had done his father.

The earl of Moutfort went thence to Toulouse, to ravage and plunder it.

The bishop had gone thither before him, and having told the consuls and principal men of Toulouse that they must appear before earl Simon; they accordingly went to him, but it was to their great detriment. For no sooner did they make their appearance, but he caused them to be bound; which being observed by some who could make their escape to the city, so hot and sudden an alarm was given therein, that all the people were up in arms before his arrival; but entering in by the castle Narbonne, they took several towers which yet stood out, and put themselves into some places, and having began to pillage and plunder near the castle, the people fortified themselves, and pursued with such violence the robbers and incendiaries, who had already set fire to some houses, that they drove them even to the castle Narbonne. Earl Guy came just in the midst of the engagement to the assistance of earl Simon his brother; but after a short skirmish he was constrained to fly after his brother. Earl Simon’s men were forced to retire, part of them to Stephens, part to the tower of Mascaro, and others to the bishop’s palace, where a great number of them were slain. The bishop who knew that he had been the occasion of this misfortune, he having persuaded the citizens to make their appearance before earl Simon, and earl Simon on the other hand to seize upon them, still continuing and proceeding in his treachery, went forth from the castle Narbonne, and entering the streets, would persuade the people to be quiet and easy; for that the earl designed to make up and conclude these differences with amity and mildness, and that they should not reject those overtures of peace. He represented so many things to them, that they at length gave ear to the reconciliation, seeing themselves naked of defense, and overawed by a tower and strong garrison; knowing well, that upon the arrival of the first supply of crusaders, their city would be exposed to be plundered. When the conditions of peace came to be proposed, the first article was that earl Simon would agree to nothing till all the inhabitants had first carried their arms to the town-house. He had much ado to get them to comply with this point, but they did at length yield. Which being done, earl Simon caused his men to advance, and so seizing upon the town-house, against a people naked and disarmed, and having ordered their arms to be conveyed to the castle Narbonne, he committed the principal men of the city to prison, sending them out of Toulouse wheresoever he pleased, and causing them to be treated with that cruelty and barbarity that a great many of them died by the way. Thus was Toulouse dispeopled of its chief inhabitants, and the rest put to their ransom. A little after, returning from the country of Bigorre, when he could not make himself master of the castle of Lourde, he discharged his choler upon that city, suffering it to be plundered and ravaged by his pilgrims, and then demolished the rest of the towers, which were yet standing round about the city.

The earl of Toulouse was in the mean time at Montauban, who hearing of the usage of his miserable and distressed subjects, could do nothing for some months but lament and condole their misfortunes.

About that time, the year 1214, the legate held a council at Montpelier, to recruit and renew the army of the church, and to establish the authority of earl Simon. The monk of Sernay tells us, that he was there declared prince of all the conquered countries which did belong to the Albigenses; and that with the joint consent of the whole council, they despatched the archbishop to Arabrun to the pope, to entreat his holiness, in the names of all the prelates, who had given their assistance at the said council, that he would pronounce and declare the earl of Moatfort, lord and monarch of all the countries conquered and taken from the Albigenses, which he did. The council sent to him to come and receive the dignity and title of prince and monarch. He made his entrance into the city, and being in the church of des Tables, where the prelates of the council were met to pronounce their sentence in favor of the said earl of Montfort, they heard a noise and uproar in the city, and sending to inquire the meaning and occasion of it, it was told them, that the people understanding earl Simon was come into the city, had taken up arms with a design to kill him, as being their capital enemy. He was advised to steal along by the walls of the city, and make his escape, for fear the council should suffer on his account. He therefore went on foot, without any attendance, that he might not be known at the gate, and so he escaped that great and imminent danger. Thus he saw himself in one and the same hour honored and adored almost like a god, chosen and saluted as prince and monarch, and forced to fly away in a disguise, and hide himself like a scoundrel for fear of the mob.

In pursuance of the resolution of that council, the pope in all his writings gave him the title of monarch, styling him the active and dexterous soldier of Jesus Christ, the invincible champion of the catholic faith; and in the year 1215, he sent him a bull dated the 14th day of the Nones of April, whereby he authorized him to retain all the conquered countries under his authority, granting to him the revenues, profits, and power of executing justice thereto, seeing, said the pope, that you neither can nor ought to make war at your own expenses. That bounty and liberality of the pope in giving away that with which he had nothing to do, obliged him to make a journey to France, to be invested in the dutchy of Narbonne, and earldom of Toulouse, and all the other countries, which the army of the cross had conquered and usurped from those they called heretics, or the favourers and abetters of them, which he obtained of the king. The monk tells us, it is impossible to describe the honors which were done him in his way to France, there being no city through which he passed, where the clergy and people did not come out to meet him, crying blasphemously. “Blessed is he who cometh in the name of the Lord.” For such, and so great, says he, was the devotion of the people towards him, that there was none but thought himself happy if he could but touch the hem of his garments. In the year 1216, Montfort returned from France with one hundred bishops, who had caused the croisade to be preached in their dioceses, resolving with that great army, to conquer and make himself prince and monarch of all those countries which had been given him by the pope: and to make it apparent, that he had not a treaty with Girard Adememar, Guitaud Lord of Monteil-Aimar, nor Aimar de Poitiers, otherwise than till such times as he should be in a capacity to destroy them, he passed the Rhone at Viniers, and laid siege to Monteil-Aimar. Guitaud or Girard made a stout and obstinate defense: but when the inhabitants saw the great army of crusaders, they entreated their lord to come to a composition, for fear the city should be pillaged; which he did though it cost him his own castle.

Thence he went to besiege the tower of Crest Arnaud, which the governor surrendered out of cowardice, otherwise it was impossible for the pilgrims to have taken it by force. After this earl Simon gave one of his daughters in marriage to the son of Aimar of Poitiers; and so was a peace concluded between Aimar of Poitiers, and the bishop of Valence, between whom there had formerly been carried on a long and tedious war. Earl Simon had a little before married one of his sons to the daughter of Dauphin de Viennois, and another to the countess of Bigorre. All which alliances strengthened him very much against his enemies. Every one stood in awe of him, and trembled at his presence, and with that great army of crusaders who followed him, he took Pesquieres near Nismes, and stormed Bezonce, putting all who were therein, even the very women, to the sword. He was marching to Toulouse to plunder and rase it, and to make search after the earl of Toulouse, though he were hid in the very bowels and center of the earth, when he received letters from his wife, begging him to make what haste he could to deliver her out of the hands of the earl of Toulouse, who had besieged her in the castle Narbonnes, signifying that he was strong and powerful, and had moreover all the people at his service, who received him with great acclamations and applauses, crying with a loud voice, “long live the earl of Toulouse.” That he was accompanied by his nephew the earl of Comminge, Gaspard de la Barre, Bertrand de Gorda, Enguerrand de Gordo of Caraman, Arnaud de Montagu, and Stephen de la Valette, all brave men, well furnished with soldiers.

About the year 1217, earl Remond entered into Toulouse with trumpets sounding, drums beating, and colors displayed. The people pressed to come at him, casting themselves at his feet, embracing his legs, kissing the hem of his garments, and slaying all those whom they found in the city, that sided with earl Simon. Whereas, if earl Simon had come directly to Montauban, at his return from France, earl Remond would not have known what course to have taken. But he made a stop at Monteil-Aimar, Bezonce, and Pasquieres, and delayed so long about the marriages, that he gave earl Remond opportunity to get together his forces, and prepare himself for a great assault; and to add to his mortification, when he received advice that his enemy was at Toulouse, the greatest part of his crusaders returned to France. However, he was obliged to go to Toulouse with those forces he had left; for his wife was in a fair way to be taken.

And he that had put so many women and children to death, was doubtful what might become of his own, if she should fall into the hands of his enemies.

Earl Remond created an officer, called a Provost, whom they all promised to obey upon pain of death. This was the first Provost who was established at Toulouse. His business was, to provide for the defense of the city, to keep the ditches clean, repair the breaches, and to appoint to every man his post, especially in time of war. There carne as succor from all parts to earl Remond, those who desired to have satisfaction for the violence and injuries of earl Simon.

Earl Guy was one of the first in the engagement in behalf of earl Simon his brother; but he was worsted and put to flight. The archbishop of Aix and Armagnac, and their crusaders, returned without fighting. Earl Simon at his arrival, made show as if he would besiege Toulouse. But the frequent sallies and irruptions of those who were within, gave him to understand how ineffectual his attempt would be. He therefore called a council of the prelates and lords, to advise with them what he had best to do. The legate perceiving earl Simon to be abashed and disheartened, said unto him; “Fear nothing: for we shall within a little time recover the city, and put to death and destroy all its inhabitants: and if any of the crusaders are slain in the encounter, they shall go directly to paradise as martyrs, and that this they ought firmly to believe.” Then said one of the chief commanders to him; “You talk with great assurance, Monsieur Cardinal. If the earl believes you, the war will not prove much for his advantage, for you and all the rest of the prelates and clergy are the authors of all this misery and destruction, and would be stirring up more, if they would believe you.”

It was not seasonable for the cardinal to take notice of, or resent that bold reply, and he was forced therefore to swallow that reflection. It was then concluded, that no farther assault should be given to the city, but that it should be blocked up on that side, which lies towards Gascogne.

Whereupon the earl of Montfort caused part of his army to pass the river towards Soubra. But those of the city made so strong a sally, and with such success, that they put their enemies to flight. During this engagement came the earl of Foix with fresh troops of his own subjects, with several of Navarre, and some Catalans, who furiously fell upon earl Simon, pursuing him and his men even to the brink of the Garonne, where with fear and precipitation, they flung themselves by heaps into their boats, and a great many of them were drowned in the river. The earl Simon likewise fell in, and had much difficulty to escape drowning.

Earl Remond caused a general assembly to be made at St. Saornin, wherein be exhorted the people to give God thanks for that beginning of victory, which they had obtained over their enemies, as a signal instance of the divine love and favor, and that they should therefore more firmly hope in him for greater mercies. He exhorted every one, to lend their helping hand to make and prepare the engines, in order to play against the Gastie Narbonnes, telling them, that if that place was lost by the enemy, it would complete their utter ruin and destruction; and if recovered by them, they should then be rendered safe and secure. They made ready, within a very little time, their wooden engines, to cast their stones, their slings, their mangonnels to shoot their arrows, their fowling-pieces, crossbows, other instruments, which were then in use: and the whole was planted against the castle Narbonnes; which did very much terrify and dismay those that were within.

The earl of Montfort being at Montolieu, took counsel how to behave himself in this tedious siege, and against enemies so animated and enraged.

The bishop of Toulouse, to comfort and encourage him, told him, that he must have a good heart for monsieur the cardinal had sent letters and messengers, throughout all the world, to procure him supplies, and that he would shortly be furnished with so great a number of men, as might enable him to do whatsoever he pleased. To whom the above mentioned Robert de Pequigny replied, that he spoke at his pleasure, and that if the earl of Montfort had not given credit to him, and such as he was, he would not have been involved in that trouble and perplexity, wherein he was now fallen, but might have continued in peace within; and that he was the cause and occasion of all the mischiefs, which they felt, and of the death of so many men, who were continually butchered, by means of his wicked and pernicious counsel. After several engagements, winter drew on, which stopped the course of the besiegers, retiring into quarters round about Toulouse, with much earnestness and impatience expecting fresh recruits of crusaders. Earl Remond, on the other hand, surrounded the city with a rampart, and fortified himself against the castle Narbonnes, and prepared himself for the reception of the crusaders, whensoever they should appear. He sent his son in the mean time to seek and raise recruits. At length, in the spring of the year 1218, there came to earl Simon one hundred thousand soldiers of the cross, and to earl Remond great supplies from Gascogne, led by Narcis de Moutesquiou, and the young earl of Tolllouse, and Arnaud de Viilemur did likewise bring him several fine troops. When this great number of crusaders had arrived, the legate and earl Simon being resolved to make them earn their pardons, commanded them instantly to scale the city, which was deferred till the next day: by which time they found other work to do; for the first night after their arrival, trusting and confiding in their vast multitude, so as to keep no good guard; the earl of Toulouse sallied out upon them with such success, that the field was covered with dead bodies. The Toulousians being weary of killing returned to give God thanks for his assistance.

Earl Simon entered the castle Narbonnes to discover, if there were any way thence to attack the city, but he found none; at which being much troubled and concerned, two of the lords of the cross advised him to come to some honorable composition. The cardinal Bertrand replied, there needed no task of that nature, and that the church was able to save him in spite of their teeth, if they spoke in favor of the Albigenses. One amongst them made answer; “Why, Mr. Cardinal, should you without any cause or reason, rob earl Remond and his son of that which was their own? If I had known as much, said he, of that matter as now I do, I would never have come upon this expedition.” The whole country was against earl Simon, which occasioned a famine in his army; but Toulouse, on the contrary, was plentifully supplied. Upon the eve of the day called John the Baptist, early in the morning, earl Remond’s troops made a sally out of Toulouse, crying, Avignon, Beaucaire, Muret, and Toulouse, killing all they met with. A soldier ran to earl Simon, and told him, that the enemy was come forth; to whom he replied, that he would first see his Redeemer, and afterwards he would see the enemy; there ran several others to him, crying, we are undone, if no body will head the army, which did fly before the Toulousians. He made answer, that he would not stir a foot from the mass, though he were there to be slain, till he had seen his Creator: so that had not the priest who sung the mass, clipt and curtailed it, for fear his ears should have been clipt, he had either been taken, or slain before the altar.

Naugiers 4 speaks of it as follows. At this rude and violent shock, earl Simon having mounted his horse, his horse was wounded in the middle of his head with an arrow, which he feeling, suddenly got the bit between his teeth, so that Montfort could neither stop nor manage him, but flew with him backwards and forwards in despite of what he could do to the contrary, which a soldier- perceiving from the city, took aim at him, and shot him with his cross bow through his thigh, with which wound, Montfort lost great store of blood, and finding himself very much pained therewith, he desired earl Guy his brother, to have him out of the crowd to stanch his blood. In the mean time, whilst he was yet talking with his brother, he received a blow with a stone, cast out of a mangonnel, or engine used to cast stones or darts withal, which some body discharged unwittingly, but it severed his head from his shoulders, so that his body fell dead to the ground. It was, saith Naugiers, a strange and miraculous accident; and by this may his successors know and consider, that he maintained an unjust quarrel, not to punish those who were renegades and apostates from the faith, but to harass and oppress his own subjects, loading them with miseries upon miseries, to ravish women and their daughters, to the end, that they might ruin and confound them, although at the same time performing the duty of subjects, and to seize upon and detain the goods and possessions of another, who, although he were a heretic, as Montfort imagined, yet he might in the twinkling of an eye, see his error, and amend his life. But he was blinded with an ambitious desire of reigning; which visibly appears from his ill usage, oppressions, and extortions, exercised against the innocent people of Toulouse, who honored, loved him, and prayed for his prosperity as their Lord. This skirmish and defeat happened in June, 1218.

This is the character which Naugiers the historian, who wrote in those days, hath given of this person, as of one who was led and blessed with passion, and insatiable avarice: but that which is worthy of our observation is, that he was not overthrown, till just at that particular juncture, when by three several councils, he had been pronounced and declared, sovereign and monarch of all his conquests, general of the armies of the church, restorer of the church, the son, servant, and darling thereof, and the defender of the faith; adored by the people, dreaded by the great, and the terror of kings. Thus as the proud and ambitious paricide, Abimeleck, was slain by a piece of millstone, cast by a woman from a tower, which brake his skull; so was that destroyer of the people, ruiner of cities, devourer of other men’s estates, slain by a stone cast out of a sling by a woman, as some historians have observed. The monk, on the contrary, makes the following exclamation “But who is he that can write or hear that which followeth? who can relate it without grief, or hear it without tears or lamentations? who is it, says he, that will not dissolve and sink away, when hearing the life of the poor to be taken away? he who being laid in the dust, all things fall and perish with him, by whose death all is dead? was not he the comforter of the Sorrowful, the strength of the weak, the succor of the afflicted, and a refuge for the miserable?” He had reason to speak thus: for when Montfort was dead, his whole army was dispersed. Bonaventure the legate, had only time to tell Aimeri of Montfort, that he was nominated and appointed by him, and the rest of the bishops then present, to succeed earl Simon his father in his conquests and offices; and then they immediately betook themselves to their heels, flying with the rest of the bishops of the cross, to Carcassone; and so great was their consternation, that they durst not stop at any place, for fear of being pursued. The crusaders disbanded themselves; saying, that they were not obliged to any further service, because their quarantins or forty days, were just expired. During this confusion, earl Remand sallied out of Toulouse, and gave the enemy so brisk a charge, that he drove them out of all their intrenchments, and did there make so great a slaughter among the crusaders, who were destitute both of courage and conduct, that he slew and cut in pieces all that were in the camp of Montolieu, and did much mischief to those that were encamped at Sobra.

There remained the castle Narbonnes, which still held out for the legate.

Aimeri of Montfort speedily assembled what troops he could get together in that confusion and disorder, and making what haste he could to the castle, he brought out the garrison by a false door, and fled after the legate, carrying along with him the body of his father, with great precipitation, to Carcassone. It was well for him that earl Remond did not pursue him, for the fear and dread of him was sufficient to have killed all the crusaders who were with him. But earl Remond retired with his troops, to provide for the preservation of the city and castle Narbonnes, which the enemy, when they left it, had set on fire. Moreover, he caused the bell to be tolled, that the people might go to give God thanks in their temple, for the happy and miraculous victory which they had obtained; in that this cruel and audacious Cyclops was overthrown, who several times had exposed them to be plundered and pillaged, rased their walls, demolished their rampires, battered down their castles, and ravished their wives and daughters, slain their citizens, spoiled their lands, and reduced their whole country to extreme misery and desolation. 6 CHAPTER -Earl Remond recovered all that Earl Simon had taken from him in l’Agenois. — The Earl of Foix retakes Mirepoix from Roger de Leni. — The Earl of Comminge regains the lands which were detained from him by Joris. — Advantages of the Albigenses in Lauragues, — Expeditions of small effect after the death of Earl Simon. — Prince Louis took Marmande, and returned into France, after having summoned Toulouse to surrender. EARL REMOND followed the victory, making himself master of the castle Narbonne, and fortified it against the crusaders, who, he knew, would return the year following. In the mean time he sent his son l’Agenois, who reduced Condom, Mermande, Aquillon, and other neighboring places, to the obedience of his father. Mirepoix, on the other hand, was besieged by the earl of Foix, who summoned Roger de Leni to surrender, telling him that he must not any more trust and rely upon earl Simon, for he was dead: that he ought to be contented with having so long and so unjustly detained that which was his. That if he provoked him to change his patience into fury, he would lose both his life and Mirepoix together. It was a great trouble to the marshal of the faith, for such was the vain title which the legate had conferred upon him, to deliver up that place; but he did at length give it into the hands of the earl of Foix. The earl of Comminge did likewise right himself against one Joris, to whom the legate had given all that which the soldiers of the cross had taken in his country; for he recovered all from him, and put him to death.

The spring following, in the year 1219, came Almeric, or Aimeri of Montfort to l’Agenois with some troops of the cross, to recover that which his father had there possessed; and to that end and purpose, he laid siege to Marmande; the young earl of Toulouse was going to the relief of the besieged, when he received advice from the earl of Foix, that he had taken a great booty of men and cattle in Lauragues, but he was afraid he could not bring them to Toulouse, without being engaged on the way by the garrison of Carcassone; he therefore desired that he would come to his assistance. Young Remond therefore marched thither, and came just as the earl of Foix was upon the point of losing his booty, being pursued by the viscount of Lautrec, and the captains, Foucat and Valas. 2 Being come to the engagement, Vails and Foucat loudly animated and encouraged their crusaders, saying, “We fight for heaven and the church;” which young earl Remond hearing, he cried out as loud to his men, “Be of good heart, my friends, we fight for our religion against thieves and robbers, shrouded under the cloak of the church. They have robbed enough, let us make them vomit it up again, and pay off the arrears of their thefts and robberies which they have heretofore committed.” Thereupon they gave them the charge. The viscount of Lautrec betook himself to flight; Foucat was taken prisoner, and all their troops cut in pieces. Captain Seguret an eminent robber, was taken and hanged upon a tree in the field. Thus did they come laden with victory and spoil to Toulouse, with their prisoners and cattle.

The siege of Marmaude continued, but without any progress or success; for Almeric having caused a general assault to be made upon the city, the inhabitants defended themselves with such bravery and resolution, that the ditches were filled with the dead bodies of the crusaders. This was just upon the arrival of the great expedition of prince Louis, who brought along with him thirty earls. An expedition for the raising of which, Bertrand, the legate, had written to king Philip in the following terms; “Do not fail to be in the confines of Toulouse, during the whole month of May, in the year 1219, with all your forces to revenge the death of the earl of Montfort; and I will procure, that the pope shall publish the croisade throughout the world, for your better aid and assistance.” Thus the legate commanded the king of France. His son came to Marmaude, and summoned those that were therein to surrender. They capitulated with him. He promised them their lives. Almeric complained of it, saying, that those were not worthy to live, who had been the death of his father. He called the prelates together, and declared to them his discontent, occasioned by that composition, in that life was granted to those that were the murderers of his father. All the priests were of opinion, that notwithstanding the promise made, they should all be put to death. Prince Louis was for having the composition stand inviolable. Notwithstanding this, Almeric caused his troops to slip into the city, with a charge to kill all, even so much as the women and children. They put his orders in execution, the prince was offended thereat, and thereupon left Almeric and the legate. In his way he summoned the inhabitants of Toulouse to surrender. They defended themselves against him. He received news of the death of his father, which occasioned him to return home. And thus, all the effects of that great expedition, by which it was intended to bury all the Albigenses alive, vanished away without any assault.

CHAPTER -Alteration made in the war of the Albigenses, occasioned by the death of Pope Innocent III. — Change of the legate. — Death of Remond, Earl of Toulouse — Sickness of the Earl of Foix, the Lady Philippe de Moncade, his mother, and Dominic, the Inquisitor. BERTRAND BONAVENTURE, the legate, being tired with the long fatigues of the war, perceiving that the danger thereof was greater than either the pleasure or profit, took occasion, under pretense of his age and impotency, to return to Rome. And besides, pope Innocent being dead, pope Honorius his successor, who had not carried on this war by his authority from the beginning thereof, knew neither the importance of it, nor how to manage and give directions in it: and therefore had need of the advice of his legate, to instruct and inform him by what means to continue and carry it on, and to acquaint him what profit and advantage would thereby accrue to the holy see. Bonaventure therefore entreated him to depute another legate, and told him that the necessity of that war was such, that it did not only concern the loss of all the countries taken from the Albigenses, which they might easily recover if they met with no greater opposition, but that the fate of the church of Rome did likewise depend thereupon, because the doctrine of the Waldenses and Albigenses did directly shake the authority of the popes, and undermine and overthrow the ordinances of the papacy.

That war had been very expensive, and cost them very dear. For within the space of fifteen years, one hundred thousand soldiers of the cross had been slain therein, who came at several times to end their lives in Languedoc, as if there were not graves enough elsewhere to bury them, or as if men in those days were obliged to be born in France, and to die in that war, fighting against the Albigenses. That all this would be lost, if they did not continue to harass and persecute them, until they were entirely destroyed. The pope made Contat his legate, whom he sent thither.

Now Almeric, although he was very valiant and courageous, yet he had not attained to that authority which his father had got, who had made himself, at the cost of the Albigenses, a great general, beloved of his soldiers, of wonderful courage and valor, patient in afflictions, indefatigable in labor, diligent in his enterprises, of great foresight, and provident for the necessities of an army; was very affable, but of an irreconcilable hatred to his enemies, because he hated them only to enjoy what they had, which he could not do till after their death, which he did what in him lay, to procure and accelerate, under the plausible color and pretense of religion. His son was a true inheritor of the enmity of his father, but dull and sluggish, and loving his ease, and altogether unfit for any action of moment and importance. Besides, he was deprived of the monk, Dominic, whom his father had always made use of to his very great advantage. For placing Dominic in the cities which he had conquered, he left. it to him to complete their destruction by his inquisition, which he could not do by arms. He died on the sixth of August, 1220, so rich and wealthy, that notwithstanding he was the author and founder of a begging order, the Jacobin monks, yet, he made it known before his death, that “a scrip well managed, is better than a rent ill paid;” for he left several houses, and much goods behind him, thereby showing that he made use of his scrip, only for a color and show of poverty; but that he thought good to get wherewithal to live otherwise, doth appear from the safeguard or protection which was given him by earl Simon a little before his death, the tenor of which is as follows. “Simon, by the grace and providence of God, duke of Narbonne, earl of Toulouse, viscount of Licestre, Beziers, and Carcassone, health and love. We command and enjoin you to take special care to preserve and defend the houses and goods of our most dear brother Dominic, as if they were our own. Given at Toulouse, December 13, 1217.”

The death of that monk was a great comfort to the Albigenses, who had persecuted them with such cruelty and violence. But they were on the other side much more weakened by the death of Remond, earl of Toulouse, the earl of Foix, and madame Philippe de Moncade, his lady.

The earl Remond died of sickness, very much lamented of his subjects. He was just, mild, valiant, and courageous, but too apt to give ear to those who advised him for his ruin. He was moved at first only with a true charity to his subjects, who made profession of the faith of the Waldenses: but afterwards having been basely and unworthily handled and treated by the pope’s legates, he knew both the cruelty of the priests, and the falsity of their doctrine, by the conferences and disputes which they had held in his presence with the pastors or teachers of the Albigenses. His epitaph was written in two Gascon verses. Non y a home sur terre per grand Segnor que sous.

Qu’em iettes de ma Ferre si la Gleisa non sous.

The author of the history of Languedoc tells us that he died suddenly, and was carried into the house of the friars of John’s hospital, and that he was not buried, because he died excommunicated. There was a head not long since showed at Toulouse, which was by some believed to be the head of earl Remond, which they said had always remained without burial. 2 But it is very improbable that he who died among his subjects, of whom he was lord, should have so little credit and respect after his death, as not to be interred; that he who by his courage and valor, had restored his subjects to their houses, and their city to its ancient grandeur and glory; that he should be cast out like a dog, whose death they all lamented as a father. It is neither true nor likely that they should deny him that last office of charity, which they did not refuse even to their greatest enemies; for the Albigenses were never known to have refused burial to any.

As to the earl of Foix, he was a prince of whom history gives this character and testimony — that he was a patron of justice, clemency, candor, magnanimity, patience, and chastity; a good warrior, a good husband, a good father, a good manager, a good administrator of justice, worthy to have his name honored, and his virtues related by posterity.

When this good prince saw that he must exchange earth for heaven, he met death with an undaunted bravery and resolution, rejoicing that he was to leave the world, arid the vanity thereof. He called his son Roger, and exhorted him to serve God, to live virtuously, and to govern his people with paternal care, keeping them under obedience to his laws, and so he gave up the ghost. Madame Philippe de Moncade followed shortly after, not without suspicion of being poisoned by some domestic enemy of the Albigenses, whose religion she zealously and devoutly professed. She was a princess of great and admirable foresight, faith, constancy, and loyalty.

She uttered before her death, several fine and sweet expressions, full of edification, both in the Castilian and French tongue, in contempt of death, which she received with a wonderful courage and constancy, tempering her words with most christian-like comfort and consolation, to the great edification of her friends.

The death of all these persons made a wonderful change and alteration in the war of the Albigenses on both sides.

CHAPTER -Almeric of Montfort resigned the countries taken from the Albigenses, into the hands of King Louis VIII — Siege of Avignon. — The king sets up a Governor in Languedoc. — The war against the Albigenses is renewed. — Toulouse besieged. — Treaty of peace with Earl Remond and the people of Toulouse. ALMERIC of Montfort was not so fortunate in the war of the Albigenses; for he had neither king Philip Augustus to permit him to raise crusaders, nor pope Innocent III. to order and appoint them. Besides, there was neither city nor village in France, without such whom the war of the Albigenses had made widows and orphans. Moreover, the prelates were put into great frights and fears by the fierce and bloody battles and engagements which were usually fought, and several had fled, leaving their mitres, and some abbots their crosses behind them. The talk of the expeditions of the cross were now grown less frequent. This hindered Almeric for a long time from enjoying his conquests, at which time being very much troubled and afflicted, he took his journey to France, and resigned to Louis VIII. all the right which he tendered to the said countries, and which the pope and the councils of la Vaur, Montpelier, and Lateran had given him. In recompense thereof, the French king made him constable of France, in the year 1224.

King Louis VIII. went into Languedoc, to put himself in possession thereof, and coming before the gates of Avignon, he was denied entrance, because professing the faith of the Albigenses, they had been excommunicated and given by the pope to the first conqueror. Avignon was not then the principal city of the earldom of Venescin as it now is; but belonged to the king of Naples and Sicily. The king being moved and incensed with that denial, resolved to lay siege to it, which lasted for eight months, at the end of which they surrendered themselves in 1225.

During this siege almost all the cities of Languedoc acknowledged the king of France’s authority, by the means and mediation of Amelin, archbishop of Narbonne. The king made Imbert de Beaujeu governor in Languedoc and returned to France; but he died by the way at Montpensier, in September, 1226.

The young earl of Toulouse had obliged himself, by promise made to the king, to go and receive the absolution of pope Honorins, and that afterwards he would restore him to the peaceable possession of all his countries; but the death of the king intervening, he saw the kingdom of France in the hands of king Louis IX. then a child, and under the tuition and government of his mother. He believed that having to do with an infant king and a woman, he might recover that by force, which he had given away by agreement. Which made him resolve to take up arms, strengthened and encouraged so to do by the succours and assistance of the Albigenses his subjects, who were now in hope to restore and maintain their party in its former vigor and power, during the minority of the king of France; but they all were mistaken in their projections and designs. For although Louis IX. was in his minority, yet he was so happy as to have a wife and prudent mother. For king Louis VIII. had before his death appointed her to be tutoress or guardian of his son, very well knowing her great capacity and sufficiency for such a charge. Moreover, Imbert de Beaujeu maintained the king’s authority in Languedoc, took up arms, and made head against earl Remond and the Albigenses. The queen sent him several troops, by the help of which he recovered the castle of Bonteque near Toulouse, which very much annoyed Imbert and his party. All the Albigenses who were found therein, were put to the sword, except one deacon who was set apart with those who would not abjure their religion, and by the command of the said hubert, Amelin the pope’s legate, and with the advice of Gyon, bishop of Carcassone, they were all burnt alive in the year 1227, suffering death with admirable Christian courage and constancy.

The more hot and violent the persecution grew, the more did the number of the Albigenses multiply and increase, which Imbert de Beaujeu perceiving, he took his journey to the court, and gave them to understand that without succours and assistance he could no longer preserve and defend the countries arid places lately annexed to the crown, and patrimony of France, against earl Remond and the Albigenses. During his absence, earl Remond took the castle of Sarrazin, one of the strongest places which Imbert had in his hands, and keeping the field he did very much annoy his enemies.

Imbert returned from France in the spring of the year 1228, followed by a great army of the cross, in which were the archbishops of Bourges, Aouch, and Bordeaux, each of them heading the crusaders under his jurisdiction.

Earl Remond retired into Toulouse, and was immediately blocked up, and all the country round about, insomuch that the harvest was wasted and spoiled. Being reduced to this extremity, Elias Garin, the abbot of Grandselve, came from Amelia, the pope’s legate, with an offer of peace to earl Remond and the people of Toulouse. He was received with great joy, as one offering bread and peace to a people famished, and tired with war.

Yet the more wise and perspicacious, who had a clearer insight into the event of things, knew well enough, that so soon as they had gotten earl Remond into their clutches, they would make use of him to persecute them, to establish and set up the inquisition, and kindle the fires again, and so ruin and destroy them both body and soul; but the reasons and allegations of those persons were overcome by the importunate cries of the famished populace, who could not discern the halter which was to strangle them. Besides this, the enemy had their agents and confederates even in Toulouse, who terrified and intimidated earl Remond, telling him, that he was not now to deal with Almeric of Montfort, but with a king of France, who wanted not strength and power to destroy them; that continual fevers kill men, and a long and tedious war would overwhelm and bury them all. Earl Remond gave his word to the abbot, to meet him upon a certain day at Vasieges, there to resolve upon what was to be done to bring the peace to a perfection; and in the mean time a truce was granted to the people of Toulouse for some days. Earl Remond met at the day and place appointed, as did likewise the abbot of Grandselve. After several proposals, and many overtures about the peace, the abbot made him believe, that it would be better for him to be in France than there; that seeing the affair did concern the king, the queen mother must be present thereat, as guardian and regent; and that so more might be done in a few days, than could else be effected in some years, because it was a business which required several journeys backwards and forwards, which perhaps would be long and fruitless; that he would engage his faith, that he should receive full satisfaction and content. Being overcome with these specious promises, he yielded to come into France, to what place soever the queen mother should be pleased to order and appoint him. Meaux was the place which he made choice of, and the time was fixed for his coming. He went thither, but was no sooner arrived, but he began to repent it, and was made sensible of his folly in giving credit to the words of a priest; especially knowing that his late father had fared so ill by trusting those who hold this for a maxim, “That no faith is to be kept with heretics or the favourers of them;” and that he being held and accounted for such a one, had no reason to promise himself better success.

There was now never a word said of a treaty, but of submission to whatsoever should be imposed upon him. He had no more his liberty to talk, for he was straitly and securely guarded, for fear he should again fly to the Albigenses. The author of the history of Languedoc, who though in other matters he was a very great enemy to the Albigenses, yet he could not write of this without commiseration and pity, so sad and deplorable was the condition of this lord. These are his words, “It was, says he, a lamentable sight to see so brave a man, who had stood out and made resistance for so long a time against so many men, come barefooted in his shirt and drawers to the altar, in the presence of two cardinals of the church of Rome, the one legate in France, and the other in England. But this was not all the ignominious penances inflicted upon him, for there were so many conditions or articles proposed in that treaty of peace, any one of which would have been sufficient for his ransom, if the king of France had taken him in the field fighting against him.”

CHAPTER -Articles of the Treaty betwixt Remond, Earl of Toulouse, and the Pope’s Legate, Amelin, and the Queen Mother of Louis IX. King of France. IT was an easy matter to finish and complete the treaty, for the articles were proposed to earl Remond, with this condition, that he should sign them without making any reply or demur.

Article I. That after earl Remond had begged pardon in the manner appointed, in his shirt, barefoot and bareheaded, with a torch in his hand, for all that he had done against the church, he should promise to defend the faith, and banish and expel the heretics out of his territories.

II. That he should yearly pay three marks of silver to the church so long as he lived.

III. That he should forthwith pay down the sum of six thousand marks of silver, for the reparation of the cities, castles and houses which were ruined and demolished by him or his father, during the late wars.

IV. That he should pay two thousand marks of silver for the reparation of the monastery, and for the maintenance of the monks of Cisteaux.

V. Five hundred marks of silver for the monks of Cleruaux.

VI. A thousand marks for those of Grandselve, and for the reparation of their monastery.

VII. Three hundred for the church of Belle Perche.

VIII. Six thousand marks of silver for the reparation of the castle Narbonnes; and that it should be held ten years by the legate in the name of the church.

IX. That he should give towards the maintenance of four doctors in divinity, two doctors of the canon-law, six masters of art, and two grammarians, who should read daily lectures, each of them according to his faculties, to such scholars as should come to Toulouse, the sum of four thousand marks of silver; of which, each master in divinity should have twenty-five, the doctor of law fifteen, and the master of arts ten marks a year for the space of ten years.

X. That he should receive the cross at the hands of the legate, and go beyond sea to fight against the Turks and Saracens, and should go to Rhodes, where he should tarry for the space of five years, and bring a certificate from the great master of Rhodes.

XI. That he should never, for the future, undertake any thing against the church.

XII. That he should wage war with the earl of Foix, and never make peace with him without the leave of the legate.

XIII. That he should raze and demolish all the wails, towers, and fortifications of Toulouse, according to the prescriptions of the legate.

XIV. That he should level and destroy thirty-five cities or castles, in which number the following shall be included; Fainaux, Castelnau d’Arri, la Bastide, Avignonnet, Pech Laurens, Sanct Paul, la Vaur, Rebasteins, Guaillac, Montague, Hautpec, Verdun, Castel Sarrazin, Montauban, Agen, Saverdun, Condon, Auterine, and others which the legate should name unto him, which he must never rebuild without his leave and permission.

XV. That if any of his subjects held any fortress or castle, he should cause him to demolish it, or upon case of refusal, he should make war with him, at his own costs and charges.

XVI. That he should deliver into the hands of the legate, Penne d’Agenes, and all the other places above mentioned, to be kept by him for the space of ten years. But if he could not obtain and enjoy them, he should try to gain them by war. And if he could not within two years make himself master of them, he should make his voyage beyond the seas as aforesaid, and resign his right of Penne to the templars, getting them to come over and conquer it. Which if they refuse to do, the pleasure of the legate is, that the king of France should conquer it.

But if he refuse to hold it when he hath taken it, that he cause it to be utterly razed and demolished, so that it may never be rebuilt.

XVII. That for the full accomplishment of all this, he should resign himself a prisoner into the hands of the king at the Louvre in Paris, whence he should not depart till he had first caused one of his daughters to be brought to Carcassone, and committed to the custody of the king, into the hands of those persons whom he should appoint and depute for that purpose.

XVIII. That he should likewise deliver the castle Narbonnes and Penne d’Agenes, and the other places into the hands of the legate. That he should cause the walls of the city, which were over against the said castle Narbonnes, to be demolished, and the ditches which were betwixt them to be filled up, so that a man might freely pass and repass without fear and danger. That the whole should be accomplished and performed before his departure and releasement out of prison. All which being done, the legate gave him his absolution, and delivered it in writing.

Thus you see the conditions of the treaty, between earl Remond and the pope’s legate. This great trouble and affliction of this prince was but the beginning, the first step to the misery of the poor Albigenses; for thence sprang the great persecution, whereby they were totally destroyed.

CHAPTER -Pecuniary penalties laid upon the Albigenses. — Earl Remond is forced to make decrees against them — A Council at Tonlouse against the Albigenses, in which they were prohibited the reading of the Holy Scriptures. — Other constitutions against them. — Earl Remond’s daughter carried to Paris. THE subjects of earl Remond, being advertised of that dishonorable and disadvantageous treaty of their lord, were exceedingly troubled and displeased at it, whereby they saw themselves upon the brink of total ruin and destruction; because thereby their lord was obliged to do what in him lay to forward their extirpation: besides this, they plainly saw they were to have a new master, who was their sworn and professed enemy. They also forced earl Remond at the same time, without giving him leisur