CHAPTER 1.

Negotiation about queen Elizabeth’s marriage with the duke of Anjou: succeedeth not: notwithstanding confident report of it in France. Occurrences in Scotland; sent from Randolph, the queen’s ambassador there. The ill condition of Ireland; lamented. The queen sends forces in defence of Roan. Don Antonio, expulsed his kingdom of Portugal, solicits the queen for aid against Philip king or Spain. Mature consultations thereupon. The prince of Conde’ comes into England, to solicit the queen in behalf of the protestants in France. He and the French ambassador with her in conference. Instructions to the queen’ s ambassadors in France; assisting monsieur, going into the Netherlands. And a secret league between that Icing. and the queen. STILL the queen’s chief statesmen consulted for her majesty’s marriage, as concluding it the best way to establish and strengthen the kingdom, and to secure England against the uncertainty of a successor, as well as for other causes. Walsingham was now in France her ambassador, transacting that design. He sent two letters in the month of August, 1581, to the earl of Sussex, lord chamberlain, concerning the present state of this grand affair: referring him to the account he had given at large of his negociation with monsieur, in his other letters both to the queen and the lord treasurer, and the success thereof. And let the earl further in general understand, “That monsieur finding by his [Walsingham’s] answer, delivered unto him in her majesty’s name, that her highness waxed cold in the matter of marriage, in respect of the mislike that she saw her subjects would conceive, to have her realm thrown into foreign wars, by reason of that match; yet notwithstanding did very constantly resolve that he would follow his pursuit; and would not be dissuaded from it by any reasons that he [Walsingham] could allege in that behalf. “And that touching the league [offensive and defensive] between the queen and his brother the king, he told him, [the ambassador,] that he thought his brother would very hardly consent unto it, unless it were accompanied with the marriage: but that he promised to employ his friends to prepare his mind to hearken to it. And indeed, added Walsingham in this letter, whether the marriage be or be not, considering the present action his highness hath embraced, [viz. his defence of the Low Countries against Philip king of Spain,] his lordship [viz. the earl] could easily perceive how much it stood him upon to be countenanced in it by such a league, both for the encouraging of his friends, and discouraging of his enemies.”

He proceeded to hint to the earl another affair, concerning the queen’s supplying monsieur with money, absolutely necessary to the carrying on his war, “That he understood by a gentleman, which was very inward with monsieur, and also greatly devoted to her majesty, (as his lordship might perceive by the letters,) that monsieur’s affairs were reduced to such extremity for want of money, that unless her majesty did relieve him, he was like to remain at a stay. He beseeched his lordship, therefore, (who could consider of what importance it was to her majesty not to suffer the gentleman to quail in his enterprise,) to put to his helping hand, to procure that he might be relieved.

Concluding, “That he took upon him to assure himself, that if any defect or error fell out in this his service, he should find the earl’s honourable favour to excuse the same to her majesty, according to the comfortable promise it pleased him to make him at his departure. Dated at Fere en Tartenoys, the 5th of August, 1581.”

Monsieur, the amorous duke, was now come again into England, to prosecute his love-business with the queen; and succeeded so far in it, that she gave him a ring off from her finger, (saith our historian.) Whence a common report presently arose, that the match was undoubted: and Mauvisier, late ambassador from the French king, told that king as much.

Whereat Walsingham, now at Paris, and the other English ambassador there, were under a great surprise, having had no account thereof sent them. And this caused another letter from Walsingham to the earl, importing, “That his lordship, by the general letters sent unto the lord treasurer, should perceive how that they [the queen’s ambassadors] were now at a stay for their treaty, upon some new comfort monsieur Mauvisier had put the king in; that her majesty is fully resolved to proceed to the conclusion of her marriage. Which if it were true, then they, her majesty’s ambassadors there, were hardly dealt withal: for that they were not privy thereto. And that if it were not true, then had the advertisement done a great deal of harm many ways.”

And then giving his judgment, he adds these words: Surely, my lord, if her majesty be not already resolved touching her marriage, it will behove her to grow to some speedy resolution therein. For the entertaining of it doth breed her greater dishonour than I dare commit to paper: besides the danger she daily increaseth for not settling her estate; which dependeth altogether upon the marriage.

And so forbearing further to trouble his lordship, he most humbly took his leave at Paris, the 26th day of August, 1581.”

But this confident report soon vanished. For to give some further account of this courtship this year, take a short extract out of a letter of Brook, the queen’s ambassador in France, writ unto her, viz. “I perceive, and it like your majesty, how monsieur Mauvisier, in his last letters written from thence, sheweth he hath no further hope of the marriage; understanding your intent to be for to entertain him graciously, and no more: and so to pass the time. And therefore he [the said Mauvisier] required to be revoked. I suppose,” added the ambassador, “he did write this, being in some passion: for not many weeks since, he sent assured hope of the marriage?” Thus this matter wavered about this time.

As for Scotland, among the occurrences there this year, sent to the lord treasurer Burghley by Tho. Randolph, the queen’s resident there, these are some, as I take them from the original letter: “That the lord Flemming, sir Thomas Carte of Furnehorst, sir James Baford, John Matland, sometime secretary to the king’s mother, with many other, forfeited in the civil dissensions, and for the murder of the king’s father, and his two regents, were, with their children, restored to their blood and possessions; conditionally, that they should abide the laws for the said murder, when the king should please to call and charge them therewith. But the lord Flemming was not restored to his whole possessions: and Baford had his pacification but for three years. This favour was obtained to them by the special suit and means of the duke [of Lenox.]” If we look over into Ireland, it would give a very sad prospect, in respect of the wars, and also the great difference and quarrels that were there among the queen’s officers, and the exceeding expenses she was put to. Of which that wise statesman, the lord treasurer, thus wrote his mind to one of them: “That he did heartily lament the lamentable state of that country: and that he was therewith more grieved, in that he saw the calamity either to continue, or not to diminish: and yet he saw no way how to remedy it. Neither in so doubtful opinions as there were, both there and here [at home] for the remedy, dared he to lay hold on any of them. And yet he did not think the remedies desperate, if good and wise men, addicted to public state, were therein employed. And concluding, thus I uncomfortably end, referring the success to God’s mercy to be extended both to you and us; whose sins, I am assured, do provoke him to chasten the nation so sharply.

Adding, that he thought well of a late direction from her majesty, to reduce her army to a convenient number there, that otherwise were not provided to live in their lusts, but by wars and spoils.” This letter was dated at Westminster, December 15, 1581.

The queen was now engaged with the French king, and assisted him with supplies against the Spaniard; who was now coming to Diep, the earl of Essex being her general, and sir Roger Williams, a brave soldier, one of her great officers there. By the forces of the duke of Parma, Roan was taken; and the said duke himself was hastening thither with his army: and the French king himself was then before Roan, besieging it, and in apprehension of a battle with the said duke; which made him request of her majesty to send him more forces, and speedily.

Sir Henry Unton was now the queen’s ambassador in France; and upon a letter of his to the lord treasurer, acquainting him with the affairs there, the said lord wrote him an answer at some length: the contents of which the said sir Henry wrote on the back-side of it, being a short summary of the letter; which shews as well this ambassador’s great exactness and diligence, as the particulars of this expedition: which our histories, for ought I find, are silent of. What was thus written by way of contents, was as followeth. “My letter expressing the king’s request for further aid, unpleasant to her majesty, though she laid no fault on me. “Her majesty made answer thereunto by her own letter, whereof he [the lord treasurer] sendeth copy, to infer to the king the unseasonableness of the time. “Her majesty suspecteth that the king’s state is made worse than the same truly is, in respect of the contrariety thereof to sir Roger Williams’s report. “The news of the duke of Parma’s entrance not likely to be true: neither that he can come so soon to Roan, but that the king may before gain mount S. Katharine; and afterwards go and make head to him. “Sir Thomas Leyghton ambassador sent over. “Marvaileth that I have not received his former letters. Wisheth me to learn exactly the state of the king’s forces. Hopeth shortly to receive news of the taking of the mount S. Katharine.”

The whole letter, being a discovery of a considerable piece of our history, I have transcribed from the original, and laid it in the Appendix of Originals.

Philip, king of Spain, was the queen’s fatal enemy, which she well knew; and therefore was not wanting to defend herself and her kingdoms against him: though as yet no open breach between them. This year she was inclined to take part with don Antonio, late king of Portugal; but beat out of his kingdom by the said king of Spain: who took possession of that crown unjustly. But both France and England intended to assist him: for into England, encouraged by France, he now was come. If we turn back to the last year, when this expulsed king first shewed his complaint to the English court, it was thought a fit opportunity offered the queen to enable her to check the malicious purposes of king Philip: and by preparing a fleet to assist don Antonio, to be able to defend herself thereby, in case of an open hostile invasion of her kingdom, even then feared. There was then an expert soldier, and accomplished gentleman in matters of war, named Rafe Lane, who in a private letter shewed his thoughts to the lord treasurer on this occasion; “That being moved of zeal to her majesty’s safety and service, he humbly offered to his lordship the consideration of the plot touching the report of king Antonio to her majesty for aid; and many singular advantages and guard of her kingdom, which she might gain hereby, which he proceeded to shew.” The whole letter, being somewhat large, I leave to be read in the Appendix. Concerning don Antonio’s business, some particulars of it may be collected from a discourse thereof between Edward Brook, the queen’s ambassador in France, and count Vimioso, the Portugal king’s agent there. The account of which is best taken from the said English ambassador’s own letter thereof, written to sir Francis Walsingham, the secretary, in May this year, lately come from France. “That the count Vimioso arrived there [in France] the second instant, being very well lodged, and furnished of the king’s stuff; entertained of the king’s officers; and his diet provided and defrayed. That he [the English ambassador] the same night went privily unto him: declaring the affection the queen’s majesty had to maintain the liberties of them and their country; as also that she affected don Antonio, and the justice of his cause. But for that their case required rather help than open demonstration of a complement, he thought it more convenient to visit him in that manner. The rather likewise, that if the queen, his sovereign, should otherwise make show to friend don Antonio, it would minister occasion of greater jealousy to king Philip: whereby he might be provoked to deal more rigorously with such of their confederates as were in Portugal. The which being respected, he should do his kingdom the greater service, and find the apter means to deliver his country from the oppression of the Spaniard.”

He added, “That the said Vimioso seemed to accept of his [the English ambassador’s] coming, and of the choice of the time and manner: discoursing to him of his hard adventures, first passed in Barbary, when he was taken prisoner in the service of don Sebastian, their late young king: acknowledging to have received his liberty by the means of king Philip. For the which he was to adventure his life in his service, the liberty of his country and honour reserved. And that for those causes he had put himself in those hazards; repairing to those princes, [in France, &c.] of whom he hoped to find that honour, as they might receive help in the redress: not meaning, as he proceeded, to enter into discourse, how necessary this action was to be embraced by the French king and the queen of England. For that he ensured himself their own judgments, and the advices of their counsellots, were sufficient to penetrate: which would be considered for the benefit of their own estates. But that he was disposed to declare the right of his king, and to shew the justice done to the right of Portugal, with desiring their aid of men and means for the many and just considerations. “That as for the particularities touching the queen, he would leave to communicate with him therein, until he had conferred with the Christian king and the queen his mother.” That to all these speeches, he [the English ambassador] only answered him thus: “That as for the good-will and disposition of her majesty, his king and nation should find to be such, as the benefit of her meaning should be rather shewed towards them by her gracious deeds, than by many promises and outward shows: such was the manner of her sincere proceeding. “He said, how Rodrigo de Souza [don Antonio’s ambassador] had informed him of her most royal dealing: purposing, after he had done his affairs in that court, [of France,] to repair into England.”

It must be remembered here, that the queen had sent Prim, her agent, to the emperor of Fez and Morocco, in behalf of don Antonio, in compassion of his condition. And what success that affair had, the lord treasurer had communicated to this English ambassador by Waad, one of the clerks of the council. Concerning which thus the ambassador proceeded in his letter: “For that Mr. Waad had shewed him his honour’s letter, with the instructions for to deal in the matter which Prim brought, he desired the count,. it would please him for to confer with Mr. Waad, as with a confident gentleman, and one trusted by his honour, [the lord treasurer,] that he [the ambassador] had understood by the said Mr. Waad, that he had passed speeches with the count about those affairs.”

Further, “That on the twenty-second in the morning, the count Vymyos did senqd him word, that he would in the afternoon visit him. And he accordingly sent his coach and horses for to serve him and his company. But that it seemed he changed his purpose, and sent Prim unto him with a message, as that he would be glad to have him [the ambassador] resort to him. But he willed Prim to say unto the count, that he could willingly do any thing that might give him honour: but that there were in this case these respects to be had in consideration. First, his coming thither unto the court for to address himself and his negociations unto their majesties: so as by open coming in visitation, he [the ambassador] should give cause of mistrust to their majesties, that he did it to intrude himself into some dealing with the count; and to seek by conference to undermine their affairs. Moreover that it was the manner of proceeding of all such as were distressed, for to seek unto princes, and to all their ministers. And that therefore he was to enter into consideration hereof what he thought good. “That upon this, in the evening, don,Juan de Souza repaired unto him, [the ambassador,] and required him to think, that the count would willingly visit, but that he was loath to give any cause of misliking unto their majesties, [the French king and the queen his mother.] Otherwise that he was willing of himself to repair unto him. For that upon the speeches he passed with their majesties there was cause, importing the queen’s majesty’s service, for to declare unto him.”

And then, as to that message from Vimioso, the ambassador told the said messenger, “That for his part, he had done the office of his sovereign, as servant, to visit him, being a personage of that merit: and that he was willing rather to consent he should do all things to the advancement of his affairs, than to the impeachment. That therefore, if he found it convenient for the affairs which he had dealt with their majesties, to confer with him, [the ambassador,] in respect it touched the queen, his sovereign, he hoped he would deal accordingly. Then don Juan de Souza required him, that he might in the night meet with the same count beside his [the ambassador’s] lodgings; and he would confer with him. He assented to it; because he pretended it would somewhat import her majesty. But about nine o’clock he [Vimioso] sent an excuse in writing.”

I shall add somewhat more, to make up this vacancy and silence of our historians in this part of queen Elizabeth’s history. It seems it was a tender point to meddle in don Antonio’s affair: and not to attempt the provoking the formidable king of Spain. Insomuch that the French king was in some hesitation of giving assistance to this expulsed king: and that crown had more mind this work and charge might be undertaken by the queen. And Vimioso, by shifting conference with the English ambassador, seemed to have some doubt of her. All this, with other matters, may be gathered from another letter of intelligence from Brook, the foresaid ambassador, to secretary Walsingham, writ May 6. “That there were which secretly persuaded the king for to find it unnecessary to break into wars with the Spanish king, for his brother’s sake only, [duke of Anjou, now in the Low Countries, contriving to get honour and government there,] except there should be offered some other just quarrel. And yet notwithstanding the king had not only given open entertainment unto the count Vimioso, being required to the contrary by king Philip’s agent; but did appoint monsieur Villequer to confer with the said count, for the means to be taken and used for the restitution of don Antonio.”

And concerning the conference between the said count and the English ambassador, thus he repeated the matter to the secretary: “That the count did, after his first coming [to France], pretend to have meant to come to confer with him, [the ambassador,] but that when either he attended on his coming, or that he [the ambassador] offered to meet him in some convenient place, or otherwise in the evening to visit him privately, it was deferred and shifted, until the day of parting; whenas he sent one of his gentlemen to let the ambassador know he purposed to repair unto Tours. Whereon, remembering how once he had said, it was requisite he might speak with me upon causes [as the English ambassador’s letters proceeded] which were necessary for the queen’s majesty to know, I resolve (seeing I thought it not convenient to repair myself to him publicly) for to entreat my lord Sandys to vouchsafe, under colour of visiting don Juan Rodrigo de Souza, to address himself unto the count; and to let him understand, how I had been most willing for to have taken my leave of him; as also to be informed so much of his affairs as were necessary for her majesty to be certified of. “The which the lord Sandys performed. Whereon the count answered to my lord, first, with my giving of thanks for my first visitation; as likewise for those further demonstrations and offers to repair unto him. But he said, they found not her majesty so affected to the state of Portugal as there was cause. Howbeit, whether it proceeded of fear or love towards king Philip, he did not know.

Alleging moreover, that it appeared in some sort how there should be in her majesty’s council persons of quality, which affected the Castilian king: lamenting how it had not pleased her majesty to give in her letters the title which belonged to their king, [in not styling him king Antonio:] nor yet admitted his [the said king’s] ambassador to have public audience. “That he rehearsed these points with some earnestness, seeming to think they were indignities. Wherewith consequently he took occasion to praise the acceptance and favour this king [viz. the French king] had in his court apparently used toward him: resting much satisfied in all those commands he had required of their majesties [the French king and queenmother.] “My lord Sandys answered to these former speeches thus: First, how her majesty did favour the justice of their cause, and had dealt to their contentation, as it seemed, by the report of Rodrigo de Souza. But whereas there had not been that open show made by her majesty, as was now here used by this king, that there was greater cause for this king to perform the same, in consideration of the queen, and the king’s mother’s pretence. The count lastly praised her majesty’s virtues, shewing how he purposed to write shortly by the king’s ambassador, Juan Rodrigo de Souza; or else to repair into England himself.”

He concluded his letter, “That the count and Rodrigo de Suza parted thence yesterday by water to Tours. And from thence it was signified to him, that he meant to go to monseignieur. That Rodrigo de Suza said to him at his last visitation, how this king offered the count Vimioso, that if don Antonio should decease, he would furnish him for forces to recover the realm of Portugal; notwithstanding the judgment of them of quality in that country was, without money there would be little help had for Portugal as yet from those parts: except some ships might shift by sea, and about the out-islands, and watch for to fetch the Indian fleet.”

This affair of restoring don Antonio was transacted some time before, while Walsingham was ambassador in France, and then moved at the English court. To which a passage or two in the treasurer’s correspondence with him will give some light: suggesting, why the queen dealt so warily in this matter; namely, that she might not draw all the fury of king Philip upon herself: and that she might first be assured of the French king to bear his proportion of charge and forces, and to be true to her: the subtile queenmother endeavouring to plunge the queen into this business with as little danger and expense, as might be, to themselves. The words of the lord treasurer, in his letter to Walsingham, were, “That the French ambassador, with the French Portuguese consul, were with her majesty, with letters from the queenmother: of great earnestness to her majesty, to aid don Antonio: by that name, but not by that of king Antonio. Whereof,” added the writer, “the French king made reason for the queenmother’s pretence.” Ford she pretended title to the kingdom herself. In another of the said treasurer’s letters: “How don Antonio may be relieved, there had been no delay on the queen’s part, otherwise than that she would be well assured, that for yielding relief unto him (which both the French king and the queenmother had often solicited) she might not receive offence of the king of Spain. But that the French king would join therein with her majesty as well for the charges, as to withstand the offence. And for this that a private league might be entered into by them both. Which the French king cunningly declined.”

At length, after some months, don Antonio’s earnest application for aid was listened to, especially a considerable advantage being like to be obtained by a fleet to be set out from England to the Azores isles, belonging to the Portuguese; upon the prospect of the treasure and wealth that might be brought thence, after a successful fight with the enemy there.

The two great seamen, Drake and Hawkins, with divers merchants and others, willing and desirous to be at the charge of the expedition themselves, the queen also to bear some charge, since don Antonio had delivered her a very costly jewel for that purpose. Ten thousand pounds was computed might accomplish the charge. This looking so plausibly, and our brave sea-commanders, and other English, so forward, it was not slightly recommended to the queen, and espoused by her. And so it laid before her council; whether, without breaking terms with the king of Spain, and that according to the law of nations, she might not assist another king, oppressed by a third. The latter requiring so much caution and deliberation, the great statesman, the lord treasurer, absent now, as it seems, from court, was required to give his judgment in this weighty question, which he did at large under his own hand.

But, in short, the result of his advice was, that however this action was judged, not to violate the peace of the king of Spain; yet he would so take it. And though a commission to sir Francis Drake, and king Antonio’s war was just, in order to recover or to preserve his kingdom, he yet held: yet the king of Spain would take the action, as maintained by the queen: and so as he found himself able, would revenge himself upon her, and arrest and take her people, ships, and mariners, coming within his power; and on this occasion might give new supports to Ireland, and relief to the king of Scots to be an ill neighbour. And then he advised, if the voyage proceeded not, then the said king to have his jewel again of the queen: the preparation that was made, to be viewed, and sold, and distributed; and the four ships which the king had desired, and the munition, to be sold to him by a bond, and the pawn of another jewel. This curious paper, being of this wise counsellor’s writing, I have transcribed, as containing many remarks, and preserved in the Appendix. But though this expedition, as it seemed, failed at present, yet divers years after, when open wars brake out between the queen and Spain, this action was effectually entered into, and prosecuted successfully, to the infinite damage of Spain, as is related at large in our history, made in the year 1589; when the queen, by Drake, invaded Spain and Portugal, king Antonio with some forces assisting.

Civil wars for divers years had vexed the kingdom of France; occasioned by the implacable malice of the duke of Guise’s faction, and the Roman catholics siding with them against the protestants, called Hugonots. The chief heads on this side were, the king of Navarre, and the prince of Conde’, his brother, a firm protestant, as well as a brave soldier, and very active. Applications were sometimes made to the queen on this account, being a favourer of the oppressed, especially for religion. The foresaid prince was now come into England; both to vindicate their cause, and (more privately) to endeavour to engage the queen on their side with men and money. But she prudently forbore to do that, any further than to be a mediator for peace between them, and for the liberty of religion to be granted to the protestants. Yet she seemed to favour the prince of Conde’ and his cause: to whom she now gave a private audience, together with the French ambassador, at her court of Nonsuch, and only one or two of her privy council present. An account of the conference she imparted to her treasurer the same night. And what the particulars of it were we are enabled to discover from the secret letter of the lord treasurer to the earl of Sussex; who thus related the matter: “That coming from his house at Theobald’s to the court at Nonsuch, and repairing to the privy chamber to have seen her majesty, he found the door at the upper end of the presencechamber shut: and then understood, that the French ambassador had been a long time with her and the prince of Conde’; and none other of the council, but the earl of Leicester and Mr. Vicechamberlain; secretary Walsingham being sick then in his chamber.

But that, about seven of the clock, that said ambassador being about to depart towards London, came to him, [the lord treasurer], and told him a great part of their proceedings; being well pleased with her majesty for her temperate dealings, and no wise contented with the prince of Conde’; in whom he found more disposition to move troubles in France, than to enjoy peace. And that the ambassador added, how he verily thought, that those troubles in France, and the prince’s coming hither, were provoked from hence.

To which the lord treasurer subjoins, that herein he himself knew nothing of certainty, but should be sorry it should be so in truth.

Nevertheless that it augmented the ambassador’s suspicions upon the sight he had of the great favours shewed to that prince by certain counsellors here, [probably those two present at the conference, as well as others.] Which he understood had been many times, both on Friday and Saturday, [that is, the days next before the conference,] with him at the banqueting-house, where he was lodged.”

And then the treasurer proceeded to shew the earl, how the queen, late that evening, told him of the dealing with the ambassador and the prince. “Wherein she commended the prince’s modesty in declaring the cause of his coming, to shew to her majesty the just causes that had moved the king of Navarre to take arms for his defence against the marshals Montmorency and Biron; of whose violences, as he supposed, without warrant from the king, he shewed many particular cases. To which the ambassador made defence, by retorting to the king of Navarre the occasion of those marshals’ actions to have grown from the king of Navarre first. The prince also declared the causes of his coming from S. John d’Angeli to have been to serve the king in his government of Picardy; where he sought to obtain the good-will and liking of the towns in Picardy.

Because the king and his mother also had assented, for their parts, that he should have the government; saying, that they found the states of the country unwilling: which was, as he understood, but a suggestion by means of the house of Guise, to the end that D’Aumale might have the government from him. And so he coming into Picardy found: as namely, the people of Soyssons, the people glad of his access. And yet notwithstanding, his adversaties, on the part of duke d’Aumale, procured contrary suggestions to be made to the king. And in the end, he found certain numbers of men of war amassed by the lige of Picardy to have trapped the prince. And thereof complaining, and finding no remedy, forced to flee towards Almain, leaving the house of La Fere guarded. And perceiving that the French king was induced by his adversaties to credit their false complaints, he came hither to entreat her majesty, that the French king would suspend his judgment both against the king of Navarre and him; and accept them as his most dutiful subjects, as they meant and intended sincerely and plainly, without attempting any force, otherwise than for their defence against their oppressors. “And to this, as the lord treasurer added, as he understood, the ambassador used small defence; but excused the king as one that was very loath to come to terms of war. But he argued, that his master was so provoked, as he thought it a very hard matter to stay him from proceeding with such force as God had given him, to the expending of his life and crown. “ The ambassador went to London, and the prince to his lodging, conducted by my lord of Leicester; when Wilks, the clerk of tile council, attended upon him. That by her majesty he perceived the just cause of his coming was for money in this sort, that is, after this rate the charges to be borne; viz. a part by the king of Navarre and his part; another by Cassimere, [brother to prince palatine,] and certain princes protestant; and a third was required from her majesty. What that may prove, I know not, as this wise and wary statesman concluded. I wish her majesty might spend some portion to solicit for them some peace, for the good of the cause of religion. But to enter into a war [with France], and therewith to break the marriage, [now in hand, and endeavoured with the duke of Anjou, the French king’s brother,] and so to be left alone, as subject to the burden of such a war, I think no good courtsellor can allow.”

The prince, within a day or two, went thence to Flushing: from whence he went by sea to Colen; and so to Almain.

But I have here somewhat of importance further to add concerning France and England, transacted this year by divers honourable commissioners on both sides, about a firm league between both princes. And how matters were concerted between them, in order to the strengthening themselves against the Spaniard, who threatened them both, having now seized the kingdom of Portugal, and busy in mastering the Netherlands, a curious paper of the lord treasurer Burghley’s will give notable information; and particularly concerning entering into a secret league between them: of which affair I find not a word in our historian of queen Elizabeth’s reign.

An exact transcript whereof follows. A note off such things as were agreed on at the conference: and other things propounded, and not agreed on, Aug. 23, 1581, between the commissioners off the queen off England and the French king.

I. The treaty made in Charles IX. his time shall be confirmed, with an addition to be joined to the same, for the redress of piracies.

II. That the treaty offensive shall be only for conservation of state, without naming any person.

III. That if the invaders of any of the confederates shall not, after admonition given, stay his proceeding, and make restitutions, then the prince confederate shall denounce war unto him.

THINGS PROPOUNDED, BUT NOT ACCORDED.

I. Whether after the denomination of the war, the princes confederate are to assail the prince invading with their forces joined, or apart.

If the forces joined, what number it is thought meet the said forces should consist of; of what quality; horsemen or footmen; for how long time to be continued; and how and by whom the charge thereof shall be borne. If with separate forces, then what numbers shall be thought meet to be employed.

Whereof how many by sea, how many by land; or whether all by sea, or all by land: and for how long they shall be continued.

Whether those forces agreed on for the defence may not be thought sufficient for the assistance of the prince confederate at the charges of the giver. And whether it may not be at the choice of the confederate that is assailed, to have the said number of men, or so much money as may wage them. A note off such things as are to be resolved by the queen’s majesty, touching the secret league between the French king and the queen: at the same time as the above league in 1581. [This league was for assisting the king’s brother going to the Netherlands.] I. What of money her majesty will be content to contribute: in what sort, openly or secretly.

II. To what sum we shall press the king to yield unto, in proportion of that which her majesty shall be pleased to supply: whether double or treble more than the said sum which her highness shall be content to contribute.

III. How long her majesty will be pleased to contribute the said sum; and upon what considerations; whether by way of loan, or otherwise.

And if by way of loan, what caution she will require. And whether it were not meet to covenant with him to procure the bonds of the states, ad majorera cautelam, within some convenient time, for the repayment of the same IV. Whether her majesty could not best like, that this secret treaty between the king and her pass only by mutual promise, to be contained in private letters under their own hand.

On the margin of this paper the lord treasurer, being required, I suppose, by the queen, set answers in his own hand. And in another paper likewise, under his own hand, they are thus answered, as instructions to her commissioners’ inquiries, as above. Answer to the three first articles.

Her majesty for answer hereunto saith, That she cannot resolve upon any particularities concerning the said first three articles following, until it may be understood upon what points this secret league is to be made. Nor until she shall be informed, according to my [the lord treasurer’s] late writing to you, [the English commissioners then in France,] what may be thought will be the monthly charges of monsieur’s actions [in the Low Countries.] And how the same may be borne by contribution of the states of the Low Countries, according to their compacts with monsieur. And thereupon also what shall be further thought necessary for a supply of the said charges: and how the same may be answered by monsieur his own expenses. And how much his brother, the French king, will yield unto. To whom, for the honour of the crown of France, this cause doth principally belong. And when her majesty shall understand from the same probable estimation hereof, she may then, having your advice also, resolve of such portion as shall be meet for her to yield.

ANSWER TO THE FOURTH.

Her majesty liketh best to have this treaty secretly handled for sundry respects, which will hardly be kept secret, if all the French commissioners that now treat with you shall treat also of this secret league.

CHAPTER 2.

Episcopal visitations of London and St. Edmond’s Bury. Disorders there by the preaching of Handson and Brown. The bishop of Norwich’s complaint of them to the lord treasurer. Some justices of the peace favour these preachers. Philips, and Day, the bishop’s commissary, used hardly by them. Day’s letter to the bishop.

Gaiton, a puritan preacher. Articles drawn up against these justices. Their answers. Some accounts of Handson and Browne.

Crompton, a justice, commits a minister going to read service. The bishop of Coventry and Litchfield takes his part. BUT now we come to matters at home. Aylmer, bishop of London, held a visitation this year of the clergy of London, at the convocation house: where he administered articles to them; and made certain inquiries. His articles were, (as I take them from the diary of one of the clergy then present,) I. Straitly to keep the Book of Common Prayer and Sacraments.

II. Not to use invectives in their sermons. Forbid by the statute established.

III. None to be so hardy as to refuse wearing the surplice in their ministration.

IV. None to add, alter, or diminish any thing in divine service.

Then for the inquiries.

I. If any that had cure of souls did not also administer the sacraments.

II. If any did not observe the ceremonies to be used at baptism and marriage.

III. If the youth were catechised.

IV. What ministers who utterly refused to read the Homilies.

V. What uncharitable preachers, that called others that preached not, by ill names, as dumb dog, &c. Some further account is given of this visitation in the Life of Bishop Aylmer.

This year also, Freke, bishop of Norwich, visited the town of St. Edmond’s Bury; occasioned by the disorders there, (of which the queen’s commissioners for causes ecclesiastical at London had informed him,) against the due worship and service of God prescribed and used in the Common Prayer. Many of the people at and about Bury were carried away into a dislike thereof by two ministers there, viz. Handson and Browne.

And of this, and of the effect of this visitation, the bishop gave this account to the lord treasurer in his letter written from his house at Ludham, April 19. “That being informed of many great disorders in that town and country thereabouts, as well in the clergy as the laity: whereof, beside the general complaint, the high commissioners at London, understanding of the same disorders, had advertised him thereof in letters: requiring him to take order therein. And that thereupon he did in person, with other of his associates in commission ecclesiastical for those parts, visit the said town. In the which were found great defect among the people. Some whereof were desirous in dutiful affection to have her majesty’s proceedings observed: others, on the contrary, being given to fantastical innovations.

There were, moreover, divers matters of importance exhibited and proved against Mr. Handson; who was, as he added, in very deed, the only man that blew the coals, whereof this fire was kindled.

That it was therefore thought meet, for the better quiet of that place, that he should be suspended from preaching, unless he could be contented to enter into bond to her majesty, as hereafter to teach and preach the word sincerely and purely, without impugning or inveighing against the Communion Book, the order of government, and the laws of this realm now established. Which after he refusing, he was thereupon, and remained, inhibited to preach.”

Adding,”That hereof he thought fit to inform his lordship, and also the rest of the lords of the council, if so it should like their lordships. And that herein the bearer was to attend, and follow their lordships’ directions. And that he had, for his and their lordships’ better instructions, sent therewith a copy of the articles, and proofs thereof, preferred against Mr. Handson; reserving his [the bishop’s] proceeding therein taken, to their lordships’ judgment and consideration.”

Herewith he also sent unto his lordship other articles ministered against one Robert Browne, a minister, (from whom the sect of the Brownists,) and his personal answers thereunto. That the said party had been lately apprehended in that country, upon complaint made by many godly preachers, for delivering unto the people corrupt and contentious doctrine; which the bishop sent up under divers articles to the said lord treasurer. Of whom he gave this further character; “That his arrogant spirit of reproving was such as it was to be marvelled at: the man being also to be feared, lest if he were at liberty, he should seduce the vulgar sort of the people, who greatly depended on him: assembling themselves together, to the number of an hundred at a time, in private houses and conventicles, to hear him, not without danger of some evil event. At last he was dismissed, and sent out of the diocese; but returned again.”

And such was the busy zeal of this Browne, and being also backed with some gentlemen in those parts, that the bishop’s visitation had done but little good; and the disorders continued there: notwithstanding at the assizes the judges, viz. the lord chief justice and justice Anderson, shewed the statutes for the breach of these orders of the church, and threatened the punishment due to the breach of them. The bishop could make but his complaint to the court: which he did by another letter, writ in August following, to the same statesman; especially informing him, how these disorders were bolstered by certain gentlemen from about Bury; shewing, “That Mr. Browne’s late coming into his diocese, and teaching strange and dangerous doctrine in all disordered manner, had greatly troubled the whole country, and brought many to great disobedience of all law and magistrates. That yet by the good aid and help of the lord chief justice, and master justice Anderson, his associate, the chiefest of such factions were so bridled, and the rest of their followers so greatly dismayed, as he verily hoped of much good and quietness to have thereof ensued, had not the said Browne returned again, contrary to his expectation, and greatly prejudiced those their good proceedings: and having private meetings in such close and secret manner, that he knew not possibly how to suppress the same.”

He went on, adding,” How sorry he was to foresee, that touching this his diocese, what must needs in short time, by him [Browne] and other disorderly persons, which only sought the disturbance of the church, be brought to pass. And that therefore the careful duty which he ought to have to the country, being his charge, enforced him most earnestly to crave his lordship’s help in suppressing him especially: that further inconvenience might follow by this his return: and in procuring for the lord chief justice and Mr. Anderson such thanks from her majesty, for their painful travail in that behalf, that thereby they might be encouraged to go still forward in the same course.”

And then the bishop came to the mention of the gentlemen in those parts that favoured these disturbers of the peace of the church: and prayed the lord treasurer’s advice and assistance concerning them, in these lines following: “And herewithal, if it would please your lordship to give me your good advice, how to prevent such dangers, as through the strange dealings of some of the gentlemen in Suffolk about Bury is like to ensue, I should be much bound to your honour for the same. Which gentlemen, winking at (if not of policy procuring) the disordered sort to go forward in their evil attempts, and discouraging the staid and wiser sort of preachers, (as by sundry letters which I send your lordship by this bringer may appear more plainly unto your honour,) will in time, I fear me, hazard the overthrow of all religion, if it be not in due time wisely prevented. And so leaving the rest to the further declaration of the bringer, he humbly betook his good lordship to the protection of Almighty God.” Dated from Ludham, August 2, 1581.

And to explain this latter part of the bishop’s letters, I proceed to shew what usage two persons received, partly for preaching quietness and submission to government with respect to these seditious practices, and partly for informing against the instruments and promoters thereof.

For there was then a minister at Bury, that had preached the doctrine of submission and obedience; and reflected upon those preachers that made these disturbances among the people: and other ecclesiastical officers did their duty in ordering presentments to be made of disordered persons. But divers gentlemen, and they justices of the peace, had checked them for thus doing, and threatened them. Two letters were sent to the bishop from such as were thus used.

The one was from Oliver Philips, shewing him how he was reviled by the justices of Bury, for preaching obedience to the queen’s laws; whose letter ran in this tenor: “That he had been requested by his brother and others to preach the Sunday before at Bury: and that only for preaching obedience to the queen’s laws, and speaking somewhat sharply of those that were contemptuous and disobedient to the same, he had been called before the justices of the peace; and used with very evil manner of speeches and threatenings, being termed a seditious person; one that moved the people to sedition; a Jesuit, and roguing minister; such an one as preached out of his own cure. And that he was threatened to be bound to his good behaviour. But that in the end they had bound him over to answer it at the next assizes to be holden among them.” And then the minister subjoins to this complaint of his to his diocesan: “These, methinks, be hard dealings towards the ministers in your lordship’s diocese. And except your lordship do speedily provide some remedy against these evils, there will be no quiet dwelling in your lordship’s diocese, for any minister which means to conform himself.” Adding, “that in these things which he had written unto his lordship, in every point, he would justify and approve them before his lordship; or else let him have the greatest punishment his lordship could devise for him.” Concluding,” Thus taking my leave of your lordship, I beseech God long to preserve you in health and prosperity among us.

Your lordship’s most humbly to command, Oly. Philips.” This for Philips. The other was Day, who was an ecclesiastical officer of the said bishop of Norwich, residing at Bury. He writ another letter of complaint to him, of the justices’ usage of him, for swearing questmen to bring in their presentments against such as came not to church. And his case he also thus laid open at large. “That sir Robert Jermin, sir John Higham, and Mr. Badbie, had dealt very unjustly and revengingly with him; and did mind very imperiously to proceed. The cause was, that he did the Friday before call certain honest men of both the parishes of Bury, purposing to make them questmen. For that one there, named Mr. Gaiton, [who seems to be a minister of the parish,] had so continually cried out against him, for punishing such as came not to church. And as for questmen who should present them unto him, he could hear of none. That the foresaid justices did presently then send for him. And for that he had so done, and had also sworn six of them, not making the justices first privy unto it; they called him Jack and Knave, he knew not how often. And for that so like a Jack and Knave he had done knavishly and lewdly, as they said, he should to the gaol. There was no remedy, unless he did put in sureties for his forthcoming at the next sessions holden at Bury; and in the mean time to be of good behaviour. And so Mr.Dr.Wood, Mr.Rob.Golding were bound for him. And so they remained.”

And then he proceeded thus, shewing further the ill state of these affairs. “Of truth I confess, I dare scarcely do any thing touching my office for fear of violence; I do see the lewd sort so animated against me. And then he prayed his lordship would confer with one Mr. Davie, or some other, what he were best to do. I thank my God, (as he went on,) I care not, what man can do unto me. My only desire is, to continue my good name and credit with the honest in the best manner that I may.”

Then he shewed the bishop what his purpose was in these his circumstances. “That in the beginning of next term, or sooner, if it should be thought best, to kneel before her majesty; and to lay open, how they had dealt with him from time to time; and for what cause.

Humbly to crave, that by her means he might have the countenance of an honest man, so long as it should appear that he was not dishonest. And then he requested that it might please his good lordship to let him have his letters, directed unto her majesty in that behalf for him: testifying therein, what he [the bishop] found to be in him, and of all their troubles, and the justices their continual abusing of him; [that is, in the discharge of his office in the ecclesiastical court.] And that he doubted not, but that as it would make for his credit, so it would work for his [the bishop’s] great quiet also.”

And how earnest he is in this request, his following words declare; “My good lord, I do most humbly desire that it may so be; and that you will so tender my credit, and stand with me, as my honest life and faithful dealing shall or may seem to urge. Otherwise I do not crave.”

Nay, and this was not all the trouble he met, namely, from the justices; but he was baited from the pulpit, when he was present, by Gaiton, a puritan preacher: which he thus relates in the same letter. “Mr. Gaiton forgetteth himself daily more and more in the pulpit, both in abusing me, and also divers others; and that with untruths.

He was not ashamed to say in pulpit in my presence, that I, who would punish such as were absent from church, did dine with one whom I had licensed to be away in the afternoon. He said also, that we urged orders so long as orders maintained superstition: but all other orders were no orders. He concluded by the first of the Acts of the Apostles, that no one man might appoint ministers but the disciples in every parish, and none other. He would needs urge also, that none might be suffered in the church, but preachers only; neither ought any in government of the church to be urged other than God in his word commandeth.”

And then the writer concluded, “That to be brief, no minister as yet they had in St. Mary’s church, [one of the parish churches, by reason, as it seems, of the differences in the town,] neither did he know what to do, that they might have one. That, for himself, he must seek his quiet, as he might: and he did not doubt, but by his [the bishop’s] help to obtain it. That Mr. Badbie [one of these favourers of the party] had called him Tosspot, and otherwise greatly reviled him. Oh! that your lordship would but send for him, and bind him over to his good behaviour. And that he should greatly hereby encourage him to go forward. At the least, he added, he would make friends to be in commission of the peace. Otherwise he feared there would be no dwelling there for him. He left all to his lordship’s good care of him. And then piously ends with his prayer, God work for me his will. Subscribing, Your lordship’s most faithful in God, JOHN DEYE.”

Postscript. The justices do threaten to do many things.”

This Dr. Deye was commissary to the bishop of Norwich, or to the archdeacon of Sodbury.

This Gaiton, of whom all this complaint was made, was a preacher in Norwich some years before. And suspended by the bishop about the year 1576, after an examination of him before the bishop and dean; for that in his pulpit he had taken upon him to confute his chaplain’s sermon, and admonished the parishioners to beware of such false doctrine. This gave the occasion of his being cited, and charged in several articles; as, for his not wearing the surplice, nor observing the order of the queen’s book, neither in the prayers nor administration of the sacraments, which was the cause of his suspension: but how he came afterwards to get off his suspension, and to preach at Bury, I know not. But I am apt to think he did it by the slackness of discipline, and out of the countenance he met with there, notwithstanding his former suspension; since it appears that his opinions and practice were the same. This matter between him and the bishop’s court, and proceeding, may be read more at large in the second volume of my Annals· But to see a little farther what issue this matter had. The good bishop found himself not strong enough to encounter these gentlemen and justices, who carried all before them in their countenancing of these disaffected persons to the orders and discipline of the church. And therefore he applied himself again to the lord treasurer; sending the very letters aforesaid of Philips and Day to him to peruse, with his own letter. Wherein he shewed how far he had proceeded with these justices, in articles drawn up against them, to the number of twelve, which he sent to the said treasurer. The chief whereof were concerning their rigorous dealing with the commissary Dr. Day, and Philips the preacher: and binding some others to their good behaviour, that stood for the due observation of orders, as appointed in the church. The justices’ answers to those articles sent to the lord treasurer in their own vindication, being somewhat long, may be found in the Appendix; being entitled, The answer of sir Robert Jermin, sir John Higham, knights, Robert Ashfield, and Thomas Badby, esqrs, gentlemen of Suffolk and Norfolk, to certain articles objected against them by the bishop of Norwich.

In these articles they were charged to countenance disobedient and disorderly men. Particularly, that they favoured Coppin and Tyler, who some years ago were imprisoned for spreading of Browne’s books, which condemned the Book of Common Prayer, and the whole constitution of the church: and that for obtaining the freedom of these spreaders of those books, the said justices had used their endeavours with the judges. That they refused divers ministers, ordained by the bishop, because they were ignorant, and could only read. That they were for nothing but Geneva psalms and sermons. That they endeavoured to remove one Wood, a minister, from his living, because he only read; and gave him warning to be gone: and put the parish upon choosing another, though the collation was in the bishop. That at an inn, called the Angel, they meddled in ecclesiastical causes, that belonged to the bishop. That they joined their authority together against the commissary, and threatened to send him to the gaol. That violence and violent speeches were used towards him; and their part sir Robert Jermin took; and denied him justice; and denied him to have any authority, as a magistrate: and further, that they bound him, a bishop’s commissary, to his good behaviour. That Mr. Philips, for a sermon preached at Bury, exciting to obedience to the queen and her laws, was required and bound to an appearance before them.

Upon these articles preferred against them, and an appeal the bishop had made to the queen against them, they were cited up to answer before her: where, after their said answers given in, (smartly and rudely in some places retorting upon the bishop,) they required the lord treasurer that they might be dismissed by the queen.to their own country; and that he would be their petitioner to her for that purpose in these words: “That now they had been called out of their own country, and every street sounded their disgrace, wrought by the bishop, that either they might deserve the just deserts of their doings by due punishment; or being cleared, both in her majesty’s royal judgment, or his lordship’s opinion, the bishop, for his bold and untrue suggestions, might be so censured, as they might, with the restitution of their poor reputations, be attended with some good comfort upon their places. In which they desired no longer to live, than they should be found very loyal and dutiful to their so gracious sovereign.”

I have this to add concerning the aforesaid preachers, Handson and Browne; the former yet remaining under suspension. The lord treasurer had examined his case himself, and had wrote a letter to the bishop, that upon due reformation of what was done amiss by him, he might be restored to his preaching. And sir Robert Jermin on this opportunity, with the lord North and some others, wrote to the bishop on his behalf, to this purpose: “That since his lordship had examined Handson’s case at length, even as it was set down at the hardest against him, and in his [sir Robert’s] opinion, very indiscreetly, as he said, in many the most principal parts thereof; and that they knew his ministry to have been very profitable to a great number; that they who sought to remove him, were rather adversaries than friends to the truth: that for matter of faith and manners he was ever held a sound teacher; and that in these indifferent things he had never laboured much: that therefore, in consideration of these things, he [the bishop] would give him liberty to exercise his ministry.” To which the bishop’s resolute answer was, “That unless he would publicly confess his fault, and to be bound to follow another course, he would not set him free.”

And upon this denial of the bishop, sir Robert and others apply earnestly to the lord treasurer again, that notwithstanding the bishop’s refusal, he would grant him the freedom to teach the people, and take off his suspension. But this I conclude that lord would not do, nor would arbitrarily intrude so far into the bishop’s right. Nor did he ever go farther than persuasive letters to the bishop sometime in behalf of such ministers, who, notwithstanding some scruples, brake not off communion with the church.

And then as for Browne, this favourable account the said sir Robert gave to the treasurer of him; and how he dealt with him now upon his second coming. That Mr. Browne came by chance to Bury: that he [sir Robert] sent for him, and moved him to be careful of his proceedings. He told him, how dangerous his course seemed in the opinion of many honest and godly men; and how apt the adversaries of the truth would be, to slander and discredit the profession and professors of the truth, if these his singular conceits might not be warranted by the word and Christian policy. “To which Browne’s answer,” as sir Robert added, “had many things that were godly and reasonable, and, as he thought, to be wished and prayed for. But with the same, there were other things (in this his answer) strange and unheard; and the means to put the same in execution, as they reached beyond both their callings, being private; so he [sir Robert] thought them over dangerous to be retained in opinion.” [He meant, in reference to the opinion about setting up a new discipline, and overthrowing the present established church government by episcopacy.] “And then moving the said lord treasurer to advise Browne to a more careful regard of himself in so deep and dangerous a matter; the man being young both in years and experience; and to threaten him, that he should be very sharply censured to the example of others.” And he presumed his lordship should do a good and honourable deed in staying him from going too far; and making him of a man very able, so very fit to yield the church his profitable service.

But these courses went on at Bury for some years, the ministers varying from, or altering the Common Prayer at their discretion, disliking the order of it, and depraving the book; asserting the queen’s supremacy to be only in civil matters, not religious; and some also holding certain heresies, as that Christ was not God, &c. and many young ministers of this sort increasing in those parts; and all this in great measure by the favour of some of the justices. Till in the year 1583, they received a check by some severe proceedings at the assizes at Bury, sir Christopher Wray, lord chief justice, being upon the bench; when many were convicted, and some, obstinately persisting, put to death; and. the justices reprimanded, and warned to keep the peace: as shall be shewn at large when we come so far.

The bishop, quite weary of living there, got a remove, a year or two after, to another bishopric.

I meet this year with an instance of the pastoral care of another bishop, in taking cognizance of some heterodox opinions in one of his diocese; and his proceedings against him. John, bishop of Exon, had received information against one Anthony Randal, parson of Lydford, of the family of love, a sect that spread about these times in that diocese, as well as in other parts; whom, for his damnable doctrines and heresies, the bishop had deprived. This man taught and asserted, that the creation of the world, and the three first chapters of Genesis, were to be understood allegorically, and were not so true literally. That as many as received Jesus Christ did perform all the moral law, and lived without sin. That the Lord’s supper and baptism were not sacraments. That the church of England is a false church, and so is the Roman. And that there is a third church, which shall stand, when the other shall fall. And either church, being authorized by the prince, must be obeyed. These opinions, under divers articles subscribed by his own hand, are set down at large in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift; to which I refer the reader.

But Randal, however by the bishop for these gross tenets deprived, rested not so; but had the hardiness to complain above against him, as suffering wrong at his hand: having of first appealed to the Arches, and thence to the queen’s delegates; whence, notwithstanding, the bishop had his proceedings approved and ratified. But this sectary desisted not, but clamoured about the bishop unto the council; and stood still in his opinions, and obstinately maintained them at that present, owning them under his hand, and that in the presence of divers public notaries. The original whereof remained in the bishop’s registry, as a perpetual testimony against him. A copy whereof the bishop thought fit to send to the lord treasurer Burghley; accompanied with a letter from the said bishop to him.

And that because, as he wrote, Randal had many complices; and that hurtful sect of the family of love began to creep into that country. Of which, therefore, he had brought twenty to open recantation in his cathedral church. “And in consideration of the premises, he beseeched his lordship, that his sentence given against the said Randal, and ratified as aforesaid, might have good countenance and liking at his hands. And that he requested it, not so much for his own credit, as for the peace and quiet of God’s church: which, by means of Randal and his adherents, was very much disturbed.” This letter was dated from Excestre; and I have exemplified it from the original.

Something happened this year in the diocese of Coy. entry and Litchfield, wherein another bishop also was concerned, named Overton, bishop there; wherein he shewed both his courage and his paternal care of his clergy: wherein also may be observed how, in these times, some parts of that diocese stood affected towards religion, and how forward to receive the old abandoned religion of Rome; which seemed now to many to be upon the point of being restored, upon the French king’s brother’s courtship of the queen. The case was this: a justice of peace there, (whose name was Crompton,) on pretence of his office to inspect the behaviour of the clergy, and to punish them, if they any way varied from the orders of the church, or neglected their conformity to the forms prescribed, caused a minister in his own church, going to perform his office, to be carried away by a constable to gaol; and left the congregation without any service. This disorderly proceeding with a minister in his own church coming to the bishop’s ears, he thought fit to call the justice before him, by his ordinary jurisdiction, and to examine what he had done, and to vindicate his clergyman, who was indeed a man of good desert. And of this he thought good, in a letter to the lord Burghley, lord treasurer, to make complaint; and to acquaint him with the whole state of the matter: and withal hinting, how unfit some in commission were of that place and trust. The letter shall follow, which will give light into some public affairs in those times: namely, “How ready the people there were to take great boldness upon small occasions, (as he had wrote to him in a former letter,) and how apt they were to stir at first, if they were not suppressed betimes. That he signified to his lordship by the same letters, that there were not wanting among them some of the better sort, and of the justices themselves, that fed the people’s humours, and gave spirit and courage unto them in their folly. And because as then he writ but darkly unto him, (for that he had but an inkling of matters,) he promised, that as he should afterwards further sift out the truth, so he would let him understand more of it in time. It was so now, that upon better examination he had learned both certainly: both the matter how it stood, and the occasion whereof it grew. That there was a great muttering among the people of late, and in one of the most dangerous parts of all that shire, [Staffordshire,] namely, in the Morelands, that the mass in all haste should be set up again.”

And upon this report the bishop adds, “That when he heard of it, he supposed it had been but the murmuring humour of the papists; because it was commonly surmised by them, that, upon the coming in of the duke [d’Anjou], religion would straight have a change.

But as this peradventure might be some cause of that sudden muttering and surmise, though it was not all, nor the chief, so it was rather occasioned merely by the rash and preposterous (I cannot say, added the