CHAPTER 15.

A motion for peace with Spain. Deliberation thereupon. The lord treasurer delivers his judgment. A treaty begun with the duke of Parma’s commissioners. The articles propounded to Parma: broke off. The Spanish invasion. Consultation thereupon. Intelligence of the fleet from Spain. The queen’s preparations. Public prayers appointed. The Spanish forces. La felicissime armada, so termed.

Account of the Spanish forces in their books. The deist of this fleet.

News printed of the overthrow of the English. Friars aboard the Spanish fleet. Litanies used for the success of their fleet. The English nation at first in a dreadful consternation. A pasquil concerning the Spanish fleet set up at Rome. Their deist and miseries in Ireland. Sir Francis Drake’s letter from aboard of the Victory. Killigrew, ambassador, his letter to the States at this juncture. Rogers, ambassador in Denmark, his service there. King Philip’s words when the bad news was brought him. Public thanksgivings. The queen comes in triumph to St. Paul’s. A thanksgiving -prayer used. Exhortation to the people of England to be upon their guard. The cause of the queen’s taking up arms.

WE now proceed to the next year, viz. 1588, the wonderful year, as it was commonly and deservedly called, with respect to this nation especially.

Two weighty matters now lay upon the queen to be managed. The one was a treaty propounded to the queen by the duke of Parma, governor of the Netherlands, for a truce, in order to a peace between her and the king of Spain. And the other, the preserving herself and kingdoms from the intended invasion of the Spaniard.

Concerning the former, when it came into mature deliberation before the queen and council, in December the year before, and suspecting the motion was not sound at bottom, the greater care was taken how they proceeded, to go upon sure grounds; and particularly, not to leave those of the Netherlands, whom she had taken into her protection, to the Spaniard’s mercy. And in this weighty case the lord treasurer gave his judgment: which I find among his papers, written by himself; therein shewing what he thought advisable and safe to be done in the managing of this business.

This paper, writ by so wise and ancient a statesman, will deserve to be here transcribed, sent to the council (as it seems) in his absence by reason of his gout or some other cause. And was thus endorsed by his own pen: “To be considered what were meet to be done to procurea good peace. December 14. “ First , That a peace is most necessary, no man can deny. “ Secondly , That the obtaining of it cannot be without a treaty. “ Thirdly , There are requisite to that treaty these circumstances: “ First , A place convenient with surety.

Secondly , a cessation of arms during the treaty, as well in Spain as in the Low Countries.

Thirdly , An assent for commissioners for the States, either to treat for themselves, or that the queen’s majesty may treat for them.

Fourthly , That articles between the queen and the king of Spain to be such as may make a clear and an assured peace; without leaving such scruples and occasion of quarrels as hath been, for the queen’s subjects to be free from the inquisition.

Fifthly , That the people of the Low Countries, whom her majesty hath defended, may not be impeached hereafter for any thing done; but that they may enjoy their liberties and freedoms, and have the use of their religion, openly now professed in their churches: for the enjoying whereof they have all this time stand to their defence.

Sixthly , That her majesty may be duly answered of such sums of money as by contract with the States she ought to have.

Seventhly , That this may be contracted with the king of Spain, as hath been heretofore for the Low Countries with the duke of Burgundy: that is, to have the towns both of England and Low Countries bound to keep the peace, as in former times hath been.

“OBSERVATIONS UPON THE POINTS AFORE REMEMBERED.“

First , If it might be treated on in England, it were convenient and reasonable to be demanded for these causes. “England is without men of war and hostility. And so meeter to treat of peace. That reputation also requireth, that considering the queen’s commissioners to come from her person, ut a latere principis. The other come not so directly from the king; but are named by the duke of Parma, who is but a subject to the king of Spain. The commissioners of the Low Countries may come as safe from Dunkirk to Sandwich, Dover, or Canterbury, as they of England may to any place of the Low Countries. “ Secondly , The cessation of arms cannot be so soon in Spain as in the Low Countries; yet if the duke will avow that he hath power to covenant for it, and will send to Spain by post for it, it may be hoped to follow. “ Thirdly , It is requisite to hasten the answer from the States. And if they will obstinately refuse, yet her majesty may treat for herself. And in the mean time it may be hoped the States will assent. Her majesty also may by indirect means see how the States may be provided for, for their religion: which, if it cannot be obtained with surety, her majesty may protest to the world the just cause of breach. And so in like manner provide how the States may become more able to defend themselves. And her majesty also may percase make herself stronger; especially by procuring surety of Scotland; and by procuring further means to help her majesty to maintain her wars. “ Fourthly , If such covenants may be made betwixt the towns of both parts as hath been in former times, whereby may more assurance be hoped for of continuance of the liberties of the Low Countries, and conservation of peace with England. “ Fifthly , If the people whom the queen hath defended, and who also themselves have always persisted to have the use of their religion, for that purpose continued their defensible wars, may not enjoy that liberty for which they have continued their wars; then may her majesty justly refuse the peace; and wanting that special matter for which she hath attempted to defend them. And well may it be avowed to the world, that if the king shall refuse that, and so dispeople those countries of such subjects, her majesty may certainly look for the like peril from the king of Spain out of the Low Countries, that in her protestation published she did notify to the world to be the cause of her yielding to them her defence. “ Sixthly , Her majesty’s contract with the States may be avowed lawful, as a contract for a debt, whereunto they may lawfully bind themselves. “ Seventhly , That examples are extant of like contracts and bonds between the kings of England and the dukes of Burgundy, and of the abilities and towns of both sides. Which at this time is as necessary as ever was in any former time.”

For the treaty, commissioners were afterwards sent by both parties, and met at a place near Ostend. Those on the English side were divers honourable persons, as the earl of Darby, lord Cobham, sir James a Crofts, comptroller of the queen’s household, Valentine Dale, a learned civilian, and master of requests, and some others. They began their treaty in April, and continued arguing all the summer; in show rather than in reality on Parma’s side.

And after long delays and little done, Crofts, one of the queen’s commissioners, (who was very desirous to compass so good a purpose as peace, and to reduce all former quarrels to an amicable conclusion,) went privately of his own accord to the duke himself at Brussels: and there shewed him the terms required on the queen’s part, the sooner to have his answers. Which terms he drew up himself, and comprised in divers brief articles. And because these articles give light into the purport of this commission, and do not appear in our historian, this is the sum of them, as I transcribed them from a volume in the Cotton library.

ARTICULI A JACOBO CROFTO MILITE, PARMENSI PROPOSITI, IN PACIS TRACTATIONE.

“I. That the king [of Spain] his commission [by whose authority the duke had set on foot this commission] might be seen. “II. For a cessation of arms. “III. Treaties and intercourses to be restored. “IV. Correspondency for mutual traffic, [in the kingdoms and dominions of both princes.] “V. How the English travelling in the king of Spain’s dominions should be used in case of religion. “VI. To make an ajmnhsti>a of things done by the English. “VII. A concurrence to be put in action concerning Holland and Zealand; by what means to bring them to the obedience of the king. “VIII. A particular and general pardon. “IX. Toleration in religon as far as the king of Spain may grant with a safe conscience.”

But in fine, the treaty was broke off; intended in truth only for show, on Parma’s and Spain’s part, to hold the English in hand till the Spanish fleet was ready. So that in August, when both fleets were upon the seas, the queen’s commissioners came home, being conducted safe by Parma’s order to Callais: but Crofts was called into question for that journey of his to the duke of Parma, and his business there; and not having sufficient order for so doing, by the earl of Leicesters accusation, (perhaps upon some private displeasure,) he was cast into prison, though the articles were approved by the other commissioners, and agreeable to the tenor of the matters to be treated on.

Now next we come to see what great cause there was for the queen and her council and parliament to be watchful against the malice of papists: who had stirred up the pope and the king of Spain against her in the invasion with their (supposed) invincible armada, as they vainly called it.

The vast preparations for this grand expedition, the number of ships, seamen, soldiers, ammunition, the histories published in other countries, as well as our own, will tell us. Some further particulars whereof, with other matters of remark relating thereunto, I shall add, to illustrate this critical emergence of this queen’s reign, as I have met with them, both in more public as well as more private papers of state, concerning this formidable armada, with the absolute defeat of it: which I shall here communicate, the rather, to shew the signal providence of God to this kingdom in this notable juncture.

But before this enterprise against England was actually undertaken, the fleet now ready, the king of Spain entered into a deep consultation with his counsellors, whether it were more expedient to invade England or Holland.

And the resolution was for England first. This notable argument, with the reasons thereof, afterwards came abroad, and was published in a book Politicarum Dissertationurm. Beginning thus; quando stupenda illa classis regis catholici in procinctu stabat, in qua disputatur, quonam ejus convertend, sit impetus; i.e. That in the year 1588, when that amazing fleet of the king of Spain was in a readiness, it was concerted whither the force of it should be turned.

The discourse; Tanta hodie est Hispaniarum regis potentia, &c. “Such at this day is the power of the king of Spain, so strong his armies, so prepared for war, so fresh his glory newly added to his empire by Portugal; that nothing but what is signal, and worthy the grandeur of so great a majesty, seasonable to the present time and occasion, is expected from him.”

The resolution was, That England was the country that should be invaded rather than Holland first. And for this divers political reasons were urged.

The heads whereof were these that follow. 1. That it was easier to conquer England than Belgium, that is, Holland. 2 . The Dutch being malecontents were not to be provoked. 3. England, how powerful heretofore, and how at this day. 4. The weakness of England in comparison of Spain. 5. England wanted ships and forts; and also horses, and all other warlike preparations. 6. The English desirous of novelty. 7. The English hate the queen. 8. The English want only to offend, [i.e. to rebel in other terms.] 9. England began to decline. 10 . England destitute of captains for war: needy of money. 11. The power of king Philip. The naval strength of the catholic king. 12. Assistance of French and Scots. 13. The honour and glory of this expedition. 14. In England many catholics favouring the king. 15. England, as inclinable to the catholic religion. All these reasons were discoursed upon at large.

As to that head particularly, viz. The honour and glory of the expedition, thus the argument was managed: “That which in this deliberation must be considered in the first place, that respect is to be had in this matter, of honour and just cause of it. Since it is first the part of the catholic king to defend catholic faith and religion. That he be certainly persuaded in this confidence, that there will be no impediment that can retard this attempt of his, that is Divine praised subnixum, i.e. underpropped with the Divine safeguard: for weak and vain are human counsels and aids which oppose themselves to the will of that Supreme Arbiter. But besides these pretensions that the catholic king hath to this kingdom, the account of his duty and office, that he can undertake no worthier expedition in his own or ancestors’ name, who are called catholic; for this reason he shall not only on most just causes obtain the possession of the kingdom due to him, but shall gain to himself the immortal glory of his name above all other kings that ever were; namely, so ancient and famous a kingdom joined to Spain.”

Another argument, in relation to the catholics in England that favoured the catholic king; it was said, “There were very many of that sort that were on his side. And who knows not of what concern it is to have friends and favourers among very enemies? The destruction of Cauna sufficiently shewed this, whereby the Roman army was almost quite overthrown. Nor indeed is any place so fortified which may not easily be subdued, if within by the citizens, and without by the enemy, the fight must be managed. But in England are many who are addicted to king Philip; and in his cause will do what they can. And that was proved by three reasons. 1. King Philip’s clemency. 2. The English as yet inclinable to the catholic religion. 3. The mighty hopes of gain.

For the confirmation of this, it was said, that the catholic king doth not only himself abound in wealth, but in all his empire hath numberless gainful offices, as well secular as ecclesiastical. And that he hath most ample opportunities to be grateful to those that deserve well of him. And that it will be easy for him to draw the minds of the English to him; and to catch others with the prospect of some rich rewards.”

And to prove the inclination of the English to the catholic religion, thus this politician proceeded: “We know that England at this day is torn away from the bosom of the holy church, not by any inveterate or natural infection, but by the error rather, and blindness of Henry VIII. who suffered himself to be carried away by his lusts; so that he made no account omnia miscere, i.e. to put all in confusion. But if we look upon the nation of England itself, it is indeed evident, that from the most ancient times it hath been the most observant of the catholic religion. But if we consider the present state, we shall find it driven into this precipice, not by their own will and desire, but by the madness of the said king. Now if a view of the time be truly taken, this plague of infidelity may be looked upon as yet fresh, and the wound not yet skinned over. Nor are there many years since Mary obtaining the crown, the English were returned to the ancient catholic faith; and so openly shewed, that their minds were blinded with no other thing than by the drowsy lethargy that held the minds of kings bound and oppressed. And how can it be possible that the English should not be catholics for a great part, since either they or their fathers certainly were born and educated in this most holy faith?”

Then for the argument, Angli novarum rerum cupidi, thus it was argued; “That certain it was, that the study of novelties was inserted, as it were, by nature in the English. For that if any read the history of that people, he should find seditions, conspiracies, treasons, and the like, had fixed, as it were, a dwelling-place for themselves in that island.” And then examples were produced; adding, It would be infinite to relate all such matters. Whence it appeared, how easy soma confusions or disturbances might arise in that kingdom; especially, if men, of themselves desirous of novelty, and given to tumults, do see an armed adversary before their doors. To whom they (if for no other reason, at least out of fear of punishment for rebellion) will undoubtedly join themselves of their own accord.”

To that argument, Angli reginam oderunt, thus the same zealous statesman enlarged; “That since all, for the most part, of the English bore heavily the queen’s rigorous rule; as who, not only ruling with small prudence and moderation, but also inhoneste vivendo, raised up against herself the hatred and indignation of her subjects daily more and more; why is it, that we should not believe they will willingly cast off such a yoke, occasion offering? For though the people shew a certain singular observance towards that queen in their outward gesture and countenance; yet if any look inward, he shall find a bitter poison of hatred towards her, in the inmost recesses of their hearts. So that such words openly often, not only among the great ones, but among the common people, are tossed about, that since the queen was born in unlawful wedlock, she cannot hold the kingdom in prejudice of the true heirs, and against the statutes of the kingdom. Wherefore there is great hope, if the catholic king do arm against the queen, that the subjects will attempt somewhat remarkable for her destruction. Since so commonly it is seen to fall out, that the people, pricked forward by hatred, or some other affection, will snatch at any occasion of destroying whom they hate.

So the Tarentines, weary of the rule of Caius Liber, their prefect, received the Carthaginians into their city in his very sight.”

These were the deliberations of the Spanish council, as full of falsehood as malice, to stir up the king, forward enough of himself, to determine this ambitious purpose. But now to see how it Succeeded.

In the beginning of July, news was sent to the court by a gentleman, who had it from a captain named Gilbert Lee, lately come from the coast of Spain, and arrived at Portsmouth; and gave this information. “That upon the 25th of May, after their computation, there departed out of Lixbon for England an 160 sail of small and great ships, viz. 4 galleys, 4 galliasses, 30 hulks, 30 small ships, the rest armadoes and gallions. In the same fleet there are 30,000 footmen, beside mariners. Which fleet arrived in the Groine, all, saving the hulks. Which hulks are yet missing. The vice-admiral of the whole fleet is dead. And the sickness increaseth in the fleet. The general, being the duke of Medina, hath written to the king, to know his pleasure for the proceeding in his voyage. The fleet lieth within the Groyne in three several roads, three leagues from one another. And he said, that if there had come but fifty sail of ships, by reason of the sickness, and being so dispersed, they might have burnt them all. There is a preparing for a second fleet in Lisbone; which shall likewise come for England. “The king of Spain and the Turk have concluded a league for a certain time. This news he learned from three several ships, which he stayed; and that upon the coast of Biskay. In one of them this news was confirmed by several Spanish letters, directed from Antwerp. One that is part merchant and passenger in a ship that is here now, saith, that he will affirm, upon the loss of his life, that all this is true. This ship came from Bayon about twenty days past, and saith, he left all this whole fleet in the Groyne, saving the 30 hulks that are missing, wherein all his horses be. Since which time, he saith, they have had no southernly wind, whereby the fleet could well come out of the Groyne, until these three or four days. And upon the receipt of the king’s answer, they were presently determined to come for England. He saith also, that his soldiers and gentlemen that come in this voyage are very richly appointed; assuring themselves of good success. Insomuch as they might take up any wares, to repay it upon the booty they would take in England. “The duke of Parma did send a ship from Dunkirk to Lisbon, wherein there was an ambassador and fourscore gentlemen. Upon whose arrival the fleet departed presently. There was a report there, that the duke of Parma was come with his forces out of Flanders, and entered the Thames, and had taken London without any resistance, whereupon they were about to make bonfires. “The Englishmen that be in Spain do report very foul speeches of her majesty; and they and the Spaniards desire but to set foot on land, and all shall be theirs. He said, they made a just account to be received in Scotland. “He saith also, that he met with 25 sail of Frenchmen upon the coast of Biskay, which came from Lisbon. And after some conflict between them, and hurt done on both parts, they departed; and whither they went, he knoweth not. “I asked captain Lee, whether he saw my lord admiral at sea, or no, and he saith, he saw none of the fleet.” To this paper the lord treasurer set the date, viz. 5 Julii, 1588.

The state saw well the mighty preparations of arms and shipping that were ready to come down upon them. And the active queen made the best provision she could to receive them. And in order thereunto, one of her first cares was to get the nation in arms; especially those countries that bordered upon the sea. I have seen the queen’s letters to this purpose to the marquis of Winchester and the earl of Sussex, for Hampshire, writ in the month of June; now when already the Spanish fleet appeared upon the seas. “She first took notice to them of their former diligence in their lieutenancies, that her subjects in those parts might be ready in arms to defend themselves and her kingdom against any such attempts.

And the directions she gave she found so well performed by them, that she could not but receive great contentment thereby; and likewise for the great willingness of the people, generally shewing thereby their great love and loyalty. That she accepted it most thankfully; and acknowledged herself most bound to Almighty God, that it had pleased him to bless her with such loving and dutiful subjects. “And that finding the same intention now of invading and making a conquest of the realm, now more and more detected and confirmed; and an army being put to sea for that purpose, which she doubted not nevertheless, through God’s goodness, should prove frustrate; she thought good therefore to require them forthwith, with all the speed they conveniently could, to call together the best sort of gentlemen under their lieutenancy, and to declare unto them these great preparations and arrogant threatenings, now burst forth in action upon the seas: wherein every man’s particular state in the highest degree would be touched in respect of country, liberty, wives, children, lands, lives, and (which was especially to be regarded) the profession of the true and sincere religion of Christ.

And to lay before them the infinite and unspeakable miseries that would fall out upon any such accident and change. Which miseries were evidently seen by the fruits of that hard and cruel government holden, where such change happened, &c. “That she expected therefore, on this extraordinary occasion, a larger proportion of furniture, both for horsemen and footmen; thereby to be in their best strength against any attempt whatsoever: to be employed, whether about her own person, or otherwise. And the number she required them to signify to her privy-council.

Assuring herself that Almighty God would bless their loyal hearts borne towards their sovereign.” The whole letter, whereof these are but some short minutes, deserves to be preserved; and so it may be found in the Appendix.

Nor was this all the strength she expected from her subjects in the several counties, but she required moreover the highest rank of them, her nobility, to provide themselves, and their servants and dependants in like manner, with horses and armour, to be ready to repair, upon summons, to the queen, for defence of her person. And to this purpose letters were addressed to them from the lords of the council by her command. The minutes whereof, as I transcribed them from the lord treasurer’s own pen, were as follow. “Although we doubt not but your lordship heareth daily the reports made from the parts beyond the seas, what great preparations of forces are made, as well in Spain as in the Low Countries; and that in common judgment of men the same may be intended against the estate of this realm; yet because in the directions given these late years through the whole realm, for mustering, arming, and training of all persons for to bear armour, there hath been no special directions given, to require any nobleman to prepare himself with any furniture for the war for himself, his servants, and tenants; but that her majesty did certainly suppose that it was the natural disposition of the nobility without direction, to be armed, both for themselves, and for furniture of horsemen and footmen, according to their ability: “Therefore we, that have cause, by our calling in the service of her majesty, to have a more certain knowledge, than by common reports, what preparations are already made in the parts beyond the seas, very likely to the offence of this realm; for the defence whereof, considering that her majesty hath very providently ordered that her people in all parts of her realm should be in readiness under captains and leaders; and that it is the part of wisdom that her majesty’s person should have, in such a time of danger, a special army to resort to her person; to be directed by her majesty where cause shall require; in which service none are more meet to be trusted than her nobility: we have thought it not impertinent to this purpose, to impart thus much to your lordship, as one whom we know her majesty doth trust. And therewith do require your lordship to take it for an argument of special love to your lordship in advertising you of the premises. And in regard thereof we do not doubt, but that your lordship, with all the speed you can possible, will be furnished with armour and weapon meet for your calling, and of your servants and able tenants, that are not already enrolled in the general musters of the county, as special trained persons, to make as many horsemen as you can, both for lances and light horsemen. And for the more increase of horsemen, for want of sufficient number of great horse or geldings, we think your lordship may do well to increase your number, if you shall provide able men with petronels upon horse of smaller stature. “And your lordship being thus furnished, (as we hope you will,) we think her majesty will make good account of you among other noblemen, to repair to her person, when you shall be called. And your lordship shall singularly content us, to let us know by your letter, as soon as you may, what shall be the numbers which your lordship shah account to have furnished; and of what condition for this service. Whereupon we may, according to the good-will we bear you, impart the same unto her majesty.”

The queen also, to strengthen herself in this emergence, took up great sums of money of her city of London, which they lent her readily; each merchant and citizen according to his ability. And so did the strangers also, both merchants and tradesmen, that came to inhabit there for their business or liberty of the protestant religion. In all to the sum of 4900l. Whereof, among the strangers, John Houblon was one; (of whose pedigree, no question, is the present worshipful spreading family of that name;) who lent for his part 100l.

And together with all other human means, orders were issued throughout the nation for public prayers on Wednesdays and Fridays weekly, in all parish-churches, to be used, for deliverance and good success. And an office was composed for that purpose. And a citation went forth to summon the clergy of the city of London to meet: when a strict charge was given them for the due observation thereof. For so I find in a diary of one of the city ministers, viz. “That being called together, they were required to be zealous in prayers and almsgiving; namely, on Wednesdays and Fridays; and to stir up the people thereunto. And proper homilies to be read for fasting, praying, and almsgiving.”

Other particulars concerning prayers enjoined on this occasion may be read in the History of Archbishop Whitgift’s Life.

One of these prayers deserve to be recorded, in eternal memory of this imminent national danger; entitled, A Prayer, to be delivered from our enemies; which I take out of the book then set forth, called, A form of prayer, necessary for the present time and state. It ran as follows: “O Lord God of hosts, most loving and merciful Father, we thy humble servants prostrate ourselves before thy Divine Majesty, most heartily beseeching thee to grant unto us true repentance for our sins past; namely, for our unthankfulness, contempt of thy word, lack of compassion toward the afflicted, envy, malice, strife, and contention among ourselves, and for all other our iniquities.

Lord, deal not with us as we have deserved; but of thy great goodness and mercy do away our offences; and give us grace to confess and acknowledge, O Lord, with all humble and hearty thanks, thy wonderful and great benefits, which thou hast bestowed upon this thy church and people of England, in giving unto us, without all desert on our part, not only peace and quietness, but also in preserving our most gracious queen, thine handmaid, so miraculously from so many conspiracies, perils, and dangers; and in granting her good success against the attempts of our enemies. For the which so wonderful and great benefits, we humbly beseech thee to stir up our dull minds to such thankfulness, and acknowledging of thy mercies, as becomes us, and as may be acceptable unto thee. “We do instantly beseech thee of thy gracious goodness, to be merciful to thy church militant here upon earth, many ways vexed and tormented by the malice of Satan and his members; and as at this time, as it were, compassed about with most strong and subtle adversaries. And especially, O Lord, let thine enemies know, and make them confess, that thou hast received England (which they, most of all for thy gospel’s sake, do malign) into thine own protection. Set, we pray thee, O Lord, a wall about it, and evermore mightily defend it. Let it be a comfort to the afflicted, an help to the oppressed, a defence to thy church and people persecuted abroad. “And forasmuch as thy cause is now in hand, we beseech thee to direct and go before our armies, both by sea and land. Bless and prosper them; and grant unto them, O Lord, thy good and honourable success and victory; as thou didst to Abraham and his company against the four mighty kings; to Joshua against the five kings, and against Amalek; to David against the strong and mighty armed Goliah: and as thou usest to do to thy children, when they please thee. We acknowledge all power, strength, and victory to come from thee. Some put their trust in chariots, and some in horses; but we will remember thy name, O Lord our God. Thou bringest the counsel of the heathen to nought, and makest the devices of the people to be of none effect. There is no king that can be saved by the multitude of an host; neither is any mighty man delivered by much strength. An horse is but a vain tiling to save a man. Therefore we pray unto thee, O Lord; thou art our help and our shield. “O Lord, give good and prosperous success to all those that fight thy battle against the enemies of thy gospel. Shew some token continually for our good. That they who hate us may see it, and be confounded. And that we, thy little and despised flock, may say with good king David, Blessed is the people whose God is the Lord Jehovah, and blessed are the folk whom he hath chosen to be his inheritance. These, and all graces necessary for us, grant, O heavenly Father, for Jesus Christ’s sake, our only Mediator and Redeemer.”

This we may call a prayer of faith, in regard of the strong hopes of success to be granted to this kingdom professing the gospel; which accordingly happened.

And the queen had good reason to make all the provision that possibly she could against this mighty force, both by land and sea, that was coming with so much fierceness against this land; and reckoning themselves sure of a conquest by reason of their vast and (supposed) invincible strength. Which the Spaniard, the more to advance his glory and terrify his enemies, had caused to be known abroad in all languages, not only in Spanish, but in Latin, Italian, French, and Dutch, excepting English. That written and printed in Spanish shewed distinctly all the preparations of ships, their burdens, and men belonging to them: written, as it seemed, in a bravado, and confidence of victory. For they called it, The most happy armada; bearing this title; La felicissima armada, que el rey Felipe nuestro senior mando juntar en el puerto de la Ciudad de Lisboa en el reyno de Portugal; en anno de mil e quinientos y ocenta y ocha. Hecha por Pedro de Pas Salas. Which book nevertheless soon came into the hands of the lord treasurer Burghley. In which book, in divers places, I have seen notes added by the pen of that nobleman, soon after the defeat: as, what captains were taken or slain, or what ships were sunk, or taken, &c. Another copy of this Spanish book J. Stow, the historian, saw in the hands of the worshipful Mr. Anthony Radcliff, alderman of London, as he writ in his Annals, under that year, upon occasion of sir Francis Drake’s taking the great galleon, being of 1150 tons. Wherein was don Pedro de Valdes, one of their generals, as he found in that book.

But this book soon came out in English, translated from the French, and printed this year by J. Wolf, a noted London printer. Whence it may not be amiss to take some notes, that we may the better observe and wonder at a superior power interposing and overruling, on England’s behalf, at that perilous time.

The book translated bore this title; A discourse of that armada which the king of Spain caused to be assembled in the haven of Lisbon, in the kingdom of Portugal, in the year 88, against England. The which began to go out of the haven the 29th and 30th of May. The translator was one Daniel Archdeacon. Where, in the preface, the translator observed, “How that Spain had published his preparations, not to the queen, but to all besides ourselves, in Italian, Spanish, Dutch, French; and still by them thereby to discourage us.” For thus he tells the world:

He hath many huge ships, so many thousands of armed men, such multitudes of munition, as no man could deliver us out of his hand.

As if he cried out, (with Rab-shakeh to the Jews,) Let not England deceive you: for it cannot deliver you out of my hand. Nor let Elizabeth persuade you to trust in the Lord; saying, Doubtless the Lord will deliver us, and not give us over into the hands of the king of Spain:” as the writer aptly useth the words of Rab-shakeh sent by Sennacherib to good king Hezekiah, and his people, in such a strait as England and queen Elizabeth now was in.

In this book thus translated is set down (according to the Spanish copy) “the number of galleons, ships, pinnaces, zabres, galliasses, galleys, and other vessels, which were assembled in the river of Lisbon; whereof was chief and general the duke of Medina Sidonia; together with the burdens of them, the land soldiers, mariners, munitions, weapons, artillery, powder, and other furnitures for war which they brought, and for what time the said munitions shall serve.”

It would be too prolix to enter the particulars here, but too remarkable to be wholly omitted, as it is, I think, by our historians. And therefore I have comprised the sum of it shortly from the Spaniards themselves in their said book: see the Appendix. Hence it appears that fleet consisted of 130 ships, of 57,868 tons, 19,295 soldiers, 8450 mariners, and 2088 slaves; besides many other lesser vessels of attendance.

And further, for their surer success, their ships were furnished with abundance of friars, and religious men of the several orders of St. Francis, St. Dominic, &c. and of the society of Jesus, to the number of 180· And there was a Latin litany, called Litaniae, composed and printed for the prosperous issue of this expedition, to be used for a week together; each day having its distinct office. And moreover, for further good fortune, and to speed the better, their ships had each their tutelary saints and guardians; as St. Martin, (in which ship the captain general was,) St. Philip, St. James, St. Anne, St. Mary, St. Christopher, &c. By whose names all their ships were called.

But concerning the foresaid Litany, (which I found among some authentic papers of that time, brought over hither, or found perhaps in some of their ships,) I cannot but take some particular notice. It bare this title; Liranive et preces pro felici successu classis catholici regis nostri Philippi adversus Anliae haereticos, verae fidei impugnato I will give some brief account of it, and the prayers there framed against us, as heretics; as being the pretended grand cause of our threatened destruction. See the Appendix.

The mighty intent of this fleet (and so it was published in some of their books, and that not improbable) was, not to make a conquest of England only, but of the whole isle of Great Britain. And that from the Spaniards printed description of that armada. Wherein were specially named such a number of noblemen, princes, marquises, condes, and dons, that were called adventurers without any office or pass. And that such another number of men also, named captains and alferez, without office, and called entertenedos. As all those being in no service in the armada might be well presumed to have come with intention to have possessed the rooms of all the noblemen in England and Scotland; and those preparations for invasion, as shewn in their said books printed, were so grand and extraordinary, containing the particular long description and catalogue of their armada, together with a mass of all kind of provisions, beyond measure, as sufficient in estimation to be able to make a conquest of many kingdoms and countries; as a catholic, unknown here, wrote to the Spanish ambassador at Paris.

In what a dreadful consternation the whole nation was now, upon this hostile appearance on our seas, and our weak strength and opposition, in comparison with them, is lively set forth in a book of one of our bishops soon after. “Oh! my good brethren and loving countrymen, the view of that mighty navy of the Spaniards is scarce passed out of our sight; the very terrible sound of their shot rings as it were still in our ears: when the certain purpose of most cruel and bloody conquest of this realm is confessed by themselves, and blazed before our eyes, [in their books printed and dispersed ;] when our sighs and groans, with our fasting and prayers, in show of our repentance, are fresh in our memory; and the tears not washed from the eyes of many good men.”

But upon that grand defeat, the bishop represents England in another view: “When the mighty Work of God, and his marvellous mercies in delivering us, and in scattering and confounding our enemies, is bruited over all the world, and with humble thanks renounced by all that love the gospel, our Christian duty requires, for joy and thanksgiving, that we should be seen yet lifting up our hands to heaven, with thanking minds, setting forth the glory of God, and, with Moses and the Israelites, singing praises unto his name, and saying, The Lord hath triumphed gloriously; the horse and his rider, the ships and the sailors, the soldiers and their captains, he hath overthrown in the sea. The Lord is our strength; the Lord is become our salvation.”

For notwithstanding the prodigious strength of this Spanish army, consisting of such vast numbers of galleons and galleasses, and ships of great burden, replenished with such crowds of armed men, for landing and invading this country; all was but an arm of flesh: and in short, after divers engagements by sea, were utterly overthrown, and glad to fly away by the Orcades, on the north of Scotland, in their shattered ships that were left; till, after infinite hazards, shipwrecks, and losses in those seas, some of them landed on the north parts of Ireland.

Our historians are very brief and defective in their relations of the said ill success and dreadful shipwrecks and miseries of that fleet, that happened to them in those northern parts. Which may deserve to be supplied. Which therefore I shall do from the epilogue of a letter sent from one in England to De Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador in Paris; a copy whereof was printed in English soon after. It related, “How that famous fleet was driven out of our seas to the further north parts of Scotland, and driven by tempests beyond the isles of Orkney, a place above 60 degrees from the north pole; an unacquainted place for the young gallants of Spain, that never had felt storms on the seas, or cold weather in August. And about those north islands their mariners and soldiers died daily, by multitudes, as by their bodies cast on land did appear.” But I leave the whole relation of these their miseries to be read in the Appendix.

Upon the scattering and disappearance of this mighty fleet, this writing was fastened up to posquil in the city of Rome, to be read by all; as though the pope were in great concern (as no doubt he was) for the fleet’s flight:

Pontificem mille annorum indulgentias largiturum esse de plenitudine potestatis suae siquis certo sibi indicaverit, quid sit factum de classe Hispanica; quo abierit; in coelumne sublata; an ad tartara detrusa; vel in aera alicubi pendeat; an in aliquo mari fluctuet.

The forces that got on shore in Ireland, after some brisk skirmishes, were defeated, and beat by a much less force of the queen’s there. A particular account whereof I do not find in our historians; and therefore I shall also give some relation of it, sent to the queen by the governor and her officers there, in the month of September, soon after the action: which was to this tenor: “By other advertisements of the 14th of September, it is certified to the lord deputy of Ireland, from the earl of Tyron, being at his castle at Dungannon, that upon intelligence brought to him of the landing of certain Spaniards in the north of Ireland, he sent two English captains, with their bands, towards them, to the number of an hundred and fifty; who found them at sir John Odognerty’s town, called Illagh; and there, discovering their number to be about six hundred, did that night encamp within a musket-shot of them; and about midnight did skirmish with them for the space of two hours. In which skirmish the Spanish lieutenant of the field and twenty more of the Spaniards were slain, besides many that were hurt. “The next day following they did offer skirmish again to the Spaniards. Whereupon they all yielded. And so, as prisoners, were carried to Dungannon to the earl: who meant to send them to the lord deputy; being judged to be men of good value; and one thought to be a man that had some great charge and conduct of men for many years. Whereof the lord deputy will give knowledge, as soon as they shall be brought to Dublin.”

Then follow a list of the ships and men sunk, drowned, and taken upon the coast of Ireland; namely, 17 ships, and 5394 men. For the particulars I refer the reader to the Appendix. To which I shall add from the same paper Spain’s loss of ships and men in the coast of England; namely, 15 ships, and above 10,000 men, in a particular list: that we may, as it were, in one view, see England’s never to be forgotten deliverance, by the signal hand of God against that insulting, cruel prince, king Philip.

Many of these Spaniards, thus distressed, and taken in Ireland, were brought over prisoners into England; committed under custody to Bridewell in London: where we find them in September the next year.

Concerning one of these I make a remark by the way. One Giles Corit, of Brittany in France by birth, belonging to the sea, putting in at Lisbon when the Spanish navy was there ready to sail for England, was compelled to leave his ship, and to go with them in that unhappy expedition; (on this occasion getting up all the seamen they could possibly lay their hands on.)

This man at this time endeavouring to obtain his liberty, got a testimonial from Cyprian de Valera, a great Spanish officer, (now, as it seems, in custody,) who testified concerning this man as is aforesaid: and withal, that he was a poor sailor, an old man, and had a wife and three children, and was sick: and that all this account he [the said Cyprian] had from the relation of all the Spaniards that were with him. And this he testified the l3th of September, 1589, under his hand, Cyprianus de Valero.

In this grand decisive action, some particular information two letters will communicate, written at that very juncture by two men of eminence, the one sir Fra. Drake, from on board his ship the Revenge, and the other sir Henry Killigrew, the queen’s ambassador, then with the states of Holland.

In Drake’s letter, which was written to the lord treasurer, dated June 6, he shewed how the queen’s fleet then at Plymouth was in every moment’s expectation of the Spaniard; and that when they were in sight, what courage and bravery appeared in the English, however prodigiously great the enemy’s navy appeared: that a skipper of an hulk, that gave them the first notice of them, could not number them, but supposed them to amount to 150 or 200 sail: and that the lord admiral stood so well affected for all honourable service, as assured his followers of good success, and hope of victory. And so ending with his prayers, not doubting of the enemy. But take the letter, as I offer it from the very original. See the Appendix.

Concluding piously, “That he daily prayed to God to bless her majesty, and to give them grace to fear him. For so should they not need to doubt the enemy, although they were many.”

When the fleets were in face of one another on our seas, and some engagements passed between them, (wherein one of the enemy’s great ships was destroyed near Calice,) Killigrew, the queen’s ambassador in Holland, thought it necessary to excite the States now to assist, and particularly to be ready, and to watch the duke of Parma, who with his forces was going to carry aid from Dunkirk, and to join the Spanish fleet: and when he returned was like to attack some of their towns. For this purpose Killigrew, being now at Leyden, despatched a letter, dated Aug. 3, to Van-der-Myle, president of the States at the Hague, wherein (with the preface of Illustrissime Domine) he acquainted him, “that coming to Leyden, narratum est a quodam, qui se intra biduum Caletis profectum, &c. it was told him by one [probably his spy,] who but two days past came from Calice, that the Monday before, there was a terrible fight between her majesty’s fleet and that of Spain; when, he said, he saw one great galliass taken, although he thought the ship itself perished, but all the goods carried off:” [this was the vessel wherein don Hugo de Moncada was slain, and 686 men besides perished.] “And that it was done within a gun-shot of Calice: that the same person further informed him, that on Wednesday following, her majesty’s commissioners [who were the earl of Derby and others, that had been sent to treat with Parma about terms of peace in show] “came all safe to Calice, in orderto their coming home. On which account, that now all treaty of peace being broke off, the ambassador beseethed Vander Myle, that the States would hasten with all diligence the sending away the letters to her majesty which were that morning read in their council. And added, that all those forces which went aboard at Dunkirk, in order to strengthen the Spanish army, were landed again by order of the duke, as reckoning it not safe to go from shore, the English fleet being so near. And that this was matter, the ambassador said, he doubted not, sufficient to admonish him [the said president] how necessary it was, that Ostend and Berghen [two strong places, being garrisons held by the English] should be provided for. Wherefore he earnestly entreated his excellency, that he would persuade count Maurice to solicit the states of Zealand, that there be sent in time to those cities provisions, and other necessaries for their aid.”

Concluding in these words: “In which things, as I require, most confident in your pains and industry; so I would you should be persuaded, that in the like case I shall never be wanting to serve you. Farewell. Dated from Leyden, Aug. 3, 1588.”

And this warning of the ambassador was not without ground: for the duke of Parma, soon after his departure from Dunkirk, made use of his forces, and set upon Bergen, and laid close siege to it; but was several times beat by the English garrison there. Insomuch that he brake up the siege after the loss of 400 men, as our historian tells.

The queen had another ambassador now at the court of Denmark, viz.

Daniel Rogers; who, by his prudence, stopped. an hired fleet of ships going from that kingdom to advance the power of the Spanish navy with greater numbers; for as it had joined with it ships from Naples, Sicily, Venice, so more strength was endeavoured to be procured from this country. But the said English ambassador, upon knowledge thereof, seasonably applied to that court to forbid the departure of those ships for that purpose, as being a violation of the good friendship between the two kingdoms. This transaction I choose to give in the words of the said ambassador, in his letter writ in August to the lord treasurer. “There were certain who had received commission from the king of Spain to serve him with certain ships, mariners, and soldiers upon the seas: which being invited with great stipends, thought they might so do. But being advertised of his matter, as they were ready to depart, I complained unto the governors [of the king, now a minor], declaring, how far the attempt of such men was against the leagues which were between the crowns of England and Denmark, and nothing conformable unto the sincere friendship which had been between her majesty and the king their master. Upon this complaint of mine, although the parties pleaded their privileges, the governors took severe order, that neither they, nor any other of the subjects of the crown of Denmark or Norway, or appertaining to the dominions of the king, should, either at this present or hereafter, serve against her majesty.”

It would be worth knowing how this haughty king Philip took the first news of the English conquest of his invincible armada. Our historian, in the Life of Queen Elizabeth, writes, that he bore it patiently, and thanked God it was no worse. But it is otherwise more probably told in a paper, written by a fugitive gentleman that lived in those times, namely, Anthony Coppley; being his Declaration of practices against her majesty’s person and government. “That he saw it writ in a letter out of Spain to a Spaniard in Flanders to this effect: that when news of the disgrace of the king’s late armada, or fleet, was brought unto him, being at mass at that very time in his chapel, he sware (after mass was done) a great oath, that he would waste and consume his crown, even to the value of a candlestick, (which he pointed unto, standing upon the altar,) but either he would utterly ruin her majesty and England, or else himself and all Spain become tributary to her. Whereby, as he gathered, it was most evident, that his desire of revenge was extreme and implacable towards England.”

But his priests could have told him the reason why be Was no more successful in that expedition against the heretics in England. “That it was a visible judgment on the Spaniard, for not expelling the Moors out of his country. For God would never make use of the Spaniard to reduce heretics to the bosom of the church, so long as they suffered so many Mahometans apostates to live among them:” as it is told us in the History of the Expulsion of the Moriscoes out of Spain.

Upon the first news of this wonderful deliverance and victory, the kingdom was filled with joy, and a sense of gratitude to God; and that expressed by special offices to be used in all the churches of the nation. The first notice given of it in public was, as I find, on the 20th of August, when Nowel, dean of St. Paul’s, preached at the Cross a sermon of thanksgiving, the lord mayor and alderman present: moving them and all the auditory to give praise and thanks to God for the great mercy. Again, Sept. 8, being another and chief day of thanksgiving, the preacher at St. Paul’s Cross moved the people to give God thanks for the late wonderful overthrow of their enemies, the Spaniards. There was then openly shewed eleven ensigns, being the banners taken in the Spanish navy; and particularly one streamer, wherein was an image of our Lady, with her son in her arms: which was held in a man’s hand over the pulpit. The same banners the next day were hanged on London-bridge towards Southwark. Again, November 17, was another day of joy celebrated, as well for the queen’s accession to the throne, as also for the said victory: when Cooper, a very learned and worthy bishop of Winchester, was appointed then the preacher at the Cross. At which assembly her majesty was to have been present; but, upon some occasion, she came not: and so her coming was deferred till the Sunday following. The 19th day, being Tuesday, was kept holyday throughout the realm, with sermons, singing of psalms, bonfires, &c. for joy, and thanksgiving unto God for the overthrow of the Spaniards: and the citizens of London then appearing in their liveries, and had another sermon at St. Paul’s Cross.

But November 24, being the Sunday following, the queen, (attended upon by her privy-council, the nobility, the French ambassador, the judges, the heralds, with noise of trumpets,) sitting in a chariot like a throne, made with four pillars, dragon with four white horses, came to the cathedral church of St. Paul’s; and joined in the thanksgivings there made, and heard the sermon, made by Pierse, bishop of Sarum, her lord almoner: and then returned through the church to the bishop’s palace, and there dined.

There was a prayer and psalm, appointed to be used duly in the parishchurches on this joyful occasion: and as there was a prayer to be said for God’s assistance of the queen’s forces, and their good success when they went out, and to lie continued while they were abroad, which was set down before; so the prayer and thanksgiving for the happy issue may deserve to be repeated and preserved here, as an eternal record of God’s goodness and England’s gratitude. It was as follows: “We cannot but confess, O Lord God, that the late terrible intended invasion of most cruel enemies was sent from thee, to the punishment of our sins, our pride, our covetousness, our excess in meat and drink, our security, our ingratitude, and our unthankfulness towards thee for so long peace, and other thine infinite blessings continually poured upon us; and to the punishment of other our innumerable and most grievous offences, continually committed against thy Divine Majesty: and indeed our guilty consciences looked for, even at that time, the execution of that terrible justice upon us, so by us deserved. But thou, O Lord God, who knowest all things, knowing that our enemies came not of justice to punish us for our sins committed against thy Divine Majesty, (whom they by their excessive wickedness have offended, and continually do offend, as much or more than we,) but that they came with most cruel intent and purpose to destroy us, our cities, towns, countries, and people; and utterly to root out the memory of our nation from off the earth for ever. And withal wholly to suppress thy holy word and blessed gospel of thy dear Son our Saviour Jesus Christ. Which they, being drowned in idolatry and superstition, do hate most deadly; and as likely only for the profession of the same, and not for any offences against thy Divine Majesty, or injuries done to themselves. “Wherefore it hath pleased thee, O heavenly Father, in thy justice to remember thy mercy towards us; turning our enemies from us, and that dreadful execution which they intended towards us, into a fatherly and most merciful admonition of us, to the amendment of our lives, and to execute justice upon our cruel enemies; turning the destruction that they intended against us upon their own heads. For the which the same thy most gracious protection, and all other thy graces, without our deserts, continually and most plentifully poured upon our church, our queen and realm, and people of the whole land, we beseech thee, add and pour also the grace of gratitude and thankfulness into our hearts; that we never forgetting, but bearing in perpetual memory this thy merciful protection and deliverance of us, from the malice, force, fraud, and cruelty of our enemies,” &c.

Soon after this notable exploit of the English arms, and deliverance from their late danger, the kingdom was still upon their guard, for fear of their implacable enemy, the ensuing year. And for this purpose a well-disposed gentleman of the queen’s household set forth, An earnest exhortation to the queen’s majesty’s subjects: to stir up the minds of all faithful subjects, to defend their country in this dangerous time from the invasion of enemies. And as it is added, faithfully and zealously compiled by Anthony Marten, sewer of her majesty’s most honourable chamber. I take notice of it here as a notable discourse, shewing and justifying the queen’s proceedings in her making war with Spain, soon after the defeat of their armada. “Wherein, as the author writ, they would not seem to war with a woman, but to prepare so invincible a force against her, as might devour her and her whole kingdom in a day, without any war at all.

But He, as he proceeded, that sitteth above casteth out the counsel of princes, and bringeth their devices to none effect: he hath destroyed their forces, and sunk into the sea their huge and strong vessels.”

And then going on, he gave some particular and remarkable relation of this fortunate expedition. “When the greatest princes in Christendom had with one consent conspired with the see of Rome to make war upon all the professors of the gospel, and to reduce them again to their abominable idolatry, or else to destroy them, that their name should be no more remembered upon earth; but especially perceiving the queen’s majesty to be most zealous of the truth, and the principal pillar on whom the church of Christ did depend; they devised many ways to deprive her of her life and kingdom. Come, say they, this is the heir; let us slay her, and the inheritance shall be ours. Then her majesty, knowing from whence the chief cause of their malice proceeded, and that the matter most of all claimed the glory of God, and next unto that the life of her own self, and of infinite thousands of her subjects; she hath since that time taken into her possession (though not the hundredth part of that which she might, and hath been offered her) [viz. by the oppressed in the Low Countries,] yet some part of her enemies’ weapons, as was lawful for her to do, for the better defence of her kingdom, and more safety of the church of Christ: since without those helps she had no safe way to defend herself. [That is, taking the government of those countries upon her.] Yet have these things been done of her majesty with such deliberation, advisement, and long protracting of time, as it might be evident unto all the world, that she sought nothing more, than to have her enemies, by some means or other, reconciled unto her, before she would enter into any new occasion for her own defence. And undoubtedly, but that it so much concerned the cause of God, and the kingdom of her ancient allies; all which she was bound to defend, when she took upon her the imperial crown; and that she saw, that if she did take whole kingdoms from her enemies by violence, they could never have been enraged more against her than before: she would rather have lost a thousand lives in her own person, than have touched any thing that should offend her neighbours, or might seem to belong to another. But when she saw that no other means would prevail: when her highness saw the Turks, Jews, and infidels were suffered to live quietly among them, without compulsion of conscience, but her poor subjects brought into servitude, unless they would submit their souls to the power of Antichrist: when for a most courteous entertainment of all their subjects within her dominions, all hers among them were either made galley-slaves, or else brought within the compass of their cruel inquisition: when neither her own friendly letters might be received as they should, nor her messengers of account regarded as they ought: finally, when they had decreed, that no faith was to be kept with us, and made us worse than infidels, because we have fled from their superstition, and followed the sincere faith of Jesus Christ: “Then her majesty, with all princely courage and magnanimity, began to stretch forth her power, to defend the cause of God and her own right. And these be the strong causes of their tragical dealings with us. Awake now therefore, my countrymen; pluck up your spirits, &c.”

This pious and well disposed writer, with his exhortation, had composed a suitable prayer to be used on this occasion; which was read, during this dangerous season, at the queen’s chapel, and elsewhere. Which I have thought not unworthy to be preserved among our records in the Appendix.

CHAPTER 16.

The Spaniards, after their overthrow, spread lying reports of their victory. Books thereof printed in Spanish. One entitled, Advice from London. Sir Francis Drake’s narrative of this engagement.

Don Pedro de Valdes taken prisoner by Drake. His examination: and ransom. His letter from Brussels sent to the queen. His complaint to her concerning his ransom to be paid to sir Francis Drake: the lords answer in the queen’s name. The queen’s preparations against the next year. Requires a loan of her subjects. The council’s letters to the lords lieutenants of the counties for that purpose. Don Antonio offers articles to the queen.

Reports at Rome, that the queen was taken, and to be sent to the pope. Triumphs there for this false victory. Intelligence from Rome, and other places abroad, of the king of Spain; and his purposes against the kings of Scotland and Navarr. A sessions of parliament. Bills brought in. Speeches made for and against them.

Declaration of the house of lords to her majesty, to assist her. BUT now let us look on the other hand, and see how the enemy behaved himself after this mighty disappointment, and what course was thought fit to be taken, upon this their miserable overthrow and defeat.

Their next care was to impose lies upon the world, to conceal their shame, and the disgrace of their proud king. For they studiously gave out nothing but glory and victory in their news. Such a relation was written and printed in Spanish, of their great success against the English fleet, and agains