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CHAPTER 1.

Negotiation about queen Elizabeth’s marriage with the duke of Anjou: succeedeth not: notwithstanding confident report of it in France. Occurrences in Scotland; sent from Randolph, the queen’s ambassador there. The ill condition of Ireland; lamented. The queen sends forces in defence of Roan. Don Antonio, expulsed his kingdom of Portugal, solicits the queen for aid against Philip king or Spain. Mature consultations thereupon. The prince of Conde’ comes into England, to solicit the queen in behalf of the protestants in France. He and the French ambassador with her in conference. Instructions to the queen’ s ambassadors in France; assisting monsieur, going into the Netherlands. And a secret league between that Icing. and the queen. STILL the queen’s chief statesmen consulted for her majesty’s marriage, as concluding it the best way to establish and strengthen the kingdom, and to secure England against the uncertainty of a successor, as well as for other causes. Walsingham was now in France her ambassador, transacting that design. He sent two letters in the month of August, 1581, to the earl of Sussex, lord chamberlain, concerning the present state of this grand affair: referring him to the account he had given at large of his negociation with monsieur, in his other letters both to the queen and the lord treasurer, and the success thereof. And let the earl further in general understand, “That monsieur finding by his [Walsingham’s] answer, delivered unto him in her majesty’s name, that her highness waxed cold in the matter of marriage, in respect of the mislike that she saw her subjects would conceive, to have her realm thrown into foreign wars, by reason of that match; yet notwithstanding did very constantly resolve that he would follow his pursuit; and would not be dissuaded from it by any reasons that he [Walsingham] could allege in that behalf. “And that touching the league [offensive and defensive] between the queen and his brother the king, he told him, [the ambassador,] that he thought his brother would very hardly consent unto it, unless it were accompanied with the marriage: but that he promised to employ his friends to prepare his mind to hearken to it. And indeed, added Walsingham in this letter, whether the marriage be or be not, considering the present action his highness hath embraced, [viz. his defence of the Low Countries against Philip king of Spain,] his lordship [viz. the earl] could easily perceive how much it stood him upon to be countenanced in it by such a league, both for the encouraging of his friends, and discouraging of his enemies.”

He proceeded to hint to the earl another affair, concerning the queen’s supplying monsieur with money, absolutely necessary to the carrying on his war, “That he understood by a gentleman, which was very inward with monsieur, and also greatly devoted to her majesty, (as his lordship might perceive by the letters,) that monsieur’s affairs were reduced to such extremity for want of money, that unless her majesty did relieve him, he was like to remain at a stay. He beseeched his lordship, therefore, (who could consider of what importance it was to her majesty not to suffer the gentleman to quail in his enterprise,) to put to his helping hand, to procure that he might be relieved.

Concluding, “That he took upon him to assure himself, that if any defect or error fell out in this his service, he should find the earl’s honourable favour to excuse the same to her majesty, according to the comfortable promise it pleased him to make him at his departure. Dated at Fere en Tartenoys, the 5th of August, 1581.”

Monsieur, the amorous duke, was now come again into England, to prosecute his love-business with the queen; and succeeded so far in it, that she gave him a ring off from her finger, (saith our historian.) Whence a common report presently arose, that the match was undoubted: and Mauvisier, late ambassador from the French king, told that king as much.

Whereat Walsingham, now at Paris, and the other English ambassador there, were under a great surprise, having had no account thereof sent them. And this caused another letter from Walsingham to the earl, importing, “That his lordship, by the general letters sent unto the lord treasurer, should perceive how that they [the queen’s ambassadors] were now at a stay for their treaty, upon some new comfort monsieur Mauvisier had put the king in; that her majesty is fully resolved to proceed to the conclusion of her marriage. Which if it were true, then they, her majesty’s ambassadors there, were hardly dealt withal: for that they were not privy thereto. And that if it were not true, then had the advertisement done a great deal of harm many ways.”

And then giving his judgment, he adds these words: Surely, my lord, if her majesty be not already resolved touching her marriage, it will behove her to grow to some speedy resolution therein. For the entertaining of it doth breed her greater dishonour than I dare commit to paper: besides the danger she daily increaseth for not settling her estate; which dependeth altogether upon the marriage.

And so forbearing further to trouble his lordship, he most humbly took his leave at Paris, the 26th day of August, 1581.”

But this confident report soon vanished. For to give some further account of this courtship this year, take a short extract out of a letter of Brook, the queen’s ambassador in France, writ unto her, viz. “I perceive, and it like your majesty, how monsieur Mauvisier, in his last letters written from thence, sheweth he hath no further hope of the marriage; understanding your intent to be for to entertain him graciously, and no more: and so to pass the time. And therefore he [the said Mauvisier] required to be revoked. I suppose,” added the ambassador, “he did write this, being in some passion: for not many weeks since, he sent assured hope of the marriage?” Thus this matter wavered about this time.

As for Scotland, among the occurrences there this year, sent to the lord treasurer Burghley by Tho. Randolph, the queen’s resident there, these are some, as I take them from the original letter: “That the lord Flemming, sir Thomas Carte of Furnehorst, sir James Baford, John Matland, sometime secretary to the king’s mother, with many other, forfeited in the civil dissensions, and for the murder of the king’s father, and his two regents, were, with their children, restored to their blood and possessions; conditionally, that they should abide the laws for the said murder, when the king should please to call and charge them therewith. But the lord Flemming was not restored to his whole possessions: and Baford had his pacification but for three years. This favour was obtained to them by the special suit and means of the duke [of Lenox.]” If we look over into Ireland, it would give a very sad prospect, in respect of the wars, and also the great difference and quarrels that were there among the queen’s officers, and the exceeding expenses she was put to. Of which that wise statesman, the lord treasurer, thus wrote his mind to one of them: “That he did heartily lament the lamentable state of that country: and that he was therewith more grieved, in that he saw the calamity either to continue, or not to diminish: and yet he saw no way how to remedy it. Neither in so doubtful opinions as there were, both there and here [at home] for the remedy, dared he to lay hold on any of them. And yet he did not think the remedies desperate, if good and wise men, addicted to public state, were therein employed. And concluding, thus I uncomfortably end, referring the success to God’s mercy to be extended both to you and us; whose sins, I am assured, do provoke him to chasten the nation so sharply.

Adding, that he thought well of a late direction from her majesty, to reduce her army to a convenient number there, that otherwise were not provided to live in their lusts, but by wars and spoils.” This letter was dated at Westminster, December 15, 1581.

The queen was now engaged with the French king, and assisted him with supplies against the Spaniard; who was now coming to Diep, the earl of Essex being her general, and sir Roger Williams, a brave soldier, one of her great officers there. By the forces of the duke of Parma, Roan was taken; and the said duke himself was hastening thither with his army: and the French king himself was then before Roan, besieging it, and in apprehension of a battle with the said duke; which made him request of her majesty to send him more forces, and speedily.

Sir Henry Unton was now the queen’s ambassador in France; and upon a letter of his to the lord treasurer, acquainting him with the affairs there, the said lord wrote him an answer at some length: the contents of which the said sir Henry wrote on the back-side of it, being a short summary of the letter; which shews as well this ambassador’s great exactness and diligence, as the particulars of this expedition: which our histories, for ought I find, are silent of. What was thus written by way of contents, was as followeth. “My letter expressing the king’s request for further aid, unpleasant to her majesty, though she laid no fault on me. “Her majesty made answer thereunto by her own letter, whereof he [the lord treasurer] sendeth copy, to infer to the king the unseasonableness of the time. “Her majesty suspecteth that the king’s state is made worse than the same truly is, in respect of the contrariety thereof to sir Roger Williams’s report. “The news of the duke of Parma’s entrance not likely to be true: neither that he can come so soon to Roan, but that the king may before gain mount S. Katharine; and afterwards go and make head to him. “Sir Thomas Leyghton ambassador sent over. “Marvaileth that I have not received his former letters. Wisheth me to learn exactly the state of the king’s forces. Hopeth shortly to receive news of the taking of the mount S. Katharine.”

The whole letter, being a discovery of a considerable piece of our history, I have transcribed from the original, and laid it in the Appendix of Originals.

Philip, king of Spain, was the queen’s fatal enemy, which she well knew; and therefore was not wanting to defend herself and her kingdoms against him: though as yet no open breach between them. This year she was inclined to take part with don Antonio, late king of Portugal; but beat out of his kingdom by the said king of Spain: who took possession of that crown unjustly. But both France and England intended to assist him: for into England, encouraged by France, he now was come. If we turn back to the last year, when this expulsed king first shewed his complaint to the English court, it was thought a fit opportunity offered the queen to enable her to check the malicious purposes of king Philip: and by preparing a fleet to assist don Antonio, to be able to defend herself thereby, in case of an open hostile invasion of her kingdom, even then feared. There was then an expert soldier, and accomplished gentleman in matters of war, named Rafe Lane, who in a private letter shewed his thoughts to the lord treasurer on this occasion; “That being moved of zeal to her majesty’s safety and service, he humbly offered to his lordship the consideration of the plot touching the report of king Antonio to her majesty for aid; and many singular advantages and guard of her kingdom, which she might gain hereby, which he proceeded to shew.” The whole letter, being somewhat large, I leave to be read in the Appendix. Concerning don Antonio’s business, some particulars of it may be collected from a discourse thereof between Edward Brook, the queen’s ambassador in France, and count Vimioso, the Portugal king’s agent there. The account of which is best taken from the said English ambassador’s own letter thereof, written to sir Francis Walsingham, the secretary, in May this year, lately come from France. “That the count Vimioso arrived there [in France] the second instant, being very well lodged, and furnished of the king’s stuff; entertained of the king’s officers; and his diet provided and defrayed. That he [the English ambassador] the same night went privily unto him: declaring the affection the queen’s majesty had to maintain the liberties of them and their country; as also that she affected don Antonio, and the justice of his cause. But for that their case required rather help than open demonstration of a complement, he thought it more convenient to visit him in that manner. The rather likewise, that if the queen, his sovereign, should otherwise make show to friend don Antonio, it would minister occasion of greater jealousy to king Philip: whereby he might be provoked to deal more rigorously with such of their confederates as were in Portugal. The which being respected, he should do his kingdom the greater service, and find the apter means to deliver his country from the oppression of the Spaniard.”

He added, “That the said Vimioso seemed to accept of his [the English ambassador’s] coming, and of the choice of the time and manner: discoursing to him of his hard adventures, first passed in Barbary, when he was taken prisoner in the service of don Sebastian, their late young king: acknowledging to have received his liberty by the means of king Philip. For the which he was to adventure his life in his service, the liberty of his country and honour reserved. And that for those causes he had put himself in those hazards; repairing to those princes, [in France, &c.] of whom he hoped to find that honour, as they might receive help in the redress: not meaning, as he proceeded, to enter into discourse, how necessary this action was to be embraced by the French king and the queen of England. For that he ensured himself their own judgments, and the advices of their counsellots, were sufficient to penetrate: which would be considered for the benefit of their own estates. But that he was disposed to declare the right of his king, and to shew the justice done to the right of Portugal, with desiring their aid of men and means for the many and just considerations. “That as for the particularities touching the queen, he would leave to communicate with him therein, until he had conferred with the Christian king and the queen his mother.” That to all these speeches, he [the English ambassador] only answered him thus: “That as for the good-will and disposition of her majesty, his king and nation should find to be such, as the benefit of her meaning should be rather shewed towards them by her gracious deeds, than by many promises and outward shows: such was the manner of her sincere proceeding. “He said, how Rodrigo de Souza [don Antonio’s ambassador] had informed him of her most royal dealing: purposing, after he had done his affairs in that court, [of France,] to repair into England.”

It must be remembered here, that the queen had sent Prim, her agent, to the emperor of Fez and Morocco, in behalf of don Antonio, in compassion of his condition. And what success that affair had, the lord treasurer had communicated to this English ambassador by Waad, one of the clerks of the council. Concerning which thus the ambassador proceeded in his letter: “For that Mr. Waad had shewed him his honour’s letter, with the instructions for to deal in the matter which Prim brought, he desired the count,. it would please him for to confer with Mr. Waad, as with a confident gentleman, and one trusted by his honour, [the lord treasurer,] that he [the ambassador] had understood by the said Mr. Waad, that he had passed speeches with the count about those affairs.”

Further, “That on the twenty-second in the morning, the count Vymyos did senqd him word, that he would in the afternoon visit him. And he accordingly sent his coach and horses for to serve him and his company. But that it seemed he changed his purpose, and sent Prim unto him with a message, as that he would be glad to have him [the ambassador] resort to him. But he willed Prim to say unto the count, that he could willingly do any thing that might give him honour: but that there were in this case these respects to be had in consideration. First, his coming thither unto the court for to address himself and his negociations unto their majesties: so as by open coming in visitation, he [the ambassador] should give cause of mistrust to their majesties, that he did it to intrude himself into some dealing with the count; and to seek by conference to undermine their affairs. Moreover that it was the manner of proceeding of all such as were distressed, for to seek unto princes, and to all their ministers. And that therefore he was to enter into consideration hereof what he thought good. “That upon this, in the evening, don,Juan de Souza repaired unto him, [the ambassador,] and required him to think, that the count would willingly visit, but that he was loath to give any cause of misliking unto their majesties, [the French king and the queen his mother.] Otherwise that he was willing of himself to repair unto him. For that upon the speeches he passed with their majesties there was cause, importing the queen’s majesty’s service, for to declare unto him.”

And then, as to that message from Vimioso, the ambassador told the said messenger, “That for his part, he had done the office of his sovereign, as servant, to visit him, being a personage of that merit: and that he was willing rather to consent he should do all things to the advancement of his affairs, than to the impeachment. That therefore, if he found it convenient for the affairs which he had dealt with their majesties, to confer with him, [the ambassador,] in respect it touched the queen, his sovereign, he hoped he would deal accordingly. Then don Juan de Souza required him, that he might in the night meet with the same count beside his [the ambassador’s] lodgings; and he would confer with him. He assented to it; because he pretended it would somewhat import her majesty. But about nine o’clock he [Vimioso] sent an excuse in writing.”

I shall add somewhat more, to make up this vacancy and silence of our historians in this part of queen Elizabeth’s history. It seems it was a tender point to meddle in don Antonio’s affair: and not to attempt the provoking the formidable king of Spain. Insomuch that the French king was in some hesitation of giving assistance to this expulsed king: and that crown had more mind this work and charge might be undertaken by the queen. And Vimioso, by shifting conference with the English ambassador, seemed to have some doubt of her. All this, with other matters, may be gathered from another letter of intelligence from Brook, the foresaid ambassador, to secretary Walsingham, writ May 6. “That there were which secretly persuaded the king for to find it unnecessary to break into wars with the Spanish king, for his brother’s sake only, [duke of Anjou, now in the Low Countries, contriving to get honour and government there,] except there should be offered some other just quarrel. And yet notwithstanding the king had not only given open entertainment unto the count Vimioso, being required to the contrary by king Philip’s agent; but did appoint monsieur Villequer to confer with the said count, for the means to be taken and used for the restitution of don Antonio.”

And concerning the conference between the said count and the English ambassador, thus he repeated the matter to the secretary: “That the count did, after his first coming [to France], pretend to have meant to come to confer with him, [the ambassador,] but that when either he attended on his coming, or that he [the ambassador] offered to meet him in some convenient place, or otherwise in the evening to visit him privately, it was deferred and shifted, until the day of parting; whenas he sent one of his gentlemen to let the ambassador know he purposed to repair unto Tours. Whereon, remembering how once he had said, it was requisite he might speak with me upon causes [as the English ambassador’s letters proceeded] which were necessary for the queen’s majesty to know, I resolve (seeing I thought it not convenient to repair myself to him publicly) for to entreat my lord Sandys to vouchsafe, under colour of visiting don Juan Rodrigo de Souza, to address himself unto the count; and to let him understand, how I had been most willing for to have taken my leave of him; as also to be informed so much of his affairs as were necessary for her majesty to be certified of. “The which the lord Sandys performed. Whereon the count answered to my lord, first, with my giving of thanks for my first visitation; as likewise for those further demonstrations and offers to repair unto him. But he said, they found not her majesty so affected to the state of Portugal as there was cause. Howbeit, whether it proceeded of fear or love towards king Philip, he did not know.

Alleging moreover, that it appeared in some sort how there should be in her majesty’s council persons of quality, which affected the Castilian king: lamenting how it had not pleased her majesty to give in her letters the title which belonged to their king, [in not styling him king Antonio:] nor yet admitted his [the said king’s] ambassador to have public audience. “That he rehearsed these points with some earnestness, seeming to think they were indignities. Wherewith consequently he took occasion to praise the acceptance and favour this king [viz. the French king] had in his court apparently used toward him: resting much satisfied in all those commands he had required of their majesties [the French king and queenmother.] “My lord Sandys answered to these former speeches thus: First, how her majesty did favour the justice of their cause, and had dealt to their contentation, as it seemed, by the report of Rodrigo de Souza. But whereas there had not been that open show made by her majesty, as was now here used by this king, that there was greater cause for this king to perform the same, in consideration of the queen, and the king’s mother’s pretence. The count lastly praised her majesty’s virtues, shewing how he purposed to write shortly by the king’s ambassador, Juan Rodrigo de Souza; or else to repair into England himself.”

He concluded his letter, “That the count and Rodrigo de Suza parted thence yesterday by water to Tours. And from thence it was signified to him, that he meant to go to monseignieur. That Rodrigo de Suza said to him at his last visitation, how this king offered the count Vimioso, that if don Antonio should decease, he would furnish him for forces to recover the realm of Portugal; notwithstanding the judgment of them of quality in that country was, without money there would be little help had for Portugal as yet from those parts: except some ships might shift by sea, and about the out-islands, and watch for to fetch the Indian fleet.”

This affair of restoring don Antonio was transacted some time before, while Walsingham was ambassador in France, and then moved at the English court. To which a passage or two in the treasurer’s correspondence with him will give some light: suggesting, why the queen dealt so warily in this matter; namely, that she might not draw all the fury of king Philip upon herself: and that she might first be assured of the French king to bear his proportion of charge and forces, and to be true to her: the subtile queenmother endeavouring to plunge the queen into this business with as little danger and expense, as might be, to themselves. The words of the lord treasurer, in his letter to Walsingham, were, “That the French ambassador, with the French Portuguese consul, were with her majesty, with letters from the queenmother: of great earnestness to her majesty, to aid don Antonio: by that name, but not by that of king Antonio. Whereof,” added the writer, “the French king made reason for the queenmother’s pretence.” Ford she pretended title to the kingdom herself. In another of the said treasurer’s letters: “How don Antonio may be relieved, there had been no delay on the queen’s part, otherwise than that she would be well assured, that for yielding relief unto him (which both the French king and the queenmother had often solicited) she might not receive offence of the king of Spain. But that the French king would join therein with her majesty as well for the charges, as to withstand the offence. And for this that a private league might be entered into by them both. Which the French king cunningly declined.”

At length, after some months, don Antonio’s earnest application for aid was listened to, especially a considerable advantage being like to be obtained by a fleet to be set out from England to the Azores isles, belonging to the Portuguese; upon the prospect of the treasure and wealth that might be brought thence, after a successful fight with the enemy there.

The two great seamen, Drake and Hawkins, with divers merchants and others, willing and desirous to be at the charge of the expedition themselves, the queen also to bear some charge, since don Antonio had delivered her a very costly jewel for that purpose. Ten thousand pounds was computed might accomplish the charge. This looking so plausibly, and our brave sea-commanders, and other English, so forward, it was not slightly recommended to the queen, and espoused by her. And so it laid before her council; whether, without breaking terms with the king of Spain, and that according to the law of nations, she might not assist another king, oppressed by a third. The latter requiring so much caution and deliberation, the great statesman, the lord treasurer, absent now, as it seems, from court, was required to give his judgment in this weighty question, which he did at large under his own hand.

But, in short, the result of his advice was, that however this action was judged, not to violate the peace of the king of Spain; yet he would so take it. And though a commission to sir Francis Drake, and king Antonio’s war was just, in order to recover or to preserve his kingdom, he yet held: yet the king of Spain would take the action, as maintained by the queen: and so as he found himself able, would revenge himself upon her, and arrest and take her people, ships, and mariners, coming within his power; and on this occasion might give new supports to Ireland, and relief to the king of Scots to be an ill neighbour. And then he advised, if the voyage proceeded not, then the said king to have his jewel again of the queen: the preparation that was made, to be viewed, and sold, and distributed; and the four ships which the king had desired, and the munition, to be sold to him by a bond, and the pawn of another jewel. This curious paper, being of this wise counsellor’s writing, I have transcribed, as containing many remarks, and preserved in the Appendix. But though this expedition, as it seemed, failed at present, yet divers years after, when open wars brake out between the queen and Spain, this action was effectually entered into, and prosecuted successfully, to the infinite damage of Spain, as is related at large in our history, made in the year 1589; when the queen, by Drake, invaded Spain and Portugal, king Antonio with some forces assisting.

Civil wars for divers years had vexed the kingdom of France; occasioned by the implacable malice of the duke of Guise’s faction, and the Roman catholics siding with them against the protestants, called Hugonots. The chief heads on this side were, the king of Navarre, and the prince of Conde’, his brother, a firm protestant, as well as a brave soldier, and very active. Applications were sometimes made to the queen on this account, being a favourer of the oppressed, especially for religion. The foresaid prince was now come into England; both to vindicate their cause, and (more privately) to endeavour to engage the queen on their side with men and money. But she prudently forbore to do that, any further than to be a mediator for peace between them, and for the liberty of religion to be granted to the protestants. Yet she seemed to favour the prince of Conde’ and his cause: to whom she now gave a private audience, together with the French ambassador, at her court of Nonsuch, and only one or two of her privy council present. An account of the conference she imparted to her treasurer the same night. And what the particulars of it were we are enabled to discover from the secret letter of the lord treasurer to the earl of Sussex; who thus related the matter: “That coming from his house at Theobald’s to the court at Nonsuch, and repairing to the privy chamber to have seen her majesty, he found the door at the upper end of the presencechamber shut: and then understood, that the French ambassador had been a long time with her and the prince of Conde’; and none other of the council, but the earl of Leicester and Mr. Vicechamberlain; secretary Walsingham being sick then in his chamber.

But that, about seven of the clock, that said ambassador being about to depart towards London, came to him, [the lord treasurer], and told him a great part of their proceedings; being well pleased with her majesty for her temperate dealings, and no wise contented with the prince of Conde’; in whom he found more disposition to move troubles in France, than to enjoy peace. And that the ambassador added, how he verily thought, that those troubles in France, and the prince’s coming hither, were provoked from hence.

To which the lord treasurer subjoins, that herein he himself knew nothing of certainty, but should be sorry it should be so in truth.

Nevertheless that it augmented the ambassador’s suspicions upon the sight he had of the great favours shewed to that prince by certain counsellors here, [probably those two present at the conference, as well as others.] Which he understood had been many times, both on Friday and Saturday, [that is, the days next before the conference,] with him at the banqueting-house, where he was lodged.”

And then the treasurer proceeded to shew the earl, how the queen, late that evening, told him of the dealing with the ambassador and the prince. “Wherein she commended the prince’s modesty in declaring the cause of his coming, to shew to her majesty the just causes that had moved the king of Navarre to take arms for his defence against the marshals Montmorency and Biron; of whose violences, as he supposed, without warrant from the king, he shewed many particular cases. To which the ambassador made defence, by retorting to the king of Navarre the occasion of those marshals’ actions to have grown from the king of Navarre first. The prince also declared the causes of his coming from S. John d’Angeli to have been to serve the king in his government of Picardy; where he sought to obtain the good-will and liking of the towns in Picardy.

Because the king and his mother also had assented, for their parts, that he should have the government; saying, that they found the states of the country unwilling: which was, as he understood, but a suggestion by means of the house of Guise, to the end that D’Aumale might have the government from him. And so he coming into Picardy found: as namely, the people of Soyssons, the people glad of his access. And yet notwithstanding, his adversaties, on the part of duke d’Aumale, procured contrary suggestions to be made to the king. And in the end, he found certain numbers of men of war amassed by the lige of Picardy to have trapped the prince. And thereof complaining, and finding no remedy, forced to flee towards Almain, leaving the house of La Fere guarded. And perceiving that the French king was induced by his adversaties to credit their false complaints, he came hither to entreat her majesty, that the French king would suspend his judgment both against the king of Navarre and him; and accept them as his most dutiful subjects, as they meant and intended sincerely and plainly, without attempting any force, otherwise than for their defence against their oppressors. “And to this, as the lord treasurer added, as he understood, the ambassador used small defence; but excused the king as one that was very loath to come to terms of war. But he argued, that his master was so provoked, as he thought it a very hard matter to stay him from proceeding with such force as God had given him, to the expending of his life and crown. “ The ambassador went to London, and the prince to his lodging, conducted by my lord of Leicester; when Wilks, the clerk of tile council, attended upon him. That by her majesty he perceived the just cause of his coming was for money in this sort, that is, after this rate the charges to be borne; viz. a part by the king of Navarre and his part; another by Cassimere, [brother to prince palatine,] and certain princes protestant; and a third was required from her majesty. What that may prove, I know not, as this wise and wary statesman concluded. I wish her majesty might spend some portion to solicit for them some peace, for the good of the cause of religion. But to enter into a war [with France], and therewith to break the marriage, [now in hand, and endeavoured with the duke of Anjou, the French king’s brother,] and so to be left alone, as subject to the burden of such a war, I think no good courtsellor can allow.”

The prince, within a day or two, went thence to Flushing: from whence he went by sea to Colen; and so to Almain.

But I have here somewhat of importance further to add concerning France and England, transacted this year by divers honourable commissioners on both sides, about a firm league between both princes. And how matters were concerted between them, in order to the strengthening themselves against the Spaniard, who threatened them both, having now seized the kingdom of Portugal, and busy in mastering the Netherlands, a curious paper of the lord treasurer Burghley’s will give notable information; and particularly concerning entering into a secret league between them: of which affair I find not a word in our historian of queen Elizabeth’s reign.

An exact transcript whereof follows. A note off such things as were agreed on at the conference: and other things propounded, and not agreed on, Aug. 23, 1581, between the commissioners off the queen off England and the French king.

I. The treaty made in Charles IX. his time shall be confirmed, with an addition to be joined to the same, for the redress of piracies.

II. That the treaty offensive shall be only for conservation of state, without naming any person.

III. That if the invaders of any of the confederates shall not, after admonition given, stay his proceeding, and make restitutions, then the prince confederate shall denounce war unto him.

THINGS PROPOUNDED, BUT NOT ACCORDED.

I. Whether after the denomination of the war, the princes confederate are to assail the prince invading with their forces joined, or apart.

If the forces joined, what number it is thought meet the said forces should consist of; of what quality; horsemen or footmen; for how long time to be continued; and how and by whom the charge thereof shall be borne. If with separate forces, then what numbers shall be thought meet to be employed.

Whereof how many by sea, how many by land; or whether all by sea, or all by land: and for how long they shall be continued.

Whether those forces agreed on for the defence may not be thought sufficient for the assistance of the prince confederate at the charges of the giver. And whether it may not be at the choice of the confederate that is assailed, to have the said number of men, or so much money as may wage them. A note off such things as are to be resolved by the queen’s majesty, touching the secret league between the French king and the queen: at the same time as the above league in 1581. [This league was for assisting the king’s brother going to the Netherlands.] I. What of money her majesty will be content to contribute: in what sort, openly or secretly.

II. To what sum we shall press the king to yield unto, in proportion of that which her majesty shall be pleased to supply: whether double or treble more than the said sum which her highness shall be content to contribute.

III. How long her majesty will be pleased to contribute the said sum; and upon what considerations; whether by way of loan, or otherwise.

And if by way of loan, what caution she will require. And whether it were not meet to covenant with him to procure the bonds of the states, ad majorera cautelam, within some convenient time, for the repayment of the same IV. Whether her majesty could not best like, that this secret treaty between the king and her pass only by mutual promise, to be contained in private letters under their own hand.

On the margin of this paper the lord treasurer, being required, I suppose, by the queen, set answers in his own hand. And in another paper likewise, under his own hand, they are thus answered, as instructions to her commissioners’ inquiries, as above. Answer to the three first articles.

Her majesty for answer hereunto saith, That she cannot resolve upon any particularities concerning the said first three articles following, until it may be understood upon what points this secret league is to be made. Nor until she shall be informed, according to my [the lord treasurer’s] late writing to you, [the English commissioners then in France,] what may be thought will be the monthly charges of monsieur’s actions [in the Low Countries.] And how the same may be borne by contribution of the states of the Low Countries, according to their compacts with monsieur. And thereupon also what shall be further thought necessary for a supply of the said charges: and how the same may be answered by monsieur his own expenses. And how much his brother, the French king, will yield unto. To whom, for the honour of the crown of France, this cause doth principally belong. And when her majesty shall understand from the same probable estimation hereof, she may then, having your advice also, resolve of such portion as shall be meet for her to yield.

ANSWER TO THE FOURTH.

Her majesty liketh best to have this treaty secretly handled for sundry respects, which will hardly be kept secret, if all the French commissioners that now treat with you shall treat also of this secret league.

CHAPTER 2.

Episcopal visitations of London and St. Edmond’s Bury. Disorders there by the preaching of Handson and Brown. The bishop of Norwich’s complaint of them to the lord treasurer. Some justices of the peace favour these preachers. Philips, and Day, the bishop’s commissary, used hardly by them. Day’s letter to the bishop.

Gaiton, a puritan preacher. Articles drawn up against these justices. Their answers. Some accounts of Handson and Browne.

Crompton, a justice, commits a minister going to read service. The bishop of Coventry and Litchfield takes his part. BUT now we come to matters at home. Aylmer, bishop of London, held a visitation this year of the clergy of London, at the convocation house: where he administered articles to them; and made certain inquiries. His articles were, (as I take them from the diary of one of the clergy then present,) I. Straitly to keep the Book of Common Prayer and Sacraments.

II. Not to use invectives in their sermons. Forbid by the statute established.

III. None to be so hardy as to refuse wearing the surplice in their ministration.

IV. None to add, alter, or diminish any thing in divine service.

Then for the inquiries.

I. If any that had cure of souls did not also administer the sacraments.

II. If any did not observe the ceremonies to be used at baptism and marriage.

III. If the youth were catechised.

IV. What ministers who utterly refused to read the Homilies.

V. What uncharitable preachers, that called others that preached not, by ill names, as dumb dog, &c. Some further account is given of this visitation in the Life of Bishop Aylmer.

This year also, Freke, bishop of Norwich, visited the town of St. Edmond’s Bury; occasioned by the disorders there, (of which the queen’s commissioners for causes ecclesiastical at London had informed him,) against the due worship and service of God prescribed and used in the Common Prayer. Many of the people at and about Bury were carried away into a dislike thereof by two ministers there, viz. Handson and Browne.

And of this, and of the effect of this visitation, the bishop gave this account to the lord treasurer in his letter written from his house at Ludham, April 19. “That being informed of many great disorders in that town and country thereabouts, as well in the clergy as the laity: whereof, beside the general complaint, the high commissioners at London, understanding of the same disorders, had advertised him thereof in letters: requiring him to take order therein. And that thereupon he did in person, with other of his associates in commission ecclesiastical for those parts, visit the said town. In the which were found great defect among the people. Some whereof were desirous in dutiful affection to have her majesty’s proceedings observed: others, on the contrary, being given to fantastical innovations.

There were, moreover, divers matters of importance exhibited and proved against Mr. Handson; who was, as he added, in very deed, the only man that blew the coals, whereof this fire was kindled.

That it was therefore thought meet, for the better quiet of that place, that he should be suspended from preaching, unless he could be contented to enter into bond to her majesty, as hereafter to teach and preach the word sincerely and purely, without impugning or inveighing against the Communion Book, the order of government, and the laws of this realm now established. Which after he refusing, he was thereupon, and remained, inhibited to preach.”

Adding,”That hereof he thought fit to inform his lordship, and also the rest of the lords of the council, if so it should like their lordships. And that herein the bearer was to attend, and follow their lordships’ directions. And that he had, for his and their lordships’ better instructions, sent therewith a copy of the articles, and proofs thereof, preferred against Mr. Handson; reserving his [the bishop’s] proceeding therein taken, to their lordships’ judgment and consideration.”

Herewith he also sent unto his lordship other articles ministered against one Robert Browne, a minister, (from whom the sect of the Brownists,) and his personal answers thereunto. That the said party had been lately apprehended in that country, upon complaint made by many godly preachers, for delivering unto the people corrupt and contentious doctrine; which the bishop sent up under divers articles to the said lord treasurer. Of whom he gave this further character; “That his arrogant spirit of reproving was such as it was to be marvelled at: the man being also to be feared, lest if he were at liberty, he should seduce the vulgar sort of the people, who greatly depended on him: assembling themselves together, to the number of an hundred at a time, in private houses and conventicles, to hear him, not without danger of some evil event. At last he was dismissed, and sent out of the diocese; but returned again.”

And such was the busy zeal of this Browne, and being also backed with some gentlemen in those parts, that the bishop’s visitation had done but little good; and the disorders continued there: notwithstanding at the assizes the judges, viz. the lord chief justice and justice Anderson, shewed the statutes for the breach of these orders of the church, and threatened the punishment due to the breach of them. The bishop could make but his complaint to the court: which he did by another letter, writ in August following, to the same statesman; especially informing him, how these disorders were bolstered by certain gentlemen from about Bury; shewing, “That Mr. Browne’s late coming into his diocese, and teaching strange and dangerous doctrine in all disordered manner, had greatly troubled the whole country, and brought many to great disobedience of all law and magistrates. That yet by the good aid and help of the lord chief justice, and master justice Anderson, his associate, the chiefest of such factions were so bridled, and the rest of their followers so greatly dismayed, as he verily hoped of much good and quietness to have thereof ensued, had not the said Browne returned again, contrary to his expectation, and greatly prejudiced those their good proceedings: and having private meetings in such close and secret manner, that he knew not possibly how to suppress the same.”

He went on, adding,” How sorry he was to foresee, that touching this his diocese, what must needs in short time, by him [Browne] and other disorderly persons, which only sought the disturbance of the church, be brought to pass. And that therefore the careful duty which he ought to have to the country, being his charge, enforced him most earnestly to crave his lordship’s help in suppressing him especially: that further inconvenience might follow by this his return: and in procuring for the lord chief justice and Mr. Anderson such thanks from her majesty, for their painful travail in that behalf, that thereby they might be encouraged to go still forward in the same course.”

And then the bishop came to the mention of the gentlemen in those parts that favoured these disturbers of the peace of the church: and prayed the lord treasurer’s advice and assistance concerning them, in these lines following: “And herewithal, if it would please your lordship to give me your good advice, how to prevent such dangers, as through the strange dealings of some of the gentlemen in Suffolk about Bury is like to ensue, I should be much bound to your honour for the same. Which gentlemen, winking at (if not of policy procuring) the disordered sort to go forward in their evil attempts, and discouraging the staid and wiser sort of preachers, (as by sundry letters which I send your lordship by this bringer may appear more plainly unto your honour,) will in time, I fear me, hazard the overthrow of all religion, if it be not in due time wisely prevented. And so leaving the rest to the further declaration of the bringer, he humbly betook his good lordship to the protection of Almighty God.” Dated from Ludham, August 2, 1581.

And to explain this latter part of the bishop’s letters, I proceed to shew what usage two persons received, partly for preaching quietness and submission to government with respect to these seditious practices, and partly for informing against the instruments and promoters thereof.

For there was then a minister at Bury, that had preached the doctrine of submission and obedience; and reflected upon those preachers that made these disturbances among the people: and other ecclesiastical officers did their duty in ordering presentments to be made of disordered persons. But divers gentlemen, and they justices of the peace, had checked them for thus doing, and threatened them. Two letters were sent to the bishop from such as were thus used.

The one was from Oliver Philips, shewing him how he was reviled by the justices of Bury, for preaching obedience to the queen’s laws; whose letter ran in this tenor: “That he had been requested by his brother and others to preach the Sunday before at Bury: and that only for preaching obedience to the queen’s laws, and speaking somewhat sharply of those that were contemptuous and disobedient to the same, he had been called before the justices of the peace; and used with very evil manner of speeches and threatenings, being termed a seditious person; one that moved the people to sedition; a Jesuit, and roguing minister; such an one as preached out of his own cure. And that he was threatened to be bound to his good behaviour. But that in the end they had bound him over to answer it at the next assizes to be holden among them.” And then the minister subjoins to this complaint of his to his diocesan: “These, methinks, be hard dealings towards the ministers in your lordship’s diocese. And except your lordship do speedily provide some remedy against these evils, there will be no quiet dwelling in your lordship’s diocese, for any minister which means to conform himself.” Adding, “that in these things which he had written unto his lordship, in every point, he would justify and approve them before his lordship; or else let him have the greatest punishment his lordship could devise for him.” Concluding,” Thus taking my leave of your lordship, I beseech God long to preserve you in health and prosperity among us.

Your lordship’s most humbly to command, Oly. Philips.” This for Philips. The other was Day, who was an ecclesiastical officer of the said bishop of Norwich, residing at Bury. He writ another letter of complaint to him, of the justices’ usage of him, for swearing questmen to bring in their presentments against such as came not to church. And his case he also thus laid open at large. “That sir Robert Jermin, sir John Higham, and Mr. Badbie, had dealt very unjustly and revengingly with him; and did mind very imperiously to proceed. The cause was, that he did the Friday before call certain honest men of both the parishes of Bury, purposing to make them questmen. For that one there, named Mr. Gaiton, [who seems to be a minister of the parish,] had so continually cried out against him, for punishing such as came not to church. And as for questmen who should present them unto him, he could hear of none. That the foresaid justices did presently then send for him. And for that he had so done, and had also sworn six of them, not making the justices first privy unto it; they called him Jack and Knave, he knew not how often. And for that so like a Jack and Knave he had done knavishly and lewdly, as they said, he should to the gaol. There was no remedy, unless he did put in sureties for his forthcoming at the next sessions holden at Bury; and in the mean time to be of good behaviour. And so Mr.Dr.Wood, Mr.Rob.Golding were bound for him. And so they remained.”

And then he proceeded thus, shewing further the ill state of these affairs. “Of truth I confess, I dare scarcely do any thing touching my office for fear of violence; I do see the lewd sort so animated against me. And then he prayed his lordship would confer with one Mr. Davie, or some other, what he were best to do. I thank my God, (as he went on,) I care not, what man can do unto me. My only desire is, to continue my good name and credit with the honest in the best manner that I may.”

Then he shewed the bishop what his purpose was in these his circumstances. “That in the beginning of next term, or sooner, if it should be thought best, to kneel before her majesty; and to lay open, how they had dealt with him from time to time; and for what cause.

Humbly to crave, that by her means he might have the countenance of an honest man, so long as it should appear that he was not dishonest. And then he requested that it might please his good lordship to let him have his letters, directed unto her majesty in that behalf for him: testifying therein, what he [the bishop] found to be in him, and of all their troubles, and the justices their continual abusing of him; [that is, in the discharge of his office in the ecclesiastical court.] And that he doubted not, but that as it would make for his credit, so it would work for his [the bishop’s] great quiet also.”

And how earnest he is in this request, his following words declare; “My good lord, I do most humbly desire that it may so be; and that you will so tender my credit, and stand with me, as my honest life and faithful dealing shall or may seem to urge. Otherwise I do not crave.”

Nay, and this was not all the trouble he met, namely, from the justices; but he was baited from the pulpit, when he was present, by Gaiton, a puritan preacher: which he thus relates in the same letter. “Mr. Gaiton forgetteth himself daily more and more in the pulpit, both in abusing me, and also divers others; and that with untruths.

He was not ashamed to say in pulpit in my presence, that I, who would punish such as were absent from church, did dine with one whom I had licensed to be away in the afternoon. He said also, that we urged orders so long as orders maintained superstition: but all other orders were no orders. He concluded by the first of the Acts of the Apostles, that no one man might appoint ministers but the disciples in every parish, and none other. He would needs urge also, that none might be suffered in the church, but preachers only; neither ought any in government of the church to be urged other than God in his word commandeth.”

And then the writer concluded, “That to be brief, no minister as yet they had in St. Mary’s church, [one of the parish churches, by reason, as it seems, of the differences in the town,] neither did he know what to do, that they might have one. That, for himself, he must seek his quiet, as he might: and he did not doubt, but by his [the bishop’s] help to obtain it. That Mr. Badbie [one of these favourers of the party] had called him Tosspot, and otherwise greatly reviled him. Oh! that your lordship would but send for him, and bind him over to his good behaviour. And that he should greatly hereby encourage him to go forward. At the least, he added, he would make friends to be in commission of the peace. Otherwise he feared there would be no dwelling there for him. He left all to his lordship’s good care of him. And then piously ends with his prayer, God work for me his will. Subscribing, Your lordship’s most faithful in God, JOHN DEYE.”

Postscript. The justices do threaten to do many things.”

This Dr. Deye was commissary to the bishop of Norwich, or to the archdeacon of Sodbury.

This Gaiton, of whom all this complaint was made, was a preacher in Norwich some years before. And suspended by the bishop about the year 1576, after an examination of him before the bishop and dean; for that in his pulpit he had taken upon him to confute his chaplain’s sermon, and admonished the parishioners to beware of such false doctrine. This gave the occasion of his being cited, and charged in several articles; as, for his not wearing the surplice, nor observing the order of the queen’s book, neither in the prayers nor administration of the sacraments, which was the cause of his suspension: but how he came afterwards to get off his suspension, and to preach at Bury, I know not. But I am apt to think he did it by the slackness of discipline, and out of the countenance he met with there, notwithstanding his former suspension; since it appears that his opinions and practice were the same. This matter between him and the bishop’s court, and proceeding, may be read more at large in the second volume of my Annals· But to see a little farther what issue this matter had. The good bishop found himself not strong enough to encounter these gentlemen and justices, who carried all before them in their countenancing of these disaffected persons to the orders and discipline of the church. And therefore he applied himself again to the lord treasurer; sending the very letters aforesaid of Philips and Day to him to peruse, with his own letter. Wherein he shewed how far he had proceeded with these justices, in articles drawn up against them, to the number of twelve, which he sent to the said treasurer. The chief whereof were concerning their rigorous dealing with the commissary Dr. Day, and Philips the preacher: and binding some others to their good behaviour, that stood for the due observation of orders, as appointed in the church. The justices’ answers to those articles sent to the lord treasurer in their own vindication, being somewhat long, may be found in the Appendix; being entitled, The answer of sir Robert Jermin, sir John Higham, knights, Robert Ashfield, and Thomas Badby, esqrs, gentlemen of Suffolk and Norfolk, to certain articles objected against them by the bishop of Norwich.

In these articles they were charged to countenance disobedient and disorderly men. Particularly, that they favoured Coppin and Tyler, who some years ago were imprisoned for spreading of Browne’s books, which condemned the Book of Common Prayer, and the whole constitution of the church: and that for obtaining the freedom of these spreaders of those books, the said justices had used their endeavours with the judges. That they refused divers ministers, ordained by the bishop, because they were ignorant, and could only read. That they were for nothing but Geneva psalms and sermons. That they endeavoured to remove one Wood, a minister, from his living, because he only read; and gave him warning to be gone: and put the parish upon choosing another, though the collation was in the bishop. That at an inn, called the Angel, they meddled in ecclesiastical causes, that belonged to the bishop. That they joined their authority together against the commissary, and threatened to send him to the gaol. That violence and violent speeches were used towards him; and their part sir Robert Jermin took; and denied him justice; and denied him to have any authority, as a magistrate: and further, that they bound him, a bishop’s commissary, to his good behaviour. That Mr. Philips, for a sermon preached at Bury, exciting to obedience to the queen and her laws, was required and bound to an appearance before them.

Upon these articles preferred against them, and an appeal the bishop had made to the queen against them, they were cited up to answer before her: where, after their said answers given in, (smartly and rudely in some places retorting upon the bishop,) they required the lord treasurer that they might be dismissed by the queen.to their own country; and that he would be their petitioner to her for that purpose in these words: “That now they had been called out of their own country, and every street sounded their disgrace, wrought by the bishop, that either they might deserve the just deserts of their doings by due punishment; or being cleared, both in her majesty’s royal judgment, or his lordship’s opinion, the bishop, for his bold and untrue suggestions, might be so censured, as they might, with the restitution of their poor reputations, be attended with some good comfort upon their places. In which they desired no longer to live, than they should be found very loyal and dutiful to their so gracious sovereign.”

I have this to add concerning the aforesaid preachers, Handson and Browne; the former yet remaining under suspension. The lord treasurer had examined his case himself, and had wrote a letter to the bishop, that upon due reformation of what was done amiss by him, he might be restored to his preaching. And sir Robert Jermin on this opportunity, with the lord North and some others, wrote to the bishop on his behalf, to this purpose: “That since his lordship had examined Handson’s case at length, even as it was set down at the hardest against him, and in his [sir Robert’s] opinion, very indiscreetly, as he said, in many the most principal parts thereof; and that they knew his ministry to have been very profitable to a great number; that they who sought to remove him, were rather adversaries than friends to the truth: that for matter of faith and manners he was ever held a sound teacher; and that in these indifferent things he had never laboured much: that therefore, in consideration of these things, he [the bishop] would give him liberty to exercise his ministry.” To which the bishop’s resolute answer was, “That unless he would publicly confess his fault, and to be bound to follow another course, he would not set him free.”

And upon this denial of the bishop, sir Robert and others apply earnestly to the lord treasurer again, that notwithstanding the bishop’s refusal, he would grant him the freedom to teach the people, and take off his suspension. But this I conclude that lord would not do, nor would arbitrarily intrude so far into the bishop’s right. Nor did he ever go farther than persuasive letters to the bishop sometime in behalf of such ministers, who, notwithstanding some scruples, brake not off communion with the church.

And then as for Browne, this favourable account the said sir Robert gave to the treasurer of him; and how he dealt with him now upon his second coming. That Mr. Browne came by chance to Bury: that he [sir Robert] sent for him, and moved him to be careful of his proceedings. He told him, how dangerous his course seemed in the opinion of many honest and godly men; and how apt the adversaries of the truth would be, to slander and discredit the profession and professors of the truth, if these his singular conceits might not be warranted by the word and Christian policy. “To which Browne’s answer,” as sir Robert added, “had many things that were godly and reasonable, and, as he thought, to be wished and prayed for. But with the same, there were other things (in this his answer) strange and unheard; and the means to put the same in execution, as they reached beyond both their callings, being private; so he [sir Robert] thought them over dangerous to be retained in opinion.” [He meant, in reference to the opinion about setting up a new discipline, and overthrowing the present established church government by episcopacy.] “And then moving the said lord treasurer to advise Browne to a more careful regard of himself in so deep and dangerous a matter; the man being young both in years and experience; and to threaten him, that he should be very sharply censured to the example of others.” And he presumed his lordship should do a good and honourable deed in staying him from going too far; and making him of a man very able, so very fit to yield the church his profitable service.

But these courses went on at Bury for some years, the ministers varying from, or altering the Common Prayer at their discretion, disliking the order of it, and depraving the book; asserting the queen’s supremacy to be only in civil matters, not religious; and some also holding certain heresies, as that Christ was not God, &c. and many young ministers of this sort increasing in those parts; and all this in great measure by the favour of some of the justices. Till in the year 1583, they received a check by some severe proceedings at the assizes at Bury, sir Christopher Wray, lord chief justice, being upon the bench; when many were convicted, and some, obstinately persisting, put to death; and. the justices reprimanded, and warned to keep the peace: as shall be shewn at large when we come so far.

The bishop, quite weary of living there, got a remove, a year or two after, to another bishopric.

I meet this year with an instance of the pastoral care of another bishop, in taking cognizance of some heterodox opinions in one of his diocese; and his proceedings against him. John, bishop of Exon, had received information against one Anthony Randal, parson of Lydford, of the family of love, a sect that spread about these times in that diocese, as well as in other parts; whom, for his damnable doctrines and heresies, the bishop had deprived. This man taught and asserted, that the creation of the world, and the three first chapters of Genesis, were to be understood allegorically, and were not so true literally. That as many as received Jesus Christ did perform all the moral law, and lived without sin. That the Lord’s supper and baptism were not sacraments. That the church of England is a false church, and so is the Roman. And that there is a third church, which shall stand, when the other shall fall. And either church, being authorized by the prince, must be obeyed. These opinions, under divers articles subscribed by his own hand, are set down at large in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift; to which I refer the reader.

But Randal, however by the bishop for these gross tenets deprived, rested not so; but had the hardiness to complain above against him, as suffering wrong at his hand: having of first appealed to the Arches, and thence to the queen’s delegates; whence, notwithstanding, the bishop had his proceedings approved and ratified. But this sectary desisted not, but clamoured about the bishop unto the council; and stood still in his opinions, and obstinately maintained them at that present, owning them under his hand, and that in the presence of divers public notaries. The original whereof remained in the bishop’s registry, as a perpetual testimony against him. A copy whereof the bishop thought fit to send to the lord treasurer Burghley; accompanied with a letter from the said bishop to him.

And that because, as he wrote, Randal had many complices; and that hurtful sect of the family of love began to creep into that country. Of which, therefore, he had brought twenty to open recantation in his cathedral church. “And in consideration of the premises, he beseeched his lordship, that his sentence given against the said Randal, and ratified as aforesaid, might have good countenance and liking at his hands. And that he requested it, not so much for his own credit, as for the peace and quiet of God’s church: which, by means of Randal and his adherents, was very much disturbed.” This letter was dated from Excestre; and I have exemplified it from the original.

Something happened this year in the diocese of Coy. entry and Litchfield, wherein another bishop also was concerned, named Overton, bishop there; wherein he shewed both his courage and his paternal care of his clergy: wherein also may be observed how, in these times, some parts of that diocese stood affected towards religion, and how forward to receive the old abandoned religion of Rome; which seemed now to many to be upon the point of being restored, upon the French king’s brother’s courtship of the queen. The case was this: a justice of peace there, (whose name was Crompton,) on pretence of his office to inspect the behaviour of the clergy, and to punish them, if they any way varied from the orders of the church, or neglected their conformity to the forms prescribed, caused a minister in his own church, going to perform his office, to be carried away by a constable to gaol; and left the congregation without any service. This disorderly proceeding with a minister in his own church coming to the bishop’s ears, he thought fit to call the justice before him, by his ordinary jurisdiction, and to examine what he had done, and to vindicate his clergyman, who was indeed a man of good desert. And of this he thought good, in a letter to the lord Burghley, lord treasurer, to make complaint; and to acquaint him with the whole state of the matter: and withal hinting, how unfit some in commission were of that place and trust. The letter shall follow, which will give light into some public affairs in those times: namely, “How ready the people there were to take great boldness upon small occasions, (as he had wrote to him in a former letter,) and how apt they were to stir at first, if they were not suppressed betimes. That he signified to his lordship by the same letters, that there were not wanting among them some of the better sort, and of the justices themselves, that fed the people’s humours, and gave spirit and courage unto them in their folly. And because as then he writ but darkly unto him, (for that he had but an inkling of matters,) he promised, that as he should afterwards further sift out the truth, so he would let him understand more of it in time. It was so now, that upon better examination he had learned both certainly: both the matter how it stood, and the occasion whereof it grew. That there was a great muttering among the people of late, and in one of the most dangerous parts of all that shire, [Staffordshire,] namely, in the Morelands, that the mass in all haste should be set up again.”

And upon this report the bishop adds, “That when he heard of it, he supposed it had been but the murmuring humour of the papists; because it was commonly surmised by them, that, upon the coming in of the duke [d’Anjou], religion would straight have a change.

But as this peradventure might be some cause of that sudden muttering and surmise, though it was not all, nor the chief, so it was rather occasioned merely by the rash and preposterous (I cannot say, added the bishop, whether I may say ill meaning) behaviour of one of their justices. The matter was this. One Richard Crompton, a lawyer, and a justice of the peace of that shire, about the very time that the assurance between the queen’s majesty and monsieur began to be talked of among the people, came into his parish church, at the time of divine service, with an araunge [some weapon, it seems] on his side, and a great bastingdow in his hand; and going up to the church, without stay or reverence used in the place, called the minister unto him, as he was beginning to say service, and said unto him, Sir Hu, come hither, I must first talk with you, ere you begin. And so being come unto him, he carried the minister down the body of the church towards the church porch. And when he was there, he asked, whether there were any constable there or no. And when the clerk answered, there was none, he bid him go fetch one, for he must send the minister to gaol. Whereupon it flew abroad straightway, and grew to this speech, that the mass should be set up, and established again; for one of the queen’s own justices had been himself in the church, and drove out the minister, that he should say no more this new service, and had sent him already to the gaol for saying it. “Speeches thus passing, the minister made complaint unto him [the bishop] both of the justice’s ill behaviour, and of the people’s readiness to look for a change. That upon the complaint made, he sent for the justice by his ordinary jurisdiction, and ministered articles unto him, to be examined of, according to the evidence that was given in against him. That the justice, as he denied not some disturbance to be made by him, so he would confess no fault; but coloured his doings with pretence of law and show of justice; namely, that the minister refused to wear the surplice; and that he would not keep the accustomed place of prayer, where service was wont to be said, but stood lower to the people, and turned not his face upward toward the east, but downward to the west; and that he left out some piece of the service, and used not the order of common prayer according to the book, as it is set out, and established by act of parliament. And therefore he thought good to forbid him the service altogether, and sent him to the gaol.”

Concerning which accusation of the justice against the minister, thus the bishop subjoined: “That they and such other like were his excuses for the fact: but that all, upon due proof, were found to be either fond or trifling, and very false and untrue. And therefore he (the bishop) told him, that he would signify unto his lordship [the lord treasurer] his rash and undiscreet dealings herein: as now he had done.”

And then applied himself unto his lordship after this manner: “And surely, my honourable good lord, if such light-headed justices, or otherwise hollow-hearted, shall be suffered stir in their office, and have authority, as they have had, it will not only be long ere the people be reclaimed, but also it will give occasion hereafter of more heartening.”

And concerning this minister that was so used by the justice, he seemed to fare the worse, because of his worth. For this was the character that the bishop gave of him: “That if the poor minister that was so misused by him had been some ignorant dolt, and but a sayer of his service only, the matter had been somewhat less, though not tolerable: but he was a man endued with good gifts, a diligent and zealous preacher of the word, counted rather too painful in his charge than otherwise; sober in his life and behaviour, and not to be touched for his conversation any way. And therefore the other’s outrage and rashness no way to be tolerated and borne withal.”

Nor did the bishop like that a justice should take upon him to correct a clergyman for a neglect in his ministry, as taking the office out of the diocesan’s hand. For thus he proceeded: “And what if the poor man had in something offended by ignorance or oversight, your lordship knoweth, there had been other ordinary means to be used for his correction in church causes; and not every justice of peace to intermeddle in such matters, before there be need. I thank God, I can and will reform such faults, when I hear of them. If I cannot, I will pray aid of others. And if I will not, they may complain of me, and reform it themselves.”

But then, as to this justice, he gave this information of him: “That the truth was, Mr.Crompton was supposed to be a papist in heart, and was a friend unto papists, and a great receiver of papists to his house. And that therefore that which he did he might seem not to have done in way of reformation, but for malice to the religion. And that indeed he had so bewrayed himself by this fact, that that very sort did note him a very papist for it; although he were so noted for other things before.”

And then, upon this occasion, the said bishop gave the treasurer his advice: “Your lordship, and the rest of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council, may think of him, and such others here, as it shall please you: but methinketh, under your lordship’s corrections, if he and such others as he were clean discharged out of the commission, ye should do God good service, and a great good turn to the country. For in my opinion they love but to wait for a day ; and in the mean time bolster ill subjects in their obstinacy and contempt.

He hath some fellows: I would to God more zealous men were put in their places. And so leaving the further consideration thereof under their honourable wisdoms, he humbly took his leave. Written from Eccleshal, the 15th of Jan. 1581. Subscribing, His lordship’s most bounden, “W.COVEN. AND LITCH.”

CHAPTER 3.

Cox, bishop of Ely, dies: his will. And Barklest, bishop of Bath and Wells, dies: his character. Grant of the queen to Edward Stafford, esq. of concealed lands. The lord treasurer’s judgment of a lease of them. Disorders about relgion in the inns of court. A letter from the starchamber to the ecclesiastical commissioners thereupon.

Romanists busy. Campion writes to the privy-council concerning the Jesuits, and his mission. A private letter of a Jesuit concerning, Campion and his disputations; and the resolution of the Jesuits. A copy of verses made by a papist, beginning, The cross appears.

The cruel burning of one Atkins at Rome for religion. THIS year concluded the life of Cox, bishop of Ely. He left in good debts 2322l . By his last will and testament he gave these legacies. To the lord treasurer Burghley, a zing, two ounces, value 61 . To the archbishop of Canterbury, to the bishop of Lincoln, and to Dr. Lewis, to each rings, one ounce and an half, value 4l . 10s . To Roger Cox 100l . To Richard Cox 100l . His books of the old doctors he gave to the library at Ely. These following to be paid within one year from the 22d of July, 1581, [the day of his death, or the day his will bore date.] To the poor in Somerham, in Doddington, in Downton, in Wisbich; to these each 53l . To the poor in Holborn, and Feny Stanton, 10l . To the poor in Buckingham town, 5l . To the poor of Harrow of the Hill, in Buckinghamshire, of Wickendove, three miles by Stony Stratford, of Whaddon, of Nash, in the parish of Whaddon; to each 10l . To the poor scholars of Peter-house, and of another college in the university, 5l . each. To Mrs. Parker, to Mrs. Collet, and to Mrs.

Bullingham, 20l . apiece. To John Parker, archdeacon of Ely, 40l . To Richard Arkenstal, Richard Upsher, John Chapman, Henry Mannox, William Rente, his servants, 5l. 6l . 13s 8d . 4l . 40s . These legacies amounted to 155l 13s. 4d . In plate to Mr. Richard Cox, and Mrs. Rachel Cox, 20l . The whole sum of his legacies came to 945l . 3s . 4d. These particulars I take from a copy of his will.

He was made archdeacon of Ely, anno 1540, in the room of Tho. Thirleby, the king’s chaplain, made bishop of Westminster: the presentation being in the king, by reason of the removal of the said Thirleby to that bishopric, Henry VIII. For so that king’s writ ran, Dilectum capellanum nostrum, Richardum Cox clericum, vobis praesentamus: directed to the reverend father in Christ, Thomas [Goodrich] bishop of Ely. Witness the king at Westminster, November 24.

One remark I add concerning this good bishop: that Thomas Sutton, the founder of the Charter-house, school and hospital, by his last will and testament, among the rest of his legacies, gave certain legacies to the children of that bishop: and that out of gratitude to his old schoolmaster.

For when Cox was master of Eaton school, he had this Sutton his scholar for three years. And then he went to Magdalen and Jesus colleges in Cambridge. The words of his will are these. Item, I give to every one of the children of Richard Cox, late bishop of Ely, who shall be living at the time of my death, 10l . apiece of lawful money of England.

This bishop’s learning, his piety, his zeal for true religion, his exile, how instrumental he was in promoting the reformation at court, (whither he was preferred by king Henry VIII. to be the instructor of the young prince, and his almoner,) and what reputation he had then for a sin. gular scholar, just and good man, may be gathered from a copy of verses of Leland, written to Thomas Legh, of Adlington, esq. who had required Leland to tell him, if he knew any person in the world (that so generally abounded with wicked, false men) that might be in all respects said to be endued with faithfulness and integrity: Leland gives him answer, that he knew one such, and that was Cox. Which he elegantly shewed in a copy of verses, viz.

AD THOMAM LEGHUM, ARMIGERUM, ADLINGTONSEM, DE RIC. Coxii fide et integritate.

Cum fucis adeo laboret orbis Totus, me rogitaz, amice, narrem Ore ut veridico tibi petenti, Si dum reppererim, omnibus fidelem Quem possem numeris virum probare.

Talem me volo repperisse, credas, Albo rarior est ac ille corvo. Novisti bene Coxium pium illum, Sacri evangelii tubam sonoram:

Quem clarus patriae pater Britannus Dilectum refovet, suoque nato lnservire jubet, probum tenello.

Is vir judicio omnium piorum Omni ex parte fidelis integerque, &c.

This year also, November 2, died Gilbert Barkley, bishop of Bath and Wells, in his episcopal house in Wells: whose register began April the 20th, 1560, and ended October 28, 1581. Wherein I observe, at a royal visitation, anno 1560, a sentence of deprivation given by John Cottrel, LL.B. archdeacon of Wells, and the bishop’s vicargeneral, against Bournefords prebendary, and rector of Clotworthy; Cratford, rector of Lediard Laurence; Giles Hillinge, prebendary, and rector of Shillgate; and Bartholomew Blithman, prebendary, and rector of Cosington; by reason of their absence, and contempt regiae visitationis.

December 15, 1561, Tho. Maister was presented to the church of Sutton Bingham, united, annexed, and incorporated to the church of Chilton, during the time of his incumbency in the same, authoritate Matthaei Cantuar. archiepiscoopi, et reegiae majestatis confirmatione. This Tho.

Maister had been presented the year before, May 17, by the queen to the said church of Chilton. This Maister was son, or some relation, to Dr. Maister, the queen’s physician.

I meet with a pretty strange dispensation in this bishop’s register, under the year 1564, July the 12th. When Tho. Harrington was presented to the church of Kilston, by the death of Henry Simmons, at the presentation of John Harrington, esq. he was a scholar of Oxon, of eighteen years old, hullo clericali oradine insignitus; and obtained licence of the archbishop of Canterbury to retain the same church to lawful age: and then, if he were promoted to holy orders, to the title of the perpetual benefice. But these letters of the archbishop’s were to be of no avail, unless confirmed by letters patents from the queen; dated July 28, 1564: which was done the same day. This Simmons was presented to this church of Kilston, anno 1560, by the resignation of Mr.Geo.Carew, at the presentation of John Harrington, of London, esq.

We dismiss this bishop Barkley with this character: that he was a man of great gravity, and singular integrity of life; and being an exile under queen Mary, resided with many other worthy confessors at Frankfort, in Germany: and advised Dr. Traheron, who read lectures there to the English upon Revelations, chap. iv. to print his readings: which he did. This bishop had a charter for the settling of his bishopric; but not so full as the charter granted by queen Mary to his predecessor, Gilbert Bourne, many things being left out in the last charter to this bishop. In the year 1572, he had a long fit of sickness for nine or ten weeks. After that, not able to ride, nor well to go, keeping his chamber, as a lame man, of the sciatica in his left leg; doubting in himself then, whether he should ever have the use of it again, as he wrote in December, 1572, to his friend bishop Parkhurst: though he made shift to hold out to this year, being eighty years of age; as Godwin writes.

I shall leave one remark of him: which shewed him to be an honest as well as a stout man for the good of the church, by seasonably stopping a part of the church’s patrimony from running into a layman’s purse; when the lord Tho. Pawlet, dwelling within the county of Somerset, patron of a good parsonage, viz. West Monkton, endeavoured to inpropriate it to himself and his heirs for ever, as was related at large, vol. ii. under the year 1578.

Now was coming forth another commission from the queen for recovering such lands and revenues as formerly belonged to churches, religious houses, colleges and hospitals, granted by parliament to the crown. Many of which being concealed in this queen’s reign, she, to gratify some of her courtiers, had granted them, or some good portions of them; namely, what they could by search discover and tlnd out: which commissions made great havock sometimes of the small livelihoods of the livings and salaries of ministers and chaplains, the poor inhabitants of hospitals, &c. in case it was found they were given for superstitious uses. Therefore, as such a commission had been granted to Edward Stafford, esq. and some other gentlemen pensioners, was called in, as it seems, another was made this year for his use and benefit, with more tenderness and caution towards many that might suffer by it; but still with certain rents payable by him to the queen. It was called, A warrant to Edward Stafford, esq. for parsonages, chapels, guilds, &c. dissolved: the copy whereof shall be exemplified from the minutes, with the lord treasurer’s hand interlined in some places, (which I have enclosed in crotchets;) intended by him for the moderating of this grant, and stopping the violences that these concealers, as they were called, would have been apt to use towards the churches and the clergy thereof, the hospitals and chapels.

It specified, “A lease, granted by the queen to this Edward Stafford, one of her gentlemen pensioners, of all parsonages impropriate, free chapels, guilds, chantries, hospitals, &c. that had been dissolved, and were wrongfully detained from her, and which of right belonged to the crown, since such a year of king Henry VIII. Or which might afterward be found out and discovered by the said Edward Stafford, his deputies, &c. Yielding and paying therefore unto her, or her successors, during such lease or leases, certain yearly rents: and after such rate as the same were valued at in the book of first-fruits and tenths. And likewise granted unto him advowsons, presentations, donations, &c. of all parsonages and vicarages, being without cure, profaned, wasted, &c. Also all advowsons, presentations of parsonages, vicarages without cure, prebends presentative, &c. which were concealed, wrongfully detained, &c. And that did of right belong to her majesty, presentations, donations, &c. to give, dispose, and present unto the same, being become void, during such a certain term. “And then, by the same commission, to the lord tressurer, the chancellor of the exchequer, &c. she commanded them from time to time, upon information given by the said Stafford to them, to cause to be made books and writings as should be requisite to be passed from her of the premises, or any other part thereof: and for certain new rents according to her letters patent. And that if any variance, suit, debate, controversy, &c. might happen by any claim or complaint in or about any of the premises, or concerning any manner of presentation, removing, or displacing any parsons or vicars, then the grants to be suspended till it should be heard and determined in her court of exchequer, by them the lord treasurer, chancellor of the exchequer, &c. for the time being, for any matter belonging to the revenue of the crown.” These are the brief contents: but the whole grant and commission will be found exemplified in the Appendix.

As to that particular above, of a lease to Stafford of parsonages, colleges, hospitals, &c. concealed, it became a question concerning the queen’s making leases of some such. I find the lord treasurer Burghley setting down his judgment in writing; no question upon the queen’s and council’s requiring his opinion in this affair. This I have from minutes of his own pen.

The year when he wrote this his judgment is uncertain: but hereabouts it must be. This I look upon as a curious piece: and therefore shall set it down from the original, “My opinion on a sudden, under correction of such of her majesty’s learned counsel, as can better inform how her majesty may make such a lease of the contents.

I. “The first seven several things may, I think, be granted by her majesty. But in good reason her majesty’s title ought first to be found by inquisition. And so her majesty’s title being of record, the grant may more orderly pass. Otherwise many things under this title may pass without warrant. But so not honourable to pass her majesty; where they shall pass upon wrong to preoccupiers. “As for parsonages impropriate, free chapels, guilds, chantries, layprebends, there is not so much regard to be had as upon colleges, and especially hospitals. In which last I saw by a grant made by her majesty to certain of her guard of the hospital of Ledbury, what inconvenience had followed, if great care had not been.

II. Secondly, “For parsonages and vicarages without cure containeth great uncertainties. And wheresoever the patronages thereof did belong to any subject, the queen’s majesty hath no interest therein; but by lapse to have one presentment only. The depopulation or profanation maketh no title to the queen’s majesty.

And therefore her majesty cannot make any grant thereof.

III. “The third, for parsonages and vicarages without cure, cannot be granted by her majesty, but where she is patron; or where she is entitled by lapse.

IV. “The fourth, for the like with cure, and for prebends that are concealed, and belong to her majesty’s patronage, may be for the first time granted by her majesty’s patents. But after that they cannot be accounted concealed. And thereby the curate cannot have continuance, otherwise than that her majesty shall make a gift of the patronage, [or] of the inheritance of her patronage. “How these kind of parsonages or vicarages shall be given, I know not. But if the patentee shall have any profit thereby, they must be sold, and not given. And openly to assent thereto will be held for a man that hath thereof a conscience. “But these articles would be considered by some that understand more than I do, that her majesty’s grants may be grounded upon justice, or at the least some colour of justice. And for any profit to pass from her majesty, I weigh it not. But I wish that profit were double, in respect of the gentleman, who indeed hath deserved as much, and can deserve more.”

This is a second time the inns of court and chancery were taken notice of, to harbour persons popishiy affected. The government thought it very necessary to check and restrain considerable numbers there; and many of them of quality; and so more apt to influence others in the kingdom with principles contrary to the laws established for good order in the church. As in the 11th of the queen, anno 1569, the council had wrote to those inns, with orders granted for the government of those that inhabited there. And then some were reconciled, and others expelled. But disorders happening again in those houses, and information thereof made in the starchamber, a letter was sent thence to the queen’s commissioners ecclesiastical, to take cognizance thereof; and to send for the benchers and ancients, and inquire after these disorders. Which was this year, or near it; and ran in this tenor: “After our very hearty commendations. Where in the 11th year of the queen’s majesty’s reign, in the term of Easter, we did, by our letters to the ancients and benchers of the inns of court, signify what order was then taken in the starchamber for reformation of a sort of persons about that time detected to be in the same houses, of disordered demeanour and perverse disposition, especially against the laws and orders ecclesiastical of the church. Which orders being of good length by our said letters. then declared and explained, we understand were for that time reasonably executed, to the reformation of some; which were thereby profitably reconciled; and to the expulsion and secluding of some others that were so perverse, or rather seditiously bent to continue in disorder, as by no convenient persuasion they were then reformed. “But after some time expired, as we are now credibly informed, the former disorders are received, or rather increased, for lack partly of the continuance of some of those disorders within the houses, by the ancients and benchers; and partly, for that such regard hath not lately been had by the commissioners ecclesiastical to understand of the said contempts, as was necessary. “Wherefore, considering how necessary a matter it is to proceed, if in those houses, consisting of so great companies, where properly obedience to laws and observation of good orders should be professed, and the contrary thereof not nourished, and that by sufferance the mischief may, by the authors of such contempts, be dispersed abroad in the realm: and that with the more facility and danger also to increase, where the offenders shall gather credit among the vulgar sort, by profession of the knowledge and execution of the common laws of the realm: we have, upon good deliberation, thought it very necessary, that your lordship, and others having sufficient authority from her majesty to see to the due execution of all the laws ecclesiastical, should hereof be informed.

And so we require you, that you will speedily, before the end of this term, send for some of the ancients and benchers, of the discreetest and dutifullest of every house or inn of court, and likewise for some of the inns of chancery; and inquire of the disorders in these kind of causes, concerning the observation of the laws ecclesiastical, and the rights of the church. And as ye shall find the same disorders likely to be increased, so to consider how the same may be reasonably and speedily redressed: using therein, as cause shall require, conference either with the lord keeper of the great seal of England, and the two chief justices, or any of them: to whose party doth belong, as we understand, some regard for the good ordering of the said houses or inns. And thereupon, as far forth as appertaineth to the authority of your commission, to reform, or otherwise to correct the parties offending, and to limit some good orders for the due service of God in those houses; and to stay and reform the rest from the entry into like offences. Wherein surely the whole realm shall take no small profit, both for the honour and service of God, and for the better administration of laws: and finally, by the giving of a general good example of obedience to the rest of the subjects.”

The state found it necessary now to secure the government against the Romanists: who were very busy in corners, both seminaries and Jesuits, to withdraw the queen’s subjects from their allegiance, and to plot treasons.

Whereof Campion had given sufficient cause of jealousy;. who was executed with some other priests and Jesuits this or the last year. I meet with a bold letter of his to the privy-council, upon his first coming into England: wherein he confidently and frankly declared himself of the society of Jesus; and that thereby he had devoted himself, honour, life, and all, to the pope’s service. His letter, shewing his resolution, and confidence, and his zeal to the Pope and his cause, was chiefly to make a public challenge of dispute with all the most learned divines and lawyers in the land, and to require them of the privy-council, nay, and the queen herself, to be present: desiring them to grant him a quiet audience of what he should say before their honours “And that his discourse should be, first, of religion, so far forth as it touched the commonwealth and the nobility. And secondly, that before the chief doctors and masters of both universities, he would avow the faith of the catholic church by proof invincible, scriptures, councils, fathers, histories, and reason. And before the lawyers, spiritual and temporal, he would justify the same faith, by the common. wisdom law.”

Further, he frankly declares to them, “That he had vowed himself to the society of Jesus, and had taken upon him a warfare in the banners of obedience, and resigued all his interest of worldly wealth, honour, and pleasure. And that at the voice of their general provost, which was to him a warrant from heaven, and an oracle from Christ, he took his voyage from Prague to Rome, where the said father-general was always resident; and from Rome into England; as he would joyfully have done into any part of Christendom, or heatheniss, had he been thereto assigned. And that his charge was, without cost to preach the gospel, to administer the sacraments, to instruct the simple, &c. to confute errors, &c.”

And as to their society, he informed thus much of them, (with the preface of Be it known unto them,) “That they had made a league, (all the Jesuits in the world,) whose succession and multitude must overreach all the practices of England, cheerfully to carry the cross that they should lay upon them, and never to despair of the recovery of them [viz. the realm of England] while they had a man left, to enjoy their Tyburn, or to be racked with their torments, or to be consumed with their poison.”

And so concluded, as it were threatening, and in an assurance of success, “That the enterprise was begun: that it was of God, and could not be withstood: and is the faith that was at first planted: and so it must be restored.” This was the brag, resolution, and protestation of Campion, in the name of that society. And therefore the state, with good reason, thought it necessary to secure itself against them by its laws and watchfulness over such a generation of devoto’s.

But let the reader peruse the whole letter in the Appendix.

And consequent to this, Campion afterwards, being now a prisoner, made a bold challenge to dispute with the protestants certain points of religion.

And accordingly divers disputes and conferences were held with him in the Tower, in the month of August, which were set down afterwards in writing by the learned men themselves that dealt therein; and were printed, in 1583, by Alexander Noel, dean of St. Paul’s, and published upon occasion of writings dispersal by some papists, extolling Campion’s disputations, to the overthrow of his adversaries. Wherein it is said, “That the catholics, by the judgments of those that were not wedded wholly to will, did get the goal.” And again, one of them had these words: “In my soul I protest, that in any indifferent judgment, the adverse protestants were quite confounded.

And if I were not a catholic already, the only hearing the conference would have made me one. This I took out of the preface to the reader, by Alexander Noel and William Day, both deans, and disputants with that Jesuit. There were three other conferences with him, viz. the 18th, 23d, and 27th of September, 1581, which were after set down in writing by John Field; and perused by the learned men themselves that disputed with him, in order to the publishing the same. These things I pass over, having mentioned them more at large elsewhere.

Soon after Campion’s condemnation, and before his execution, one of the same order shewed his great satisfaction that his brother, (as he called him,) as well as his companion, was like to make soglorious an end; mentioned in a letter to another of his friends, written from London; whither, after some absence, he was newly returned: confirming him and them in his absence, and assuring them of his own constancy and resolution to die in the cause, as others had bravely done, and as Campion was now ready to do. This letter seems to have been intercepted, and so brought into the hands of the queen’s council: for I met with it among the papers of state in the Paper-house. And therefore, though it be somewhat long, it will deserve to be here exemplified. Which will shew their firm purpose to promote their religion to the peril of their lives, and how fully persuaded they were in the goodness of their cause, and the success of it, and their steadiness in carrying on of their affairs in this realm. “My dear good friend, Pax Christi, &c. That he understood of the late advancement and exaltation of his dear brother, Mr.C. and his followers, [Brian, Sherwin, &c.] Our Lord be blessed for it. It was the joyfullest news, in one respect, that ever came to his heart since he was born. I call him brother,” as he added, “for that once God made me worthy of so great preferment, [viz. to be admitted into the society of Jesus.] But that now he took him rather for his patron [to pray for him and protect him] than for his brother; whose steps he beseeched Christ he might be worthy to follow.

That there was nothing happened to him which he looked not for, some time before, and whereof he made not oblation to God, before ever he set forth to go towards England:” [that is, vowed his life to promote that cause.] And then, as for the disputation which he held with our learned divines, thus he also triumphed: “That he looked for this end [meaning triumphant end] of the disputation also. And surely, added he, where I heard how prosperously God turned them to the glory of his cause, that he would have his life also. For that it was like his adversaries would never put up so great a blow without revengement upon his blood. His impertinent and malicious witnesses God will judge. But yet he beseeched the divine Majesty, if it were his will, to pardon them, and give them grace to repent, and prevent his great wrath, due to their most grievous iniquity.

There were men in the world which drank blood as easily as beasts did water. And because the earth did not open, and presently swallow them down, they thought all was well. Sed heu! (said the prophet,) juxta est dies perditionis, et adesse festinant tempora. “That it might be as truly spoken of Mr.C. as ever Ezekiel spake it of the like, Effus. est sanguis ejus in limpidissimam petram, et non in terram, ut operiatur pulvere. His blood is shed upon a most clear stone, to be seen of all men; and not upon the earth, that it may be covered with dust; the pretended dust of reigned treason, wherewith they go about to cover his blood; his blood! Away with every little air of consideration that comes near it. Your conscience and mine, and the knowledge of God Almighty, with all the saints of heaven, are privy, and shall bear witness at the day of judgment, of his pure innocency in all such matters and meaning, either by fact, word, or cogitation. This hath he protested, and will protest, I know, upon the perdition of his soul at his death. For yet I am not certified that he is dead. And we [Jesuits] protest the same before God, and men, and angels in heaven. And all that ever we have dealt withal in England, shall testify the same both living and dying, upon their salvation and damnation in the life to come. All which, seeing it serveth not in Westminster-hall, we are content quietly to leave it in God’s hand, and to refer it only to the tribunal of Christ; qui cum temp. acceperit, decernet causam nostram.” The writer goes on: “That I am so far touched in the same matter, as master Criss telleth me, I cannot but take it most thankfully at my good Lord’s hands, who vouchsafeth to lend me a portion in sorte sanctorum. Free I am of any thought of such matters as were objected, God and my conscience, and my friends with whom I converse, do know and rejoice. But I know it was not easy for the lamb which drank beneath at the end of the river, to justify to the wolf drinking at the head spring, that her drinking beneath did not trouble the water. And the reason was, for that the wolf was minded to eat her. My blood, therefore, must satisfy this matter, which, by God’s holy assistance, I remain as resolute, and willing to yield, when his divine Majesty shall appoint the day, as ever I did to pay my debt that I did owe, or to receive any benefit from his most merciful hands. I remember often, to my great comfort, the saying of St. Paul, Deo rnanifesti sumus, et spero in consclentiis vestris manifestos nos esse. If we be mistaken of men, yet God is not deceived. And therefore for my part, I do seek daily and hourly, according to the measure of his holy grace given me, to walk in his sight, and to imagine him present in all my actions, even as though he were presently to enter into judgment with me. Which attention, I trust, though I be otherwise a greater miserable sinner, shall so direct my life for all such matters as our enemies do object, as I shall little fear the judgment of man, nor the accusations of Eliot Iscariot, [so styling him who, it seems, was some secret informer against the Jesuits,] and his compartner for the matter itself: that is, the advancement of God’s glory, by persuading my countrymen to virtuous lives and true religion. For which cause only I was sent hither.”

In which resolution he would persist, using these words: I will, by God’s help, never cease, either dying or living, as long as my soul is able to move any part within me, from the prosecution of so good and godly a purpose. For I know it is written, Usque ad mortem certo projustitia. In which respect I confess that I fear little any mortal power, which killeth the body, and after hath nothing to do more: for that I have my Master’s command for the same. And not only that, but his warrant: Capillus de capite vestro non peribit.

And thus much of myself, and of those holy men that are dead. Qui vlsi sunt oculis insipientium mori: illi autem sunt in pace. “Now though you, my dearly beloved, and the rest of my good friends with you, I see no cause for me either to comfort or encourage you, the very letter itself is most sufficent for both. For what greater matter of comfort can there be to us that are catholics, than to see God work these strange wonders in our days, for the advancement of his and our cause: that is, to give such rare grace of zeal, austerity of life, and constancy of martyrdom unto young men, learned men, brought up in the adversaries’ own schools; and to whom, if they would have followed he pleasures of the world, or yielded in any one little point against the truth, it had been lawful to have lived both in favour and credit. This cannot come of flesh and blood, but must needs be an argument of God’s merciful meaning towards us, if we be humble and patient under this his fatherly rod and chastisement. “Again; what can be more forcible to encourage us to all virtue, and imitation of these men’s fortitude, than to see children to go into heaven before us. You know who used this argument, when he said, Regnum Christi vim patitur, et v. ]i.e. violenti illud, &c.

Which if ever it were fulfilled, now it is, where the tenderest and frailest flesh passeth violently to heaven, through wrackings, hangings, drawings, and quarterings; and through a thousand miseries more, which are laid upon them. “Wherefore let other men follow the pleasures of the world and lewd life as much as they will, now is the time for us to make ourselves everlasting princes, by gaining of heaven. Qui nocet, noceat adhuc, et qui in sordibus eat, sordescat adhuc, saith our Saviour. And on the other side, Qui justus est, juatificetur adhuc, et qui sanctus est, sanctificetur adhuc. Ecce! venio cito, et merces mea mecum est, reddere unicuique secundum opera sua.

Now for this time, my dear good friend. From R. in L. this present 26th of November, 1581.

Your own bounden in most hearty good-will for Christ and his cause.

By way of postscript, this followed: The cross appears, Christ doth approach, A comfort for us all:

For whom to suffer or to die, Is grace celestial.

Be therefore of good courage now, In this your sharp probation, Which shall you bring to glory great, And mighty consolation.

If you persevere to the end Of this sharp storm indeed, You shall confound both foe and friend, And heaven have for meed. “God make us mindful of all his sweet promises, and our own duty: which is sufficient armour for all assaults of our enemies. Commend me heartily to my daughter Cr. and your little family, and the rest of your good company: willing them all to be of good comfort, and to pray for us, as we shall for them. Weakness now is come to such a head, that the festered sores thereof must needs break out, whereby, I hope, all infirmities will be healed. In the mean time they intend to do us a good turn against their wills. I hope we shall so disclose the fond forgery of our enemies, God willing, this week, as it was never since the queen came to her crown. God, for whose cause we suffer, defend the truth. I have saluted your friends, who resalute you. Our Lord be with you and yours; and all the faithful (Christian) afflicted flock.”

Concerning this Campion, I have one thing more to add, which a learned man that lived in that very time related of him: that there were despatched into the realm, under the conduction of one more presumptuous than learned, [meaning this Jesuit,] a whole swarm of boy-priests, disguised, and provided at all assays with secret instructions how to deal with all sorts of men and matters here; [in England;] and, with commission from Rome, to confess and absolve such as they should win, with a pretence or policy, to mislike the state, and affect novelty; and to take assurance of them by vow, oath, or other means, that they should be ever after adherent and obedient to the church of Rome, and to the faith thereof, &c. Religion sounded often in their mouths, and the faith of their fathers. And yet that poison they carried covertly in their hearts, and cunningly in their books; that her majesty’s beguiled and deceived subjects, by the very sentence of their Romish faith and absolution, were tied to obey the pope, depriving her majesty of the sword and sceptre, and bound to assist him, or whom he should send, to take the same by force of arms out of her hands.

But when some of these were taken up, and brought to their trials, they denied this, and earnestly protested, in open audience, that they had no such meaning; but for their parts did acknowledge her majesty for their lawful and true princess, and taught all others so to do: having first obtained, like wily friars, a dispensation at Rome, that, to avoid the present dangers, they, and all others their obsequents, might serve and honour her highness for a times until the bull of Pius V. might safely be executed. [This was the dispensation of Campion and Parsons.] And that this was the resolution of them all, appeared by their examinations. And that conclusion stood in their written books as a ruled case, that they must rather lose their lives than shrink from this groundwork, that the pope may deprive her highness of her sceptre and throne; because, they say, it is a point of faith, and requires confession of the mouth, though death ensue.

This dangerous, if not devilish doctrine, (saith the foresaid learned writer,) was not printed or published in the sight of the queen’s subjects, until the time of some of the chief procurers and kindlers of this flame, for these and other enterprises of like condition and quality, were by the just course of the laws adjudged to death.

But there happened this year an example of papal persecution at Rome, upon an Englishman, which exceeded much any persecution complained of in England; which was executed upon one Richard Atkins, an Hertfordshire man: who seemed indeed to be somewhat disturbed in his head: but however that hindered not the Romanists’ rigorous dealings with him. I relate it from one that was in the English college at Rome; and there either saw or heard it from some that were present.

This Richard Arkins, out of his zeal, travelled to Rome, and coming to the English college there, knocked at the door; and being let in, told the students there, that he came lovingly to rebuke the great misorders of their lives; which he grieved to hear, and pitied to behold. And that he came also to let their proud antichrist understand, that he did offend the heavenly Majesty, rob God of his honour, poisoned the whole world with his abominable blasphemies; making them homage stocks and stones, and the.filthy sacrament, [as he called it;] which was nothing else but a foolish idol. Upon this, one Hugh Griffin, a Welshman, and one of the students, caused him to be put into the inquisition. But, however it came to pass, he was, after certain days, dismissed. Afterwards, one day going in the streets, he met a priest carrying the sacrament, and being offended to see the people so crouch and kneel to it, he caught at it, to have thrown it down, that all people might see what they worshipped. But missing his purpose, and it being (luckily) judged by the people, that he did but catch at the holiness that they say comes from the sacrament, upon mere devotion, he was let pass, and nothing said to him.

Few days after he came to St. Peter’s church, where divers were hearing mass; and the priest being at the elevation, he, using no reverence, stepped among the people to the altar, and threw down the chalice, with the wine; striving likewise to have pulled the cake out of the priest’s hands. Presently divers rose up, and beat him with their fists: and one drew his rapier, and would have slain him. In brief, he was carried to prison, where he was examined wherefore he committed such a heinous offence. He answered, that he came purposely for that intent, to rebuke the pope’s wickedness and their idolatry. Upon this he was condemned to be burnt; which sentence, he said, he was right willing to suffer. And the rather, because the sum of his offence pertained to the glory of God.

During the time he remained in prison, sundry of the English came to him, willing him to be sorry for that he had done, and to recant his damnable opinions. But all the means they used was in vain; and he confuted their ways by divers places of scripture: and willed them to be sorry for their wickedness, while God did permit them time. For the manner and cruelty of his execution, a while after, I refer the reader to the Appendix.

CHAPTER 4.

The seminaries busy. Sir Francis Knolles’s letter concerning them.

Searcher papists. Proclamation against harbouring Jesuits, and such as went hence to Paris, Rheims, Doway, or Rome, for education: and for their revocation. Conferences with Jesuits. One of them reclaimed. Recusants in the diocese of the bishop of Coventry and Litchfield. Schismatics. A libertine; his doctrines.

Endeavours of some puritans. Their prayers. THESE seminaries were now very busy in London, as well as in other places, creeping into houses, to pervert the people, and keep mass-saying: insomuch, that sir Francis Knolles, a courtier, and treasurer of the queen’s chamber, thought fit to put the two great statesmen about the queen in mind of it; and to stir them up to look to them; and to let the law take its course against such of them as were taken, the safety of the queen and the whole nation depending so much upon it. And now going into the country, to the quarter-sessions at Oxford, in the month of September, he left this remembrance in a letter to them both, viz. the lord treasurer and the earl of Leicester. “The papists’ secret practices by these Jesuits, in going from house to house, to withdraw men from the obedience of her majesty, unto the obedience of the false catholic church of Rome, hath and will endanger her majesty’s person and state more than all the sects of the wood, if no execution shall follow upon the traitorous practisers that are for the same apprehended: or at the least, if execution shall not follow upon such of them as will not openly and plainly recant.

Thus desiring their lordships, that are the two heads of the two universities of England, to pardon my boldness herein; because that I, that am an unworthy person, and half an abject, do expect great good things at their lordships’ hands; which hath emboldened me hereunto. And so I take my leave of your lordships. At London, going into my counttry, &c. September 29.”

Some of these, according to this gentleman’s counsel, were afterwards executed about the beginning of December; viz. Campion, before spoken of, Sherwin, Brian, and another.

Diligence was now used in finding out papists in London; and that by searching for such persons as came not to church. And accordingly a list was sent in the month of June, of such throughout each ward of the city, with their names; whereof some were strangers of other countries, many English. Of these strangers were Horacio Pallavicino, Andreas de Low, living in St. Dunstan’s, Acerbo Vilutelli, Paulus Justinian, Augustin Graffigner, Nicolaus Gocha, Jerome Benalio, Morice Van Coleyn, Alpher Delymer, Lewis de Pace, John Calvetto. Some of these were agents to foreign princes. These generally lived in Tower-street ward. Several of the English, whose names were brought in, lived in St. Helen’s. The whole number in all was about one hundred and ten.

And not long after, a proclamation came forth to attach seminaries, and their aiders, abettors, counsellors, and hostages, [i.e. harbourers.] Inquiry now also was made after such as sent their sons abroad for education: which gave a just suspicion that they might be tinctured with popish principles at their coming home, and more disaffected to the laws of the land. And in pursuit of these, the clergy of London had a summons in the month of January, to make inquiry whose sons were sent abroad beyond the sea, to study, and acquire learning, either at Paris, Rheims, Doway, Rome, &c. And also what servants were sent abroad.

This visitation was authorized by a proclamation, set forth in the said month of January, for revocation of sundry her majesty’s subjects remaining beyond sea under colour of study, and as lived contrary to the laws of God and the realm: and also against retaining of Jesuits, and massing-priests, sowers of sedition, and other treasonable attempt; the tenor whereof was, “That the queen was given to understand, that certain colleges and societies under the name of seminaries had been of late years erected by the bishop of Rome, as well in that city of Rome as in the dominions of other princes; especially for the subjects of her kingdoms and dominions; with intent and purpose to train and nourish them up in false and erroneous doctrine: by which means divers of her good and faithful subjects had been thereby perverted, not only in matters of religion, but also drawn from the acknowledgment of their natural duties unto her highness as their prince and sovereign, and had been made instruments in some wicked practices, tending to the disquiet of the realm and other her majesty’s dominions; yea, to the moving of rebellion within their natural countries: “That she thought it very expedient, as a thing appertaining chiefly to a Christian prince, to have a special care to see her subjects trained up in truth and Christian religion, grounded merely upon the word of God, and not upon men’s fancies and vain traditions; to use all means of prevention that might tend to the remedy thereof.

Wherefore she did straitly charge and command all such her subjects, as had their children, wards, kinsfolk, or any other, over whom they had special charge, or to whom they did contribute to their maintenance and relief, remaining in the parts beyond the seas, to give notice, within ten days after the publishing of this present proclamation, not only unto the ordinary, the names of such, their children, wards, or kinsfolks, or such other to whom they had given any aid for their charges, as should be beyond the seas, at the time of the publication hereof, without her majesty’s special licence remaining in force, and not expired; but should also procure a return of them within the space of four months after notice given by the said proclamation. And then the persons, and other persons aforesaid, immediately upon the return of their children and other persons, to give knowledge thereof unto the bishop or ordinary.

And in case they returned not upon the knowledge of this her highness’s pleasure, given by the said parents and other persons aforesaid, not to yield them any contribution or relief, directly or indirectly; nor should be privy to, or conceal the contribution of any other, without disclosing the same to the bishop or ordinary, upon pain of her highness’s displeasure, and further punishment, as for their contempt therein might justly be laid upon them. “That it should not be lawful, after six days expired, for any merchant, or other whatsoever, by way of exchange or otherwise, to exchange, convey, or deliver, or procure any money or other relief, to or for the maintenance of any person beyond the seas, which by the intent of this proclamation were prohibited to have or receive any out of her majesty’s dominions, upon pain of her highness’s displeasure, and such further punishment as might be imposed on the offenders in that behalf for such their contempt and offence. “That it should not be lawful for any, of any degree or quality whatsoever, to depart out of the realm, without the queen’s special licence. “That her majesty was given to understand, that divers of her subjects trained up in the said colleges and seminaries beyond the seas, whereof some carried the name of Jesuits, under the colour of a holy name, to deceive and abuse the simpler sort; and were lately repaired into this realm by special direction from the Pope and his delegates; with intent not only to corrupt and pervert her good and loving subjects in matter of conscience and religion, but also to draw them from their loyalty and duty of obedience, and to provoke them so much as shall lie in them, to attempt somewhat to the disturbance of the present quiet; and through the goodness of Almighty God, and her majesty’s provident government, this realm hath for many years enjoyed. “She therefore, foreseeing the great mischief that might ensue by such like instruments, whereof experience hath been of late seen in the realm of Ireland, did therefore notify unto her subjects, that if any of them, or any other within her highness’s dominions, after the publishing of this present proclamation, did receive, maintain, succour, or relieve any Jesuit, seminary man, massing priests, or other persons aforesaid, come, or which should come, or be sent into this realm, or any other her dominions; or should not discover the receiving and harbouring of them, or any such vagrant persons as might be justly suspected to be of such quality and ill condition; as also in case they should remain with them at the time of the said publication, or afterwards, should not bring them before the next justice, to be by him committed to the common gaol, or before other public officer; to the end they might in like sort be committed, and forthcoming to be examined, and to receive such punishment, as by her majesty shall be thought meet according to their deserts: then they should be reputed as maintainers and abettors of such rebellious and seditious persons; and receive for the same their contempt such severe punishment, as by the laws of the realm, and her highness’s princely authority, might be inflicted upon them. “And that if any other her subjects at any time certainly know any such persons repaired into this realm for the purpose aforenamed, and therefore give knowledge to any of her majesty’s officers or ministers, whereby either they may be or shall be taken and apprehended by the said officers; then the informer or utterer shall have her highness’s reward for every such person by him or them disclosed and apprehended, such sum of money, as shall be an honourable due reward for so good service; besides her majesty’s most hearty thanks for the discharge of their duty in that behalf. “Provided nevertheless, that it shall be lawful to and for factors and agents for any lawful merchants, in their trades and merchandise in any parts beyond seas, and for mariners in their necessary voyages, to pass.and remain beyond the seas without incurring any manner of contempt, so long as they should be employed about such their voyages and merchandising, &c. Given at her majesty’s palace of Westminster, the 10th of January, in the twenty-third of her majesty’s most noble reign.”

As many seminaries and mass-priests, and such like, were, by means of the former proclamation and search, taken up this year, and committed to prison; so care was taken that conferences might be held with them, to convince and reclaim them. And such as were, had not only their liberty, but other favours shewed them. One of these thus conferred with and reclaimed was John Nicolls, a Jesuit, late a prisoner in the Tower, now become a preacher. And his condition being but needy, having left his former practice, whence his subsistence came, such was the kindness of the court, that the lord chancellor Bromley, and the lord treasurer Burghley, and others of the council, sent to the archbishop in his behalf, that some collection might be made for him. And a contribution was accordingly made for him by the bishops of the province. For further knowledge whereof, I refer the reader to the Life of Archbishop Grindal.

But the emissaries of the pope were so exceeding busy at this time, and especially in the parts about Shropshire, and the counties thereabouts, that conferences were not enough to bring these men to a better mind towards religion and their country; and more rigorous methods were required; and particularly an ecclesiastical commission: which therefore the bishop of Coventry and Litchfield now called for. It was not unknown to the queen and her council, how dangerous a condition those parts there were in, by reason of recusants. And therefore had directed their letters to him in October the last year, for searching out and certifying the recusants within his diocese. And for better execution of that service, to join with him some other in commission, within the counties of Warwick, Darby, and Salop.

But the bishop being now in London, it being parliament time, and for other lets, could not go down into the country, He therefore sent copies of those lettens to the other commissioners that were in the country and withal sent his own letters unto them for their careful performance of their duties.

Afterwards he received a certificate of their proceedings from them that were appointed for one of these countries, viz. Salop, which now in April he sent to the lord treasurer to be perused at his pleasure. And by him to be imparted to the rest of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council, when he should see cause. And in this one country, which was one of the best and most conformable parts of his diocese, there was near one hundred detected and presented for recusancy. And some of the gentlemen in commission wrote in their private letters to him, that they could get but four only to be bound, [to their good abearing or appearance,] the rest refusing most obstinately to come before them. Whereupon the bishop put it to him, the said lord treasurer, what great need they should have of the high commission in that country, and other shires of his diocese, worse than that: which he left to his honourable consideration.

He added; “That he knew his lordship should hardly have leisure to look over these matters at that busy time. Nevertheless, he thought it his part, as soon as it came to his hand, to send the same unto him. That he had yet heard nothing from the other commissioners for the other countries. But he did heartily recommend two of the commissioners for Shropshire to his lordship, being bound, as he wrote, to interpose his censure and judgment of them that had done this work: which was, that as he had heretofore heard great commendations of them for their wisdom and zeal in all godly and Christian affairs, so at this time they deserved no less, but a great deal more, for their great pains and good order that they had taken in this matter, and wished that they might hear of it from their lordships, to the better encouraging them in such their serviceable and dutiful travail; being, as it should seem, not only forward in affection of mind, but also able for their skill and learning, to perform any greater service that they might be called unto. “And being desirous to go down into the country, to join with them in this so needful cause, he earnestly beseeched his lordship to use a means to her majesty to give him leave to depart, without any further leave taking, the case standing with him as it did: for that indeed his house had been somewhat hardly visited with that loathsome disease, [the p!ague, it seems.] Commending, in the mean time, his causes to his friends to follow, and the means to him and the earl of Leicester, and the success to God.” This was writ from Chelsea. These causes seem to be concerning his claim to the ancient episcopal jurisdiction over the city of Litchfield; which the citizens were endeavouring to resume to themselves against the bishop: which we shall hear more of under the year ensuing. And likewise a contest about the chancellorship of the diocese between the bishop and one Beacon, who pretended a right to that preferment; and who brought the cause before the privy-council: which matter is related elsewhere.

Several schismatics and men of heterodox opinions shewed themselves this year. The chief of these was Robert Browne, the separatist, at St. Edmond’s Bury; and Handson, a preacher that blowed up coals of innovation; inveighing against the Communion Book, the order of church government, and the laws of the realm established. These were taken notice of by the bishop of Norwich, and others in the ecclesiastical commission, as hath been shewed before: and of Browne more may be seen in the Life of Archbishop Parker, if this Browne be the same with him.

There was also Randal, a minister of the diocese of Exeter, of the family of love; of whom before.

There was also now one J.B. in London, a libertine, whose principles were shewn in a little book that came forth this year, in answer to diverse assertions and strange doctrines of the libertines; viz. that the first table of the law taught us our duty towards Christ’s godhead; and the second table, our duty towards Christ’s manhood. That Christ was the Samaritan that helped the wounded man mentioned in St. Luke. That faith was the light of the soul. That the tree of knowledge of good and evil in paradise was a figure of God’s law. That the tree of life was a figure of God’s gospel. [As though men’s fancy was to allegorize every matter of fact related in scripture.] That the flaming sword was a figure of the threatenings and justice of God. That the water in baptism was not a holy water in respect that it was applied to a holy use. That the ordinary and common washing among the Turks and Jews was the same to them that baptism was to us.

That nothing can be counted holy, unless it be perfect. That Christ in his human soul descended into the place of torment, appointed for the wicked, called hell. That the place of hell is in the centre; that is, the middle of the earth. That it is utterly evil for the elect, to think, speak, or hear of the fear of God.

Further, that papists, puritans, protestants, and the family of love be utterly deceived, and in the state of condemnation, save he alone, [that asserted these tenets,] and those that took part with him. That no outward thing, as the works of sanctification, unfeigned forgiveness of others, or such like, can be pledges, either to ourselves or others, of our election. That we may as well say, Christ is flesh of our flesh, and bone of our bone, as to say, We are flesh of his flesh, and bone of his bone. That the word kingdom in the Lord’s Prayer is to be understood only of the kingdom of love and mercy, and not the kingdom of justice and power. That Christ did not fully finish our redemption upon the cross: but that he suffered somewhat afterwards.

That the last words which Christ spake upon the. cross were these, My God, rny God, why hast thou forsaken me? That all the Jews generally should be called to the knowledge of God. That the word sacrament is not to be found in the scripture: and therefore not to be used; but the word record: which he went about to prove from 1 John v.7,8. That there will come a time wherein there shall be no need of sacraments in this life. The reason, because there will be such multitudes converted, that there shall be no leisure to minister the sacraments unto them. That it is hypocrisy for one Christian to reprove another for swearing, or any such other offence: which he called but trifles.

The answerer, T.W. digested these tenets into twenty articles, and gave distinct confutation to each: and tells us, “That he was acquainted with this libertine, J.B. nine or ten years. From whom he heard these and many such cursed conclusions: as, that there was not need to pray; especially for forgiveness of sins: and that if we keep ourselves within our castle, Christ, nothing that we can commit in this flesh can be sin unto us. And if now sith we are married to Christ, there are no more men, because all are become women.” Books he penned, which this answerer calleth beastly. One he entitled his Music ; another his Ax, and adds, “That might they be brought to light, and other such like books, the world should then see a whole sea of such like absurdities and falsehoods broached and shed abroad.”

But when these wild tenets and assertions were charged upon him, he shifted them off, by denying that he had said them, though T.W. the answerer, and others, had 1 heard many of them from his mouth. But, saith the answerer, it was a practice among those sectaries to say and 4 unsay.

And so did this libertine broach many wild doctrines which he disavowed and denied when charged with them, though they were spoken in the hearing of a great many. “And so experience had taught,” added he, “that it had been the very use of sundry heretics, as in old time the Presilianists, and in these days the family of love, to say and unsay.” And therefore he advised the godly Christian not to credit this or that erroneous person, upon a bare denial of their untruths; but, for the better sifting of them, to require a plain and open confession of the contrary truths. This answerer speaks in his epistle of swarms of atheists, epicures, anabaptists, Pelagians, and the family of love, which that present corrupt age unhappily hatched, and overmuch cherished.

See divers more of these speculations of the libertines, in the second volume of the Annals, under the year 1579. And by comparing those with these, it may appear they did not agree in one set of uniform principles, but varied according to their conceits and enthusiastical flights.

Very earnest and diligent now also were the other sort of the disaffected to the church established; namely, against the episcopal government of the church, and the usages and ceremonies required and practised in it, as antichristian. How averse their minds were to these matters, may appear by a prayer they set forth the twenty-third of the queen, set at the end of one of their books. Which ran in these words: “O Lord God! grant for thy mercy’s sake, that as Jehoshaphat, in the third year of his reign, destroyed the high places and groves out of Judah, and sent his princes and priests, and gave them the book of the Lord [law] with them to reform religion by; and so fear came upon every city, that they made not war against Jehoshaphat: so, Lord, we humbly beseech thee to strengthen the queen’s highness with thy holy Spirit, that in the twenty-third year of her reign she may cast down all the high places of idolatry within her land, with the popish canon law, and all superstition and commandments of men: and to pluck up all filthy ceremonies pertaining to the same. And that her highness may send forth her princes and ministers, and give them the book of the Lord. That thereby they may bring home the people of God to the purity and truth of the apostolic church. And then shall the fear of the Lord come upon every city and country; that they shall not make war against our Jehoshaphat. The very enemies that be without, shall be compelled to bring presents to her grace. “Thus, O Lord, grant, that her highness may not only have a happy, long, and prosperous reign, with peace of conscience, in this life; but also in the life to come, her highness may enjoy, by the merits and death of Christ our Saviour, life everlasting. To which, with the Father “and the Holy Ghost, be all honour and glory, for ever and ever, Amen . “And let all her majesty’s true subjects say, Amen.” By which prayer it appeareth what opinion these new reformers had of this church at this time, notwithstanding the reformation of it: holding it as corrupt by idolatry and superstition as the Jewish church was when Jehoshaphat first entered upon the reformation of it. This prayer is set at the end of a book then set forth, entitled, A view of An. tichrist, &c. in our English church unreformed.

To which I will add another composition of Thomas Wilcock and John Field, set at the end of a book of theirs, called, A confession of faith, entitled, a prayer for the faithful. Viz. “0 Lord God, and most merciful Father! We beseech thee, for the honour of thy holy name, to defend us from the antichrist of Rome, and from all his detestable enormities, manners, laws, garments, and ceremonies. Destroy the counsels of all papists and atheists, enemies of the gospel, and of this realm of England.

Disclose their mischief, and subtile practices. Confound their devices. Let them be taken in their own wilinesses. And strengthen all those that maintain the cause and quarrel of thy gospel, with invincible force and power of thy holy Spirit. So that though they be destitute at any time of worldly aid and comfort, that yet they fail not to proceed and go forward toward that true godliness commanded by thy holy word, with all simplicity and sincerity, to thy honour and glory, the comfort of thine elect, and the confusion of thine enemies. Through Christ, our Lord and Saviour. Amen . Amen . And say from the heart, Amen .”

CHAPTER 5.

University matters. Tenets of Baro, Margaret professor at Cambridge. Contest between him and Chaderton about them. A bachelor of arts makes an invective against the duke d’Anjou.

Called before the vice-chancellor. His letter to their chancellor.

One in Trinity college in trouble. Caius college. Number of students in Cambridge. Sheriffs of Oxon, their oath. Sheriffs’ favour to schoolmasters. Mulcaster, a schoolmaster. Winchester college, their address to the queen. Lincoln’s Inn chooses Chark for their preacher. NOW to look over into our universities, and among the learned there.

Peter Baro, a Frenchman by birth, was now lady Margaret professor at Cambridge; whose doctrine about universal redemption somewhat varied from, or thwarted some of the articles received in the church of England, as some of the learned there thought: among the rest, Lawrence Chaderton, B.D. fellow of a college there; who preached publicly against those tenets of that professor, in a sermon; of which William Dillingham (in a book writ of the said Chaderton’s life, printed anno 1700) gives this account: “That his nova dogmata, brought with him into England, dissonant from the truth and doctrine of the church of England, he refuted in a sermon, being then bachelor of divinity. For which Baro cited him into the consistory, before the vice-chancellor and other heads, by arguments written by him in his own defence. Which Chaderton learnedly and acutely answered.”

Baro’s theses were these: Primus Dei amor est de natura fidei justificantis.

Fides justificans praecipitur in Decalogo.

Chaderton defended the contrary. But afterwards they seemed each of them to come nearer to one another by softer words; and yet both abounding in their own sense. These writings of Chaderton, Dillingham, the writer of his life, tells us, he found in searching certain old scrinia of the university; which he delivered afterwards to the university, to be preserved among their (keimh>lia ). In the conclusion he thus declared himself to the heads; “That God was witness, that in these cases he neither publicly nor privately spake any thing, either out of a study of contradiction, or with any mind of speaking evil of any man, but only publicly to teach and defend the true doctrine of the church of England, (of which he professed himself a member, though the least of all,) that had been impugned by a man, however dear to him: especially the sense of the place of scripture, which he took for his text, requiring it.”

How the matter of that controversy stood, and how the case came before the chancellor of the university and the archbishop of Canterbury, divers years after, and Baro’s troubles, may be read at large in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift, under the year 1595.

As monsieur, the French king’s brother, was here, courting the queen, which was not acceptable to very many in the kingdom, so neither to some in the universities. We have heard of the Gaping Gulph, wherein England was like to be devoured; a book writ by Stubbs; for which he was punished with the loss of his right hand. So here a bachelor of arts, sir Morden of Peterhouse, ventured to declaim in the schools against the said monsieur.

In whose speech were such bold expressions, that it soon came to the ears of Dr. Perne, the vice-chancellor. Who calling the heads together, sent for the scholar, and his oration, and committed him to prison. And withal, that no displeasure might be taken by the queen against the university, he addressed a letter to the lord Burghley, their chancellor, acquainting him with the whole matter. And then desired to know his pleasure in this affair.

But, like a tender patron of the scholar, he mitigated, as much as he could, the crime, in respect of the person; who was of a melancholic disposition, and loved a solitary life. And withal giving the chancellor the cause the scholar gave of his speech, to be, only to exercise his oratory in imitation of Tully.

But the vice-chancellor’s letter unfolds at large, and more particularly, this cause. Which ran to this tenor: “That whereas there was a young man in Cambridge, a bachelor of arts, of Peter-house, called sir Morden, who in his problem kept in the logic schools, the 28th of April, had very lewdly in his oration inveighed against monsieur. As soon as he [the vice-chancellor] had understanding of it, he immediately sent a beadle for him, and for his oration, and for such bachelors as were present, to come before him in the consistory, in the presence of certain of the heads of the colleges and doctors, that were then with him in the regent house at a congregation. Before whom, after that he had read part of the said oration, seeing it was made as an invective against monsieur, he demanded of the said Morden, What he did mean so wickedly, and like a madman, to abuse any manner of person, much more so noble a prince, and in that place, contrary to the order of the schools, and contrary to all godliness, honesty, and wisdom? That he answered, He did it for exercise of the imitation of Tully. The which answer (as the vice-chancellor writ,) did appear in some part to be true, by the sentences and phrases taken out of Tully’s orations contra Verrem et Catilinam; but wickedly, and without all discretion applied against monsieur. For the which he took it his duty to commit him to prison, till he knew further of his [the said chancellor’s] pleasure, after that his lordship had seen the said lewd and slanderous oration against such a noble prince at this time; and also till his honour should understand of the state of the said bachelor, who had no living in Cambridge, and was of no credit or estimation any way: for that he was well known, both in the college and otherwise, to be so greatly troubled with melancholy, that he had lived almost solitary, without any discretion; or troubled in his wits greatly: and having a great weaning of his own wit and learning, appeared puffed up with vainglory and madness, had played this mad part, worthy of such correction, as should be thought convenient to his honour’s wisdom, for his wicked and slanderous oration; though he were of no wisdom, as appeared evidently by the same; nor yet of any credit or estimation. “Thus being right heartily sorry (as he went on) to trouble your honour at this time any kind of way, I pray Almighty God to direct you with his holy Spirit in all your honourable and weighty affairs.

And then he concluded with some account of the present state of that university, in respect of the scholars’ habits, and the decency and sobriety of their behaviour; which had been disorderly before, and complained of: and concerning some controversies with the townsmen: all was now, by his, their chancellor’s care and advice, in peace, quiet, and good order. As the vice-chancellor proceeded in his letter: “That all other things were very well and in good order in the university, both for the exercise of learning, and also for comeliness in apparel, and manners of scholars, as it was this prox. [last] year. And the town and they had agreed well of all those things wherein they craved his honour’s help. And that for the which they were daily bound to pray to Almighty God, for his honour’s long preservation in all godly prosperity. From Cambridge, the 29th of April, 1581.

Subscribing, Your honour’s daily orator, Andrew Perne.” The bearer of this letter was Mr. Nevil, senior proctor of the university.

There is also a remark I have to make of another scholar of this university, namlely, one Medolph, a fellow of Trinity college: who had maintained some opinions, that touched upon the church of England, as it seemed, and of savouring some odd and dangerous principles against the state of it. For which he was called before the master and fellows, and required his answer to what he had asserted. But not giving them that satisfaction they required, they did resolve to deprive him of his fellowship. But the lord Burghley, that university’s compassionate chancellor, hearing this, reckoned they had proceeded too rigorously against him. And therefore loath, that a young scholar, and hopeful person, should be thus exposed to need, and thrown out of a place of study, and improvement of himself in literature, resolved to have the cause brought before him, to hear it: and required the articles against him to be brought to him. Whose humane, discreet, and wise letter to the master and fellows deserves to be here repeated. “After my hearty commendations. Where I am given to understand, by some personages of good regard, that you have lately intended the deprivation of one Medolph, fellow of your house, for some opinions maintained by him, wherewith he was charged, and whereto, as it seemeth, he hath not by his answer satisfied you; as believing, and thought by you, sufficient to answer his accusation: being peradventure more hardly construed than his meaning was by the same answer, if the same were to be interpreted indifferently, and according to his meaning: and though haply the offence of the said Medolph may be very great herein, and deserving punishment, yet seeing the proceeding of you against him in so high a degree as deprivation, is as great a punishment as can be inflicted upon the greatest disordered persons in any society; whereto it is thought this his offence cannot any way come near; and being as great a punishment in such a civil government, as death to a malefactor and infringer of the laws in his kind: “I cannot think it convenient, neither do I allow in a society professing Christian society and charity, any such extreme punishment to be imposed upon any, especially being fellow, and of account and credit, in a public university and society, as yours is, without greater and more urgent cause thereto, than I understand.

And therefore, or ever you shall proceed to the publication of your deprivation against him, I am to, and hereby do, require you to stay the same, until such time as you shall have sent up to me the articles wherewith you charge the said Medolph, and whereto he hath made his answers, that do not satisfy you: that it may be considered how far his offence shall deserve such strict punishment, or mitigation, as shall be thought to answer the quality of his offence; or that he may be induced by fairer means to satisfy you. “And if you shall have any further or other matter to charge the said Medolph with, than this, to which he hath made answer, you shall do well likewise to send the same up, to be likewise considered of.

For my meaning is so to temper this cause, as neither I would have any error or offensive opinions maintained against the state of our church; neither yet would I that every opinion misconceived, or opinion that may by argument be misinterpreted offensive, should so sharply be punished, as I know deprivation is to a poor student and scholar; whose reformtion were to be otherwise sought, in a case of no greater weight than, as I am informed, this is.”

What the opinion of this man was, that varied from, or was opposite to the doctrine or practice of the church, I find not; but the wisdom of the chancellor, and his care, as of the university in general, so of every member thereof in particular, brightly appears in this his letter.

Dr. Legg of this university, master of Caius college, was popishly affected; and bred up young gentlemen, his pupils, in popish and disloyal principles.

And many gentlemen in the north, that were Romanists, or that way disposed, sent their children and relations to him for their education; who sent them back strengthened more in popery. Sandys, the good archbishop of York, knew this, and sent an earnest letter this year to the lord treasurer, to inform him thereof; and to be a means to stop Legg from taking any more pupils, to prevent his infusing bad principles into them. The archbishop’s letter is.transcribed, and may be read in the former volume of the Annals.

A paper was sent up, as it seems, to the high chancellor of this university, giving an account of the numbers of the professors and students thereof; and what need there was of more encouragement for them, considering their numbers. It began at this year, 1581, and so to the year 1588: viz. “Anno 1581, Numbers of all the preachers in Cambridge. Their numbers amounted to 131. “Numbers of all the readers and auditors of every lecture in Cambridge amounted to 1862.”

The year uncertain, but not long after the former: “Students within the colleges of Cambridge, 1950. Graduates, 657. Preachers, almost all unprovided for, 122. Besides many which be ready to be employed. “Of these there be poor students, which be very godly and painful; and for lack of exhibition shall be forced to forsake their studies, 269. “May it please you to consider of their relief; and to give intelligence of your liberalities herein to Mr.Dean of Paul’s. By whom, with the assistance of some others, it shall be well bestowed.”

By which address it appears, that the foregoing account of the numbers of the learned men and scholars there, was sent up in order to encourage their studies; that the church might be furnished with able persons and men of learning; the want of which was the great complaint of these times. And for this purpose a liberal contribution was made among well disposed persons; and especially in the city of London; and the dean of Paul’s appointed the treasurer.

The former list ends at the year 1588. “Scholars, professors, and auditors in that university, then were in number 1671.”

Controversies between the university of Oxford and the townsmen, continued sharply from the year 1575 to this present year, (unless pacified for a while,) by the favourable countenance and determination of the lord treasurer, were composed; and particularly about every high sheriff of the county, to be obliged, in the entrance upon his office, to take an oath to uphold and defend the ancient statutes, privileges, and customs thereof.

For this his singular and seasonable favour, they, in the name of the university, sent him an epistle of great thanks, their long troubles with their neighbours being now at an end, by his means. Wherein they acknowledge his favour shewed them; particularly in two things, viz. in vindicating their ancient privileges, which had been a mightily opposed by the juries of the citizens; and that he ordered, that the sheriffs of Oxford, according as they were wont, and ought, should swear to the observation of their statutes, and to the defence and safeguard of them. Beginning their letter with the happiness of the other university in such a patron of them and their studies, as he was: Quam sit beata et felix respublica literaria (illustrissime domine) quod te virum prudentia ornatum singulari, et summa praeditum authoritate nacta sit patronum et defensorem, testis est non illa modo Cantabrigiensis academia, &c. That is, “How blessed and happy the commonwealth of learning “was in him, a person adorned with singular prudence, and “endued with chief authority, its patron and defender, the “university of Cambridge was witness; which happily en”joyed rest and quiet under his patronage,” &c. Among the expressions to set forth their thanks, they promise him, that they would never be overcome by his own Cambridge in loving and honouring him, and in all kind of duty, satisfying his honour in any thing, and at any time they might shew it. But I leave the whole copy of that university’s letter in the Appendix.

This letter was written in June; and not many months’ after, viz. in November, they address to him again, when a new sheriff was to enter upon his office; of whose backwardness to such an oath, to maintain their liberties, as above, they were jealous. They now sent him up a copy of their statute relating to the sheriff of Oxford; and prayed him to oblige the said sheriff, that there might be no delay or procrastination in the swearing him in that behalf. The letter was as followeth: Statutum est (honoratissime vir) ut vicecomes, ejusque vicem gerens,juramentum praestaret de observandis academiae nostrae privilegiis. Quoniamque jam tempus instat, quo senescenti veteri novus est successor sufficiendus, cujus de juramento anxii sumus, et soliciti; ab amplitudine tua supplices rogamus, ut subvenias huic nostrae solicitudini. Non erubescimus id a te per literas petere humillime, quod nobis omnium maximum sit, et maxime necessarium. Honori tuo nostra omnia commendatissima esse cupimus: tum nihil magis, quam ne tempus exigendi hujus sacramenti, aut omittotur, aut prorogetur. Omnis enim procrastinatio periculi plena. Hoc, quod feliciores maturioresque habeat successus; te, tuum honorem, tuam vitam, salutem, cogitationes, consilia, Divini Numinis majestati et bonitati, commendamus. Oxon. 14to. kalendas Decemb. anno salutis 1581.

Honoris tui studiosissima, Academia Oxon.

For the statute which the university sent up with the former letter, being their charter granted them 29 Edw. III. for the sheriff’s oath, I betake the reader to the Appendix, where the copy of it is reposited.

From the universities, I pass on to a passage or two which I meet with, falling in this year, concerning the instructors of youth in schools of lesser eminence. The favour shewn to schoolmasters in these times was remarkable, being commonly freed from taxes and ordinary payments, and had exemptions from personal services; commonly charged upon other subjects. Which Richard Mulcaster, an eminent schoolmaster in London, in his Elementary, (a book of his setting forth the next year,) called,”the munificence, and that extraordinary, of our princes and parliaments towards their whole order [of schoolmasters] in the country’s behalf.” But it seems, in a subsidy given the queen about this year, or the next, some that were assessors had cessed all schoolmasters, though it was not done before; or at least starting a question about it, upon some quarrel against some few of them: and so seeking the damage of all. Which Mulcaster styled, “scant charitable dealing the damages of a number, by quarrel to some few.” But upon this, the schoolmasters make an humble address to sir Walter Mildmay, chancellor of the exchequer, sir Roger Manwood, lord chief baron of the court of exchequer, Ro.Sute, John Clinch,.and John Sotherton, esqrs, barons of the exchequer; beseeching them, for the common benefit of a number of poor men, to favour them in this matter.

Whereupon it pleased them to take the cause to protection; and to construe the statute both as the parliament men did mean it, and as they had still enjoyed it, to the common benefit of their whole company. Upon which that writer concluded, “That this their great goodness to the favour of their order, as it deserved at their hands an honourable remembrance, so it bound them further to the common care, for the which they had been favoured.”

I come now to note a mark of the queen’s regard to colleges of learning and religion, by what happened to Winchester college. She had this year requested a favour of the warden of that college; which was, that they would grant her a long lease of the rectory of Downton, in their gift. With which she intended to gratify Mr.Wilks, clerk of her council, and one who by embassies and messages had well deserved of her. This the college could not tell how to deny the queen, though the fear of such like grants for the future did discourage them; only the queen had graciously promised them, that it should be no precedent, and that she intended now to make no such requests of them at any time hereafter. They humbly and readily granted her letter; but withal put her in mind of making good that promise, by some assurance from her. Their letter to her may deserve our reading. It is as followeth: “May it please your most excellent majesty, answering the request of your majesty’s letter, and our willing and most dutiful disposition and promise to accomplish the same. We, the warden, fellows, and scholars, clerks of this college, have sealed and confirmed the lease unto your highness for forty years, of the parsonage and rectory of Downton, in the county of Wilts. The rather, our duties with all humility considered, for that we are given to understand, that the said lease is by your majesty intended to be conferred on Mr. Wilks, one of the clerks of your majesty’s most honourable privy-council, in consideration of his service done unto your majesty and the realm. Which, with our said duties, we have herein specially considered: and do most humbly desire and beseech your most excellent majesty, that this our grant may, for the time to come, by your majesty’s princely affection towards the maintenance of learning, be a sutficient occasion to make a stay of the like suits to be hereafter tendered by any person of your highness. So as our hope conceived, and your majesty’s promise thereunto most graciously yielded, may by your highness’s special letters be effectually signified, to remain with us, as a particular act of your majesty’s most gracious good meaning: to discharge us of the hazard of the decay of our maintenance, the hurting of so worthy a foundation, and the burden of our consciences, being sworn to the preservation thereof, as far forth as the authority of our founder might extend; and our oath as dutiful subjects may be measured by your majesty, and the laws of your realm in that behalf provided. “And therefore, with the performance of our duties and profession, as is before mentioned, we do eftsones most humbly, and with all dutiful submission, very earnestly desire your most excellent majesty to have a gracious consideration of our present estate, and as a true mother of all virtuous and good learning, to yield unto a speedy defence against all other attempts, as may be, to the opening of so large a gap, as, by this our extraordinary grant unto your majesty, may hereafter, by your authority, be entered into: wherein hoping to find your majesty our gracious good lady, we beseech Almighty God to preserve you in health and happiness, long to reign over us, to the overthrow of your enemies, and the comfort of us all, your dutiful subjects. From your college near Winchester, this 13th of March.

Your majesty’s most humble and obedient subjects, the warden and fellows, and scholars, clerks of St. Mary’s college of Winchester.”

Lincoln’s Inn, another society of learned men of another science, had not yet a constant preacher fixed among them, as other of the inns of court had. And they were in this; or near this year, resolving upon some able preacher to officiate among them in that quality. Mr.Chark of Cambridge, late of Peter-house, was the man they inclined to. But he was a person disaffected to the habits of the clergy, and to the present government of the church by metropolitans, archbishops, bishops, &c. which he had openly preached against in St.Mary’s, Cambridge, some years before: and was now in the household of the duchess of Somerset; and esteemed for his good parts and eloquence. But first the society had moved Mr. Charderton, an eminent man of Cambridge, and Mr. Reynolds, another man of note in Oxford, to be their preacher; but they were not minded to leave their present places. But then Chark was next in their view. And in order to that they applied themselves to the bishop of London, for his approbation and allowance of him: which he refused not, as knowing his abilities. But withal, advising them to apply to the lords of the council for their allowance first, as not willing to admit him of his own sole authority: which accordingly they did, by using the interest of some person at court, that had been of their society, to procure some of the lords to approve of the said Chark to be their preacher. And accordingly wrote a letter to him for that purpose; which was to this tenor: “Where we have been a long time desirous to have a preacher in our house, like as in other houses of court; and having made offers to divers, as, to Mr.Charderton, Mr.Reynolds, and others, could not procure them thither, by reason they are not willing to leave the places and charges they are in already, and thereupon have at length chosen Mr.Chark, we have thought good to acquaint the bishop therewith, to the end we might have his lordship’s allowance therein; who, although for his own part he doth very well like of Mr.Chark for many good gifts in him, whereof also himself remembered some particulars, and gave him his very good commendations, yet he wished the lords to be made acquainted therewith. To the end that their good allowance and approbation might concur with his, for Mr.Chark’s better encouragement and countenance in that place. And forasmuch as we are desirous thereof ourselves, and consider that you are (as we do all account you) one of us, we have thought good to use your good means in procuring some letters from the lords and others, to such effect as may seem good to their lordships. Wherein we would have been ready to have given our own attendance, but that we have so good and ready means as you are, on whom we are bold to lay this burden for this time. And so fare you well. Your loving friends,” &c.

The person to whom this letter was written appears not; yet I verily believe it was either Vincent Skinner or Michael Hicks, both of that society of Lincoln’s Inn, and both secretaries to the lord treasurer Burghley at this time. And so had a greater opportunity of promoting the request of these gentlemen. Who had the success desired from the lords. As appears by their letter to the bishop of London, [bishop Elmer,] as follows. “After our hearty commendations. Where we are given to understand, that the bench of Lincoln’s Inn have made choice of late of Mr.Chark to be their preacher, as other houses of court have likewise done of others; and that your lordship, having been made acquainted therewith, (as in these causes we think is requisite,) have desired, notwithstanding your own good liking, to have some signification of ours also; we, considering the great hope of good to be done by such means in those places, and understanding the ability of Mr.Chark sufficient for that purpose, have thought good to join our good liking to yours, to the furtherance of so good a service, as we hope this will be, to God, and to her majesty. And so we bid your lordship right heartily farewell. Your loving friends,” &c.

This Chark was a puritan, and for the new discipline, and against the government of the church by bishops: of whom you may read more in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift. But perhaps his principles were moderated by this time, and better regulated.

CHAPTER 6.

Edward, earl of Oxford: displeased with the lady his wife. Whence occasioned. Her humble letter to him. Matters between him and the lord Burghley, her father. His three daughters, endowed with lands by lord Burghley. The earl’s debts. Motion made for espousing Anne Cecil and Philip Sidney in their childhoods.)

Elizabeth, the lord treasurer’s other daughter, married to the lord Wentworth’s son. Other motions of marriage for her. Lord Tho.

Paget and his wife part. A note of Manwood, lord chief justice.

Nudigate, steward to the duchess of Somerset, his death; and last will. The duchess, his executrix. A note concerning her. A woman steals: her horrible perjury. A woman deals in necromancy: drowns herself. NOW for a few more private and domestic matters, that fell out within this year.

The lord Burghley, lord treasurer of England, had, divers years before, [viz. 1571,] disposed in marriage his daughter Anne, a lady in the queen’s bed-chamber, to Edward earl of Oxford, that had been his ward. She was a very accomplished and learned lady. William Lewen,LL.D. was her instructor in learning. And when he had desired of the lord treasurer, her father, some certain place and employment, she also writ to him, her letter dated at Wivenhoe, a seat of the earl’s, in Lewen’s behalf; and prayed her father to recommend him to the queen, to translate into Latin, from our mother tongue, the works of bishop Jewel; and that he was very desirous to employ his pen therein: and this, that he might become known to her majesty. In Lewen’s letter to the lord treasurer, he styled her, Mea, mei studiosissima, hera, in respect of her kindness and good-will towards him: and in respect of her own ingenuity and virtue, he commended her in these words; Hera mea, et ingenii et naturae bonitas, a te quidem, ipso patre, hausta: i.e. My lady, the goodness of whose both wit and nature is from you, her father, derived.

Well, this for her character. Her father advancing her by her marriage to the title of countess; here was honour for her, yet little contentment. For he soon proved unkind to her, an excellent well deserving lady, and most dear to her father: the earl having taken some exceptions to the lord Burghley; as in not procuring him some place and other favours from the queen. So that in disgust he soon absented himself from her, and went abroad to travel. The main cause was, he was very extravagant, and had run out.

Endeavours were now made to make up matters, and beget a reconciliation between him and his lady; whom he now pretended some jealousy of, or some other crime, whereof she, a very virtuous woman, was altogether innocent. Which in how humble and obliging a manner she avowed the same, and how desirous of his return to her, her letter from her father’s house, whither she was now retired, will shew. Which ran in these words: “My lord, in what misery may I accuse myself to be, that neither can see any end thereof, nor yet any hope, how to diminish it? And now of late having some hope in my own conceit, that your lordship would have renewed some part of your favour that you began to shew me this summer, when you made me some assurance of your good meaning, though you seemed fearful how to shew it by open actions. Now after long silence of hearing any thing from you, at the length I am informed, (but how truly I know not, and yet how uncomfortably I do feel it,) that your lordship is entered into some misliking of me, without any cause in deed or thought. “And therefore, my good lord, I beseech you, in the name of that God that knows all my thoughts, and my love towards you, notwithstanding your evil usage of me, let me know the truth of your meaning towards me, upon what cause you are moved to continue me in this misery; and what you would have me do in my power, to recover your constant favour. So as your lordship may not be still led to detain me in calamity, without some probable cause; whereof I appeal to God I am utterly innocent. From my father’s house in Westminster, this 7th of December, 1581.”

To search a little into this earl’s displeasure and discontent with his innocent lady. By this time he had run out a great part of his estate, and was got deep into the queen’s debt; and consorted with such persons whom the queen had a jealousy of, as the family of the Howards, and others popishly affected. So that I find him now committed to his house.

But by his father-in-law the lord Burghley’s interest with the queen, she had promised him his liberty. We may guess at his restraint by the message she sent him by her secretary Walsingham, in these particular points. First, That she would have heard the matter again touching Henry Howard, [who was brother to the late duke of Norfolk, beheaded,] Southwell, and Arundel, [the duke’s son.] Uncertain I am what that matter was; whether a quarrel, or a lawsuit about lands. Secondly, That she understood, he meant to cut down all his woods, especially about his house: which she did not so well like of. As also, That he should sell so many lands elsewhere, as he had done a great many before. And lastly, That she had heard that he had been hardly used by some of his servants during the time of his commitment. Wherein she promised her aid so far as she could with justice, to redress the loss he had sustained thereby.

He had sold lands, among others, to the lord Darcy and sir William Walgrave; and being gotten into the queen’s debt, the lands that he had sold to them were in danger of being extended. And he had entered into bonds to such as had purchased lands of him, to discharge them of all incumbrances. And to those two gentlemen he had entered into statute of great sums for their discharge. But the earl was dilatory, and they had entreated him to discharge her majesty’s debt: and did seem willing at last to bear a burden thereof, if by his means the same might be stalled, and paid at some convenient days. For obtaining this, the earl desired the lord Burghley’s assistance; and that (as he wrote in his letter to him) “for the saving of his honour, and the securing his wife’s jointure.” And this he knew would go a great way with him, her tender father; and that the queen’s not yielding thereto might give a new occasion to the earl to fall out with his countess.

The lord Burghley, perceiving how the earl went on spending, partly mortgaging, and partly selling away his lands and demeans, and also had made sales and leases greatly disadvantageous to himself, sent for one Amyse, his servant, [perhaps his steward,] telling him, that he should take his opportunity to advise his lord to leave the whole management of.his estate to him, the said Amyse, or to some other faithful servant; and to resolve not to treat, or make any bargain with any hereafter himself. But at this, when the earl came acquainted with it, he was highly enraged. And thus expressed himself in the postscript of a letter he had sent to that lord for some considerable favour: “That he now understood the mean opinion he had of him, and the small good-will he bare him. And that though he were nearly allied unto him, yet he meant not to be his ward nor his child.

And that he was free, and scorned to be offered that injury, to think that he was so weak of go. vernment as to be ruled by servants, or not able to govern himself. And that his lordship would leave that course, as hurtful to them both; if he would have him make account of his [the lord Burghley’s] friendship. “As threatening to take another course, if his lordship took that: not thinking fit to take his counsel, that was the wisest counsellor in the nation. This happened in the year 1584.

His lady had three daughters by him; who (with their mother, the countess) lived with the lord Burghley, their grandfather. And who by his last will had left jewels among them, and conveyed lands to each of them; unless by default of issue. And then those lands were to return to his own heirs of his body. But upon the death of that lord, the earl began to stir, and claim to have his daughters, (his countess being now dead too,) probably to finger their estates left them. But this, sir Robert Cecil, the deceased lord Burghley’s son and heir, would not consent to; and was suspicious of the earl’s appointing some rude, violent persons to steal the young ladies from Tybald’s, the house where they were at the death of the lord Burghley, who, though not by his will, yet by word of mouth to Bellot, his steward, and one of his executors, did appoint these his grandchildren, daughters of the earl, to be taken care of, and kept by his son, sir Robert. And this he desired Bellot to tell the earl. And Mainard [who was his secretary] would witness it. So that if the earl should now demand of sir Robert the custody of his children, he ordered the said Bellot thus to answer the earl; That he, or any body besides, could not have them. For that if he looked into the deeds, whereby the lord Burghley had conveyed them these lands, he should find, that for default of issue, the said lands came to the heirs of his body: and whether he, that never gave them a groat, had a second wife, and another child, were a fit guardian to them, he bade him consider it himself. He advised also his said steward, that when he, the said sir Robert, should be at court, attending his office of secretary of state, to have a care these ladies were not stolen away by the earl’s means; and wished they had some honest men there, whilst Bellot was absent from them.

These ladies, by the care of their uncle, sir Robert Cecil, matched honourably; being all countesses by their marriages: viz. Elizabeth, matched with William, earl of Darby; Bridget, with Francis, lord Norris, earl of Barkshire; and Susan, with Philip, earl of Montgomery.

This was the man that “set his patrimony flying,” said the historian in the Life of Queen Elizabeth. Some of his sales may be seen in the Appendix, with the names of the purchasers. And his debts to the queen.

I add but one thing more concerning this lady, Anne, countess of Oxon.

That she and sir Philip Sidney, being both children, earnest motions were made by sir Henry Sidney, his father, and the earl of Leicester, his uncle, might be espoused. And sir William Cecil, her father, accorded upon articles with them upon the match: he to pay such a portion, and sir Henry to make such settlement. The only difference was, that sir Henry and the earl were for making the match firm and absolute between them, though yet but children. But sir William Cecyl, her loving father, could not be drawn to that; but thought it convenient, that both parties should like each other. “In the mean time,” as he told N.White, an intimate friend of his, “As I wish Philip Sidney full liberty, [that is, to make his own choice,] so surely Ann Cecyl shall have it also.”

This year another of the lord treasurer’s daughters, Elizabeth Cecil, was married to William, eldest son of Thomas, lord Wentworth, the last English governor of Calais. This match also unhappy, by the untimely death of her husband, who died within the year; a worthy and hopeful young gentleman.

While this lady was but in her childhood, the lord Burghley, her father, was not without applications of very honourable persons, to match their young sons with her. As appears by letters to him from the lord Buckhurst and the earl of Essex, and offers made him for their sons, in the year 1573. The former propounded his eldest son Robert, and to make his estate worth 2000l . per annum. And if at years of discretion his son liked not of her, he promised 2000 mark towards her portion, to be given within two years after such refusal. Devereux also, earl of Essex, made proffer of his son, lord Ferrers, the same year, to her father. And would assure them mark a year in land, besides the houses, demeans, and parks. And promised to allow his son 100l . or 200 marks by the year for his education, while he was young; and to settle a jointure of 500l. per annum upon his daughter.

And upon their marriage to part with a convenient portion for their maintenance during his own life. And at years of discretion, if the match should not go forward, to give to his daughter 2000l . towards her portion.

He promised likewise, for himself, his fast love and friendship towards his lordship: and adding, that there was an equality sufficient in their years, and no great distance in neighbourhood between Tybald’s and Bennington, [the former the lord Burghley’s seat, and the latter the earl’s, in Hertfordshire.] And that such an occasion might make him like well of his lands in Essex: and where, if God should send him life, he might hereafter shew all offices of friendship to the good countess; [viz. of Oxford; who was often in that county of Essex, where the earl her husband’s demeans lay.] All this the earl of Essex propounded by way of letter from Knockfergus in Ireland; professing to do this to express, the best way he could, his sense of that constant favour and love that that lord had shewn him. And therefore resolved to make the offer of the most sufficient pledge of his goodwill to him; namely, of the discretion, education, and marriage of his eldest son.

But none of these proposals of marriage took effect, the lady, as was said before, having the lord Wentworth’s son for her husband. The wedding was celebrated at Tybald’s with great pomp and abundance three days together, viz. February 26, 27, 28.

A domestic jar happened between the lord Thomas Paget and his wife. He was the son of that great and learned statesman, lord William Paget, employed in places of trust and honour by king Henry VIII. king Edward VI. and queen Mary; and who died at his house in Drayton, and was there honourably interred, in the year 1563. Of this noble lord, and of the use made of him for his great abilities, I have made divers memorials elsewhere. He had two sons, who succeeded their father in the barony, Henry, and this Thomas, unhappy in his wife. So that the differences between them, in fine, came to that point, that this year they were parting asunder, on certain conditions. Wherein this lord obtained the favour of the lord treasurer to be concerned, as a mediator, and at both their desires, the decision left chiefly to him: which that lord expressed in his letter to him, viz. “That he humbly thanked his lordship for the desire he had to be a mediator in his unfortunate case, and which it pleased God it might be better. But that in the mean while this course which they had agreed upon was a less ill than a worse, viz. in living together with continual jars. These articlings (he added) needed not; but that it pleased her to use it for a delay. For if she could tell (said he) what would please herself, this business were soon at an end. And that every day she came in with one new demand or other, and resolved upon nothing. Yet would he ever be ready to do what he should.”

The day before, he received the lord treasurer’s letter, with the articles. To which he returned his answers enclosed: concluding, how sorry he was thus to trouble his lordship. This was dated from London, March 21, 1581.

I set down this note of this lord, being the son of so eminent a person. I add concerning him, that, whether it were out of discontent, or zeal to popery, he fled three or four years after into France, with Charles Arundel, and some others, devoted to the Romish religion, upon one Throgmorton’s commitment about the Scots queen.

I meet this year with a remark upon another person of rank, viz. sir Roger Manwood, lord chief baron: whether the matter were justly charged upon him, I leave to the letter of a gentleman, one Barry, sent to the said lord chief baron from Dover castle: as making use of the queen’s name and authority to get certain lands and possessions into his own hands from the right owners, and some of them minors: for this original and somewhat sharp letter from the said person, I find wrote to him, viz. “My humble duty unto your lordship remembered. Where your lordship hath, by many indirect means, sought to have the tenants lands in Sandhills, and Marshal lands in Sholden and Deal: and now of late, to bring your purpose to pass, you have sent an injunction, to enjoin some of the tenants out of possession, and to bring the same to your hands, or your assignees, by colour of a pretended right of the queen’s majesty to these lands; some part of these lands do concern me in the right of my daughter and her children. The which I am not to depart from, without making her majesty privy to your indirect dealings. At whose hands, he added, that he, doubted not but to find both favour and justice. That it seemed by some speeches his lordship gave out of late, that he might do what he would, not to be undone by any subject in this land. Whereby his lordship made him to call to mind a speech he heard him once utter: which was, that in the Common Place there was all law and no conscience. In the King’s Bench both law and conscience. In the Chancery, all conscience and no law. And in the Chequer, neither law nor conscience. Your lordship (as he concluded) being now judge of that court, I trust there is both law and conscience; or at the least, law. For that you were once one of the justices of the Common Place. “Thus hoping your lordship will not be offended for seeming to maintain my right, and theirs that cannot help themselves, being in minority; ceasing from troubling your lordship; praying to God to turn your heart, or sending you shortly into Abraham’s bosom: to which I think 500 in Kent would rejoice. Amen.

Your lordship’s to command, From Dover Castle, the 6th of Aug. Barry.” This year died Francis Nudigate, esq. that was steward to Anne, duchess of Somerset, widow of Edward, duke of Somerset: who, getting a considerable estate under her, gratefully made her his executrix, and left the main of his substance, or indeed all to her, giving away but few or no legacies; and recommending it to her charity to be liberal to the poor, where need was, and to one or two of her servants, unrewarded as yet.

And because in his will several directions were given her concerning the disposal of something by way of charity, which may deserve a remark, and may leave a grateful and good character of him, I shall rehearse some part of it. It began, “Our help is in God and in his holy name. Into whose hands, by this my last will and testament, I first commend my soul to be saved only by faith in Christ’s bloodshedding. My body to be buried in Hanworth, or elsewhere, as shall please her grace, at her good pleasure. Desiring, and therewithal charging her grace, that it be done without any of those pompous mournings and charges of blacks, as is wonted usually. Chiefly, my mind is, that the poor and prison houses may be somewhat liberally remembered, on her grace’s behalf and mine: and referring the sums to her grace’s good devotion. And according as I have received all my preferment by the duchess’s marriage, so do I, in few words, will and bequeath unto her all that I am able any way to give her. That is to say, all my goods and leases, chattels, plate, jewels, cattle, both horses, mares, geldings, oxen, kine, sheep, corn, housed or sown. And also other household stuff, stock, and stores, &c. Together with all such debts as are at this present, or shall any time hereafter, be due unto me from any person, by bond, covenant, or otherwise. And also to give and bequeath unto my said duchess all, and all manner of lands, both freehold and copyhold, which I have in England, as well that which is not set down herein, but nevertheless that which also follows particularly by name, my house at Canonrow, purchased of the lord Hounsdon, in the city of Westminster, &c. the manor of Littleton, in the county of Middlesex; the manor of Little Ashield, in Surrey, otherwise called Priory Farm, &c. All which I give wholly and fully to my said duchess. Nevertheless my desire is, that her grace will be good to her old servants on my behalf; especially Dickenson, and her clerk Saunders; who have had small preferment for long service. “And unto Saunders my full promise is, to let him have 20 nobles a year, till I provide him a farm for his life and his wife’s; or for years. Which, if God send me life, as I mean to perform, so my will is your grace to accomplish the same. And my further desire is, that her grace do see my niece Besse Saunders brought up and bestowed. “And that your grace bestow some rings, as remembrance, &c. “And thus committing all things to my said duchess; whom I make my full and sole executrix of this my last will and testament. Dated at Hanworth, the last of May, 1580.”

There was also taken by a notary his consent for the gift of Great Ashford, his last purchase, in these words, 26th of Jan. 1581. Mr. Francis Nudigate was content, and did give his lands and tenements he lately purchased unto the right honourable the duchess of Somerset, and unto her heirs for ever.

To this, among other witnesses’ names subscribed, were her two sons, E.

Hertford and H. Seymour.

Upon the foresaid desire and will of the said testator, in behalf of Dickenson and Saunders, (who married his sister,) I cannot but observe the neglect (shall I say?)or ingratitude of the duchess, too visible in her last will, made some few years after, viz. 1587: who gave therein to these two persons, so specially mentioned and recommended to her, thus sparingly, as followeth: “I give to my servant, William Dickenson, 10l . of lawful English money, to be paid him for an annuity, or pension, of my executor, yearly during his life. Item, I give to Richard Saunders, my servant, 5l. of like lawful English money, to be paid him for a yearly pension during life.”

The desperate temptation of money, how it draws peopled into horrible wickedness sometimes, and particularly perjury, appears in a matter happening this year in January. A French merchant, in a bag sealed, delivered 40l . to a carrier’s wife of Norwich, to be carried thither, to some certain correspondent of his. But she secretly conveyed the money to an house a good way off the inn: and within a quarter of an hour the French merchant came again to see his money packed up. But the woman denied that she ever received one penny, with most horrible protestations. Upon this, secretary Walsingham (who was made acquainted with it) wrote to Fleetwood, recorder of London, (from whose letter I have this relation,) and the Frenchman. And after great search made, the money was found and restored, she not knowing of the same. The recorder examined her in his study privately. But by no means would she confess the same: but did bequeath herself to the Devil, both body and soul, if she had the money, or ever saw it. And this was her craft, that she then [when she said so] had not the money: for it was either at her friend’s, where she left it, or else delivered. Then he asked her, whether the French merchant did not bring her a bag sealed, full of the metal that was weighty; were it either plate, coin, counters, or such like: then said she, I will answer no further. And then the recorder, using the lord mayor’s advice, bestowed her in Bridewell; where she was punished, being well whipped. It was observable what she said then, that the Devil stood at her elbow in the recorder’s study, and willed her to deny it. But so soon as she was upon the cross to be punished, he gave her over.

The same recorder, Fleetwood, about this time, acquainted secretary Walsingham, in a letter to him, of another strange accident; of a woman, named Mrs.Norton, that had drowned herself. She was mother-in-law to one Thomas Norton, a person of some reputation in London; whose father was then aged, and sick in bed. In her youth she was bred up in sir Thomas More’s family: in which place she learned idolatrous toys, (I transcribe from the recorder’s letter,) and usages in the night; so as thereby she was led by evil spirits sometimes to hang herself; and sometimes to drown herself, as she did at last. Some part of her lewd demeanour was in the exercise of necromancy: that is to say, in conferences and speeches had (as she thought) with dead bodies, being of her old acquaintance. The recorder writ this accident the rather to the said secretary, because she had left behind her divers children, brothers to the said Thomas Norton, which were shrewdly given. And that if the old man should then die, it was to be feared all his goods would come to a spoil. And therefore he proposed, that if Mr.Peter Osborn [who was a worthy citizen and remembrancer of the exchequer] had a commandment, he could devise some good order (as he, the recorder, thought) for the saving of things that might be lost. And he prayed his honour to make the lord treasurer [who was master of the wards] acquainted with the unfortunate case. Such was the care of this good recorder, of the children of the city.

CHAPTER 7.

Books set forth this year. English Justice, by cardinal Allen. A Discovery of Campion, the Jesuit, by A. Monday. The English Roman Life. Answer Apologetical, by Dr. Haddon and J. Fox, to Osorius’s Invective. The unfolding of sundry Untruths, &c. in answer to a book writ by a libertine. Castalio’s book of Free-Will, complained of. A View of Antichrist in our English Church unreformed. Exposition of the Symbol of the Apostles, by J. Field.

Two sermons of T. Bradford, the martyr. Examination of certain ordinary complaints. Positions for Education of Children in Learning, by R. Mulcaster. a Discourse of Royal Monarchy, by Charles Merbury. The Pathway to Martial Discipline. Another, called, a compendious Treatise de re militari; dedicated to Mr. Philip Sydney a brief Conceipt of English Policy. Eirenarcha, of the office of justices of peace, by Mr. W. Lambard. The Pentateuch in six Languages: sent from Beza.

IN this year, I find these books printed; set forth by persons of divers principles, the authors. English Justice: a book set forth by cardinal Allen, of the sufferings, deprivations, and banishments of the catholic clergy and laity, under queen Elizabeth, chiefly upon her access to the crown, in these words: “We yield unto the libeller (as he styled him that gave occasion to his writing that his English Justice) fourteen noble and most worthy bishops at one time, [who were deprived,] inferior in virtue and learning to none in Europe; who were all deprived of their honours and high callings: and most of them imprisoned, and spitefully used in all respects: beside the famous confessor, archbishop of Armachar, primate of Ireland, and a number of bishops of that country. Next, we yield you in banishment two worthy English prelates of the same dignity: the one [viz. Pate] dead, the other [viz. Goldwel] yet alive in Rome: three elects, bishops, all now departed this life. We name the honourable abbot of Westminster, [Feckenham,] four priors, or superiors of religious covents, with three whole covents, put out of their possessions, either into prison, or out of the realm. In the same case were a dozen of famous, learned deans, which, next to the bishops, do hold the chief dignities in the English cathedral churches; fourteen archdeacons; above threescore canons of cathedral churches; not so few as an hundred priests of good preferment in queen Mary’s reign, besides many one made in our banishment, and since martyred; fifteen heads or rectors of colleges in Oxford and Cambridge, men of great importance in those universities and in the commonwealth; and with them, and the rather by their good example and provocation, not many years after, many of the chief professors of all sciences; and above twenty doctors of divers faculties, for conscience sake fled the realm, or were in the realm imprisoned. And both at the first, and in divers years since, have many of the very flower of the universities come over, both into the society, [of Jesus,] seminaries, and other places famous for learning; where, through God’s goodness, and the great benignity of prelates, princes, and catholic people, they have passed their long banishment in honest poverty, and some in worshipful callings and rooms in universities, with as much grace and favour as to foreigners could be yielded; in no place, thanks be to our Lord God, impeached of crimes or disorders. Whereof we can shew the honourable testimony of the best, where we have lived in all nations.”

This was in answer to what the libeller (as he styled him) wrote, viz. “That very few were fled for religion, other than such as were not able to live at home but in beggary, or discontinued for lack of preferment, which they gaped for unworthily in universities and other places, or bankrupt merchants,” &c.

And then this writer shewing the difference between those that left them and those that came over to them, both in respect of number and quality, thus he boasts: “So earnestly they woo every poor apostata, lewd scholar, and loose companion, that for weariness of banishment, loose life, or impatience, looketh homeward toward heresy, or carnal liberty, or licence again, &c. While we, in the mean space, receive hundreds of their ministers, a number of their best wits, many delicate young gentlemen, and divers heirs of all ages, voluntarily flying from their damnable condition, and seeking after God: and many of them also becoming priests or religious.” This is the strain of the foresaid book: and as far as the writer is to be depended on, we may learn how the state of the kingdom stood as to popery, and particularly the industry of these English learned papists abroad to make proselytes. But this book was substantially answered a year or two after, viz. 1583, in a book called The Answer to English Justice.

The Discovery of Campion, the Jesuit: a book that came out about this time; writ by A. Monday, a man the better able to discover what Campion was, and his courses, himself having sometimes lived in the seminary at Rome, the pope’s scholar there; and afterwards came home, and fell off from them. His book he presented to Bromley, lord chancellor, to lord Burghley, lord treasurer, and to the earl of Leicester. This writer made a further discovery of the English at Rome, in another book which he printed some years after, and dedicated it to the same noble persons. It was called The English Roman Life. “Discovering the lives of such Englishmen as by secret escape left their own country to live in Rome, under the servile yoke of the pope’s government. Also after what manner they spend their time there: practising and daily looking for the overthrow and “ruin of their princess and country.” And further account may be given of this book hereafter, in the course of the history.

This year also came forth an Answer Apologetical against Jerome Osorius, a Portuguese bishop of Sylvain, being a pretty thick quarto, translated out of Latin into English, by James Bell, and dedicated to the lord Arundel.

That which gave occasion to this book was this. This Portugal bishop had writ a long epistle in Latin to the queen; in which he fancied many monstrous errors to be received in our church; and with reproachful railings depraved the professors of that gospel. This somewhat provoked Walter Haddon, a learned civilian; insomuch that he gave answer to several particular points in his book: which he did in a very elegant Latin style; thinking that what he had writ might have better informed and satisfied the man. Of this I have given some account in my Annals. After a year or two, Haddon was appointed the queen’s agent in Flanders, and was leger at Bruges. At which time another Portugal bishop, called Emanuel d’Almada, undertook the defence of his friend Osorius; and stuffed a great volume full of slanders and brabbles: and in the end of his book caused certain ugly pictures to be pourtrayed, thereby to defame Haddon’s personage; one of their ways of answering an author by personal abuses. In this Apology, (for so he called it,) Haddon seeing how it was filled with scoffs and absurdities, (which two things being taken away, there remained nothing else beside,) after some deliberation with himself, he despised the answering of it.

Two years being past, Tho.Wilson, LL.D. (and Haddon’s friend,) returning from Portugal to England, brought over, at Osorius’s request, several volumes of the said Osorius, framed into three books. One of them he delivered unto Haddon. He perused it once or twice, (as he tells us in his epistle,) and trusted that Osorius, being now installed a bishop, would have been a much more modest man than he was before; but found that it fell out quite contrary. For instead of a civil and sober person, he found him a most frivolous sophister; for a grave divine, a childish counterfeit; and for a discreet bishop, a most shameless railer: and that hereunto was added store of vanity and proud haughtiness. He concludes his epistle with these words: “That he trusted it should easily appear, both that he had not less piously than necessarily entered into the honest defence of his country: and that the reader also might as plainly perceive, how maliciously and wickedly England had been accused and depraved by her cursed enemy, Osorius.”

And as Haddons epistle, so his answer, ran in a pretty sharp style against his adversary; whose way of writing gave just cause of provocation, which may be seen in one passage of his Invective: “If after this doctrine of this new gospel and new religion was brought into England, there were brought therewithal also honesty, integrity of life,” &c. Then, a little after: “But if none were reformed by the study of this new doctrine; but rather, if ever sithence all rashness, unshamefastness, and lechery have been embraced in all places: if intolerable pride and arrogancy have now taken surer footing than before: if seditions, uproars, and rebellions have been more easily raised: if treason have more boldly attempted the royal majesty, and have more freely pursued the blood of princes,” &c Dr. Haddon died before he had finished his answer. The remainder of Osorius’s book (which was the greater part) was undertaken by John Fox, the martyrologist; who had an excellent Latin style, as Haddon’s was, and withal was a very learned divine, and was thoroughly acquainted with the history of this church, and particularly the steps of the reformation: and so able to write in vindication of it. This book, wrote by these two Englishmen, contained a very learned vindication of protestants, and a confutation of the doctrine and practices of the church of Rome; and was managed with a brisk style against that bishop, whose book was all invective.

Fox began his answer with some notice of Haddon, deceased. “That so long as the nation had that excellent learned man, as the church of Christ had a very worthy and valiant captain; so had Osorius a courageous and puissant encounterer, and meet conqueror of such a monster, &c. And that there was much cause to move them and all the learned to much sorrow and grief of mind; who had lost so great and learned a ringleader of learning: the loss of whom did by so much the more increase their heaviness, in respect of that present enterprise, undertaken against Osorius, by how much they were bereft of so singular a patron.”

He took notice of Osorius’s plenty of lies and slanders: and particularly of two notorious lies concerning Luther; as though he wickedly taught extreme desperation, and a bold and presumptuous confidence of salvation.

Other of his insufferable calumniations taken notice of by Fox were these: that where Haddon had named the sacred doctrine of the gospel to have been the discipline of Luther, Zuinglius, Bucer, Calvin, &c. he replied, “That those men had not only, with the rules of their doctrine, but also with the ill example of their lives, rooted out all shamefastness, modesty, civility, and obedience: and instead of faith and freedom, they had bestowed upon their families presumption and rashness, together with unpunishable licentiousness of sinning. That they had, instead of true righteousness, brought in a false and deceitful righteousness. That they had made God the author of all wickedness. The decayed church, which they pronounced to restore to her ancient integrity, they had defiled with more abominations.

So that by how much the more a man did decline to their discipline, so much the more he was estranged from all shame and chastity.”

And again: “A man might descry the nature of this doctrine by the very foundation of this church” [of England.] Which he proved thus. “ Because Venus and Cupid were the founders of it; breach of laws, and contempt of the pope, increased it: flattery and lying had supported it: greedy covetousness had established it: cruelty against the saints had sanctifled it: timorous fear of men had straitened it.

Finally, a doctrine of men, not sent by God, but stirred up by Satan, had, with most troublesome error, poisoned it.” By this period the strain of the man was visible. And to have the reformed church of England thus represented to the world in a Latin book, was not to be borne without effectual vindication, and some sharpness too; which between Haddon and Fox was done well: and the translation into English was set forth this year.

Fox endeth all with a very pious wish of unity and agreement among all Christians, and in a holy life suitable to their profession: “Most heartily wishing to all the elect saints of God, whosoever profess his name and wear the badge of Christianity, that, departing from iniquity, and gathering all together in one uniform agreement of sincere doctrine, by the enlightening and inspiration of the Holy Ghost, we may be altogether received into that heavenly Jerusalem, and into that kingdom of immortal glory and eternal felicity, which shall never have end: not for the works of righteousness which we have done, but for the love of our Lord and Saviour Jesu Christ; who suffered for our sins, and rose again for our justification.”

There was in these times a certain libertine in London, that had vented divers odd opinions, that headed, as it seems, that sect. A little book, in twelves, in answer to him and his doctrines, was set forth this year by one T.W. entitled, The unfolding of sundry untruths and absurd propositions, lately propounded by one J.S. a great favourer of the horrible heresy of the libertines. This book was printed at London by Thomas Mayne, whence we are told, that the said J. S. Feb. 26, 1580, uttered these speeches, [I suppose in some preachment,] which the said T.W. answered distinctly. I. That the first table of the law taught us our duty towards Christ’s godhead. And the second table our duty towards his manhood, &c. They are to be found before, chap. iv. p. 68, 64. The free-will men (as they called them) at this time gave some disturbance by their doctrine. And now they had procured Castalio’s books to be printed here, or brought over hither. Sir Francis Knollis, treasurer of the queen’s household, a zealous man against this doctrine, and thought it highly convenient to have the book searched for, and the reading of it hindered; and that because, as he said, the anabaptists, and such as were for perfection in this life, went along with them. This moved him to write a letter to the lord treasurer and the earl of Leicester, to this tenor: “My very good lords, your ableness and readiness to do good in these perilous days of traitorous practices, both against God and against her majesty, doth embolden me to presume to remember your good lordships, that by your good means order may be taken that the true authors and favourers of the setting forth of Castalio’s book, with the abuses of the bishop of London in that behalf, may be diligently examined, and bolted out. That the hypocrisy herein used being known, the pestilent doctrine thereof may be the more soundly suppressed. For it seemeth to me that these free-will men, or anabaptistical sectaries, do follow the same scopes that the deified men of the family of love do follow; saving, that the same perfection that the family of love do pretend to obtain by virtue of love, the same perfection do Castalio his sectaries pretend to obtain by the virtue of faith. But it is not by faith in believing to be saved in the merits of Christ, but by a faith in believing that every man is able to fulfil the law of God: and that the cause why men do not fulfil the law, is the want of this Castalio his belief. Now both these sects do serve the turns of the papists; as all free-will men and justiciaries, or justifiers of themselves, do. Yet this difference is betwixt the papists and these sectaries, I do mean touching their practices here in England. For these sectaries are more hypocritical, and will sooner deny their doctrines and assertions, to avoid punishment, than the papists will.” This was writ in September 29, 1581, at London. A view of Antichrist; his laws and ceremonies in our English church unreformed; was another puritanical book that came forth about this year.

The beginning of this book shews the purpose of it: viz. “A clear glass, where may be seen the dangerous and desperate diseases of our English church: being ready utterly to perish, unless she may speedily have a corrosive of the wholesome herbs of God his word laid very hot to her heart; to expulse those cold and deadly infections of popery, which the attainted apothecaries of Antichrist have corrupted her withal: else long she cannot endure.

And which more increaseth her griefs, having relief daily offered unto her by her skilful physicians, that would administer the same, is denied thereof: and they also resisted and hated, because they will not mingle their putrified drugs with the said pure confection: which to do were present death.”

The substance of this book is digested under divers tables. First, the book of the generation of Antichrist, the pope, the revealed child of perdition, and his successors. This began thus: “The Devil begot darkness, Eph. vi. Darkness begot ignorance, Acts xvii. Ignorance begot error and his brethren,1 Tim. iv. Error begot free-will and self-love, Esa. x. Free-will begot merits, Esa. lviii.” &c. The second table, of the displaying of the pope and popery in our unreformed church of England. The third table, containing an hundred points of popery remaining: which deform the English reformation. At the end of this third table is subscribed, A Gilbe: who I suppose therefore was the writer. The fourth table is, of the bringing in of divers of the popish corruptions yet remaining in our English church.

The beginning is,” The conjured font brought into the Roman church by pope Pius I. ann. 147, as witnesseth Platina and Sabellicus,” &c. At the end of this table, or chapter, is subscribed T.W. which I suppose was Tho.

Wilcox; a great man for the new platform.

There came out also this year, An Exposition of the Symbol of the Apostles; or rather, of the articles of faith. In which the chief points of the everlasting and free covenant between God and the faithful is briefly and plainly handled: gathered out of the catechising sermons of Gaspar Olevian, professor of divinity at Hydelberg: and translated out of Latin into English, by John Field, who prefaced it with a long epistle dedicatory, concerning the busy Jesuits, unto his patron, the right honourable Ambrose, earl of Warwick, master of the queen’s majesty’s ordnance, and knight of the noble order of the garter.

Now were printed two sermons preached by John Bradford, the martyr in queen Mary’s days. The one of Repentance, the other of the Lord’s Supper. The epistle to the reader was written by Tho. Sampson. That of Repentance was printed before by Bradford himself: that of the Lord’s Supper never printed before. Now both these were set forth with a long preface of the said Sampson; who was a man of learning and note under queen Mary, and an exile for religion. It may be worth setting down this preface from so eminent a man, and one that knew Bradford, and so was able to give some account of that holy man; and which Mr. Fox is silent of in his life and martyrdom. He tells us, that he knew him familiarly: and adds, that he must give God that praise for him, that among men he scarcely knew one like him. And that as he knew him, so he knew how it pleased God, by effectual calling, to turn his heart unto the true knowledge of the gospel. But I will rather leave the rest of these remarkable memorials of this heavenly confessor and martyr, transcribed in the Appendix. A compendious and brief examination of certain ordinary complaints of divers our countrymen in these our days. “Which although they be in some unjust and frivolous, yet are they all, by way of dialogue, thoroughly debated and discussed.” Imprinted 1581. A book in octavo, written by W.S. gent. which he dedicated, in an epistle, To the virtuous and learned lady, queen Elizabeth. In which epistle he thus writes: “That being enforced by her majesty’s late singular clemency, in pardoning certain his undutiful misdemeanours, he sought to acknowledge her gracious goodness and bounty towards him, by exhibiting to her this small and simple present. Wherein he had endeavoured to answer certain quarrels and objections, daily and ordinarily occurrent in the talk of sundry men, &c.

Alleging such probabilities as he could, to stop the mouths of certain evil affected persons. Which in their curiosity required further satisfaction in these matters than could well stand with good modesty.”

It is a dialogue between a knight and a merchantman, a doctor, a husbandman, and a craftsman: and consisteth of divers complaints. As the complaint of the husbandman, by reason of enclosures. Complaint of dearth of victuals, by artificers. Complaint of the decay of towns, by merchantmen. Complaint of craftsmen against gentlemen, for taking of farms. The gentleman complains, that he cannot keep countenance as he was wont to do. The doctor’s complaint was, for want of men of his art.

And another complaint was against learned men. And here the author enters into discourse in behalf of learning: whether a commonwealth may be well governed without learning. That the learned have always had the sovereignty over the unlearned. Whether a man may be wise without learning. That learning supplies the lack of experience. That experience is the father of wisdom. The wonderful gifts that we have by learning. That there is no faculty but is made more consummate by learning. That knowledge in moral philosophy is most necessary for a counsellor. What makes learned men to be so few?

In short, this author laid down his design in the first page of his discourse, viz. What things men are most grieved with. Then, what should be the occasion of the same. And that known, how such griefs may be taken away, and the state of the commonweal reformed again.

Now came forth also an excellent book for the education of youth, set forth by Richard Mulcaster, master of the school erected anno 1561, in the parish of St. Lawrence Pountney, by the worshipful company of Merchant Taylors in London. The book was called Positions. Wherein those positive circumstances be examined, which are necessary for the training up of children,for skill in books or health in their bodies. In his epistle, which is writ to queen Elizabeth, he gives the reason why he calleth his book Positions: “ Because intending to go on further for the advancement of learning, he thought it good at the first to put down certain grounds very needful for his purpose. For that they be the common circumstances that belong to teaching, and are to be resolved on ere we begin to teach. The end, he saith, of his whole labour (thus bespeaking her majesty) was to help to bring the general teaching in her majesty’s dominions to some good and profitable uniformity: which then, in the midst of great variety, did either hinder much or profit little; or at the least nothing so much as it were like to do, if it were reduced to one certain form. This he recommended to the queen; which would bring great honour to her majesty’s person, and profit to the whole realm. That as king Henry, her father, vouchsafed to bring all grammar into one form, the multitude whereof being some impediment to school learning in his time, and thereby purchased himself great honour, and procured his subjects a marvellous ease: so he exhorted her majesty, by that royal example, to further that book [the grammar] to a refining, but also the reducing of all other school-books to some better choice; and all manner of teaching to some readier form. Can so great a good but sound to your majesty’s most endless renown?” as he concluded.

The next year we shall hear of another book of his concerning education, published, called The Elementary; wherein we may see more of this argument.

Now also was printed a book, called, A discourse of royal monarchy; writ by Charles Merbury, gent. I take notice of it as well for the author as the subject of it. He was a traveller, scholar, and courtier, and much esteemed by the gentry of the nation: and whose book was, by the bishop of London’s desire, perused by Thomas Norton, one of the city counsel, and their solicitor; whole allowance and approbation is given to it. In this book is shewn the opinion of monarchy in queen Elizabeth’s time. Thus he writeth: “Whereas he [i.e. the prince that governeth this kingdom] is not to receive his power from any, so is he neither to be subject unto any higher power, either at home or abroad. Though some did maintain, that a prince is subject unto the states and peers of the realm, as the kings of Lacedaemon were to the ephori: an opinion (if it were not well tempered and conveniently limited) most prejudicial unto the state of a monarchy; perverting and converting the same into a mere aristocracy. Much less is he subject in any thing unto the multitude of the common people: who, as they have more authority, are for the most part most insolent, and more disposed unto rebellion. Wherefore, in all well ordained kingdoms, these have no other than a voice supplicative. “But some will ask, if this great monarch of ours shall not be subject unto the laws, customs, and privileges of the country where he governs; unto the oath which he taketh at the entrance; unto such covenants and promises as he maketh unto his people? Unto whom we answer, That our prince is subject unto laws both civil and common, to customs, privileges, covenants, and all kind of promises; so far forth as they are agreeable to the law of God.

Otherwise we think that he is not bound to observe them. Wherein we neither diminish the liberty of the subject, supposing all laws to be good, or ought to be good: neither do we enlarge too much the power of the prince, as to make him lawless, subject neither to God’s law nor man’s law. As some flatterers persuade the pope and emperor that they are above all laws, and may use the bodies and lives of their subjects at their lust and pleasure; taking from them their lands, goods, and liberties, without right or reason. A thing expressly contrary to the word of God, (Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s house, &c.) And a doctrine most pernicious unto princes: who, puffed up with such opinions, should take their course unto a tyrannical kind of puissance, making their covetousness confiscation, their love adultery, their hatred murder.

And as the lightning goeth before the thunder, so they, depraved with such corrupted counsellors, should make the accusation to go before the fault, and the condemnation before the trial.”

This Merbury was a very accomplished gentleman, bred up under Dr.Humfrey at Oxford, who was his tutor, in the studies of humanity.

Afterwards, at court, a servant to the lord chamberlain, [earl of Sussex.] He and his father dependents on the duchess of Suffolk and the duke of Suffolk: and had a revenue and pension from them.

A book of martial discipline now also came forth in quarto, entitled, The path to martial discipline; the author, Thomas Styward. Who, (as he wrote in his epistle,) as in nature he delighted in martial studies, so by practice had achieved some experience therein. And indeed it was needful now for the English people to understand war; having so spiteful, threatening, and withal powerful adversary, as Philip king of Spain. And this the author makes the reason of his publishing a book of this argument, viz. to teach the English arms, in order to defend their native country and liberties. “That whereas, by the prudent government of our most blessed and virtuous princess, we have the happy quiet that no realm ever tasted of, the which he beseeched the living God long to continue; yet weighing the condition of the world, it was a thing impossible for any realm or dominion always to live in peace, without the use of the sword: wishing with his heart, that the subversion of divers states, through idleness, and contempt of these warlike orders, might be so imprinted in our hearts, as we might with most willing minds prosecute the ancient order of the Romans: the which in peace were not sluggards, or delighted in idle and wanton pastimes; but in every city and town the noble senators and captains appointed such as had experience, that at certain times of the year they should not only train them that were ignorant, but used such warlike games, as to the furthering of those affairs was thought most meet. This martial discipline was now judged very necessary.”

The same year I find another book of the art of war was writ, and printed in quarto, entitled, A compendious treatise de re militari. Concerning principal orders to be observed in martial affairs. Written in the Spanish tongue by that worthy captain Luis Gutierres de la Vega; and newly translated into English by Nich. Litchfield. This he 1 dedicated to the worshipful Mr. Philip Sydney. And the reason of it he added; “Because he found none more forward to further and favour martial knowledge; being of himself most ready and adventurous in all exercises of feats of war and chivalry. And therefore he presumed to dedicate the tract unto him. Dated from London, Dec. 9, 1581” And he added this remark of it; That it was lately found: in a fort in Ireland, where the Italians and Spaniards had fortified themselves. Which by fortune came into his hands by a soldier of good experience, who lately served there. Which after this gentleman, the translator, had perused, and taken the advice of some better in understanding than himself in those affairs, (which very much liked and allowed the work,) he was greatly boldened and encouraged to enterprise the translation thereof; partly, because these principal orders were always to be observed in warlike government; and chiefly, because in our English tongue he found not the like extant, for the necessary instruction and general commodity of our common soldiers.

And how undisciplined and raw in matters of war our English now were, and what just apprehensions of danger arising hence from foreign arms, Styward, the author of the former book, shewed in an elegant copy of verses set before it: suggesting how very suspicious their present condition was, and exciting them to take warning by other neighbouring countries that were fallen under miseries and calamities from such as by superior force invaded them. These verses began; As wisdom wills us to regard what plagues in time do hap On such as seek for to be rockt always in pleasure’s lap, &c.

But I choose rather to lay this piece of old English poetry in the Appendix, which will both entertain and instruct.

Another political book came forth this year upon occasion of the dearth of victuals, and the high prices of all other things; which now were become much dearer than ever before: which caused murmurings and discontents among the people. The author undertook to look into the reasons thereof, in order to pacify and quiet the queen’s subjects. The book was called, A compendious or brief examination of certain ordinary complaints of divers our countrymen in these our days, &c. By W.S. gent. The running title was, A briefconceipt of English policy. It is writ by way of dialogue, between a knight, a merchant, a doctor, a capper, [or a tradesman,] and an husbandman. Where thus one of them is brought in speaking: “Such poverty reigneth every where, as few men have so much to spare, as they may give any thing to the reparation of ways, bridges, &c. And albeit there be many things laid down now, which before time were occasion of much expenses, as maygames, wakes, revels, wagers at shooting, wrestling, running, and throwing the stone or bar; and besides, the pardons, pilgrimages, offerings, and many such other things: yet I perceive we be never the wealthier, or rather poorer, &c. That there was such a general dearth of all things, as before twenty or thirty years had not been, not only of things growing within the realm, but also of all other merchandise, &c.”

The author, some learned man, dedicated this his book to the queen; because those popular quarrels and objections reached unto her majesty in daily and ordinary, occurrents. That upon his zeal and good meaning towards her estate, he was earnestly moved to undertake this enterprise.

In this year, Mr.W.Lambard of Lincoln’s Inn, gent. a learned lawyer and historian, set forth a book, called Eirenarcha, concerning the office of such as were justices of the peace, which he dedicated to sir Tho.Bromley, lord chancellor of England. In that epistle he spoke of his great learning in the laws of England, in these words: “You, who do go beyond them, all (in the perfect knowledge of our law) that have gone before you in that honourable place which you now hold. And praying him, that, according to the rule of law, (in his own hands,) he would rectify the commission of the peace, and some other crookedness, whereof that book [of his] should bring complaint before him.”

And in the same epistle he gives us the occasion of his engaging himself in the study of our laws concerning justices. Which was the command of the said lord chancellor, that his name should be put into the commission of the peace for Kent, where the said Lambard lived. “At which time he thought it his part, as well for saving his good lordship blameless in the choice, as also for his own information and discharge in the service itself, to look diligently in that portion of our law which concerneth the office of the peace; wherewith he had before that time very little or no acquaintance. And therefore in greedy appetite, he began first with M. Fitzherbert’s treatise of the Justices of Peace: then went he to another ancient book of the same argument, but of an author unknown to him: and thirdly, he came to M. Marrow’s reading. All which when he had perused, he seemed to himself, as he added, to have taken some such taste of the thing that he sought, as did rather incense than satisfy his thirst and desire. And calling to mind that it was truly said, Gratius ex ipso fonte bibuntur aquae, he betook himself to the old and new books of the comman laws, and to the volumes of the acts and statutes; and from his collections thence, framed a model thereof in that book.”

There was another edition of this book in the forty-fourth year of queen Elizabeth, 1602. revised, corrected, and enlarged. Where, in the proeme, he declared that his purpose was to compare the writings of some others that before had wrote of the duties of justices, [viz. Marrow and Fitzherbert,] with the book cases and statutes that had risen of latter times. And out of them all to collect some body of discourse that might serve for the present age, and somewhat further the good endeavour of such gentlemen as were not trained up to the continual study of the laws.

In this year also, or the year before, I meet with a MS. (whether printed afterwards or no, I know not,) entitled, Certain collections out of the Prophets and the New Testament; concerning the conversion and restitution of Israel. Whereupon doth depend the general judgment, and the general restitution also of heaven and earth. By R.E. anno 1580. This author, whose name was Roger Edwards of London, dedicated his book to the lord Burghley, lord high treasurer, lord Francis Russel of Bedford, lord Rob. Dudley, earl of Leicester, to Dr.Elmer, bishop of London, and many more.

To all the rest I add Beza’s valuable gift, presented this year, towards the furnishing of the new library at Cambridge; being an ancient copy of the Pentateuch in six languages: with his letter to the lord treasurer, chancellor of that university, when he sent it. Which, it seems, his nephew Anthony Bacon brought along with him from Geneva, where he had been, and visited that learned man in his travels. Upon whose motion and encouragement Beza presumed to write a letter to him: especially upon that occasion that offered itself, namely, the presenting him with something that he believed would not be unacceptable to him. That he had got a copy of the five books of Moses; printed either at Constantine in Africa, or at Constantinople, many years ago; which he asked leave to call The Hexaglott: viz. the Arabic, Persian, barbarous Greek, and ancient Spanish: set forth for the use of the Jewish synagogues: besides the Hebrew and Chaldee. Which, for the rarity and antique novelty, (as he might call it,) he thought chiefly ought to be sent to his honour. Which might serve as a monument worthy his wisdom and excellency, to be reposited in a library, then a preparing by him in the university of Cambridge, the chief care and government whereof was committed to him.

And so concluded his letter, praying him to take in good part his boldness, as a testimony and pledge of that high esteem he had for his lordship.

Dated from Geneva, 8. id. December 1581. But the whole letter, in elegant Latin, ought to be preserved, in grateful memory of the donor, Which ancient book, I suppose, still remains in that library; as it hath been often made use of by our commentators. And in another letter to that lord, the next year, he persuaded him to procure the printing of the said Pentateuch, which he had sent him the year before: at least the Persian, Arabic, and vulgar Greek versions, with the Hebrew verses added. Which might, he said, be done at no great charge, by Plantin at Antwerp. And that such an edition would be highly profitable to the whole Christian world, and procure to himself an immortal name. And so prayed him to think again and again upon it. This letter of Beza will not be improper to be joined to the former in the Appendix.

CHAPTER 8.

The French match like to succeed: and a league with France.

Treaty with Mary queen of Scots, frustrate. Parties in Scotland.

Ireland chargeable. Plots. Parry in Venice and Lyons: his intelligence: writes in favour of the good knight. A proclamation against harbouring Jesuits and priests: and going to the colleges at Rheims and Rome. Sessions at London. Mass-mongers, &c. The queen assists the protestant churches. Duke of Bipont, prince palatine, comes into England. Wierus, his agent. Letters of the queen’s ambassador in France concerning the Duke of Savoy.

Beza’s letter to the lord treasurer in behalf of Geneva. Prince of Orange’s death foretold by the pope’s nuncio.

As to the match with France, which still stuck upon terms required on the part of the French king, he seemed now to incline. So the queen’s ambassador wrote to the lord chamberlain in a letter dated September 26, 1582; advertising his lordship, how they in that court gave him to understand, that the king had the last week written into England, and to his brother, the duke, that his majesty was willing to grant to all demands made (on the English side) for the effecting of the marriage. And that he further heard tell, that the king was inclined to enter into league with her majesty; about which commissioners from both princes were busy the last year, as hath been related. And then the said ambassador made this observation hence; “That such were the occasions of the world, as they persuaded more in princes, than any person could do.” Adding, “That the king was at that time very weak, and at Moulins, and intended to repair easily to St.Germaines on Leye.” But that disease of the king proved not mortal, being reserved some years longer for a more violent death, as their histories shew.

The queen had sent the French king a present of English dogs. And he was now preparing a very splendid chariot, to present again to her. And so the ambassador signified in his letter to her majesty, viz. “The French king hath commanded to be made for your majesty an exceeding, marvellous, princely coach. And to be provided four of the fatrest moiles which are to be had, for to carry your highness’s litter. The king hath been moved to shew himself in this sort grateful to your majesty on the receiving those dogs, and other singularities you were lately pleased to send unto him, for his falconer.”

Something I have to insert here of Mary the Scotch queen, taken from certain notes of the lord treasurer Burghley’s hand. It hath been shewed before concerning several treaties with her by honourable agents from queen Elizabeth. Besides which, a fourth treaty began, anno 1582; wherein sir Walter Mildmay, a chief privy-counsellor, was employed. And while the proceeding therein was a little suspended upon a practice of an answer from Scotland, touching the Scotch king’s disposition; her majesty discovered, that the duke of Guise was preparing some attempt against England for the Scottish queen. For whose enlargement also Francis Throgmorton at the same time practised an invasion to be made into this land; and other traitors to be accepted. Which being discovered, and he apprehended, gave cause that this treaty proceeded no farther. To which I will subjoin what follows in the same MS. concerning other treaties the two next ensuing years; viz.

In anno 1583, the earl of Shrewsbury and Mr. Beal were appointed by her majesty to deal with the Scotch queen in another treaty, with promise to return sir Walter Mildmay; if she would discover certain practices against her majesty, which she pretended to know. While this treaty was in hand, by the Scotch queen’s pro..... [procurement] and direction, the duke d’Aubignie, [Lenox,] the lord Fenhurst, and sir James Bafford, all mortal enemies to the state of England, were brought into Scotland. And so the treaty was broke off by that occasion.

Last, in anno 1584, another treaty was entered into with Nau, the French secretary. At which time the treasons and practices of Parry were discovered. And so the treaty ceased. By all which it is evident, that the Scotch queen hath never entered into any treaty, but only of purpose to abuse her majesty with some treacherous attempts or other: as the writer of these notes concluded.

In that kingdom of Scotland were great disturbances this year, raised by two factions there; whereof one of them, that pretended to be of the protestant side, viz. earl Goury, Mar, and others, by a wile seized the king’s person in a castle, and there detained him, till he should have removed the duke of Lenox from him, whom they esteemed to be of the popish faction, and should do other things, as they thought good; as our historian relates. And to smooth over the better this their exploit, in thus handling their king, they published a declaration, which bore this title: Ane declaratioun of the just and necessary causes, moving us of the nobility of Scotland and uthers, the now king’s faithful subjects, to repair to his highness presence, and to remain with him: for resisting the present daungers appearing to God’s true religion, and professors thereof, and to his highness own person, state, and crown, and his faithful subjects that hes constantly continued in his obedience; and to seek redress and reformation of the abuse and confusion of the commonwealth; removlng from his majesty the chief authors thereof, &c. Directed from Striveling with special command, and licence to be printed, 1582. This remarkable declaration is still remaining in Lambeth library. This party queen Elizabeth favoured, because they opposed the Guisian faction there, very busy, implacable enemies to her, and were at this time intent upon an invasion by the way of Scotland.

As for Ireland, it was oppressed with wars and commotions, and the ill management of the queen’s officers there. Insomuch that the lord treasurer, who knew well how expensive that kingdom was, had these words in a letter of his to sir Nic.White, master of the rolls there; “That he knew not how to relieve that miserable country, and lamented the state thereof: as finding it to take as much harm by physicians and surgeons; I mean,” said he, captains and their bands, as it did by rebels.” It was written from the court at Oatlands, September 11,1582.

Plots were carrying on every where against the queen and government by papists: and Parry (not yet discovered to be such a traitor) among the rest very busy abroad in such work; though he cunningly made the lord Burghley believe at first, that he was a very diligent spy for the queen in divers parts abroad. And often writ his letters of intelligence concerning them to that lord, and to the secretary. Take some minutes of a secret letter or two of his, wrote in March 1582, from Venice, of news and reports abroad of the queen, and of her persecution of the Romanists. Where he took occasion to mix his thoughts about the French king, and the king of Spain, and the queen’s concerns with each. Whereby might appear how his inclination stood; that is, favourably to Spain, and that interest. “That the late enterprise in Flanders, reported there [at Venice] to the great dishonour of the French, had filled those parts full of expectation what the queen’s majesty would do:” [meaning, whether she would assist and protect those of the Low Countries against king Philip, she having countenanced and granted men and money to the French king’s brother for that purpose, but was gone away lately in some disgrace home.] “And that as her government had hitherto been thought to exceed all the princes of her time, so it was looked, that her majesty should now serve herself on all good occasions pretended for her quietness and better assurance.” [No longer to stir up so great a prince as the king of Spain, who must needs create her and her kingdoms great disturbance.] He added, “That the French king and his mother did find themselves grieved for some liberal speeches used of them in that town, [viz. Venice.] But that that commonwealth had the honour of princes in great regard, and could not abide to have them touched by word or writing....... That it had been told him in great secrecy, (though, he said, he might not avow it,) that the queenmother lieth in the wind, and watcheth to give our queen [Elizabeth] a mate, and would undoubtedly do it, if her majesty did not look well to her game.” [Meaning, by the crafty insinuations of that queen, to bring. about the match between the queen and her son, the duke d’Anjou, a person loose enough, and with whom she was not like to live with comfort.] He went on with his intelligence. “We hear of great and daily preparations for the sea in Naples, Spain, and Portugal. But not that don Antonio’s fortune” [whom queen Elizabeth favoured against Spain] “can serve him to offend the king catholic. It is judged a very slender policy, that we, having no ambassador in Spain, do still entertain the Spanish ambassador in England: where I fear me there is too much to be done by money;” [viz. money distributed by that ambassador to carry on his designs.] That many were of opinion, that it was a matter of less difficulty for us to confirm that ancient league with Burgundy,” [another favourable word for Spain,] “than to continue our intelligence with France: with whom for five hundred) years I do not find that we have had any long place. And out of doubt I am, that we have very mighty enemies in France to our quietness. Our traffick in the Levant cannot but be dangerous, and full of adventure for our merchants, so long as we stand upon doubtful terms with Spain. The prince of Orange is thought now to live in more danger than ever; and that he shall not long escape, if practice may prevail.” [This shews Parry to be acquainted with the intrigues of Spain, that prince being basely shot by a Burgundian some time after.] “The new book at Rome, dedicated to the cardinal S.Sixti, and entitled, De persecutione Anglicana, hath raised a barbarous opinion of our cruelty. I could wish,” added he, “that in those cases it might please her majesty to pardon the dismembering and quartering.” And in the end of his letter he gives a hint of Shelley, (a fugitive who was made lord prior of St. John’s of Jerusalem by queen Mary, and now, as it seems, at Venice.) “Sir Richard Shelley is very desirous to return, and promiseth very great services, if he be not disquieted for his conscience.” This letter was dated from Venice the 4th of March, 1582,.without any name subscribed.

In another letter from Venice, dated January 28, he suggested to the same statesman, to whom he addressed before, how he was placed in that city, a place fit for intelligence: “That if he should write to his lordship, that either that place was so barren, or himself so slothful, that he could not honour and serve his lordship as he was wont, he should greatly err. But being first desirous to understand from his lordship, in what kind his service might best like him, he had purposely forborne to be too busy in writing. And being greatly looked upon, [as a spy,] it might greatly import him to look how and what he wrote. He found it a matter very unpleasant, to be troubled or tied to the advertisements of ordinary occurrents, [which was then chiefly required of him.] And that yet if any thing happened that he should think to be of importance, he would not fail to advertise his lordship. That that place [Venice] was very plentiful of good and had [news]; but the best was hardly to be had without charge:” [an argument used to increase his salary.] “Which he could think well bestowed, to look into three men’s proceedings in that town.” Who were agents perhaps of some foreign princes; whose servants he might corrupt by money.

The writer then turned to the English merchants trade there; viz. “That our tratffick into the Levant did and would more and more offend many. And that there was nothing undevised that might tend to the discredit of our merchants, or increase of their danger. [Out of hatred and malice to the English nation.] But that if our wool were wrought at home, and our clothes (almost out of price) well made, it could not but marvellously enrich our state.”

He adds,”That he had sent to his lordship two Italian books by sea; and that he would send him many mo, if he were as able as he was willing.”

Another business of his letter was concerning a good knight; whose name he mentioned not. It was undoubtedly sir Richard Shelley, abovementioned, who departed out of England for his religion: but of better principles of loyalty than the Jesuits and seminaries. This gentleman Parry met at Venice, and fell into acquaintance with him: and being known to the lord treasurer, took the opportunity, in his correspondence with that lord, to move him in his behalf. “That in his letters he had writ to his lordship how willing the good knight, mentioned in his honour’s letters, was to come home, so as he might be warranted by passport to come and go safely. For, as his intent was (as it had been always) honourable and dutiful to his prince and country, so he was loath that his coming, only to discharge his duty to her majesty in matters that he might not write, or commit to any man, should turn or be wrested to his harm or dishonour. Neither did he think, that any man could work this readiness in him, but that he had a singular good opinion and hope of her majesty’s gracious and his lordship’s real dealing and proceeding. And so hoping to hear from his lordship concerning the good knight, he committed the same to God,” &c. Of this sir Richard Shelley we shall hear from his own letters afterwards.

Parry’s great drift was to conceal, his treachery and falsehood, and to make the English court believe him a true man. Thus in another letter of his to the lord treasurer a few days after, viz. March the 10th, from the city: “That he would forbear writing of trifles, [matter of less concern,] not troubling his lordship with them: and would reserve himself wholly for such special service as he should think fit for the queen’s majesty, and grateful to his lordship, and Mr.S. [secretary] He knew his lordship could not lack any ordinary occurrences out of all parts, nor such as were of greatest importance from great personages, &c. I have presumed, that your lordship hath ever esteemed me for a true man to my prince and country: so much that whatsoever do come to their ears, I beseech you to promise for me; and I will not fail to perform it, God willing.” [This last period hath a line drawn under it, by the lord treasurer’s pen, as his custom was in passages of letters sent him of more remark.] “I pray you tell Mr. Secretary, that here is such a speech of the persecution and cruelty, that your lordship, sometime in the same predicament, is almost forgotten;” [that is, in respect of other of the queen’s counsellors for these proceedings.] “My lords of Huntington and Leicester, and Mr. Secretary, are the men most wondered at.”

Let me subjoin some more of this false man’s intelligences the next year; when he was now rambled to Lyons in France. Whence he wrote to the same lord a letter, dated May the loth, to this import: “That his great liking to live in the state of Venice was overruled by the necessity of his departure,” [whether by being suspected to be a spy for the queen, or rather for his running in debt more than he could pay, as he was a riotous and great spender in England,] though I have not perhaps fully satisfied the expectation had of me, yet have I done the best to serve the queen’s majesty. If I be not mistaken, I have shaken the foundation of the English seminary, that at Rheims; and utterly overthrown the credit of the English pensioners in Rome. My instruments were such as passed for great, honourable, and grave. The course was extraordinary and strange: reasonably well devised, soundly followed, and substantially executed; without the assistance of any one of the English nation.

Your honourable favour and Mr. Secretary’s hath overthrown my credit with our countrymen on this side. Yet if I were well warranted and allowed, I would either prevent and discover all Roman and Spanish practices against our state, or lose my life, in testimony of my loyalty to the queen’s majesty, and duty to my honourable friends, that have protected me.” [All this craftily by him insinuated, to create a firm trust and confidence in him and his service.] He goes on. “If it please your lordship to confer with Mr. Secretary, touching my letters herewith sent, to advise and direct me, I am ready to do all I shall be able and am commanded.

Whatsoever I have already spent, I do think well bestowed. But it is neither my poor state, nor any trifling allowance that will serve to do that is to be done; the meanest man that is to be followed and courted [abroad where he was] being a secretary.” [Thus hoping to get a liberal salary from those against whom he was all this while practising.] “I have taken my leave of ordinary occurrences long ago, as little worth, and less availing our state. I am promised very good intelligence from Venice. If it be performed, your good lordship shall be well served. “I came from Baden, [in Switzerland,] where the diet is holden. The ambassadors of France, Savoy, and the cantons and confederates, were assembled. The ambassadors of Zurick, Bern, and Geneva, [protestant states,] told me they had small hopes of any accord.

They mean to urge the matter to some sound resolution. I find the French king greatly mistrusted. Geneva is in good hope to be relieved out of England. I spake with Mr. Beza. I think the man greatly decayed, and not long lasting.” [But he was mistaken; Beza lived many a year after, to 1605.] “I was also with Mr.Gualter, [an eminent minister of Zurick,] a good man, and well affected to our nation. I was very well entertained, and presented in Zurick and Geneva.” This was the sum of his letter from Lyons. Thus Parry went in a mask hitherto, and fared well by that means. We shall hear more of him and his intelligence the year ensuing, from Lyons and Paris, still cloaking his malice.

A large proclamation came forth in April this year against Jesuits and seminary priests, and against the harbourers of them, and such as sent their children to the colleges abroad, for the better security of the queen’s life and reign, and the government and religion established; which I shall here set down, the rather, since our historians are silent of it, and may serve considerab!y to enlighten that part of the history of those times, and of that popish, busy, dangerous faction.

It set forth, “How the queen’s majesty had heretofore been given to understand, that certain societies and conventicles, some under the name of seminaries, and some of Jesuits, had been of late years erected by the bishop of Rome, as well in the city of Rome, as in the dominion of other princes; namely and especially, for the natural born subjects of her majesty’s kingdoms and dominions; with intent and purpose to train them up in false and erroneous doctrine: by means whereof divers of her majesty’s natural born subjects had not only been perverted in matters of religion, but also sought, drawn, and persuaded from the acknowledgment of their natural duties and allegiance unto her majesty, as their natural prince and only sovereign; and by special direction from the pope and his delegates had been made instruments of sundry wicked, traitorous practices; tending not only to the moving and stirring up of rebellion within their natural countries, (which, through the goodness of Almighty God, and her majesty’s provident government, had always been foreseen and prevented,) but also to the endangering of her majesty’s most royal person. That her highness hereupon foreseeing the great mischief that might ensue such traitorous and wicked instruments, did therefore, by her proclamation, bearing date, at her palace at Westminster, the 10th day of January, in the twenty-third year of her most prosperous reign, notify unto her subjects, That if any of them, or any other within her highness’s dominions, after the publishing of that her proclamation, should receive, maintain, succour, or relieve any Jesuit, seminary man, massing priests, or other like persons aforesaid, which should come or should be sent into this realm, or into any other her dominions, or should not discover the receiving or harbouring of the same persons, or any such vagrant, counterfeit persons, as might justly by their behaviour be suspected to be of such quality and ill condition: as also, (in case they should remain with them at the time of the said proclamation, or afterwards,) should not bring them before the next justice, or before some other public officer, to the end they might be in like sort committed, and forthcoming to be examined; and to receive such punishment as by her highness should be thought meet according to their deserts; that then they should be reputed as maintainers and abettors of such rebellious and seditious persons; and receive for the same their contempt, such severe punishment, as by the laws of the realm, and her majesty’s princely authority, might be inflicted upon them. “That sithence which time some example having been made for the condign punishment of such as have contemptuously broken her highness’s express commandment in that behalf given by the said proclamation; and some of the said traitorous persons, as namely, Edmund Campion, Jesuit, Raulphe Sherwine, and John Briant, seminary priests, having disguisedly and very secretly wandered in the realm, and at length apprehended; and so thereupon justly, lawfully, publicly, and orderly indicted, arraigned, condemned, and executed for divers treasons; and some others their complices having been likewise justly and lawfully condemned for the like crimes: her majesty finding, what through the obstinacy and malice of some, and the wilful ignorance of many others, that neither the said proclamation nor the said examples have wrought such effect of reformation, as, upon good hope conceived of this her forewarning, her highness had expected and desired; and perceiving withal, that some traitorously affected have of late, by letters, libels, pamphlets, and books both written and printed, falsely, seditiously, and traitorously given out, that the said most horrible traitors were without just cause condemned and executed; had therefore thought good to make known unto her good and faithful subjects, and generally to all others within her dominions, whereby they might not be abused nor inveigled by those and such like most wicked, false, and dangerous traitors and seducers, that it had manifestly and plainly appeared unto her highness and her council, as well by many examinations, as by sundry of their own letters and confessions; besides the late manifest attempts of the like companions, directed by the pope out of number, of the said seminaries and Jesuits, broken out to actual rebellion in Ireland; that the very end and purpose of these Jesuits and seminary men, and such like priests, sent or to be sent over into this realm, and other her majesty’s dominions, from the parts beyond the seas, was not only to prepare sundry her majesty’s subjects, inclinable to disloyalty, to be up, to give aid to foreign invasion, and to stir up rebellion within.the same; but also (that most perilous is) to deprive her majesty (under whom, and by whose provident government, with God’s assistance, these realms have been so long and so happily kept and continued in great plenty, peace, and security) of her life, crown, and dignity. “That seeing the great mischief that otherwise might ensue unto the whole estate of her majesty’s realms and countries, if these attempts were not more severely looked unto and punished; and to the intent none should, after the publication hereof, excuse themselves by pretence of any ignorance; her majesty did therefore hereby signify to all her loving subjects, and all other within her, dominions, That all the said Jesuits, seminary men, and priests aforesaid, coming into these her dominions in such secret manner, were, and so, of all her subjects aforesaid, ought to be holden, esteemed, and taken for traitors to her majesty, her crown and realm. And that all such as, after the publishing of this proclamation, should wittingly and willingly receive, harbour, aid, comfort, relieve, and maintain any such Jesuit, seminary man, or priest, as was aforesaid, should be and ought to be dealt with, used, and proceeded on, as willing and witting alders, comforters, relievers, and maintainers of traitors, committing high treason to her majesty’s person: and that every such person, as shall have any such Jesuit, seminary man, or priest, in his or her house or company, at the time of the publication hereof, or after, knowing him to be such, and shall not forthwith himself do his or her best endeavour to bring him, or cause him to be brought before the next justice of the peace, or other public officer, to be committed to prison; whereby he might be forthcoming to answer his offence, according to her highness’s laws; that then every such person shall be deemed, taken, and dealt with, as a maintainer and alder of traitors as aforesaid. And that every person, wittingly concealing any such Jesuit, seminary man, or priest, or any their practices aforesaid, shall be deemed and taken to be in case of misprision of treason. “And moreover, her highness’s pleasure and express commandment was, that none of her subjects, nor any other under her obeisance, shall suffer their children, or any other, being under charge or government, except lawful merchants, and such as without covin shall be agents or factors for lawful merchants, in their trades of merchandise beyond the seas, and mariners for their voyages, to depart out of this realm without her highness’s special licence first had and obtained; upon pain of her in this search, one Osborn, a seminary priest, came drooping into a chamber where Mr.Topcliff, of the court, and himself were. Him they examined. And it appeared, that he was a seminary priest, and had dwelt at the hospital [for the English] at Rome four years. And after, he was professed into a house of the Franciscans, being barefoot friars, that lived by begging. And that he laboured, as he said, by cutting of wood, and bearing of it upon his back. That they also [of that order] lay upon no beds, but tumbled in the straw, like swine. That they used no shirt. That they had no more garments but such as they daily wore: the which were slender, thin, and extreme cold.

Their diet slender, and they eat but once a day. They drank water.

They might touch no money. “He [this friar] added further, that being of this order but seven weeks, it being so strait, he was driven to flee, and come into England. And in Christmas he said Sunday masses at Mr. Browne’s house, the lord viscount’s brother, before the lady Vaux and certain others; and that in crastino epiphaniae, he said mass in the Fleet, [where many recusants were committed,] in the lord Vaux’s chamber, [to whom he was related,] before that lord, Mr. Tresham, Mr. Tyrwhit, and others. For the which offence, these three were upon Wednesday after convicted in Guildhall, at an oyer and determiner. Where the said Osborn gave lively evidence; although they before judgment did stoutly deny the same. Yet after, they did most humbly submit themselves unto her majesty; and so departed to prison again.”

At this court of oyer and determiner were others arraigned for hearing mass at a house of Mrs. Alford’s, in Salisbury-court, viz. Mrs. Rogers, sometime wife of Bernard, steward of Gray’s Inn; Mrs.Alford, the wife of Fr. Alford; Mr. Rogers, a gentleman; and one Hyde, Mrs. Ahford’s man.

The seminary priest was one Dean. The said Hyde (who was reconciled by Dean) and Dean himself gave the evidence. And for that cause Mr, Secretary’s pleasure was, that they should be spared. Mrs. Alford was also spared, because Mr. Francis is bound for her; and she promised to go to the church. This favourable dealing was by Mr. Secretary’s order.

All the busy managery of affairs at home and abroad now turned upon the hinge of religlion. And as the queen saw how little safety there was for her from Spain or France, being so vigorously set to extinguish the reformed religion, she shewed herself a friend to the Netherlands, who were now defending themselves and their liberties against Spain with their arms.

So with the other reformed churches, and protestant princes in Germany, she kept a correspondence: and namely, with the prince palatine of the Rhine, one of which house was duke of Bipont, or Deuxpontz; who divers years past came into France with a strong army of Germains, to aid the prince of Navarre, in the civil wars there upon the account of religion. To which duke the queen sent a great sum of money into France by sir Thomas Gresham, the queen’s factor then at Antwerp, out of her good will to those poor oppressed churches: this was in the year 1569, when one Wierus, a learned man, was his agent here. Where he was transacting his prince’s business with the queen; and received great respects from Cecil, the secretary, and afterwards from the same when lord treasurer. The son of this duke, and prince palatine, whose name and title was George Gustavus, palatine of the Rhine, duke of Bavaria, count Veldent, &c. was now coming into England, attended with Wierus’s brother. With whom he sent a letter to the said lord treasurer; the contents whereof shew the high esteem that statesman had of that agent; and that agent’s character of him, in these words: “That by reason of those not only admirable, but also most amiable qualities which he saw and experienced in him twelve years ago, [1569,] when he was agent for his prince palatine of the Rhine; he could not nor ought to omit, that his brother, with his prince, should repair to his lordship without his letters, as witnesses of his most humble observance of him. And that wherein he might, either in the least or greatest matters, any ways serve him, he would endeavour to prove before all men, as long as he should live, that he should never repent of his favour and protection, [clientele, ] which he, desired to receive of him, or rather to be continued to him. And of the favours which he [the lord treasurer] should, according to his singular humanity, shew to that prince and his brother, both of them his admirers; and which he was able to do in that great place wherein he was. Arid so he should oblige all that illustrious family, heretofore most addicted to him in many respects.” Written from Veldent, July 26. Subscribed, Tuae generosisimae excellentiae humiliter addictissimus, Theod.

Wierus, Dr. archisatrapa comitat. Veldentiae.

As those protestant German princes palatine had all respects at the English court, so to another foreign prince the queen shewed as little affection; namely, the duke of Savoy. Who laboured all he could to swallow up the neighbour city, Geneva; and that chiefly out of his pretended zeal to destroy the religion there professed. The citizens this year are applying themselves, (as they had done before,) by their agent, monsieur Mallet, to her majesty for her assistance, and now in their great danger from that duke, to grant them a supply of money. And out of compassion to them, she appointed a voluntary collection to be made in all the dioceses for that city; and the privy-council directed their letters to the archbishop of Canterbury, for his setting it on foot by his letters to the bishops of his province. The success whereof may be read in Archbishop Grindal’s Life, under this year 1582.

There was a letter (not mentioned there) of the syndics and council of Geneva, then addressed to the lord treasurer, laying open their present distressed condition; and thereby to use his interest to move the queen to favour their request. And that backed with another from Beza, their chief minister, to the same lord, to this tenor: “ That he, depending on his benignity, so much spoke of by all foreigners; which though he might seem thereby too confident, yet partly his equity, and partly their necessity would easily, he hoped, excuse. “That no doubt it had been told him, what snares had been laid for their city of Geneva, and with what force it had been assaulted; and how wonderfully God had delivered it that present year. That he knew very well how greedily it was desired by the enemies of the gospel: and that beside those that had declared an irreconcileable war against the gospel, it had other enemies, whatsoever was pretended to the contrary, in respect of the opportunity that the situation of that city afforded. And how much the defence of that city imported, he [the lord Burghley] sufficiently perceived. And that most assuredly in this state of things, as long as that propugnaculum, that fortress of the Helvetian churches, and that most seasonable refuge of the French churches, stood, they must despair of executing the council of Trent, was the true scope of all those warlike attempts, either in France, or in those their countries.

And he hoped that these pontificians, leaving them [of Geneva] behind, whatsoever success openly they might have against Holland, (which he prayed God to avert,) they might pass over the sea, and make other attempts...... [he meant upon England.] “On these accounts he beseeched that lord, to whom he writ, that by his power with the queen, in that their scarcity of money, to obtain of her money, for the assistance of that city and church; that had not illy deserved of others, and also sometime hospitable to this nation.” This letter, dated October 10, proceedeth further: to take off a prejudice that might remain in the queen’s mind against Geneva, he endeavoured to clear that church and city of it; namely, “That it was a receptacle of certain wicked persons: which he affirmed was a shameless slander, since there was no city under heaven that received strangers with more careful and accurate examination of them, and where right judgment was more severely done. And for this he appealed to the English themselves; some whereof, of all ranks and qualities, had honoured their state and school with their presence.”

And whereas there was another thing that might give a disgust against Geneva; that also he thus took off: “That he remembered there was a book set forth there [at Geneva] by a certain Englishman, in the unhappy times of queen Mary, which gave the queen’s majesty offence: [this book seems to be Goodman’s, against women’s government:] but that as soon as it was known there, it was evident that it was condemned and suppressed, by the judgment of that church, and by the authority of their magistrates. And that as for the diversity of some indifferent rites, and of the different manner of the government of their churches, far be it, that the minds of those that plainly agreed in consent of the same doctrine should be divided. And he appealed to his lordship how moderately they always spoke and wrote, being required of those matters.”

These particulars, and several others mentioned in the abovesaid letter of Beza, makes me reckon it worth reading over, and preserving in the Appendix, exemplified from the original. This letter was accompanied and brought with the beforementioned from the council of Geneva, to the same statesman: which is also added in the Appendix, written in French. And what good success these applications had in the English court and church, may be found in the Life of Archbishop Grindal before shewn.

Concerning this duke of Savoy, Brook, the queen’s ambassador in France, in a letter to secretary Walsingham, gave this notice privately: “That it was given him to understand, how that duke had given order to win chevalier Briton [who was a servant of monsieur, the French king’s brother] to become at his devotion, and to repair unto his court; where he promised to do him much honour. Upon which he thought good to put the secretary in mind, that if the said chevalier should depart from monsieur’s service, and be entertained by the duke, if he would, he might do her maiesty secret service in that court, and might come by intelligence to many matters intended against her majesty and those of this religion, now that the said duke had shewed himself so great an enterpriser against those of the religion. That he [the ambassador] thought he had some of his acquaintance which would assure him that the said chevalier Briton should do her majesty secret service.”

The said ambassador propounded another project to the secretary against the duke of Savoy: “I know not whether your honour may think it good, that by monsieur’s means, the prince of Geneva, son to madam de la Granache, may be gotten out of prison, where he lieth in Paris; who might be raised up as an opposite instrument unto the duke of Savoy and those of the house of De Nemours.”

In the same letter he informeth,” That he had been advised by a person of great quality, who had conversation with the nuncio and Spanish agent, that they were assured the prince of Orange had such an indisposition of health, [as though he were poisoned,] that he could not live above a month or six weeks.” And upon this the ambassador gave his probable conjecture,” That the report concerning that prince might be so given out, in respect of his indisposition of health, that he could not live beyond such a time, to cover a wicked design about this time against his life.” And indeed so it proved; for he was shot by a young, desperate fellow at Antwerp, in the hall, close by the door of his withdrawing chamber, the bullet entering in at his throat under the right chap, being so near that the fire entered with the bullet into the wound, burning his ruff and his beard, and pierced his jugular vein; and came out at the left cheek, hard by his nose. The surgeon being called, found that the fire which had entered into the wound had cauterized the jugular vein, and done him much good: wherefore the wound was not mortal. But it proved otherwise. The villain was immediately thrust through with an halberd. That which moved him to do the villainy, as the historian relates, was the temptation of a great sum of money promised by king Philip, to any who should kill that prince. In his preparation for that act, he was confessed by a Jacobine friar, who fortified him in his resolution; persuading him, and making him believe, that he should go in visible; and gave him some characts in paper, and certain little bones; [of some saints perhaps;] which they founds in his pockets, with many conjurations written. And so he was accompanied with the monk to his enterprise. And this I relate, the rather, upon occasion of the English ambassador’s intelligence of the reports at Paris, of the shortness of the prince of Orange’s life.

CHAPTER 9.

A contest with the bishop of Coventry and Litchfield about the chancellorship. The case referred to civilians and judges. A petition about it to the privy-council. This bishop’s troubles in his diocese. Vexed with lawsuits. The earl of Leicester his enemy. Lord treasurer his friend. Desires a commission ecclesiastical. Names of recusants convict sent up. The ill state of his diocese by papists, and exempt jurisdictions. His letter to the lords. A wicked scandal, laid to the charge of the archbishop of York, discovered. Judgment in the starchamber upon the actors. The archbishop’s earnest letters to the lord treasurer: his letters of thanks to the queen, and treasurer. They make open confession at York of their treachery.

NOW for some collections of remark concerning some of the bishops, falling within this year.

There happened a sharp contest between Overton, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, and one Dr. Beacon, about the chancellorship of that diocese, the bishop having granted it to him, and afterward with his consent joined Babington, M.A. with him, granting the place to them both, conjunctim et divisim, and to the longer liver. And lastly, upon pretence of Non user, excluding Beacon wholly, and granting the whole office to the latter. This occasioned a resistance and disturbance in the cathedral church, which amounted to a riot. The bishop then adjourns the court to his own palace, to be holden there; Beacon resorting thither also to offer his service and duty, that no advantage might be taken against him for Non user. But the gates were shut upon him. The case came into the starchamber: and so thence to the privy-council; and they referred it to the archbishop of Canterbury. And he, by a commission of visitation of that diocese, to the bishop of Wigorn, to examine and decide this controversy. And how far this matter proceeded under both archbishops may be read in their Lives, to which I refer the reader. But I have still some other things to relate concerning this notable case, that had been carried into so many courts, brought before so many judges, and the eminentest civilians then in the land, shewing their learning, and giving their judgments therein.

Babington was now constituted sole chancellor by the bishop. The archbishop committed this matter to the judgment of Dr. Aubrey and Dr. Hammond. And the case, as drawn up by Beacon, they thought fit to put to some of the learnedest of the common law, viz. “Quaeritur, Whether these circumstances may not excuse Dr. Beacon by law from the danger of Non user; attending neither by himself, nor his deputy afterward; until full order to establish right and quietness concluded and taken. “Answer of lawyers. These circumstances amount to a disseisin; and Dr. Beacon disseized of his office. Wherefore during the time he is so wrongfully kept from the exercise of his office, Non user cannot prejudice him. For Non user is not a cause of forfeiture; but in case where it is voluntary. THO.EGERTON. — YELVERTON.

FRA.BEAUMONT. — JOHNSON. “Secondly, Whether the grant passed by the bishop, as before, his lordship in his own person, or by any other, may intermeddle in the exercise of jurisdiction, or exclude the patentees, so that his lordship allow them the fees and profits growing by the office. And whether one patentee may exclude another. If both, or either a wrong, how the patentee may remedy himself. “Answer. Where the fees be casual and uncertain, growing by the exercise of the office, the bishop cannot lawfully exclude or remove the grantee. But if the fee be a certain sum of money, the grantor may discharge the grantee of the exercise of his office, allowing him his fee. THO. EGERTON. — YELVERTON.

FRA. BEAUMONT. — JOHNSON.” The case drawn up by the bishop, as the former was drawn up by Beacon, was thus. “The office of a chancellorship within the diocese is granted to one for term of life. The bishop, by the procurement and consent of the same grant, doth sell and deliver, as his act and deed, another patent, of the same office to the former grantee, and to A. B. jointly and severally to the longer liver of them. Which was delivered into the hands of a third person; upon condition A. B. shall assure unto the other a certain yearly annuity, during life. A.B. refuseth to make such assurance. “Quaere, Whether the first patent be void by the making of the second. And whether the second be also void, by the nonperformance of the condition. “Answer. The second grant being delivered by the bishop, as his deed, and not as an escrowe, taketh presently effect, as an absolute grant to the joint patentees; and the condition void. But if it were delivered as an escrowe, then the first grant standeth in form, till the second performed. THO. EDGERTON. — FRA. BEAUMONT.

YELVERTON. — JOHNSON.” Upon this judgment of these learned lawyers, Dr. Aubrey and Dr. Hammond decided this controversy. But Dr. Babington would not stand thereto; but put up a petition to the lords in this contest between him and Dr. Beacon. Which was as follows. “To the right honourable, the lords of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council. “The order made by Dr. Aubrey and Dr. Hammond in the cause committed unto them between Beacon and Babington seemeth insufficient and uncertain. For the same is in part referred, and doth in truth wholly depend upon the allowance, or disallowance of the lord bishop, who is in no sort or condition tied. to the same order: but at good liberty to frustrate and make void the said joint patent, in case it shall by law be voidable. Wherefore Babington most humbly beseecheth your honours, that the consent to be given to the said order may be respited him, until the lord bishop shall either have yielded his consent, or otherwise do shew some lawful cause before your honours, as touching the insufficiency of his said joint patent. For Babington, in truth, would be very loath to contend with the lord bishop, his master, in and about the said joint patent, except the same shall appear and be found good and sufficient; or otherwise to give over his interest he hath or may have in or to the said office, by reason of any other more assured grant made unto him from the said lord bishop of the same. “Where it was likewise thought good and determined by your honours, that all suits and controversies between Beacon and Babington should be compromitted and compounded; the said doctors have only made order, as touching the interest in and to the said office; leaving Beacon and Babington at full liberty to prosecute the said suit against each other. Whereupon Beacon, even sithence the order made, doth proceed in his suit against Babington. Wherefore Babington being very loath to dwell in controversy with the said Beacon, in case they be appointed to join together in execution of the said office, humbly desireth your honours, that either all causes and controversies between them may be ordered and concluded; or otherwise, that the said Beacon and Babington may be at liberty to try likewise, by due course of law, their fight and title in and to the said office. “Also, where it is ordered by the said doctors, that Mr. Weston, register, should collect the fees indifferently for the said parties; and to answer monthly to either an account of the same, Babington humbly beseecheth your honours, that he may have the collections of such fees and profits as are due, unto himself. For that he would be very loath to expect the account or allowance of any other in that which is his benefit, living, and maintenance. And doth offer to become bound, not to intermeddle with any fee or commodity due to the said Beacon.

Your honours’ humble and most obedient orator, Z.BABINGTON.” I have other papers before me concerning this contention, which created so much trouble to the good bishop; as namely, his reasons propounded against admitting Beacon to the chancellorship; and Beacon’s tedious answers to these reasons. Which being long, I will not exemplify them here, but choose rather to reposit them in the Appendix. But the bishop’s reasons, which he offered to the council, or to those to whom the matter was committed, I will here subjoin, for his vindication. “First, Because the said Beacon hath no patent of validity. And therefore the bishop doth not think good to bind himself to a man being free from him, and from all men. The reason is proved thus.

Beacon had two sole patents and one joint patent. The first made void by the acceptance of the second. And the second by the acceptance of the third. And the third is void, because it is sealed and delivered to a third person, to the use of the patentees. But, upon condition. And the condition is not performed. And besides this, though all or any of the patents were good, yet for the defect of due execution, they be forfeited, as by public instruments testifying the same it may appear. “Secondly, Because the said Beacon, though he had a good patent, yet is not a fit man to exercise the office. The reason is proved thus.

Beacon is very unskilful in the law: and, for lack of knowledge, not able to give a sentence, nor to judge of causes aright. B. is very corrupt, and hunteth after bribes; whereby justice may be perverted.

B. is a great favourer of such as are enemies to the queen’s laws, and disturbers of the state: as namely, of one Marbery; who for his anabaptism, or such like schismatical or heretical opinions, hath been committed, and is still put to silence, and deprived of his ministry. “Thirdly, Though he were fit, yet is he the bishop’s deadly enemy: and therefore not to be trusted. The reason is proved thus. B. defaceth the bishop in all places where he cometh. B. calleth the bishop, beastly knave, horson knave, perjured man, simoniacal bishop, &c. B. entereth into conspiracies with others, to deprive the bishop of his bishopric; and hath divers ways sought to entrap him, and bring him in danger of the law. B. hath stood in open accusation of the bishop at the council-table; and hath procured the dean of Litchfield to do the like. B. hath joined himself with the bishop’s enemies in all matters. B. hath been a treacherous and perfidious fellow to all his masters, the bishops, whom he hath served heretofore. And therefore B. is nowise to be trusted.” What answer Beacon framed to these articles in his own behalf, consult the Appendix, number as above.

This bishop had the misfortune to be opposed by the dean and chapter of his church from his first entrance almost into his bishopric, which was in December, 1580. and the abovesaid Beacon, the chief manager of the quarrel on their side. The main ground of it was, that the bishop had demanded some assistance from them and the wealthier of his clergy, under his great charges, too burdensome for him, in his entrance upon the bishopric: which was their subsidium charitativum, as it was called; and for which there had been some precedent in that episcopal see. But they of his church denied to give it. And that which added to the bishop’s trouble was, that the great earl of Leicester, who was formerly his patron and friend, had relinquished him, and countenanced him not in this affair. Of this and other things he made his complaint at large in a secret letter to the lord treasurer, his other friend and patron. “That that earl fell off from him, and rather took the other side. The cause whereof, he said, he knew not, unless it were for apostasy.” [Which what the bishop meant by it, seems to be, that he had applied himself to the lord treasurer, and took him also for his patron, and depended not upon Leicester alone.] His present troublesome condition he unfolded to the said lord treasurer in the month of February. “Which he called his laying forth his griefs and oppressions, sought to be brought upon him by his adversaries.

Whereof one Boughton was one of them: who had brought many suits against him, both at quarter sessions and assizes; and preferred bills against him in the starchamber and in the common-pleas. And all from the countenance of the earl of Leicester, and from private letters. That he [the bishop] had writ to him: which that earl had communicated to his enemy. So that hereby his own counsel, for fear of displeasure, dared scarcely to encounter him in his causes.

So that, as he added, he might almost say, he was denied that which every common subject might claim, viz. the court of justice, and benefit of her majesty’s laws. That Beacon also, [of whom so much hath been related already,] who before feared him, did now triumph over him, by means of the countenance of such who had set him on; and made bold to sue and trouble him every where at his pleasure; in the starchamber, in the chancery, at the council-table, before the archbishop of Canterbury, in the common-pleas, at the assizes and sessions, yea, and in his own consistory. And brought action upon action against him, almost for every thing he did, and for every word he spake. Insomuch that, as he added, these suits put him behindhand, and so consumed him, that he should hardly be able to recover it of a long time.”

One ground of these vexatious actions commenced against him was, that being a stirring man, and observing the ancient jurisdictions and privileges of the see encroached upon, both by the city and the church, he claimed them, and endeavoured to recover them, and to overthrow those pretended exemptions which obstructed his visitations. Concerning which he gave the lords of the council an account; and laid the justness of his course before them, in a letter writ in May following. Which is hereafter exemplified in the Appendix.

These were some of the complaints, with many more, the poor bishop made to that lord: whose letter I had rather to be read also at large in the Appendix. It is not unlikely he had the more enemies and ill-willers, his diocese (especially Staffordshire) abounding with papists, and other disaffected: which he was no friend to. And had called this year upon the court for a narrower search after such by a commission ecclesiastical.

But this bishop’s troubles came to some conclusion this year by means of a commission. And however they represented the bishop as covetous, and contentious among his clergy, yet they were not without fault towards their bishop: which those in the.commission took notice of, and shewed him so much justice and favour, that he might not be hindered nor discouraged in the discharge of his episcopal office. This, with the designs of his prebendaries upon his first coming among them, he acknowledgeth in another letter to the lord treasurer, dated from Eccleshal, April 8, to this tenor. “That the prebendaries of Litchfield, which had so misused him, had received judgment from the high commissioners due to their deserts. For which he was in great part to thank his honourable lordship. And that there had been marvellous plats [plots] laid then, in the beginning of his government, to have dawed him, [as he expressed their purposes upon him.] And surely, added he, they would have done it indeed, but for such honourable countenance and backing. And that if any body should be able to charge him with wrong or wilfulness in any of his doings, (the case on both parts indifferently heard,) he would lease his credit for all. But that he trusted he so tempered himself in all his affairs, both ecclesiastical and temporal, that till manifest fault and obstinacy appeared in the offenders, he never sought any remedy by law; but compounded and ended all matters at home. And so would do, if he were not forced to the contrary.”

And then to take off any surmises that he was contentious, as some had laid to his charge, he proceeded in these words: “My honourable good lord, it is a country full of quarrels; and they will join together notably to lade me with troubles and griefs: and if I should not repress them in the beginning, they would overcome me for ever. And therefore I follow that old rule, Principiis obsta, though to my great travel and charge. If any shall inform your lordship against me, (as I know they have done already, and will do still,) I refer myself wholly to your own honourable judgment and order: only I desire to be heard as well as they. The first tale is good, till the second be told. And thus presuming overmuch upon your honourable patience, to trouble you with so tedious letters, I humbly take my leave.

Your honour’s most bounden, W. COVENTRY AND LITCHFIELD.” This careful and active bishop observing the popish faction at this time so great in his diocese, for the discovery and suppressing of that sort, earnestly required a commission ecclesiastical to be granted from the court: applying himself for that purpose to the lord treasurer, and acquainting him with a speech he had lately made to the queen, (as it seems, in a sermon,) concerning her danger from papists. In his letter he shewed him, “ That he had sent up Mr. Plaisted to attend upon him and the earl of Leicester; and Mr. Secretary, for their furtherance in the high commission. That the time now was somewhat quiet, and the opportunity good to make the motion. And the rather because of late he had been held, as he said, before her majesty, (and with her good liking, as it seemed,) to move her to the earnest repressing of the papists, said furthering of God’s cause, and the gospel, as she had already graciously begun. That he told her highness in these plain words, That full little did she think, when she was in the lions’ den, to live to be queen of England, such were the practices of the papists to cut her off from that expectation, and to cut off themselves also from that danger and fear, which they had of her, if she should reign. And yet God had mightily and miraculously preserved her, as we saw, from the hands of her enemies; only, or chiefly for that purpose, to reerect his kingdom, to ad. vance his glory, and to restore and establish his gospel, and the true Christian religion among us. And therefore as God, even God alone, beyond the expectation of man, had settled her in her royal seat for that purpose, and she also had most honourably and graciously performed that good purpose of God in her, so she might think, that the same God, for the same purpose, had maintained hitherto, and would still maintain and defend her in her state, maugre the heads of all her evil willers, though the Devil himself, and his vice-devil, the pope, and all the popish enemies she had in the world, conspired never so much against her. These, he said, with much more, it pleased her majesty to take graciously at his mouth, declaring then God’s message unto her. And therefore, as he concluded, he trusted her highness would as graciously accept of his lordship’s suit now in his behalf, tending to the same purpose and effect.”

This commission, which he saw such great need of in his diocese, I suppose he soon after obtained; because the next news we hear from the council to the bishop was, to return up the names of all the papists convict there: which in the month of May he did; together with his letter at large to the council, desiring such a commission, as necessary; discovering therein also the ill state of that diocese and country, in many other respects: as concerning the city of Litchfield; and concerning the prebendaries of that church, who had their peculiar jurisdictions by themselves; and so, as exempts, out of his reach: concerning the softness of bishop Bentham, his predecessor: concerning the civil government of the city; and the charters and liberties granted to the bishops by former princes infringed: and the dividing of the city from the see; the ill government of it: (saying, that “in short they lived as they listed, both in the city and in the church.” Further, that bishop gave the council to understand, how the ancient privileges, and liberties of the bishopric were conveyed from him, or encroached upon; the ill state of Staffordshire: disturbances by papists in some churches; and arresting of some persons in the church, even at the time of the communion, particularly by some officers of the lord Paget. All this the zealous bishop writ at large to the privy-council. See the letter in the Appendix, set before. A copy of which he thought fit to send to his friend, the lord treasurer, with this letter following. “Right honourable, I have written up at this present to the whole body of the council, partly for answer to your honourable letters, lately sent to me for the certifying of the convicted recusants in my diocese; partly for other matters occurrent, as in need and duty I thought requisite. I am bold to send your honour a copy thereof here enclosed; to the end, if it please you, you may aforehand be acquainted with the point. I humbly beseech your good lordship, as you were always wont in these and other my suits, to give me your honourable countenance: whereby my want, or excess, if I shall be found therein, may, by your good means, either be pardoned or excused. Certes, my honourable lord, I am here in a very perilous country; and, if I may speak it without offence, the very sink of the whole realm, both for corrupt religion and life. and therefore would gladly have such reasonable assistance and backing, as might be to the better furtherance of my service. I am still ready to trouble your lordship, as one of those whom I think to have great care of the public causes. I trust therefore you will not be offended with my often and tedious letters unto you. Touching mine own matters, both for that I have already in experience of your lordship’s honourable friendship towards me, and also for that of late I heard from Mr. Plaisted of your lordship’s countenance there, I acknowledge myself most bounden to you, &c. Dated from Eccleshal, the 20th of May, 1582.”

Now we proceed to relate an injury of no common size done to another eminent person of the episcopal order, viz. to Sandys, archbishop of York, by a wicked slander, and vile artificial prosecution of it: so base, that the like was scarce ever heard of before; and that created that good bishop the greatest trouble that ever he met with in his life: sir Robert Stapleton, a knight of Yorkshire, being the great contriver of it. The end whereof was to get a good lease of the lands, and great sum of money from the archbishop. The business was acted in the month of May, 1581, at Doncaster, where the archbishop in his journey lodged. Here Sysson, the host, caused his wife to go by night into the archbishop’s bed to him: and he presently after followed, with his dagger in his hand, into the chamber; which he put to the archbishop’s breast, his man Alexander being in company with him: and Maude, that had been the archbishop’s servant, present too, and in the plot. The words that Sysson used, when he came into the chamber, and saw his wife in bed with the archbishop, was, God’s precious life, I will mark a whore and a thief. Sir Robert Stapleton was then in the inn, though he pretended not to be there at that time, or privy to any such thing, and to be the archbishop’s friend. But that he was there, it was justly presumed: for Sysson sending his man for him, he presently came in in his apparel, (so that he had not undressed himself, however late it was,) expecting to be called in, according to the plot laid. And Sysson requiring 800l . of the archbishop, Stapleton brought it down to 600l .

In this distress the poor archbishop was fain to comply with Sysson, and the rest of the conspirators. And to conceal this abuse done him, and the shame that would attend it; which he perceived would reflect not only upon his own reputation, but the church too; in this distress he yielded, in some measure to a lease of some lands of the bishopric to Stapleton. But after, when the knight would further make his own terms with the archbishop, and require still more lands, manors, and benefits, to the utter impoverishing of the see, the good archbishop resolved then no longer to conceal the matter; but to send up the whole cause, and the truth of their horrible dealings with him, in a letter to the lord treasurer Burghley; and he to acquaint the queen with it.

But first I must relate by what means it came to this issue. Sir Robert Stapleton, besides what he had obtained already of the archbishop, still intended to make a greater benefit of him; and having some interest with the queen, I petitioned her to get the rich manors of Southwel and Scrowby for him. And having the archbishop thus, as he thought, in awe, threatened him to discover all, unless he would comply with the queen’s letters to him, to grant long and unreasonable leases for the same. But notwithstanding, the archbishop was at a point, whatever came of it, not to yield in a demand so destructive to the see; and intending to come up himself, but prevented by sickness, wrote his letter to the queen, offering to lay down and quit the bishopric; and all rather than to do it. With which letter he sent another to the lord treasurer: shewing the hardships required of him, and the great damage that he should do, not only to himself, but to all that there should succeed him, and his own steadiness in so good a cause; deserving, for the honourable memory of this archbishop, to be exemplified here from the very original; and was as followeth: “My honourable good lord: of late I received a letter from her majesty, earnestly requiring me to grant unto her highness one manor in lease, according to a lease conceived and sent withal. In the letter one manor is required without name: but in the lease two of the greatest manors I have be comprised, to wit, Southwel and Scrowby, with all their manors, houses, woods, parks, rents, reversions, liberties, privileges, and all other commodities whatsoever can be named, belonging unto the same, to be granted for lxx years, a certain rent reserved. The rent for Serowby reserved in this new lease is xl pound by year. But in truth, by all ancient records, and in my yearly accounts at this day, Scrowby, with its members, amounted to clxxl, by year. And so is answered.

This lease excludeth the bishop of York out of Nottinghamshire, from all houses, lands, and livings; and will grow in time to be a loss to the see of York of as many thousand pounds as it is now required to be let for years. “I am fully persuaded her majesty was never made acquainted with the contents of this lease, the inconveni-encies whereof are so great, that, with a good conscience towards God, I can never consent unto it. “I was fully purposed to answer this person; but after three days journey, I fell so weak and so sick, and so still remain, that I could travel no further. And therefore forced by my letter to answer her majesty. Which thing I have done in such sort, as I hope her majesty will be fully satisfied therewithal. But whatsoever shall fall out, I trust your lordship will favour this honest cause: no wight upon the earth more loath to displease her majesty than I, as one most bound unto her highness; if the granting of this lease would not highly displease God, kill my conscience, and spoil the church of York. My good lord, extend your wonted friendship. And if her majesty cannot be satisfied with my answer, and so shall dislike of my service, then to offer unto her highness in my name the resignation of the archbishopric; that one may be placed that can better serve. And my resignation shall be absolute, and it shall stand in her majesty’s pleasure to give me ought or nought to live on, during these few evil days which I have to live. I will hope in God, that he will make an end of all my travels before I depart out of this place. Thus, my good lord, commending me and this good cause unto your honourable consideration, I commend you to the good direction of God’s holy Spirit. Southwel, this xxivth of November, 1582.”

All this while the