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NUMBER 1.

A letter of the lord treasurer Burghly to sir Henry Unton, the queen’s ambassador in France, upon that king’s requiring more forces of the queen. [The beginning of this letter is imperfect.] My lord ambassador, I make account at this time the earl of Essex, my 1. general, is arrived at the camp for the ...... Diep upon Friday last, and so did also our companies And I wish that I have heard at this present by a report thither from Diep, that the French king had won mount Katharine ......

Your last letters reporting the conference had with you there in that court by the French king, and sir Roger Williams being present, hath been somewhat unpleasant unto her majesty, though she findeth no fault therein in you. For the whole contents of the negotiations have been expressed at very large length by the king’s letters unto her majesty, and also to her ambassador here; who hath delivered the same to her majesty. And after the same well weighed by her, she hath made answer by writing in a letter of some length, (the copy whereof I do send you,) and therefore mean to make no recital. But am by her majesty commanded to require you to deliver it to the king. And though you shall not use any speech to him in her majesty’s name, as it were to participate the contents of the letter, yet you may briefly, after the delivery in thereof, and the king’s perusal, say, That you are very sorry, that the time, both on his part and the queen’s, be so unseasonable, as neither her majesty can yield to his demands, nor he obtain that whereof he hath need.

And yet to deal plainly with you, her majesty hath great cause to suspect, that the report of the king’s weakness of his forces there made with good advantage for him. For sir Roger Williams coming from the king with letters of credit at his last being here, made another manner of report of the king’s forces, by particular denomination of all sorts, both French and strangers, treble to the number of the king’s allegation for very footmen.

And as to the point, that the king maketh doubt of the leaving of the siege to fight with the duke of Parma, we here have good intelligence, that the duke of Parma is not yet in person come from Bruxelles; neither are his forces with the duke de Main Lorrain; and the Italians not so great by a third part as the king’s comptroller’s report was. And it may be the duke of Parma will not be able to bring his army so far as Roan for lack of victuals, considering he is to come through a country already spoiled and hurried by the Reisters. And besides, if S. Catharines should be won before the duke can come near with his army, the town of Roan may be with a small number blocked up, and the king have sufficient forces to withstand the duke of Parma’s assailing, when he shall have comen so many miles in march to encounter with the French king.

These, and such like suppositions, not altogether improbable, have moved her majesty to think the peril of the king not so great as he hath pretended.

Which also I wish may prove to be true. But however it is, in truth, the time is not proper to levy new numbers in England at this time of the year, [the depth of winter,] especially to be transported by sea; and impossible to be sent thither in time. For that if the king recover not Roan before two months, there is no hope to gain it for many respects.

Her majesty sendeth sir Thomas Leighton thither of especial trust to advise the earl in the actions. And hath commanded the earl by her own letters.

And if the king should depart from Roan to go to fight with the duke of Parma, the earl should not go with him by any persuasion.

I wish you could come to understand of the truth of all the king’s forces; whereunto I cannot prescribe you how to obtain. But by their quartering and encamping, I think it most easy to be known, by some men of judgment that might there use the same And thus having no other thing at present, I wish and hope shortly to hear some good news of the fort of S.

Katharines; whereof I make such account as the old proverb is, Dimidium plus toto. From the court at Whitehall, this 12th of December, 1581.

Your assured loving friend, W. Burghley. [NUMBER 1] Mr. Rafe Lane to the lord treasurer; advice upon occasion of the expulioon of king don Antonio out of the kingdom of Portugal ; and what use the queen might make of him to annoy king Philip.

Dated March 7, 1580. MOVED of zele to her majesty’s safety and service, and MSS. Burg. of dutiful affection to your lordship, I humbly offer unto your lordship the consideration of a plot, touching the reported state of king Antonio to her majesty for aid. The due execution whereof can in no sort prejudice her majesty either in honour, peril, or charge; and may, with her majesties restraining of the same, many ways get advantage, and most singularly guard her majesty in this doubtful time, from many inconveniences, with the favour of the Almighty. My firm persuasion wherein, and the importance of the same, being used in time, make me bold to break it, and willing only to your lordship to impart it, humbly craving favourable acceptance of my poor good meaning therein. And thus it may please your lordship to understand it. 1. That the said king, don Antonio, crave of her majesty leave underhand, at his own charge, and of ready pay to her, 5000 soldiers of her majesty’s subjects, and a fleet answerable, as well for fight, as for portage of all kind of munition and victuals. But that this levy be made altogether by her majesty, and altogether in her majesty’s name, in shew for the reformation of Ireland. And therefore that no shew in the world be made for any intention touching the said king. 2. That the king do in like secret manner covenant with her majesty, that if during this his preparation in England, and before the fleet here be ready to leave this coast, the Spanish king, or the pope’s powers, do fortune to arrive upon any of her majesty’s dominions, that then the said prepared power, at the charge of the said king, shall be employed indeed and mostly in her majesty’s service, against the invading Spanish, or popish forces wheresoever. And her majesty for the use of that his levy in her own particular service, to bear only the one half of the charge of the same. So that her majesty will, in consideration thereof, be pleased to covenant with the said king, don Antonio, that her highness will declare herself absolute for him against the Spanish king, if it shall appear that the said Spanish king be in a confederacy against her majesty with the pope. 3. But if the said English fleet shall be ready to depart hence before the coming abroad of the pope’s fleet from the coast of Spain, then the said English fleet to go directly to the coast of Spain; where, with the grace of God, they may so employ themselves, that the Spanish king shall have little need to spare any of his own forces from his own defence nearer home, and within his own pretended realms. 4. Thus by diverting the Spanish king’s forces from the shew of itself, in the eye of her majesty’s subjects at her own doors, her highness shall daunt the courage of any rebellious mind, that otherwise, at the appearing of an enemy in sight, will easily be stirred to mischief. Beside the avoiding of many other dangers, that an invasion, though never so weak, doth draw with it of ordinary. All which shall be at a stranger’s charge. Which otherwise her majesty may have good cause to do at her own charge, if she will be afe at home; and if in the mean while her enemy assail her majesty, as is aforesaid, she shall be the more in readiness ither to defend her self, or offend those that would offend her herein. 5. But all the difficulty of this action, next the king Antonio’s provisions of ready pays, (without the which nothing can be done,) resteth chiefly and only in the close keeping so much of the intention of this said levy as shall concern the said king, don Antonio. 6. And therefore, as her majesty, with the only advice and administration of one counsellor above, may, if it please her, within two months, make up this supply without further trouble to any one of the rest of the honourable board: so if her majesty shall be pleased to lay that charge upon your lordship, and that without the privity of any other, it will without all doubt, with the blessing of God, every way serve for notable turns for her majesty; what plots or packs soever, either abroad or at home, are made or meant against her majesty. And the meaner men in shew, though not in skill, shall be used in this preparation; who need not to know any other pretence.

Then, sir, I think, the better and the more close will the service be carried and covered.

I protest unto your lordship before the Almighty, that as yet no other creature living, but only your lordship, knoweth any part of this plat.

Neither have I so much as once conferred with any about the same, more than yesterday with Mr. John S. John; who coming to visit me at my lodging, by chance told me of the earnest suit of king don Antonio his ambassador to her majesty for an English aid; and his earnest entreaty, that her majesty would declare herself against the Spanish king in that action.

Which I imagining that her majesty would hardly be brought unto, notwithstanding the said Spanish king has hostile intention to her majesty, made apparent to all the world; I thought in this my simple, humain conceipt, my most dutiful meaning to her majesty, most humbly to present to your lordship only.

And if your lordship shall find, that her majesty may hereby in a sort be served, I will upon word from your lordship by Mr. S. John’s means find a mean, that the said king don Antonio’s ambassador shall be himself a mover of this matter, if he like of it, both to her majesty, by his only mediation, and privity of that council, whose only service therein her majesty will be pleased to use: which can be none other but your lordship only and alone. The 7th of March, 1580.

Your lordships most humble and ready at commandment, Rafe Lane.

NUMBER 2.

Lord Burghley, lord treasurer, his judgment, upon a consultation of the queen and council, concerning a fleet to be sent to the Azores islands, under sir Francis Drake, to assist don Antonio, expulsed his kingdom of Portugal by Philip king of Spain.

Digested under certain questions, with answers to each.

Articles to be considered of for the voyage of sir Francis Drake to the sea, with the ships to serve don Antonio, king of Portugal.

I. FIRST it seems convenient, that seeing the 6th of ugust the Tercera was in the possession of the said king, it is no offence to any treaty or league with the king of Spain, to permit any her majesty’s subjects to serve the said king Antonio, to maintain him in possession thereof: for that her majesty is not bound to take knowledge of any other right that kings have, but as their possession yieldeth knowledge.

II. There is no treaty or league between the crown of England and the crown of Spain for the kingdom of Portugal, nor for any isles or countries possessed by Portugal. So as it is no offence to any league in any subject of her majesties, to do any service in or upon any of the territories, isles, or Indies, possest heretofore by Portugals.

Hereupon for a matter of league, her majesty may perreit sir Francis Drake to serve the king Antonio to maintain that he possesseth, or to recover any thing taken from him, whereof he was, as a king, possessed.

The second question is, What is convenient or expedient for her majesty to do in the case, and what may be contrariwise inconvenient?

For the first, it is profitable and convenient that the islands of Azores, and other territories of Portugal, were rather in possession of don Antonio than in the king of Spain, for many over-apparent causes.

For the second, these difficulties are to be remembred. First, if the French king will not judiciously deal for don Antonio, as her majesty should do, the peril might be too great for her alone to provoke the king of Spain.

And also, without the help of the French king, her majesty’s aid, without it be very great and royal, cannot suffice to procure restitution to king Antonio, to the kingdom of Portugal; which must be the end of his action; or else to invade the isles, or to keep the possession of some part, and not of all, will be but a perpetual war and charge: which ought to be considered of in the beginning.

Whereupon the French king with good assurance is to be plainly understood, before any great action be enterprized by her majesty’s subjects, to offend the king of Spain, by seeking to invade any portion of the Portugal territories, being in the king of Spain’s possession. But to maintain the possession of king Antonio in any thing held for him seems reasonable, and may in justice be maintained. But how the king of Spain will interpret the action against her majesty will rest in him.

For the second difficulty it may be said, that this voyage may give cause to the king of Spain to arrest all the queen’s subjects, their goods and ships, within his power.

Whether it be better to stay the merchants fleet thither this year; wherein by conference with the merchants may be understood what damage shall ensue to her majesty for her customs, and to her realms and subjects. Or whether, in respect of the money in the queen’s majesties hands, it may be thought that the king of Spain will not attempt the arrest. Or whether our merchants cannot by little and little recover that they have need of, without conveying into the king’s dominions a great number of ships, mariners, or goods, to the power of the king’s arrests.

Questions presently arising upon these preparations. “I. Whether the voyage shall procede before the queen be assured that the French king will join with her majesty for defence of the action, in case the king of Spain shall offer any violence for the same to the queen’s subjects; as by arrest, or by invasion of any her countries, or by giving support to Scotland, to offend her? “It was from the beginning concluded, No. “II. What manner of assurance shall the queen require, or shall admit to be sufficient to warrant the voyage to be attempted? “It is reason to have either the French king’s letters, or the writing of such as he appointeth to confer with Mr. Walsingham to accord thereto: and Mr. Walsingham to deliver the like. “III. What shall be done with this great preparation? “Either they must continue as they do; which is at about 20l. the day or more, by the uncertainty of Mr. Outred’s unknown charge at Hempton [Southampton]. Or secondly, There must be some diminution of men. Or thirdly, Three ships and a bark might be sent to the isles to do service there, where Drake and Hawkins assent, and think thereby great service may ensue. And in this case the rest of the ships may be reduced to a smaller charge; and yet remain in readiness upon knowledge from France. Or else the whole preparation to be sold. The victuals to merchants trading voyage: the munition, &c. reserved for her majesty. “Or lastly, The whole to procede as they are in readiness: so as it may be accorded how the charge shall be born at their coming thither. For which purpose Mr. Drake and Hawkins say, that it is meant afore Mr. Secretary went, that supposing the charge to be in this sort: 5000l . by the queen’s majesty to Mr. Secretary, to be accounted the money of king Antonio; 2000l . to be Mr. Secretaries; the rest according to 6 or 7000l . to belong to Dr. Hawk and other adventurers. Upon this supposi- tion they would have that one half that should be won 6 from the king of Spare, of his fleet, or of his isles, should be answered to the king. Another half to be divided: “One quarter to tunnage of the ships, after 5s. the tun. “One quarter to the whole company. “And then half allowed to the king to be divided: “One part to the king himself. “One part to Mr. Secretary, and to Mr. Dr. and the other adventurers. “But here my opinion, the queen’s majesty for her 5000l . should be forgotten: for it were no reason that her majesty should have either payment of her 5000l . of the merchandize of the isles that should come hither; or else to have a portion, as Mr. Secretary, and Mr. Dr. and others should have. “Item, It is convenient that the 5000l . should be accounted for in the name of Mr. Secretary: for that her majesty at the lending thereof would not have it otherwise accounted; and yet Mr. Secretary to render to her majesty that should be allowed to him for it. “IV. What sir Francis Drake shall do, if the French king come into the action? “He may by commission from king Antonio justly do any service against any that will impeach king Antonio’s possession in the Tercera, or in any other isles. 2. He may attempt upon the Madera, or upon any other island that did belong to don Antonio, as king of Portugal. These services he may do without breach of league with the king of Spain.” “Objection . But by these only actions, neither shall the king Antonio be so profited, as shall tend to bring him to Possession of Portugal, or the East Indies: neither is it likely that by these his actions the charges shall be discharged of the preparation.

Answer . It is true. Therefore of necessity it followeth, that he must attempt to take any thing he can from the king of Spain, as his title to the islands of Canaries, or any island on Nova Spain, or in Peru.

Whereof followeth, that though he [sir Francis Drake] shall do this by king Antonio’s commission, who hath a just war against the king of Spain; yet if the king of Spain shall take this action, as maintained by her majesty, then shall it be at his will, as he shall find himself able to avenge it upon her majesty, by arresting and taking all her people, ships, and mariners, being in his country, and coming within his power. Item, He may give new support to Ireland, and relief to the king of Scots, to be an ill neighbour.

If the voyage procede not, the king Antonio ought to have the jewel in good reason. For he shall have nothing for his jewel. The preparations would be viewed and sold, and distributed. The loss to be borne. The king might have the jewel; or, upon some less jewel upon his own bond, have sold to him the four ships which he desireth, and the munition also, as shall be thought meet to be spared.

NUMBER 3.

A true answer to the articles exhibited by the bishop of Norwich, against sir Robert Jermin, sir John Higham, knights; Robert Ashfield and Thomas Badly, esquires, justices of the peace.

I. TO the first we say, That we countenance none but such as are lovers of God’s true religion, and dutiful subjects to her majesty. If he [the bishop of Norwich] shall press us in particular, we will particularly answer.

II. To the second we answer, That Coppin and Tyler, [who were dispersers of Brown’s seditious books; and afterwards the former executed for the same, anno 1583,] being committed to prison five or six years past and often convented before the judges of our assizes, so long as there was hope to do any good unto them by Christian persuasion and counsel, we were means unto the judges for their freedom. But when by experience we found, that neither our entreating, nor the often godly references and labours of divers learned and godly pastors (which we only procured) could any thing prevail, we gave them up to their froward wills; and became earnest suitors both to the bishop and judges, that they might be removed out of our prison for fear of infecting others. Which we could never obtain at the bishop’s hand. But he hath kept them here without offering them any means for their conversion; rather, as we presume, for stales to catch and endanger men with, than for any good intended to themselves or any other.

For remedy whereof we do humbly pray your lordship, that the bishop, according tO his office, may be ordered to take them to his prison at Norwich. And for the truth of this our answer, we appeal to my lord chief justice of England, [sir Christopher Wray,] and the master of the Rolls that now is: then judges of our assizes.

Baker, mentioned in that article, we knew not. [M. Paine, a baker, was mentioned by Day, in his letter to the bishop, to have been bound over by these justices.] III. To the third we say, That he and they who set down this article for the bishop (the articles indeed being compact at Bury, the bishop being at Ludham, which we pray your good lordship to observe) was much to blame to make the bishop a patron of unlearned ministers. For it was their pleasures only to be true in this, and in nothing else. For the bishop indeed hath not only favoured and countenanced those ignorant ministers which he found when he came, but added unto those of his own creation and ordination twice so many as any other bishop of this linde hath had in this, as we verily think. Yet to the point of the article we answer, that we never heard any other, neither do ourselves hold that an ignorant minister may not be tolerated. For daily experience sheweth, that we are present at the reading of the service appointed by authority. But we do heartily pray, that none might be now ordained, but such as are both able and apt to teach.

IV. To the fourth we say, That we cannot but mervail at the butt of these articles, that they durst offer unto your lordship a butt at Geneva psalms and sermons. [This article ran, that these justices were for nothing else but the Geneva psalms and sermons.] The Psalms were David’s and other holy fathers inspired by the Holy Ghost. The necessity of sermons your lordship knoweth. Surely we cannot but lament, that any, pretending religion and obedience to her majesty, should be so far carried as to utter such unchristian speeches, to the disgracing of so Christian and religious exercises so universally frequented in all her majesty’s dominions, being speeches proper to scoffers and professed enemies; and therefore in these articles the more insufferable.

But to the article. This Wodde was a very simple young man, whom divers religious persons of the town seeking to establish, thinking, by retaining of him, either that their old preachers should be troubled, or made less able to live; and so by that means to beat the ministry of the word quite out of the town, (as their purpose is even still.) We calling together all the inhabitants of that parish, remembring the usage or custom that the people of Burie, ever sithence the suppression of the abby, used to chuse their ministers; by which order the said Wodde was elected to that place. And so agreement was made for tryal of him until the Lady-day following: during which time, finding him utterly unable to discharge the place, about a fortnight before our Ladyday, warning was given him by like order of the parish to avoid at the day. Which because he refused, Mr. Badby, being a parishoner and justice of the peace in the town, advised him not to intrude himself into that charge, without the goodliking and approbation of the people, being then another prepared to serve: for the which the said Wodde, by the bishop’s and Mr. Andrew’s instinction, procured very unjustly the said Mr. Badby to be indicted as a disturber. And where he saith, that all the justices opposed themselves against him in the action; the truth is, that sir Robert Jermyn was then at London, and none of us which were present further meddled in this action, than that we thought we had both interest and authority. But when the bishop, both by his letters and his word, had declared himself to have interest to collate, neither we nor any other did stir further in that cause, either to the making of division in that parish or trouble to his lordship.

V. To the fifth we say, That the Angel is an ordinary place, where we meet for her majesty’s service, directed unto us by letters in commission or otherwise. And never have proceeded to the determination of any cause ecclesiastical; no, scarce to the hearing of any, the bishop only being of the quorum in the ecclesiastical commission. But if we did ever deal in any, it was by his assignment; as in the case of Gibbons justified adultery, who hath married a wife, the first husband yet living. Which yet remaineth unreformed, to the no little grief of many good men.

VI. To the sixth we confess, That the commonry was sometime there before us, for conference to join our authorities together in helping the good and punishing the wicked. Other troubles and complaints made against him by others for divers his abuses. But we say, that to our remembrances we never threatned to send him to the jayle if he came not presently unto us.

VII. To the seventh, Mr. Blare and the commissary have often used hard and unkind speeches one towards the other. But the matters heard before the high commissioners at London were compounded with the seeking and desire of the commissary. Mr. William Jermin, after the first falling out between them, (being five years sithence,) being earnestly required by sir Robert, never offered him violence or violent speech sithence. And as for further course of justice, he never denied it unto him, nor to any other to his knowledge. Neither did the commissary ever seek for further security at any other justices hand in the county. Which proved that he remained in no fear.

VIII. To the eighth we say, That we do not remember that we used any speech against him, unless it were in a case mentioned in the tenth article.

Upon the answer whereof we will refer to your lordship’s judgment, what cause we had by his false and unjust proceeding sharply to reprove him.

IX. To the ninth sir Robert Jermyn answereth, That to his remembrance he never delivered any such speeches, but professeth rather, that he hath often laboured the commissary to join authorities together, to the repressing of sin and wickedness. And sir John Higham thinketh, that both he hath said, that the commissary is no magistrate, (though he greatly vaunteth thereof,) and also that he may justify the same. For proof whereof he saith, that none, except the queen’s majesty, and such as hath jura regalia, can depute another to be a magistrate. Which he verily thinketh the bishop hath not, if the commissary were proper officer under him, as he thinketh he is officer under the archdeacon of Sudbury.

X. To the tenth we say, That we bound Dr. Day to his good behaviour.

And the cause we humbly beseech your lordship to note: for that it was pertinent to the eighth article. We understanding that he hath purposed to elect and swear certain questmen in Bury, which were suspect not to favour religion, devised by himself and his consort, on purpose to gall and annoy the preachers, ministers, and ho-nestest sort of the town, with their continual presentments; we understanding thereof conferred with the commissary, and shewed him the inconvenience likely to ensue of this his election. Besides, we told him that the law, in our opinions, should not bear a commissary to elect questmen, but that properly the choice rested in the minister and people of every parish. With which reasons of ours he seemed satisfied, and promised faithfully not to procede to election of them or any other without our privity; protesting, that of himself he knew not ten of the parish. Notwithstanding, in short time after, forgetting all duty and promise, as he was going to his court, to perform this action, we received intelligence, and sent for him; who promised to come presently. But before his coming he swore those men in that office, contrary to his promise before made unto us, and contrary to the cause for the which he knew we sent for him. And then he came unto us. And we not knowing what he had done, began again in good and loving manner to entreat him to forbear that election. He answered scoffingly, that he had done, and could not undoe.

Whereupon, for his untrue and unlawful proceding, not contented to break promise with us, but to scoff and scorn at it when he had done, one of us called him Jack, and bound him to his good behaviour. But we remember not the other hard speeches mentioned in the eighth article. And suspecting the election to be unlawful, and knowing divers of the said questmen to be backward men in religion, we charged them to be careful how they proceeded in that office. The one of them giving us such lusty answers at that time, we were enforced to bind him to further appearance.

XI. To the eleventh we say, That the same Mr. Philips, being brother to the commissary, made a sermon at Bury, wherein, for the most part, he was occupied in depraving the godly preachers of the town and country; comparing them to unbridled colts rushing through the whole hedge; and yet not so contented, called them vipers, serpents, stingers, and unsatiable beasts. Which sermon ended, and Mr. Badby aforesaid all the time being present thereat, finding thereby that he sought by all the terms he could devise to sever the hearts of the people from their faithful ministers, he sent his man to the said Mr. Philips, requesting him to come unto him for conference with him touching that sermon. Whereunto Mr. Philips asked the messenger, What token his master had sent to him, that he might know that he had sent for him? The messenger answered, By the token which he did wear was his master’s livery. And then Mr. Philips answered, He would speak with him another time: and so departed and went to dinner with Mr. Andrews at his house. Whereupon Mr. Badby sent the constable for Mr. Philips; who, together with Mr. Andrews and the commissary, repaired unto Mr. Badby. And then Mr. Andrews demanded of Mr. Badby, Wherefore he had sent for Mr. Philips? Who answered, That he thought he had not made a charitable sermon, but an undiserete. And therefore he would gladly have talked with him. And Mr. Philips very deridingly said to Mr. Badby, I thought you had sent for me to dinner, and my dinner was provided. Mr. Andrews promising of himself, offering, that if he would send him to prison, he and the commissary would be bound for him. Mr. Badby answered, He would take none of their bonds, but Mr. Philips’s own bond for his appearance the next morning before the rest of the justices. Which he did for preventing division, which he feared would ensue thereof, as in truth there did.

Thereupon the commissary (which sheweth the sermon to be a matter of set purpose) commanded Mr. Badby, that the same morning by the hour aforesaid, in which he had commanded Mr. Philips’s appearance, that he should be at the court. For which his non-appearance he was excommunicate. And after, on the Monday aforesaid, upon Mr. Philips’s appearance, we and divers others in commission, upon hearing the matter, both for the misliking of his sermon, for his very railing terms before mentioned, and for other his contemptuous demeanour, thereupon thought good, in discretion, to bind him for his appearance for further consideration in that cause, (the words aforesaid being set down under his own hand.)

And as touching the term in the article set down, sir Robert Jermyn saith, He remembreth he called him crazy merchant, because he craftily went about by certain questions to bring the answerers within danger of law. Mr. Ashfield, he saith, that upon the hearing of the whole matter, and understanding that he was and is beneficed at Bradly in Suffolk, and nonresident there, and had left his own charge, and had offered the unfitting terms before mentioned, he used these speeches: viz. “We are more troubled with these unresidented knaves than with all the country beside.”

And as for Mr. Blage, he alluded to plague, whereof Mr. Philips is most abiding. And yet at that time he said to Mr. Philips, I mean you, not a papistical Jesuit.And for that cause was called before the high commissioners: where the cause, as we are informed, took a full end.

And touching his further binding at the sessions for his behaviour, we say, That at the said sessions was present the lord North, and sundry other justices; where all matters being heard at full, and Mr. Philips answering very contemptuously and disdainfully, it was thought good, by the consent of the whole bench, to bind him to his good behaviour. Which cause hath been at large heard by the justices of assize.

XII. To the twelfth article, sir John Higham denieth, that he used the speech mentioned in the article, or any to that effect. But he well remembreth, that upon the disliking the parishioners of St. James’s in Bury had taken against Gyles Wodde their minister, he, the said sir John, for the ending of the cause with most quiet and peace that might be for that towne, persuaded with the said Wodde to give place to some other more fit for the parish, and to betake him to some more fit place for his weak gifts:

Wodde justifying himself to be sufficient for the place, because he could read the service established in the Book of Common Prayer. Then the said sir John answered, That if he had no better proof of his sufficiency than the reading of the service in the book appointed, that then a man might have a boy of twelve years old to do as much as he.

Thus we have truly delivered unto your lordship our answer to the bishops untrue accusations. The several matters whereof be some six, some five, some four, and the least of very near two years continuance. Which being both so old and so weak, do shew, that rather to discredit us with her majesty than to reform any amisses in us, his lordship hath put down these matters against us. But being so old, so weak, and so untrue, do decipher his too great malice rather to our persons than actions. We are therefore very humble suitors unto your good lordship, that not for our sake alone, but for the state of our country, which we serve under her majesty, we may enjoy that honourable favour which you have always shewed unto all men; that your lordship would become our petitioner unto her majesty, that now we have been called out of our country, and every street doth sound our disgrace, wrought by the bishop, that either we may receive the just deserts of our doings by due punishment, or, being cleared both in her majesty’s royal judgment and your lordship’s opinion, the bishop, for his bold and untrue suggestions, may be so censured, as we may, with the restitution of our poor reputation, attend with some good comfort upon our places. In the which we do desire no longer to live than we should be found very loyal and dutiful to our so gracious sovereign.

NUMBER 4.

John bishop of Excester to the lord treasurer Burghley; to favour his proceedings against one Randal, a minister in his diocese, of the family of love, holding dangerous opinions.

MY duty to your lordship remembred. For that I am advertised, that the lords of council had, and yet have earnest complaint made unto them against me, for my proceedings against one Anthony Randal, late parson of Lydford in my diocese; whom I justly deprived for his dampnable opinions and heresies. And after his appeal from me to the Arches, and from thence to her majesty’s delegates, I had my proceedings approved and ratified; yet for that your lordship may haply not be acquainted therewith, and also for your better resolution of my doings, and the saving of my credit with you, I thought it appertaining to my duty to send your lordship herewith a copy of his strange opinions truly exemplified. Which opinions he maintaineth obstinately at this present; and within these few days subscribed unto them again, in the presence of divers public notaries, as it may appear unto your lordship by this enclosed, the original remaining in my registry, as a perpetual testimonial against Randal.

And for that Randal hath many complices, and that hurtful sect, the family of love, beginneth to creep in this country, of the which company twenty are brought to open recantation in this cathedral church, and my proceedings against the rest would be much weakened if the untrue reports of Randal or his friends should be heard: in consideration of the premisses, I do beseech your lordship, that my sentence given against the said Randal, and ratified, as aforesaid, may have good countenance and liking at your hands. Which I request, not so much for mine own credit, as for the peace and quietness of God’s church; which, by means of Randal and his adherents, is very much disturbed. Thus fearing to be tedious to your lordship, I commend you to the protection of the Almighty. Excestre, the 6th of June, 1581.

Your lordships to command, John Exon.

NUMBER 5.

Minutes of a warrant to Edward Stafford, esq. for parsonages, chapels, guilds, &c. dissolved, concealed. [The insertions within crotchets are of the lord treasurer’s hand.]\parELIZABETH, by the grace of God, &c. To our trusty MSS. Burg. counsellor, lord treasurer of England, and to our chancellor of our exchequer and dutchy of Lancaster, &c. We let ye wete, that of our special grace and mere motion, we are pleased and contented, to give and grant to our well beloved subject and servant, Edward Stafford, esq. one of our gentlemen pensioners, a lease or leases for years, of all such parsonages impropriate, free chapels, guilds, chaun-tries, lay-prebends, colleges, and hospitals, relinquished, dissolved or escheated: [to which hospitals there have not been any poor belonging within these two and twenty years: for that we wish such rather to be restored than the lands to be converted to other uses :] and of all parsonages and vicarages whatsoever, which [have not incumbents, and] are without cure, by reason that the parishes are depopulated, and the churches thereof profaned, decayed, wasted, or defaced, with all their members, commodities, appendances whatsoever, which now been, continue, and remain wrongfully detained, withholden, or kept from us: and which of fight to me do or may belong or appertain, [by any title grown to our crown since the twenty seventh year of our noble father king Henry VIII.a] which hereafter shall or may be found or revealed, or [justly] challenged by the said Edward Stafford, his deputies or assigns, or any of them.

Yielding or paying therefore yearly unto us, our heirs and successors, during the said lease or leases, so much yearly rent, and after such rate as the same, or any part thereof, are, or have been valued at in our books of first be fruits and tenths, or in any other of our records b. And further, of our special grace, we also are pleased and contented, to grant unto the said Edward Stafford, as well the advowsons, presentations, nominations, and donations, of all and singular parsonages and vicarages being without cure, profaned, depopulated, decayed, wasted, or defaced, [in as ample sort to us as the same doth or may justly belong.] As also the advowsons, presentations, nominations, donations of all other parsonages and vicarages with cure, prebends, presentative and donative: which are concealed, wrongfully detained, withholden, or kept from us, by any manner of means whatsoever, of right do belong or appertain to our presentation, donation, nomination, or collation: to give, dispose, and present unto the same, so often as any of them shall fall, be, or become void, during the term of years, according to the true intent and meaning hereof. [In all which grants of the premisses, for avoiding of ancient titles that are doubtful, we do not mean, that the said Edward Stafford, or his assigns, shall have or inherit in any kind of the premisses, by any other fight or title due to us, but that which hath grown due to our crown from the twenty sixth year of the king our noble father.] Whereunto we will and command you, that you do from time to time from henceforth, [upon due information given unto you by the said Edward Stafford, or his assigns, of any said titles to any of the premisses, and whereunto you shall perceive that we ought to be entitled, cause to be made such and] so many books and writings as shall be requisite and necessary, to be past by us of the premisses or any part thereof, unto the said Edward Stafford, his deputies or assigns, for the aforesaid term of years: and for the new rent abovementioned, according to the true intent and meaning hereof; with a proviso to be contained in [all and every] our said grants, or letters patents, that if any variance, suite, debate, or controversy [by the claim or complaint of any person] shall happen to rise or grow in or about any of the premises, or concerning any manner of presentation, removing, or displacing of any preacher, minister, [or scholar,] parson, or vicar; that then the same [grants shall be suspended until such controversy, claim, or complaint] shall be heard and determined [by order of our laws, or otherwise in equity] in our court of exchequer, by you, the lord treasurer of England and chancellor of our exchequer for the time being, [for any matter belonging to the revenues of our crown: and by you, our chancellor of the dutchy, and our atturney there, for any cause, &c.] if the parties grieved shall require. And these our letters shall be your sufficient discharge for the doing thereof.

NUMBER 6.

Campion’s letter to the privy-council; offering to avow and prove his catholic religion before all the doctors and masters of both universities; and requiring a disputation.

In nomine Jesu, Amen.

RIGHT honourable, whereas I came out of Germany, and Boemland, being sent by my superior, and adventured my self into this noble realm, my dear country, for the glory of God, and the benefit of souls; I thought it like enough, that in this busy, watchful, suspicious world, I should, either sooner or later, be interrupted, and stopp’d of my course: wherefore providing for all events, and uncertain what shall or may become of me, when God shall happily deliver my body into durance; I suppose it needful to put this writing in a readiness, desiring your good lordships to give it the reading, and to know my case. This doing shall ease you of some labour; for that which otherwise you must have sought for by practice of wit, I do now lay into your hands by plain confession. And to the intent this whole matter may be conceived in order; and so the better understood and remembered, I make therefore all my points and articles directly, truly, and resolutely, opening my full enterprize and purpose.

I confess that I am (tho’ unworthy) a priest of the catholick church, and, through the great mercy of God, vowed now these eight years to the society of Jesus: and thereby have taken upon me a special kind of warfare under the banner of obedience, and have resigned all my interest and possibility of worldly wealth, honour, and pleasure, and other worldly felicity.

At the voice of our general provost, which is to me a warrant from heaven, and an oracle from Christ, I took my voyage from Prague to Rome, where our said father general is always resiant, and from Rome into England; as I must and would have done joyously into any part of Christendom or heatheness, had I been thereto assigned.

My charge is, of free cost to preach the gospel, to minister the sacraments, to instruct the simple, to reform sinners, to confute errors; in brief, to cry alarme spiritually against foul vice and proud ignorance, wherewith many my poor countrymen be abused.

I never had mind, and am straitly forbidden by our father that sent me, to deal in any respect with any matter of estate or policy of this realm, as those things that appertain not to my vocation, and from which I gladly estrange and sequester my thoughts.

I do ascribe to the glory of God, with all humility and your correction, three sorts of indifferent and quiet audience. The first before your honours; wherein I will discourse of religion so far forth as it toucheth the commonwealth and your nobilities. The second, whereof I make most account, before the doctors and masters of the chosen men of both universities; wherein I undertake to avow the faith of our catholic church by proofs invincible, scriptures, councils, fathers, histories, natural and moral reason. The third, before the lawyers spiritual and temporal; wherein I will justify the same faith by common wisdom of law, standing yet in force and practice.

I would be loth to speak any thing that might sound of an insolent brag or challenge, especially being now as a dead man to the world, and willing to cast my head under every man’s foot, and kiss the ground they tread upon: yet have I such a courage in advancing the majesty of Jesus my king, and such affiance in his gracious favour, and such assurance in my quarrel, and my evidence so impregnable; that because I know perfectly, that none of those protestants, nor all the protestants living, nor any sect of our adversaries, howsoever they face men down in their pulpits, and over-rule us in their kind of grammarians, and unlearned sort, can maintain their doctrine in disputation. I am most humbly and instantly for the combat with them all, or every of them, or the principal that may be found: protesting, that in this trial the better furnished they come, the better welcome they shah come to me.

And because it hath pleased God to enrich the queen my sovereign lady with notable gifts of nature, learning, and princely education, I do verily trust, that if her highness would vouchsafe her royal person and good attention to such conference as in the second part of my first article I have mentioned and requested, or to a few sermons which in her and your hearing I am to utter, such a manifest fair light, by good method and plain dealing, may be cast upon those controversies, that possibly her zeal of truth, and love of her people, shall encline her most noble grace to disfavour some proceedings hurtful to the realm, and procure towards us opprest more ease. Moreover, I doubt not but her noble counsellors, being of such wisdom [and religion, added in another copy] in causes most important, when you shall have heard these questions in religion opened faithfully, which many times by our adversaries are huddled up and confounded, will see upon what substantial grounds our catholic faith is builded, and how feeble that side is which by sway of the times prevaileth against us.

So at last, for your souls health, and for many thousand souls that depend upon your government, will discountenance error when it is betrayed, and hearken to those that will spend their best blood in their bodies for your salvation. Many innocent hands are lift up to heaven for you daily and hourly by those English students, whose posterity shall not die, which, beyond sea gathering virtue and sufficient knowledge for the purpose, are determined never to give over, but either to win you to heaven, or die upon your pikes.

As touching our society, be it known unto you, that we have made a league, all the Jesuites in the world, whose succession and multitude must over-reach all the practices of England, chearfully to carry the cross that you shall lay upon us, and never to despair your recovery, while we have a man left to enjoy your Tyburn, or to be racked with your torments, or to be consumed with your poysons. Expences are reckoned; the enterprize is begun: it is of God; it cannot be withstood. So the faith was planted; so it must be restored.

If these my offers be refused, and my endeavours can take no place, and I having run thousands of miles to do you good shall be rewarded with rigor, I have no more to say, but to recommend your case and mine to Almighty God, the searcher of hearts i who send us of his grace, and set us at accord, before the day of payment; to the end at last we may be friends in heaven, where all injuries shall be forgotten.

NUMBER 7.

A relation of the cruel burning of Richard Atkins, an Englishman, in Rome: put into the inquisition for disturbing the priest carrying the sacrament.

HE was set upon an ass without any saddle, being from the middle upward naked, having some English priests with him; who talked to him, but he regarded them not, but spake to the people in so good language as he could, and told them they were in a wrong way; and therefore willed them, for Christ’s cause, to have regard to the saving of their souls.

All the way as he went, there were four who did nothing else but thrust at his naked body with burning torches: whereat he neither moved nor shrunk one jot, but with a cheerful countenance laboured still to persuade the people: after, bending his body to meet the torches as they were thrust at him, and would take them in his own hand, and hold them burning still upon his own body; whereat the people not a little wondered. Thus he continued almost the space of half a mile, till he came before St. Peters, where the place of execution was.

When he was come to the place of execution, there they had made a device not to make the fire about him, but to burn his leggs first, which they did, he not dismaying any whit, but suffered all marvellous cheerfully; which moved the people to such a quandary, as was not in Rome many a day.

Then they offered to him a cross, and willed him to embrace it, in token that he dyed a Christian: but he put it away with his hand; telling them, that they were evil men to trouble him with such paltry, when he was preparing himself to God, whom he beheld in majesty and mercy, ready to receive him into the eternal rest.

They seeing him still in that mind, departed; saying, Let us go, and leave him to the devil whom he served. Thus ended this faithful soldier and martyr of Christ, who is no doubt in glory with his Master.

This was faithfully avouched by John Young, who was at that time, and a good while after, in Rome, in service with master Dr. Moorton; who seeing the martyrdom of this man, when he came home to his house, in presence of Mr. Smithson, M. Creed, and the said John Young, his servant, spake as followeth: “Surely this fellow was marvellous obstinate. He nothing regarded the good counsel was used to him, nor never shrunk all the way, when the torches were thrust at his naked body. Beside, at the place of execution he did not faint, or cry one jot in the fire, albeit they tormented him very cruelly, and burned him by degrees, as his legs first, to put him to the greater pain; yet all this he did but smile at. Doubtless, but that the word of God cannot but be true, else we might judge this fellow to be of God: for who could have suffered so much pain as he did? But truly I believe the devil was in him.”

On which words the writer makes this reflection: Behold, good reader, how they doubt among themselves. And because they will not speak against their master the pope, they inferr the mighty power of God upon the devil.

NUMBER 8.

Academiae Oxoniensis ad D. Burghleum Epistola gratulatoria. QUAM sit beata et faelix respub. literaria (illustriss. domine) quod te virum prudentia ornatum singulari, et summa praeditum authorirate, nacta sit patronum et defensorem; testis est, non illa modo Cantabrigiensis academia, quae in tuo patroeinio et tutela faeliciter acquiescit; sed et Oxoni-ensis nostra, quae nuper e turbulenta tempestate, prospero bonitatis tuae flatu cursum accelerante, in tranquillitatis portum devecta est. Nam cum academia nostra nihil habeat ad suam dignitatem tuendam, nihil ad pacem cam qua Musae delectantur stabiliendam utilius, privilegiis illis augustissimis et antiquissimis, quibus earn nobilissimi principes ad religionis, virtutis, bonarumque literarum propagationem donarunt, anxerunt, exornarunt: quodnam potuit ab honore tuo beneficium in eam majus, aut praestantis conferri, quam ut ope tua, solum ipsa privilegia graviter oppugnata, ab injuria honorificentissime vindicarentur: sed etiam ut vicecomes comitatus Oxoniensis, pro eo ac debebat et solebat, in eorundem non solum observationem, sed defensionem etiam et tutelam, sit semper in posterum juraturus? Quo sane singulari perpetuoque beneficio, cum satis exploratum habeamus, honorem tuum non minus esse de academia nostra tuenda studiosum, quam de tua Cantabrigiensi ornanda sollicitum, (sic enim non solurn reipsa ognovimus, sed perhonorifico procancellarii nostri sermone accepimus) aequum est, ut nos te majori fide, ardentiore studio, fideliore observantia, colamus et revereamur; quibus naturae tuae bonitate invitatis, tam benigne consulas; quam illis, quos suscepti muneris ratione adductus, amplecteris. Quare gratias habemus honori tuo et humillimas, et plurimas, et maximas, quod nobis studiisque nostris tam honorifice prospexeris; sanctissimeque pollicemur, nunquam nos ne Cantabrigiensibus quidem tuis, in te colendo, honorando, suspiciendo, et omni oflicii genere tibi satisfaciendo ulla re, ullo tempore concessuros. Deus Opt. Max. quite ad amplissimum honoris gradum evexit, et in excelso loco collocavit, ut gravissimorum negotiorum pondus et onus sustineres, ab omni periculo incolumem te conservet, novisque indies honoribus cumulet, ut tuo consilio et auxilio non solum academiae magis magisque floreant; sed politia etiam hujus regni, et ecclesia Dei, novis quotidie faelicitatis accessionibus augeantur. Oxon. 5° cal. Julii, 1581.

Illustriss. viro D. Guil. Amplitudini tuae deditissima, Burghleio summo An- Academia Oxoniensis. gliae thesaurario, et academiae Cantabrigiensis cancellario dignissimo.

NUMBER 9.

Exemplum chartae an. 29. Edwardi Tertii. Pro juramento vicecomitis. Touching the university of Oxon.

Ex rotulo cartarum de anno vicessimo nono regni reads Edwardi Tertii. Pro cancellar. et scholaribus, Oxon. ITEM, ad majorem securitatem et quietem studentium in universitate predicta pro perpetuo ordinamus et concedimus, pro nobis et heredibus nostris, quod quillbet vicecomes Oxon. qui pro tempore erit in receptione commissionis sue, juramentum prestet corporale, quod magistros et scholares universitatis Oxon. et eorum servientes, pro viribus ab injuriis et violenciis proteget et defendet, et pacem in univer-sitate predicta quantum in ipso est, faciet conservari, prae-fatisque cancellario et scholaribus, ad puniend. perturbato-res pacis ibm. juxta privilegia et statuta universitatis predicta, semper cum opus fuerit, prestabit consilium et juva-men, et ad privilegia, libertates, et consuetudines dict. uni-versitatis defendend. pro viribus opem feret. Et quod a vicecomite suo, et aliis ministris suis in com. predicto statim cum post susceptum officium ad castrum vel villain Oxon. declinaverit in presentia alicujus ex parte universitatis ad hoc deputandi consimiliter recipiet juramentum, ad quod ipsos ministros per eundem vicecomitem compelli volumus et arctari.

Hanc etiam formam jurandi volumus exnunc addi fortune juramenti vic. dicti loci in receptione commissionis suae prestari consueti. Ceterum quia super penis pro securiori conservatione pacis ipsius universitatis statuend. ac super aliis quae juxta submissiones predictas ad perpetuam praemissorum memoriam pie per Dei gratiam facere proponimus jam ordinare non possumus, variis et arduis negotiis prepediti, ordinationem hujusmodi nobis specialiter reservamus. His testibus venerabilibus patribus, Johanne archiepiscopo Ebor. Angliae primate, cancellario nostro Willielmo Winton. episcopo, thesaurario nostro, magistro Miche de Northburgh electo London confirmato, Henrico duce Lancastr. Willielmo de Bohun Northhampton. Richardo Arundel, Thma de Bello campo Warr. Rogero Marsh, Willielmo Sarum, Johanne de Vere, Oxon. comitibus, Galfrido de Saye, et Johanne de Greye, de Rotherfeild, senescallo hospitii nostri, et aliis, dat. per manum nostram apud Turrim London. vicessimo septimo die Junii, anno regni nostri Angliae vicessimo nono, regni vero nostri Franciae decimo sexto. Per ipsum regem.

NUMBER 10.

Sales of Edward earl of Oxford. And names of the purchasers. And his debts to the queen.

Lands. Purchaser ..

Mr. Skinner 1.Lanham 2.Camps 3.Fulmer Mr. Glascock 1.Wivenhoe 2.Bentley. 3.Baterswick 4.New-years farm Irael Amys 1.Tolebury 2.Northtofts 3.Skaths.

Mr. Hubbard 1.Stansted Montfitchets 2.Burnels 3.Bury Lodge 4.Benfield Bury Will Stibbing 1. Bumsted, alias 2. Bunsted Helion John Mabb 1. Over Geldam 2. Nether Geldam 3.Little Gelda, alias Yeldam Robert Plumbe 1. Yeldam hall? 2. Brownes barn 3. Pool Farm 4. Bovelay farm, and Bennets lands All these lands and manours the lord treasurer gave warrant for the extending them, July the 23, 1590.

Where the park and manour of Lanham was let for 100 marks per annum.

The manour of Fulmer, forty pounds per annum.

The manour of Camps, an hundred pounds per annum. Whereof Mr. Skinner was rated at four hundred pounds for his share.

Debts to the queen. Forfeitures, In the court of wards 11000l . that is, Forfeiture of covenants upon the livery, 4000l .

Upon his wardship, 3000l .

And other obligations, 4000l . odd hundred shillings more.

All this appeared on record.

More, sold to Roger Herlakendon, Coln Park, and a parcel of meddow, for 2000l .

The manour of Earls Coln, for 500l .

Coin Priory also.

NUMBER 11.

Thomas Sampson’s account of the conversion, and divers historical remarks of the holy life of J. Bradford, martyr.

I,WHICH did know him familiarly, must needs give to God this praise for him; that among men I have scarce known one like unto him. I did know when, and partly how, it pleased God, by effectual calling, to turn his heart unto the true knowledge and obedience of the most holy gospel. Of which God did give him such a heavenly hold and lively feeling, that as he did then know that many sins were forgiven him, so surely he declared by deeds that he loved much. For where he had both gifts and callings to have employed himself in civil and worldly affairs profitably, such was his love of Christ, and zele to the promoting his glorious gospel, that he changed not only the course of his former life, -as even his former study.

Touching the first: After that God touched his heart with that holy and effectual calling, he sold his rings, chains, brockets, and jewels of gold, which before he used to wear, and did bestow the price of this his former vanity in the necessary relief of Christ’s poor members which he could hear of, or find lying sick, or pining in poverty.

Touching the second: He so declared his great zele and love to promote the glory of the Lord Jesus, whose goodness and saving health he had tasted, that to do the same more pithily, he changed his study of the common laws: he went to Cambridge to study divinity, where he heard Dr. Martin Bucer diligently, and was right familiar and dear unto him. In this godly course he did by God’s blessing so profit, that the blessed martyr Dr. Ridley, then bishop of London, did as it were invite him and his godly companion, Mr. Thomas Horton, to become fellows of Pembroke hall in Cambridge. And after, the said Dr. Ridley called our Bradford to London, to give him a prebend in Paul’s church, lodged him in his own house there, and set him on work preaching. And besides, after preaching in London, and Paul’s Cross, and sundry places in the country, and especially in Lancashire, [being a native of Manchester in that county,] he preached before king Edward VI. in the Lent, in the last year of his reign, upon the second Psalm. And there in one sermon shewing the tokens of God’s judgment at hand, for the contempt of the gospel: as that certain gentlemen upon the sabbath day going in a wherry to Paris-garden, to a bear baiting, were drowned: and a dog was met at Ludgate, carrying a piece of a dead child in his mouth: he with a mighty and prophetical spirit said, I summon you all, even every mother’s child of you, to the judgment of God, for it is at hand. So it followed shortly after, in the death of king Edward. In which state and labour of preaching he continued, till the cruelty of the papists cut him off: as thou mayst read in the history of his life and death, by that faithful servant of the Lord Jesus, Mr. John Fox.

Indeed he had many pullbacks; but God still helped forward his chosen servant in that trade of life to which he had called him. In which he ran forward so happily, that he outrun me and others his companions. For it pleased God with great speed to make him ready and ripe to martyrdom.

But in all stops and stays he was mightily helped forward by a continual meditation and practice of repentance and faith in Christ, in which he was kept, by God’s grace, notably exercised all the days of his life.

Even in this mean time he heard a sermon, which the notable preacher, Mr. Latymer, made before king Edward VI. in which he did earnestly speak of restitution to be made of things falsely gotten: which did so strike Bradford to the heart, for one dash with a pen which he had made, without the knowledge of his master, (as full often I have heard him confess, with plenty of tears,) being clerk to the treasurer of the king’s camp beyond the seas, and was to the deceiving of the king, that he could never be quiet, till, by the advice of the same Mr. Latymer, a restitution was made. Which thing to bring to pass, he did willingly forbear and forgo all that private and sorry patrimony which he had on earth. Let all bribers and poling officers, which get to themselves great revenues in earth by such slippery shifts, follow this example; least in taking a contrary course, they take a contrary way, and never come where Bradford now is.

But besides this, Bradford had his daily exercises and practices of repentance. His manner was, to make to himself a catalogue of all the grossest and most enorme sins which in his life of ignorance he had committed, and to lay the same before his eyes when he went to private prayer; that, by the sight and remembrance of them, he might be stirred up to offer to God the sacrifice of a contrite heart, seek assurance of salvation in and by faith, thank God for his calling from the ways of wickedness, and pray for en-crease of grace to be conducted in holy life, acceptable and pleasing to God. Such a continual exercise of conscience he had in private prayer, that he did not count himself to have prayed to his contentation, unless in it he had felt inwardly some smiting of heart for sin, and some healing of that wound by faith; feeling the saving health of Christ, with some change of mind into the detestation of sin, and love of obeying the good will of God as appeared by this: he used in the morning to go to the common prayer of the college where he was; and after that, he used to make some prayers with his pupils in his chamber: but not content with this, he then repaired to his own secret prayers, and exercised in prayer by himself, as one that had not yet prayed to his own mind: for he was wont to say to his familiars, I have prayed with my pupils, but have not yet prayed with myself.

Another of his exercises was this: he used to make unto himself an ephemeris, or a journal, in which he used to write all such notable things as either he did see or hear each day that past. But whatsoever he did hear or see, he did so pen it, that a man might see in that book the signs of his smitten heart. For if he did see or hear any good in any man, by that sight he found, and noted the want thereof in himself; and added a short prayer, craving mercy, and grace to amend. If he did hear or see any plague or misery, he noted it as a thing procured by his own sins; and still added, Domine, miserere mei. He used in the same book to note such evil thoughts as did arise in him, as of envying the good of other men; thoughts of unthankfulness; of not considering God in his works; of hardness and unsensibleness of heart, when he did see other men moved and affected.

And thus he made to himself, and of himself, a book of daily practices of repentance.

Besides this, they that were familiar with him might see how he, being in their company, used to fall often into a sudden and deep meditation; in which he would sit with fixed countenance, and spirit moved, yet speaking nothing for a good space. And sometime, in this silent sitting, plenty of tears would trickle down his cheeks. Sometime he would sit in it, and come out of it with a smiling countenance. Oftentimes I have sitten at dinner and supper with him in the house of that good harbourer of many preachers and servants of the Lord Jesus, Mr. Elsing; when either by occasion of talk had, or some view of benefits present, or some inward cogitations, and those of his own, he had fallen into these deep cogitations. And he would tell me in the end such discourses of them, that I did perceive, that sometimes his tears trickled out of his eyes, as well for joy as for sorrow.

In all companies where he did come, he would freely rebuke any sin and misbehaviour which appeared in any person; especially swearers, filthy talkers, and popish praters. Such never departed out of his company unreproved. And this he did with such a divine grace and Christian majesty, that ever he stopt the mouths of the gainsayers. For he spake with power: and yet so sweetly, that they might see their evil to be evil and hurtful unto them; and understand that it was good indeed, to that which he laboured to draw them in to God.

NUMBER A copy of verses, set before a book of Martial Discipline; exciting the nation to exercise armes ; considering the present dangers from foreign enemies. By the author, T. Styward, generos.

AS wisdome wills us to regard what plagues in time do hap On such as seek for to be rockt always in pleasures lap: And neighbours harms bid us take heed, all perils to prevent; Lest careless sleep do dangers bring, and then too late repent. So, England, take thou heed in time, lest thou too soon do rue The wicked harms devis’d by foes; which shortlie may ensue:

If that regard of martial laws be had no more in price, And souldiers lore despised thus amongst the grave and wise. Behold! how foreigns are abus’d, that scorn’d this martial law; And are by warlike wights opprest, and brought to live in awe. Their goods, their wives, their virgins fair, are spoil’d and brought to thrall:

Misus’d before their parents face: such is their grievious fall. Cast off therefore your sluggish life; call horne your hearts agen: Let Venus pass; despise her laws: live now like valiant men, As heretofore your fathers did: whose acts each where did flow: From east to west, from north to south, as stories plainly show. Two books I have therefore set forth, to shew thee how to traine, To march, encampe, and battles make, with tables very plaine; Which tho’ they be not as I wish, accept them as they are: And thou shalt profit reap thereby, of policies of war, Whereby to shun the slights of foes; who hope but for a day, For to pervert this quiet state, if possible they may.

Regard therefore your countrie soil, your parents and your wives, Your children and your lands and rents; seek to defend your lives. And leave off pride and lustiness, your great and much excess, Your deintie fare, your costlie tale, your carpet wantonness. Prepare you horse and lance to field; for now the time is come: Take pike and sword in hand again: list now to sound of drum. Hark, how the trumpet warning gives, to haste us to the wars, That we our British soyle may keep from death and bloody jarrs. In haste prepare, ye English hearts, to tread this path aright; Wh