CHAPTER 1.

Matters about the queen of Scots. Resolution to bring her to her trial. Her removal. Sir Amyas Paulet, her keeper, faithful. The queen’s letter to him. A commission preparing for the said trial.

The judges consulted about it. Letters from Popham, attorneygeneral.

Consultation about putting her to death; which the queen was against. Objections and answers for the queen’s satisfaction.

Dr. Dale’s letter for that purpose. Considerations offered to the queen by parliament. Moved, to disable the Scots queen.

Answered. What precedents might be found. Joan of Naples.

Petition of both houses to the queen; and her answers. The queen of Scots executed. The queen highly provoked at it. The lord treasurer forbid her presence. His letters to her. Davison, the secretary, his character. Interrogatories put to him; with his answers.

THIS was the fatal year of the death and end of the unhappy Mary queen of Scots; of whom our histories are not wanting. Yet some things I am able to relate, from authentic papers fallen under my hands, that may further illustrate this critical part of queen Elizabeth’s reign.

Upon Babington’s desperate plot to murder queen Elizabeth, and to raise a rebellion, and to rescue the Scots queen, and set her upon the throne, the court came to a resolution to bring her to her trial. And in order to that, to put things into a method, there was a memorial drawn up by the council, dated September the 28th, of matters with the queen’s majesty: which was thus endorsed by the lord treasurer’s hand; About removal of the Scots queen, in order to her trial; and for the better securing of her person. To be resolved by her majesty. All that follows writ also by the said lord’s hand. “I. To what place the queen of Scots shall be removed: Fotheringay or Hertford castle. “II. About what time the council and noblemen shall assemble, to hear the Scots queen’s cause. “III. At what time the judgment of the noblemen shall be affirmed by parliament. “Hereupon order is to be given for the execution of the resolutions. “So upon the first, sir Amyce Paulet [her keeper] is to be warned to put things in order for her remove; without giving to her, or to any of hers, any warning longer than two or three days: not shewing to her to what place certain she shall go, by the space of two or three days journey. “Warning to be given to certain principal gentlemen to attend, with a number of servants for that purpose, from shire to shire. “IV. To get letters sent severally to all noblemen that are absent, to come to London about a day certain, or rather to the court. “V. According to the queen’s resolution, to have either a new summons presently, or else to expect the 14th of November for her remove out of Staffordshire the way to Hertfordshire.”

Then are set down what gentlemen of quality of the counties were to attend, by Warwickshire, by Northampton-shire, by part of Buckingham, by Bedfordshire into Hertfordshire.

Places of lodging from Chartley to Hertford: and from Chartley to Fotheringay.

To the latter of which strong places that queen was soon after safely brought, by the care and watchfulness of the abovesaid sir Amyas Paulet.

At which the queen was somewhat easy: and in gratitude to him for his faithfulness in the managery of that remove; and still to encourage him to he steady in that great charge intrusted with him, she wrote him a letter subscribed by her own hand: which (as I transcribed from a copy thereof taken by Mich. Hickes, the lord treasurer’s secretary) was as followeth: “To my faithful Amyas. “Amyas, my most careful and faithful servant, God reward thee treblefold in the double for thy most troublesome charge, so well discharged. If you knew, my Amyas, how kindly, besides dutifully, my grateful heart accepteth your double labours and faithful actions, your wise orders and safe conduct performed in so dangerous and crafty a charge, it would ease your travel, [troubles writ over head,] and rejoice your heart. And (which I charge you to carry this most just thought) that I cannot balance in any weight of my judgment the value I prize you at; and suppose no treasure to countervail such a faith: and condemn myself in that fault which I have committed, if I reward not such deserts. Yea, let me lack when I have most need, if I acknowledge not such a merit with a reward, non omnibus datum. “But let your wicked mistress know, how with hearty sorrow her vile deserts compel those orders; and bid her from me ask God forgiveness for her treacherous dealing toward the saver of her life many years, to the intolerable peril of her own. And yet not content with so many forgivenesses, must fall again so horribly, far passing a woman, much more a princess. Instead of excusing whereof, not one can serve, it being so plainly confessed by the actors of my guiltless death. Let repentance take place; and let not the fiend possess so, as her best part be lost. Which I pray with hands lifted up to Him that may both save and spill. With my loving adieu, and prayer for thy long life, Your assured and loving sovereign in heart, by good desert induced, ELIZABETH REGINA.” Thus the queen was purposed to keep that Scots queen in safe custody under her faithful Amyas, (as she called him,) for the preservation of her own life: but further than that close restraint she could not be brought to grant.:But when urged by continual solicitations of her counsellors, and generally of all her protestant subjects, she consented at last to grant a commission to many persons of chiefest rank and nobility, (besides her own council,) to go down and call her to her trial for high treason. Which trial, and how she was found guilty, is related at large by our historians; which I leave therefore to be read in them.

Great care and consultation was had about drawing up this commission, being to remain a record to after-times, of the just and legal proceedings in this weighty cause. Some particulars whereof I shall relate from certain letters between the lord treasurer and Popham, the queen’s attorneygeneral; who in a letter advertised the said lord, “That it was thought on by him and others learned in the law, whether it were convenient to make special mention of the Scottish queen, [dubious, as it seems, whether expressly to charge her with treason.] But that, as he added, sithence the matter had been so revealed already by the traitors themselves, he thought his lordship had conceived a very good course to have it so; if it might so seem good to her majesty. But that then there must be good consideration had by what name she was to be named in the commission.”

Upon another letter writ a day or two after, by the lord treasurer to the said attorney-general, signifying her majesty’s concern by what name the Scottish queen should be indicted, thus did the attorney answer: “That he gave order to the clerk of the crown, that the commission should be written in a set hand; in respect it was of great importance, and to continue in after-ages. That he had sent him therewith a copy of the commission, with a space when the name of the Scottish queen was to be put in. Wherein it might please her majesty to have a great care, and not upon any conceit to hazard the whole proceedings; for that beside her Christian name, she might also have either the surname of her last husband, or the name of her father, as was set down. For no name of dignity (as he proceeded) is taken notice of by our law, but that which is grown or created within her majesty’s dominions, or by her majesty or her progenitors’ warrant. But in the alias dictus any thing may be said that shall please her majesty, being once surely named. Wherefore he humbly beseeched his lordship, if any thing were so set down therein, as might endanger the whole proceedings, it might be so known to her majesty; and then to set off the blame that hereafter might grow to them [the lawyers] thereby. That it might be this without peril: Maria filia et haeres Jacobi Quinti, nuper regis Scoto rum, alias dict. Maria regina Scot. dotar. Franc. For it is not regarded what the alias dict. is. And then adding, that if this might be resolved on by her majesty, so that he [the attorney-general] might have knowledge thereof by the next day, then his lordship should have the commission itself presently after sent him, to shew the queen.”

What the answer was to this, and the queen’s resolution, the lord treasurer soon after acquainted the attorney; as we shall tell by and by: only let me mention another inquiry of the said attorney to be resolved about, specified in the letter above-mentioned. For nothing was done in this great affair without consulting with that great counsellor, and he with the queen. “I have (as he proceeded in his letter) likewise sent your lordship herewith the course that we have thought on for our proceedings; which it may please your lordship to reform, and for to direct us therein, as in your honour’s judgment shall seem best for the service.”

And by the words that follow, the treasurer endeavoured to be absent at the trial. For thus the attorney proceeded: “That by what his lordship wrote he was much in doubt his lordship might hardly be spared from thence, [viz. the court.] And for him not to be at the proceedings, might work great prejudice to the whole service. And that in respect whereof, if her majesty could so he persuaded, it were better the Scottish queen were brought nearer, than that himself should be absent.”.And so concluded his letter, dated from his house in Chancerylane, Oct. 1, 1586. Subscribing, Your lordship’s most humbly at commandment, J. POPHAM.” And in respect of this need apprehended of the presence of the lord treasurer at this trial, he, being one of the chief commissioners, was there present, and had large discourse with that queen, then bearing a double person and quality, (as he told her,) both as a commissioner and a counsellor.

But now concerning the great point before spoken of, viz. by what name the Scottish queen should be styled in the commission, (which her majesty had made hesitation about,) the attorney-general, and also Egerton, the queen’s solicitor, had consulted with the judges about, together with the course to be taken in the proceedings. And the consultation of the queen’s judges and others her learned lawyers, and that in such a weighty affair as this was, may deserve to be related: which I will do from the letter of Popham and Egerton, for the information of the aforesaid lord, and by him to be opened to the queen. The letter, dated October 7, ran to this tenor: “That that morning they had conference with such of the judges as were at present there; viz. the lord chief baron, sir Tho. Gaudy, justice Windham, justice Periam, and justice Rodes, and with Mr. Sergeant Gaudy, touching the course of proceeding in the commission. “That they thought good, among other things, to understand their opinion, by what name the Scotch queen was to be called in the commission and record. And that herein they found them all of opinion, that to give her directly and precisely the name of regina Scotorum, either in the beginning or by a copulative, as was set down in his lordship’s last letters, could not well be warranted by law. And therefore that they held it the surest way to name her Maria, filia et haeres Jacobi Quinti nuper regis Scotorum, communiter vocat, regina Scotor. et dotaria Franciae Whereof they presumed to advertise his lordship, to the end such course might be taken therein as might be. warranted by law, and the importance of the cause required.” Adding, “That the judges had required their humble suit to his lordship, that their lodging [at Fotheringhay] might be so sorted, that they might be somewhat near together; to the end they might be the more ready for such conferences as it was likely, in the course of proceeding, would often fall out to be requisite,” &c. This was dated the 3d of October; subscribed, John Popham, Tho. Egerton.

There was first great deliberation of putting that queen to death. For though the parliament and people, for divers years past, had apprehended imminent danger of the queen’s life and the safety of the whole kingdom, by means of her and her party at home and abroad, yet, for the satisfying her majesty, (who could not yield to the putting her to death,) it was seriously debated, whether it were lawful to cut off a queen, or to bring her into judgment. I have met with a writing of the opinion of the civilians touching this matter; consisting of objections against the trying of her as a queen, and answers to those objections by some learned in the civil law: which were drawn up for the satisfaction of queen Elizabeth, as well as others, in so weighty and unusual a cause. As, I. Objection. She [viz. the queen of Scots] is anointed, [as well as queen Elizabeth.] And so, Par in parem non habet iraperium. To that it was answered, That it might be doubted whether she then were a queen, because she stood deposed by the three estates of Scotland, And secondly, she had willingly left her right to her son, &c. Deletum non est consummatum. Ergo.

II. Object. Secondly, That she subjected herself juri gentium soli; that is, to the law of nations only. The answer was, That in respect of her allegiance to the crown of England, her actions were rather to be measured by the positive laws of the land. And by these what she had done was treason, &c. This paper runs out into a considerable length; and therefore I rather lay it to be perused in the Appendix.

I add the judgment of Dr. Dale, a very learned civilian, who was particularly required by the lord treasurer to set it down, in order to satisfy the queen; which he did in a letter to the said lord, dated in October: which I transcribe from his own paper. “Pleaseth it your lordship to confirm your opinion assuredly, Quod delinquens punitur loco delicti, nulla dig nitaris habita ratione. It may please your lordship to consider these words following of the pope’s own writing, in Clementina pastoralis de re indicata: which he made expressly to revoke the sentence of Henry VII. against king Robert of Sicily. “Quod si punitio criminis intra districtum imperialem commissi, ad imperatorem forsan pertinuisse asseratur; verum est quidem, si in eodem districtu fuisset inventus delinquens, &c. So that in the present case, the party being in the same territory where the crime was committed, the pope himself confesseth the conclusion and assertion of the emperor to be true: and yet the civilians do write, that in the very case of king Robert of Sicily, which was out of the territory of the emperor at that time of the sentence, Juristae debent et tenentur sequi factum imperatoris, et non papae. “It may please your lordship also to call to remembrance, that when all the civilians were consulted in the bishop of Ross’s case, it was resolved, quod legatus punitur in loco delicti, si delinquat tempore legationis, non obstante legati privilegio. And indeed the very text of the civil lawyers is plain in the case. L. non actio si legati, F. de judiciis, Legati ex delictis in legatum com missis coguntur judicium Romae pati; sive ipsi admisernt, sive servi eorum. And yet legatus sustinet perso nam sui principis: and of all men the most privileged, ipso jure gentium. “If it may be any satisfaction unto her majesty, or if her majesty be desirous to be fully resolved in this point, your lordship may assuredly inform her majesty of the premises, as it shall seem to your lordship most convenient. Nihil enim est in toto jure certius: what doubt soever any man do make of it. And thus I have not to trouble your lordship any further. At London, the 6th of October, 1586.

Your lordship’s most humble, VALEN. DALE.” Then followed considerations offered to the queen, to induce her majesty to proceed contra, &c. [viz. against the Scots queen.] 1. The interest that all her subjects have in her safety; without which they cannot be safe. 2. The burden of her majesty’s conscience, in being guilty of the universal harms that may follow, in not cutting off the Scotch queen. 3. The ruin of the realm; and 4. Of religion. 5. The cancelling of the glory of her ancestors. 6. The mutual love of her majesty to her most loving subjects in general: whom for that 1ove’s sake she will not leave to the spoil. 7. The dreadful forethinking what such an one may do; so of herself malicious, unnatural, and incensed by cruel papists; irritated by dishonours and dangers. 8. The blasphemy the Scots queen may bring upon England. 9. The honour of our queen, not to drown the glory of her government with the evil like to succeed by her indulgence. 10. Consider, that you take away the ground of all foreign attempts, and the hope of rebellion; and remove the cause for which her majesty may be in danger of desperate traitors. 11. You take away from corrupt persons the hope of reward and benefit of her peril. 12. So you give freedom and boldness to all subjects for service; consultation in disclosing and in resisting attempts.

All your perilous favour shewed to the Scotch queen shall not be imputed to their clemency, but to their cunning means and practices, or timorousness, or God’s permission: and that the queen is not able to touch such holy people: or to the pope’s blessings, prayers, vows, fastings of papists, and as a miracle. These seem to have been the short heads of what was offered to her majesty.

While the parliament was now sitting were read before them divers letters of Anthony Babington, (that had lately plotted the murder of queen Elizabeth, and the delivering and setting up the Scots queen,) written to that queen; and letters of hers to him and others: whereupon the sentence that had been before pronounced against her was read before them of the lower house on the 9th of November. And in pursuance of that sentence, a form of a petition agreed upon by the committee of both houses was read, to this purport: that the queen give order for that queen’s execution: which petition was presented to her by the lord chancellor, Nov. 15, which he declared to both houses he had done. And withal the answer she gave to him, to report to them: shewing her averseness to the execution of the sentence of death against that queen; (as she had before done;) saying, “That it was a cause of great moment, and required good deliberation; and that she could not presently give answer to them; but that she would shortly deliver it to her privy-council: who should deliver her mind unto them.” And further, the said chancellor declared unto the lords, that her majesty commanded him to require the lords to advise among them, if some other course might be taken, without proceeding to the extremity, which she could better like of, if any such might be found. And that she looked for their answer.

One of these courses of more favourably proceeding with that queen, (which was an act to disable that queen in princely dignity,) I find, by a paper, she had propounded to the parliament; which I will here set down, as worthy in this piece of history to be recorded, from the minutes of it; viz. The sum of a petition to her majesty, and reasons gathered, ex jure civili, by certain appointed by authority in parliament, to prove, that lawful it is, and honourable, to proceed, &c.

And here it was debated, in dealing with the Scotch queen, whether to proceed for the disabling of her, which queen Elizabeth was for; or for attainder, for which the parliament was. “We your majesty’s most humble and faithful subjects, assembled in parliament for the preservation of your most royal person, &c. thank God for such a sovereign person, as never subjects had better; we seek, with fear of body and care of mind, to redress whatsoever shall be thought hurtful to your majesty’s safety. “A queen of late time, and yet, through her own acts now justly no queen, nigh kinswoman of your majesty, and yet a very unnatural sister, lady Mary Steward, late Scottish queen, being driven, through violence of weather, to take harbour in your majesty’s realm for safeguard of her life, hath not only had your most gracious protection, but was in her own realm, by your majesty’s authority, preserved from execution of death for her most horrible doings there, known through Europe, to her perpetual infamy. “And albeit upon her first coming your majesty might by law have dealt with her judicially, for her attempts, made by writing and otherwise, against your crown, and the dishonour of your royal person; yet your majesty, in consideration of her long dangerous troubles in her own realm, and in hope that such advertisements would have been good lessons for her amendment hereafter, hath not used her in such manner as she deserved, but forgat and forgave after a sort her former doings. “All which notwithstanding, this unnatural lady, born out of kind, hath forgotten God and all goodness, and seeketh to deprive your majesty of your dignity and life: which the judges declare to be most horrible treason: for which her doings your majesty minding to touch her in honour therefore, (not seeking to deal with her according to her deserts,) is content to have her disabled, as a person uncapable of princely honour within your land. And you think this the best way to establish yourself, and take away the hope of such as depend upon the title. And, to assure your quietness, to make it high treason to attempt and maintain her pretended title. So shall your enemies be weakened by the law, and your true subjects heartened. “If the Scotch queen shall hereafter attempt treason, the law is determined that she shall suffer death without trouble of parliament. “If any enterprise to deliver her from prison, the same to be convicted immediately of high treason. If she consent, [to be] likewise adjudged. So shall none for her dare to attempt against you. And all nations will honour your merciful proceedings; seeing she is fallen into your hands from the violence of others; and seeketh succour at your majesty’s feet; being your sister, and a queen; not to proceed further, but disable only. “This is a declaration and proof of your gracious nature. This assurance for your person.

Resp. 1. “A special disabling her by name is in effect a special confirmation of the rights he should have had. Privatio praesupponit habitum. 2. “By the statutes of this land she is already disabled. Ergo, Rern actarn agimus. 3. “It strengtheneth them that be evil minded; and maketh them desperate, seeing no remedy. 4. “ Grievous penalties fear not the wicked, whose gain more boldeneth: naturally, given to this nation, and all other under the moon, to make stir without cause. Plato: Naturales sunt conversiones rerum publicarum. Desperation feareth no labours. “The law which was then in force as much as this, heretofore never restrained traitors. The instrument is still living by whom all attempts are wrought. Force overthrows judgment. 5. “No new law needs to encourage faithful subjects against her who breaks all laws. 6. “Touching a law against her, if she should hereafter attempt any evil, she saith, she will stir coals. By experience of her former life, law hath no force with her. She will take the advantage upon any occasion. She fears no threat of death. If she should seek liberty, yet dishonourably.

She adventured with a young fellow to get away in a boat in England.

She attempted to get away, and occupieth the heads of the chiefest states in Christendom for that purpose. And she may escape. For she wanteth no cunning to make the way. And there will want no traitors to assist her. The reward is great. 7. “For your regard of honour. An honourable meaning. But we would not see you by such regard lose your state, life, and all. If she escape, all good princes would think great want of judgment and foresight in you and in the council. “A grief to you and other your friends. A triumph to the adversaries. A miraculous escape: ill foresight. And advisedly looked unto, doth ever the less harm. Deal rather certain than by chance. Ergo, Not good to deal by the second bill for disablement; rather by the first by at tainder.”

Then it came to be considered, what precedents might be found of such a matter as now lay before them: and Joan queen of Naples was offered. And a comparison was made between her and Mary queen of Scots. And an argument was framed, entitled, An analogy or resemblance between Joan queen of Naples and Mary queen of Scotland. This was drawn up to represent her the worse to queen Elizabeth; shewing the parallel between both queens in many particulars from histories. As, 1. Joan queen of Naples, being in love with the duke of Tarent, hanged her husband Andreas, (or, as some write him, Andrasius,) king of Naples, in the year of our Lord God 1348. Mary queen of Scots, being, as appeareth by the Chronicles, and her own letters, [in love] with the earl Bothwel, strangled the lord Darly, her husband, king of Scotland, in the year of our Lord God 1567. 2. Joan queen of Naples did, presently after the foul slaughter, marry with the said duke of Tarent, notwithstanding they were joined and knit in kindred near together.

Mary queen of Scots, after the death of her said husband, was married by the bishop of Orkney to the said earl Bothwel, notwithstanding that he had two wives alive, and was divorced from them upon a likely adultery by himself committed. The whole of this analogy, or resemblance, being somewhat long, consisting in many other particulars, will be found in the Appendix. The conclusion whereof, which the parliament made to the queen, was, “That nothing remained to make the history perfect, but that Mary of Scotland might have God’s judgment in her accomplished and performed, that had not only killed her former husband, but had practised oftentimes the end of her majesty the queen of England; and consequently like to bring the whole nation into a general massacre.”

However her majesty could not be persuaded to give her consent to the Scotch queen’s death; notwithstanding by that special commission abovesaid her crimes were found to be great, and she guilty of high treason. And thereupon thought necessary by a special commission to call the states of the realm together in parliament, for their judgment and resolution in this weighty affair. When both houses, well weighing the imminent danger the whole nation was in, as well as the queen’s life and safety, made two earnest addresses to her, the one from the lord chancellor for the upper house, the other from the speaker of the house of commons, that execution might be done, according to the sentence given against the Scotch queen. Which cost her majesty two several long and most eloquent speeches, which she made verbally (as it is endorsed in the MSS. thereof) in answer. Which speeches may be read in our historians. But in the issue she desired them to find out some other expedient than that queen’s death.

In her first speech she desired some further time to deliberate about it in these words: (I transcribe out of the lord treasurer’s MS.) “That she thought they did not look for a present resolution; the rather, for that it was not her manner, in matters of far less moment, to give speedy answer without due consideration: so in this, of such importace, she thought it very requisite, with earnest prayer to beseech his divine Majesty so to illuminate her understanding, and inspire her with his grace, as she might do and determine that which should serve to the establishment of his church, the preservation of their estates, and properties of the commonwealth under her charge.”

And in the conclusion of her latter speech to the parliament twelve days after, when they again earnestly required her to sign the warrant for the execution, she thus put it off again: “Their judgments she condemned not: neither did she mistake their reasons. But prayed them to accept her thankfulness, excuse her doubtfulhess, and take in good part her answer answerless, &c.

That therefore, if she should say she would [not] do what they requested, it would be, peradventure, more than she thought. And to say she would not do it, might perhaps breed peril of that their labour to preserve; being more than their own wisdoms and discretion would seem convenient, circumstances of place and time being duly considered.”

Add, that in the beginning of December was issued forth her majesty’s proclamation and declaration of the sentence pronounced by the nobility in the commission against the Scots queen. In which proclamation the queen seriously protested, that this publication was extorted from her, to the exceeding grief of her mind, by a kind of necessity, as the historian relates.

But addeth, “That there were some that thought this to proceed from the art and guise of women; who, though they desire a thing never so much, yet will always seem to be constrained and forced to it.” And again, thus he writes, “That upon the Scots queen’s death, the first news thereof brought to her majesty, she conceived great grief thereupon, or pretended.” But this seems but an odious insinuation; and would have been too mean a piece of hypocrisy, beneath the queen. And those solemn and earnest protestations she used in her speeches to the states of her realm in parliament, the delays she made, the scruples she put to her judges and learned in the laws of England, shew how concerned and serious she was; and unwilling, and almost resolved in her own mind, to proceed no further with that queen than a close restraint; at least yet awhile; as what is said before, and what shall follow after, will declare.

Upon the continued solicitations of those about the queen, for signing a warrant for the Scotch queen’s execution, she unwillingly did so; ordering Davison, her secretary, to do it under the great seal; but thinking to keep the warrant so prepared, without sending it away, to lie by in readiness.

But the council being acquainted by the secretary with what was done, knowing no more of the queen’s meaning, in haste ordered it to be sent away; among whom was the lord treasurer Burghley. And accordingly the fatal execution was done. For the particulars thereof I refer the reader to our historian.

But as soon as the news of it was brought to the queen, she fell into an exceeding perturbation and passion, and particularly expressed a great anger and indignation against some of her council; and immediately commanded them out of her presence, and banished them the court. One of whom, which was the only one I meet with by name, was her great counsellor, the lord treasurer Burghley: who being under the queen’s displeasure, took it exceedingly to heart; as being under her frowns for a fault of ignorance: not knowing her private mind for delay of the sentence so signed by her; and when he knew it, confessing his sorrow for it to her: after which he hoped for her pardon. He felt the burden of the queen’s anger, who had so long been accustomed to her favour, and so near about her person; and now to remain so long estranged from her sight and presence. He thought the queen too severe for what he had ignorantly done. It brought to his remembrance God’s dealing with penitent offenders: merciful and ready to forgive. And that nothing became a prince more than clemency. These and many more were the melancholy thoughts and pious meditations of this lord, during his banishment from the court.

Which take at length from a paper of his own writing, in many short significant sentences, which I present here, transcribed thence by me.

Beginning; “Peccatum ignorantia commissum. “Anima si peccaverit per igorantiam, offeret arietem, et dimittetur ei; quia per ignorantiam. “Melius est, ut benefacientes (si voluntas Dei velit) pati, quam malefacientes. “Quem diligit Deus, corripit, &c. “The queen meant it not. Esto. This not known. “Mr. Davison. The bill signed. His affirmation,” &c.

These are a few of that lord’s written sentences: for the rest consult the Appendix.

Under this his forced retirement from court, he was very uneasy, and could not bear the queen’s indignation. And to avert it, and reconcile himself unto her favour, he endeavoured to have access to her, to declare more at large to her his innocency, or to pray a mitigation of her displeasure. But that would not be granted. Divers humble letters also and messages he sent to her in the mean time, by Mr. Vice-chamberlain, Mr. Hatton, the lord Buckhurst, and Mr. Wolley, one of her secretaries for the Latin tongue.

Some of these letters I meet with, being his own minutes.

The first whereof was dated Feb. 13, that is, five days after the Scotch queen’s death. Endorsed thus by his own hand; A writing from me to her majesty. Beginning; “Most mighty and gracious sovereign, I know not with what manner of words to direct my writing, to utter any thing like a counsellor, as I was wont to do. I find myself barred so to do by your majesty’s displeasure, declared to me many ways. To utter any thing in my defence, being in your displeasure, I doubt, whilst your displeasure lasteth, how to be heard, without increase of the same: to utter nothing, being secluded from your presence by my lameness, but so to rest also dumb, must needs increase or continue your majesty’s heavy displeasure; and therewithal my misfortune is far beyond others in like case; who coming to your presence, may, with humbleness, boldly say that for themselves, that I also may as truly allege for my own private defence.

Therefore, most gracious queen, in this perplexity I am sometime deeply thrown’ down, near to a pit of despair; and yet some other time I am drawn up to behold the beams of your accustomed graces; and there held up and supported with the pillar of my conscience afore God, and my loyalty towards your majesty. And so I am, I thank God, prepared patiently to suffer the discomfort of the one, or enjoy the comfort of the other: confessing both to be in your majesty’s power. “I hear with grief of mind and body also, that your majesty doth utter more heavy, hard, bitter, and minatory speeches against me than almost against any other. And so much the more do they wound me, in the very strings of my heart, as they are commonly and vulgarly reported: although by some with compassion of me, knowing my long, painful, faithful, and dangerous unspotted service. But by divers other, I think, with applause, as maliceing me for my true service against your sworn enemies. And if any reproach, yea, and if any punishment of me may pleasure your majesty, and not hinder your reputation, (which is hardly to be imagined,) I do yield thereto. And with a most willing mind do offer unto your majesty, as a sacrifice, either to pacify your displeasure, or for your majesty to pleasure any other, (friend or unfriend,) to acquit myself freely from all places of public government: whereof none can be used by me to your benefit, being in your displeasure. And I shall nevertheless continue, in a private estate, as earnest in continual prayer for your majesty’s safety, and my country, as I was wont to be in public actions. “And whatsoever worldly adversity your majesty shall lay upon me, I constantly and resolutely shall, by assistance of God’s grace, affirm, prove, and protest to the world, during the few days of my life, that I never did, or thought to do any thing with mind to offend your majesty; (or to commit any unhonest act;) but in the presence of God, who shall judge both quick and dead, I do avow, that I was never in my underage more fearful to displeasure my masters and tutors, than I have been always inwardly, both out of and in your presence, to miscontent your sacred majesty. Which proceeded, I thank God, of due reverence, and not of doubtfulness how to do my duty. “Thus, most gracious queen, being by my mishap deprived of your presence, I have confusedly uttered my deep griefs, and offered the sacrifice of a sorrowful wounded heart, ready to abide your majesty’s censure, and to wear out the short and weak thread of my old, painful, and irksome days, as your majesty shall limit them; being glad that the night of my age is so near by service and sickness, as I shall not long wake to see the miseries that I fear others shall see that are like to overwatch me. From the which I shall and do pray the Almighty God to deliver your majesty’s person, as he hath hitherto done, by miracle, rather than by ordinary means. “And having ended that concerneth myself, I cannot in duty forbear to put your majesty in mind, that if Mr. Davison [who sent away the warrant for the Scots queen’s execution] be committed to the Tower, who best knoweth his own cause, the example will be sorrowful to all your faithful servants, and joyful to your enemies.

And as I can remember many examples in your father’s, your brother’s, your sister’s, yea, your own time, of committing of counsellors, either to other men’s houses or to their own; so can I not remember any one example of a counsellor committed to the Tower; but where they are attainted afterwards of high treason; and so were served afterwards. And what your majesty intendeth towards this your servant, I know not; but sure I am, and I presume to have some judgment therein, I know not a man in the land so furnished universally for the place he had, neither know I any that can come near him.”

Thus it was in the first minutes of this lord’s letter concerning Davison; but in his review thereof sent to the queen, it ran in these words, with more reserve. “I beseech your majesty pardon me to remember to let you understand my opinion of Mr. Davison. I never perceived by him that he thought your majesty would have misliked to have had an end of the late capital enemy. And what your majesty minded to him in your displeasure, I hear to my grief. But for a servant in that place, I think it hard to find a like qualified person. Whom to ruin, in your heavy displeasure, shall be more your majesty’s loss than his. W.B.” But notwithstanding this intercession of the lord treasurer for secretary Davison, and the great character he gave the queen of him and of his abilities, so highly was she incensed against him, that he was brought into the starchamber by a special commission, and severely censured there, deeply fined, cast out of his place, and imprisoned, and that for a long time after. And where I cannot but observe the account given of him by our historian, very different from what that lord wrote of him to the queen, who was a good judge, and knew him well. For thus that historian: “That he was a man of good ingenuity, but not well skilled in courtarts; brought upon the court-stage, on purpose (as most men thought) to act for a time his part in the tragedy; and soon after, that part being acted on the stage, attire laid aside, he was thrust down from the stage,” &c.

There was a second letter written by the abovesaid lord to the queen four days after the former, viz. Febr. 17. endorsed thus by his own hand; My second letter to her majesty, sent by Mr. Wolley: but not received. The substance whereof was, that she would hear his plea: “That he could not understand her majesty’s offence against him was diminished, notwithstanding that humble submission of his, to endure that might pacify the same. And that he was continually oppressed with grief for her displeasure. That he could imagine no remedy, but continuance of his humble intercession, either to receive his submission, or rather first to hear him answer for thought and deed, as if God himself should call him to judgment. That her majesty, he understood, was more deeply offended with him than the rest; though he was no more to be charged than others: which he supposed increased, because her majesty had not heard him, as she had others that she had admitted to her presence; while he, by his lameness and infirmity, could not come,” &c. But the whole perfect letter I had rather leave to be read in the Appendix.

Little countenance yet shewn him from the queen, he addressed another letter to her, dated Febr. 23 which he thus endorsed; A copy of my writing to her majesty, delivered by my lord of Buckhurst; importing, “That he was not yet come to any understanding what special means to use, to pacify her majesty’s heavy displeasure, so often and grievously expressed both to his friends and many others.

Whereby he was so overthrown in his weakly spirit, as no part of his mind was sound to perform that he ought to do. A torment such as the like he never felt. That he knew surely by many experiences her majesty’s sincerity and Christian conscience such, as, except he had been faulty indeed, she would not thus extremely use him. And therefore he did not think any thing but honourably of her, as he was persuaded.” See this whole letter also reposited in the Appendix.

In this and his former letter he desired admission into her presence, that he might relate more at large what he could say for himself in his own vindication; whereupon the queen signified to those about her, that he might do that in writing: which he understanding by his son, (to whom the queen seems to have said it,) excused it in his next letter, “knowing what ill-willers he had about the court, [whereof the earl of Leicester seems to be one,] who would be apt to put sinister interpretations upon what he should write, and that a writing was but a composition of words, that might otherwise be taken for want of his being present to explain and reply.”

The treasurer’s first admission to the court, as I find, was some weeks after; when the queen wanted his advice concerning her matters with the Low Countries: but being in her presence, she fell foul upon him for the late grudge she bore him for the Scotch queen: whereupon again he fell into great discontent; and absented himself from the court: but composed a writing, shewing the cause thereof: which was to be delivered to the queen by Mr. Vice-chamberlain: but, whatever the reason, not delivered. This writing will likewise be found in the Appendix: which I transcribed from the original copy; thinking this paper, as well as the rest, highly deserving to be preserved, being written by so great a statesman, and tending further to illustrate that great piece of queen Elizabeth’s history.

As for the unhappy secretary, Davison, (whose good character given to the queen was read befores) and who underwent a severe sentence in the starchamber, for his too hasty sending away the queen’s warrant for the Scotch queen’s execution, we have the management of that cause told us at large by our historian. But there is something omitted, which will serve to illustrate that affair, and to set Davison’s case in a true light. Which finding in certain MS. collections, I think very proper here to be inserted: being CERTAIN ARTICLES MINISTERED TO DAVISON, UPON THE EXECUTION OF QUEEN MARY OF SCOTS, BY MR. VICECHAMBERLAIN AND MR. WOLLEY, THE 12 TH OF MARCH, 1586. “1. Whether, upon the signing of the warrant, her majesty gave it not in express charge and commandment unto you, to keep the same secret; and not to utter it to any body? “2. Whether her majesty commanded you to pass it to the great seal? “3. Whether, when it was passed the great seal, her majesty charged you, and that on your life, not to let it go out of your hand, until you knew her further pleasure? “4. Whether her majesty ever willed or commanded you to deliver it to any body, or to cause it to be executed? “5. Whether six or seven days after it was passed the great seal, and in your custody, her majesty told you not in the gallery, that she had a better way to proceed therein, than that which was before devised?”

DAVISON’ S ANSWERS.

To the first he answereth,” That he hopeth her majesty doth not forget, how she commanded my lord admiral to send for him to bring the warrant unto her; having, as his lordship told me, resolutely determined to go through with the execution. That upon my coming to her, it pleased her to call for the warrant, and voluntarily to sign it, without giving me any, such commandment as is objected. Which he affirmeth, as in the presence of God. “To the second he saith, he trusteth her majesty, in her princely and good nature, will not deny to have given him express order to carry it to the seal; and how she willed it should be forthwith despatched.

Whereupon he offering to have gone to my lord chancellor the same forenoon [of the day] it was signed, she commanded him to go in the afternoon, because of some other business he had: which he did accordingly. So as it was between five or six of the clock at night, ere he was with my lord chancellor. So as my lord admiral knowing itby the occasion above remembered, and my lord chancellor by her majesty’s express commandment: besides, that at the same time it pleased her majesty to give him order to impart it in the way to Mr. Secretary Walsingham, as her majesty may best remember; he hopeth there shall appear no cause of any such commandment to conceal it, and not to utter it to any, as is objected. “To the third, he protesteth before God, he neither remembereth nor received any such commandment given him.] For if he had, he would not have concealed it from my lords, that joined in sending down the said commission. “To the fourth he answereth, That as her majesty did not expressly will him to deliver it to any body, so did he never understand her majesty’s meaning to be other, than to have it proceeded in, considering the hourly danger she lived in, and how much therefore it imported her life and state: beside other reasons too long to be here rehearsed. “To the last, he remembereth, that upon some letters received from Mr. Paulet, [keeper of the Scotch queen,] her majesty falling into some complaint of him, upon such cause as she best knoweth, she uttered such a speech. That she could have matters otherwise done.

The particulars whereof I leave to her best remembrance.”

He was examined again upon the like interrogatories the 14th and 16th of March following.

CHAPTER 2.

Revenge medltated in Scotland for the Scots queen’s death. Not safe to call in the assistance of Spain. Advice of the event thereof from a statesman in England to one about that king’s person. His deliberation about it. Several writings and books on this occasion.

A MS. of the order and manner of the Scots queen’s execution. The dean of Peterburgh’s speech to her: and prayer. A book, De Maria Scotorum Regina, totaque ejus contra Regem Conjuratione. Maria Stuarta innocens a Caede Darliana. Sentences against the queen of Scots. Caedes Darliana: dedicated to cardinal Allen. WHEN this queen was thus brought to her end by a violent death, both the king her son, and the Scotch nation, at least many of them, were highly enraged, and studied revenge immediately. To withstand whom, as well as other princes abroad to assist him in,this quarrel, exercised now the thoughts and cares of the English court. Concerning the discourse of the Scots in Flanders, I gather something from a letter of intelligence writ to the lord treasurer by Anthony Coppley, an Enghsh fugitive there; that concerning the assistance to be given the said king by the Spaniard, who mortally hated queen Elizabeth, they alleged, “Their king was too politic to use the king of Spain’s assistance in revenge of his mother’s death; for fear lest that king’s. forces should so much prevail in the revenge, that at last; he might prove another Saxon to the poor Brutain; by defeating him of his crown, and conquering it [Britain] himself. And that in this respect policy, say they, did require, he should rather attend the troubles, very like to ensue upon her majesty’s decease, within England, than to make thereof his advantage for the revenge of her death, and the recovery of the crown, as he could.” This was writ some time after, at their more mature deliberation.

And another letter about the same time, writ to the same lord from an anonymous catholic in Flanders, (who seems to be sir Richard Shelly,) gives this intelligence concerning this Scotch affair. “The Scottish discourses in Flanders are to this effect; That notwithstanding that king’s pretended amity with England, that sure he bore a revenging mind of his mother’s death. Which one day, they say, they do not doubt will be fillfilled upon the realm by the wars, and the assistance of the Dane. Their prophecies, they say, run all to this effect; That in king James shall be united both nations, England and Scotland, both to his crown. Meantime it is policy and very meet his majesty dissemble his revenging mind, till advantage be presented for the action; namely, her majesty’s death, when all the realm is likely to be divided into factions and controversies; what for the crown, what for religions, or other cause. Colonel Stuard, who is presently in great favour with the king, much induceth the king to that revenge. None more. Likewise the earl of Huntley is altogether, say they, inclined that way.” These informations were sent four or five years after; so long did those thoughts of revenge stick in their minds. But to return back.

There is an excellent letter written upon the queen of Scots’ death to some Scotch nobleman near about the king’s person, (seems to be Lethington,) shewing his danger in proceeding to war with the queen; and how uncertain and unhappy it might prove to him, to require assistance from foreign princes against her. It seems to be writ by the lord treasurer. And though it be somewhat long, hath so many curious things contained in it concerning the state of affairs with respect to England and Scotland, and the neighbouring kingdoms, that it may deserve exemplifying. “Sir, I am sorry to find by your letter, that the execution of the king your sovereign’s mother should be likely to bring forth any such effects as you seem to affirm will undoubtedly ensue, upon the knowledge thereof in Scotland, and work an alienation in the king’s your sovereign’s mind, and of that people, from the amity of this realm; the continuance whereof hath ever been so carefully sought and desired. But it is hoped here, besides the king’s own single judgment, that you and others of wisdom and experience about him; that depend upon your said sovereign’s fortune; whose advice he will, as in a matter of so great importance, [listen to,] deeply weighing the same; shall easily judge, how unfit it will prove every way for the one estate to enter into that course, that cannot cure that already done, and in the end but turn to his dishonour and danger, and certain prejudice, instead of reputation and credit: which he may seem to affect thereby. “For if hereupon he will needs make war with this realm, three things would be considered. First, how just and honest this war will appear in the eye of the world. Then, what means he hath to go through withal. Lastly, what may be the consequent thereof any way; and especially in respect of that he pretendeth, the succession of this crown: which hereby shall come into question. “Now for the justness of the quarrel; without which it is not only unlawful to enter into war, but nothing ehe can be expected but unhappy success; he taking arms against this realm in revenge of an action so necessarily done by general consent, for the safety of her majesty’s person and this state, and accompafiied with that justice, as all the world may be judges of the honourable and upright proceedings used in that behalf. It can no way be avoided, but he must be said to oppose himself to the course of justice; and so consequently to the judgment of God himself, whose minister this state was in the execution thereof. And so we, standing in defence of justice, shall not lack the arm of assistance of Almighty God against all the potentates of the world, that shall in so unjust and desperate a quarrel attempt any thing against this realm. “And as for the means of going through with such an enterprise, if your sovereign shall trust but to his own strength and forces, no man can be so simple, as not to see that Scotland of itself is not in case to make head against England, augmented in power and wealth; as Scotland is decreased, by reason that France, which served themselves hereof in times past to annoy England withal, (which had then a footing in France,) having not now the like use of that realm, as heretofore they have had, hath not the like effect.

And as for foreign means, when you have considered how long you shall solicit for a little assistance, as the king’s expectation found by experience to his cost; and when you have it, how uncertain the success may be of all your attempts against England’s forces and resistance; which, by the conjunction of Holland and Zealand, hath gotten that strength by sea and by grace, that, though all the princes of Europe were banded against this realm, we should have no just cause to fear that they should prevail to do us harm, standing upon our defence. “If therefore due consideration be had of these things, and withal the consequence of this war, if the king (things that heretofore have fallen out in experience) should happen either to be taken, or, being overcome in field, or otherwise, be enforced to retire himself out of the realm, having justly incensed the state against him, so far as they shall think meet utterly to disable him for the succession, as by law they may; to what extremity he should be reduced, I doubt not but it will be seen of men of judgment, not transported with passion, to be every way best for his majesty to forbear such a desperate and violent course, as may render him subject to many hazards and inconveniences. Where, on the other side, carrying him with that moderation that becomes a prince of his perfection and education, and is necessary in this remediless accident, he shall both in the mean while happiliest provide for his own security, and for the time to come, through his kind of good usage of her majesty,. who hath deserved so greatly at his hands, win unto himself the hearts, good-will, and affection of the whole body of the realm. “For it cannot but fall out, if a course of revenge should be taken upon this late accident, whereby the people of this island shall be brought once to draw blood out of one another, the ancient enmity between the two nations, which now in a manner remaineth quite extinct and buried, should be revived, in such sort as the English would never endure or accept him for their prince, who had been author of so unfortunate a breach and disturbance of the common quiet of both realms; the same being grounded upon so unjust a quarrel; but especially the whole nobility, by whose sentence the late queen was condemned; the same being approved by parliament; seeing the king to take it so hainously, and carry such a bloody, vindicative mind, should have good cause to think it touched them nearly. And you may be sure they would rather hazard the marching over their bellies, than to yield to the government of such a prince, as they should, stand in doubt would one day call their honours and lives in question. “And what relief or remedy he might expect to obtain in such an extremity at foreign potentates’ hands, who are not very hasty at these days to embark themselves in dangerous enterprises for other men’s sakes, without some further discourse, don Antonio may serve for a lively example: wherein, as in a mirroir, he may behold his fortune, falling into the like distressed estate. “And yet to descend into a little more particular consideration of this point, which you can make account of for to deal with in any such enterprise. That is, the French king, and the king of Spain, either of which to depend on; as to whose assistance he may attain to the present possession of this crown, whosoever shall go about to persuade him to take such a course of counsel, shall, in the opinion of best understanding men, discover either great passion, or else plain want of fidelity or judgment. “For the first, in common reason it is not safe for any prince to repose his strength and trust in them to whose desires and designs his greatness and good success may prove an impediment and hinderance. In which respect neither of the two kings can simply wish your sovereign’s good: for, as you know, his religion is odious unto them both. And if heretofore it bred a difficulty in his mother’s proceedings with the catholic princes, when it was sometime hoped or suggested that his mother’s wisdom and authority (being at liberty would alter his humour and disposition that way, which notwithstanding moved her to proceed after that manner in the enterprise now lately, without any consideration of him; professing to make the king of Spain her heir, in case her son became not catholic: much more now shall the said princes think they have cause to be backward in the advancement of such an one to this crown, who shall be likely to be every way prejudicial to the Rome religion, being a man, and so much more mighty by the union of the crowns. “Besides, it is merely repugnant to the policy of France, where it can, in respect of the ancient claim England makes to that crown, in any case to suffer the uniting of this island under one prince. So as for a king of France to help a king of Scots to the crown of England, were but in truth to enable and strengthen him one day to prosecute his title to that crown. But as the state of France presently standeth, I think you shall not find the king very forward to cast himself into any foreign war, it being well known that full sore against his will he was forced by them of the house of Guise to allow of the civil wars, notwithstanding this glorious pretext, wherewith they of Guise have entangled and embarked that state.

For the which, as he hath good cause, (whatsoever show he now maketh,) no doubt he hateth them, and wisheth their confusion in heart. And yet perhaps the French politics should be content, (although it lieth not in us divers ways to stop and prevent any such malicious practice,) for their own ease and quiet, to serve themselves of their sovereign’s quarrel for the present, for to transport the war out of their, country into this island; yet you may thereby plainly discern, how your king shall be but used as an instrument for to serve a turn; as his predecessors heretofore have been, to the effusion of much Scottish blood, and the spoil of that realm. Besides, it were no good counsel to be given by those that depend upon the French king’s fortune, to advance a king of Scots, too near allied in blood to the house of Guise: by whose assistance this design to possess that crown, and to depose the king, (a matter by him greatly doubted,) may the better take effect. “Now for the assistance of Spain; it is thought his age, and unsettled estate every way, would move him rather to incline to peace, if it were offered, than to hearken to any new enterprises.

But otherwise, if he should give ear thereto, it cannot be but most dangerous to your king, considering his ambition, his practices, his power, his colour of right. For it is well known how he had figured himself an empire over all this part of the world: what plots he laid for the compassing thereof. A foundation was laid for the subduing of this land in queen Mary’s time, he being then our king in right of his wife. The conquest was fully concluded afterwards under colour of religion; as by the prince of Orange, then of the privy-council, since revealed. He now pretendeth himself to be the.first catholic prince of the blood royal of England; being reputed before, though falsely, heir of the house of Lancaster, as by the pedigrees and books published by the bishop of Rosse, and others in his favour, may appear. It was practised even during the late queen of Scots’ life by the Jesuits and divers gentlemen, to advance him to the crown by way of election, to the prejudice of her and her line, as meetest to restore the Romish authority, both here and elsewhere. “For although your sovereign’s disposition was not desperate, they assured themselves, that he would not part with the supremacy no more than king Henry VIII. we may easily and rightly judge how far he would prevail of the donation made of this crown by the late queen of Scots, in her letters promised to be confirmed by her last will and testament. Whereof his ambassador at Paris, don Bernardino de Mendoza, sticketh not already to make open vaunt; and what herself hath practised to that effect with her servants, since her condemnation, God knoweth. Lastly, being the strongest, what should let him to dispose of the prey as he listeth. Warrant he could want none, so long as the popes may be, as they are, of his own and only making. “All which laid together argues how dangerous a matter it might prove for your sovereign upon the said Spaniard, or any such kind of friend’s assistance, which might be converted to his own disherison, as well as to his adversaries’ annoyance. “And thus, by chance of this religion, he shall be able to mend the matter, or better his condition in any respect, is very unprobable, considering the said private respects of their own estates and pretensions will still remain. And for the king of Spain’s part, the usurpation of the kingdom of Portugal gives evident proof that his ambition cannot be restrained, when he hath the advantage by any bonds of religion, honour, or justice. And the simple assistance poor don Antonio hath received, notwithstanding he is a catholic, doth sufficiently shew what is to be hoped for, if ought happened to your sovereign in the like case. But contrariwise, the king’s revolt from religion, (which God defend,) likely to be judged a want of religion, rather than a change, will be his utter overthrow, and discredit to all Christendom. For as it shall lose him his natural subjects and well-willers, both at home and abroad, so will it win him but hollow-hearted friends; in respect that no assurance can be had of a constancy in a religion, if it should appear, that upon stomach he shall fall from his God, and that religion wherein he was extraordinarily instructed and brought up. Neither can he in reason look upon the sudden and at an instant to be inheritor of his mother’s party and credit in that respect here; which notwithstanding was not sufficient to hold all the catholics of England united. “And as for any other objections that may be made, whereby he should seem to be urged and constrained to seek after foreign supports; as in respect of the offence that may have been already taken by the nobility and people of this land, that he hath, contrary to their earnest desire and joint pursuit, being assembled in parliament, mediated for his mother’s life, it lies in his, own power to remove the same, if he leave, when it is time, as he persisted, while there were hopes. “As also touching that point of the honour and reputation, whereupon you all seem so much to stand, which surely he shall be judged sufficient to have cared for and preserved, in mediating for his said mother, so long as there was hope, she being alive, whereof all the world can bear him witness. But seeing she is now dead, and that the justness and necessity of her execution stoppeth the course of all slanderous reports that may be made thereof, the whole proceeding being imparted to all such as he can desire Or careth to have satisfied, it shall be the more for his honour assuredly, to shew how he can moderate his passion by reason. And so it was wished by all good men, both for the common good of this island, and for his own greatness every way, that he were advised; and to thank God, who hath delivered him by this means of a great burden of conscience, which otherwise must have lien upon him; as at whose hands God would have looked for a revenge of his father’s blood, so innocently and horribly spilt, by her consent and privity: not to speak of the goodness of God herein towards him, in establishing his throne, continually undermined by her practices. The end whereof, if he be well counselled, will be the beginning of all happiness in Scotland. Where, instead of being sent for an hostage, or ward, to pope or Spaniard, as the said queen would have made him, he may now absolutely and quietly reign. “Thus you see how the care and desire I have of the continuance of amity between the two crowns hath carried me into a longer discourse than I purposed. But having collected these, and a number more concerning the weal, as I hope, of both realms, to be imparted to you by for that I found him unwilling to meddle therewith, I thought good to write thus much unto yourself, whom I trust I shall not need to exhort and encourage to do all the good offices which on your part shall be possible; considering that our satisfaction on this behalf shall be joined with the service of God, your own sovereign and country; which thereby shall reap the blessed fruits of peace.”

This wise and well penned letter, with the good counsel given to the king accordingly by that grave counsellor to whom it was written, took effect.

For I meet with a paper of that king’s, being, as it seems, his own thoughts in that weighty affair, wrote by himself after serious deliberation of his present circumstances. It was thus endorsed; Reasons for the Scots king’s not revenging his mother’s death. “I am unable to revenge the hainous murther committed against my dearest mother, by the old enemies of my progenitors’ realm and nation, for divers respects: first, in respect of my tender youth, not trained up in dexterity of arms, either to withstand injuries, or to conquer mine own right, being at all times by gane [by-past] deteint in captivity. Next, my excessive cowpit from hand to hand, from neydie to neydie, to greedy and greedie; having sufficient patrimony and casualty; and yet has none