NUMBER 1.

Objections against bringing Mary queen of Scots to trial. With answers thereunto; being the censure of the civilians. 1. Objection. She is anointed. Par in parera non habet imperium. Resp.

It may be doubted whether she be a queen. Because she standeth deposed by the three estates Scptiae. 2. She willingly left her right to her son. A king deposed is not afterwards to be taken for a king. Thomas Gramat.

Dec. 65. Therefore Frederic, king of Naples, deprived by the king of Spain, was afterward judged for no king by sentence.

If she were queen of Scots in possession, it may be doubted that she were inferior to the queen of England, as her feudatory. The principal maintainers of her title to the succession affirm, that she was born under the sovereignty of England.

The sovereignty hath a necessary relation to her own subjects, and such actions as are committed within her own dominions.

Each prince without his territories is no more than a private person. Ff. De haeredib, instituend. L. 3.

Again, ratione delicti, each person is subject to the jurisdiction of the place wherin he offendeth. lbi causa agatur, ubi crimen committitur.

The preeminency of the person altereth not the cause. Reatus omnem honorem excludit, ubi de crimine agi oportet.

An archbishop may be punished by a bishop; and one emperor by another prince, ratione delicti; ubicunque quis jurisdictionem non habet, ibi delinquens puniri nequit.

An archbishop is subject to the law of the place where he resideth. Ergo a prince.

Legatus sustinet personam principis. So his ambassage is presumed indifferent to both princes, ob publicam fidem.

The prince cometh only for his own benefit and protection.

Also, Frustra quis privilegium, quod violavit, apud eum profert in quem privilegio est abusus:

Also, if the Scotch queen were not subject to the queen, the condition of a prince were most miserable in her own kingdom.

Eodem jure defendimur, cui subjicimur.

II. Objection. Deletum non est consummatum. Ergo. Secondly, She subjecteth her self juri gentium soli.

Resp. In respect of her allegiance to the crown of England, her actions are rather to be mesured by the positive laws of the land than jure gentlum. But by these it is treason [what] she doth. :Ergo.

Aliens are not exempt from such laws as are of force where they remain.

As Pomponius Atticus lived under the laws of Athens, where he abode.

Si advenae quid faciunt in loco, ubi versantur, quod ipsis liberum sit, videntur quasi consentire in staruto.

Patere, quam ipse tuleris legem. This is agreeable to the law of the country.

In the matter of treason, and in the maner of proceding therin, there is no difference or privilege of a person suspected. Ad Leg. Jul. laesae Majestat. lib. 4.

She hath divers times conspired. A. Delictum frequens aget paenam. Ff. De poenis, lib. 2.8. §. Solent.

The nature of treason is such, as that the punishment thereof is not tyed to any law. Caetera facta habent suas leges. In iis utilitas, metus, occasio, lex est. Mark also publica necessitas.

The law of nations is nothing but Sans rem. Omnes pitiantur, quod in alios factum volucrunt. Good reason, ergo, account voluntatem pro facto. For, post factum nolaw. Ergo, stay not to take conspiratorem. Ergo, Mithridates put to death Attilius ratlone propositi tantum.

So did Albinus to the messenger of Severus.

A confederate, being in the country of his confederate, for a crime committed, is there to be punished, De capitc.

Et postil. Et si sunt apud nos rei ex civitatibus confaederatis, in eos damnatos animadvertimus.

Ergo, tho’ she were a confederate [only], she is punishable.

There is no person but is to be tryed there, without exception of degree, where the crime is committed. Ubi de crim. verba. Qua in provincia quis deliquit, aut in qua pecuniarum aut criminum reus sit, ibi vindicari debet, et hoc jus perpetuum sit. But she, &c. Ergo. 3. Thirdly, Every person equally is to be judged. In trim. laesae majest, aequa est omnium conditio. Lex ait. C. ad leg,. Jul. 1. 4. Ergo. 4. Fourthly, A king in another kings territories may com mit treason, as another private man. Coretus, De potestate Quaero (inquit) utrum rex, non habens justum titulum regni, incidat in crimen laes. majestatis. Ergo. 5. A king, passing through another kings realm, or there resiant, is but a private person. Allegations follow for that. 6. The benefit or privilege of safe conduct is lost, when any crime is committed after the grant of the safe conduct. Then follow allegations. 7. It may be said, Non subditus potest [non] committete crimen laesae majestat. Yet that saying is to be taken where the crime is to be committed without the jurisdiction; but yet within, that may be punished. P.P.

Clementine: de sententia, et re judicata.

And tho’ the P. P. reversed his sentence; yet he saith, if the party have been within the jurisdiction at the time of the crime committed, juste damnaretur. Verba. Si rex infra districtum imperialem fuisset inventus, protuisset contra eum sententia dici. Ergo, by the popes rule, &c. 8. Henry VII. emperor gave a solemne judgment of death at Pysca, anno 1311, against Robert king of Sicilia Deiotar, condemned by Jul. Caesar.

Joan queen of Naples for murthering her husband. §. De patois.

Punishments ought to be equal to their offences. Then follow allegations. It standeth with the law of nature. Which is impossible, ut quisque consular suae saluti, et suorum. Poena unius, salus multorum. An offence in the highest degree, contra principem; being an head of a politic body; as an offence to each member of the same. Arctiora sunt vincula virtutis, quam sanguinis.

NUMBER 2.

An analogy or resemblance between Joan queen of Naples and Mary queen of Scotland. Offered to queen Elizabeth by the parliament.

I. JOAN queen of Naples, being in love with the duke of Tarent, hanged her husband Andreas (or as some write Andrasias) king of Naples, in the year of our Lord God 1348. Mary queen of Scotland, being, as appeareth by the Chronicles, and her own letters, [in love] with the earl Bothwell, strangled her husband, the lord Darly, king of Scotland, in the year of our Lord God 1567.

II. Joan queen of Naples did presently after the foul slaughter of her husband mary with the said duke of Ta-rent, notwithstanding they were joyned and knit in kindred neer together.

Mary queen of Scotland, within twelve days after the death of her said husband, was maried by the bishop of Orkney to the said earl Bothwel, notwithstanding he had two wives alive; and was divorsed from them upon a likely adultery, by himself committed.

III. Joan queen of Naples had no long fruition of her inordinate lust, and infamous mariage of the said duke of Tarent: for he being therefore detested of all the country, pined away shortly after with immoderate venerie and thought.

Mary queen of Scots, after the adulterous mariage had with Bothwell, did but a small time enjoy him: for the nobility and commons rising in armes against them, put them both to their several shifts. Her to fly into England; Bothwel into Denmark; where he living, or rather languishing, like a banished and consumed man, had nothing so comfortable to his guilty conscience as present death; which shortly after ensued.

IV. Joan queen of Naples raised a miserable schism in Italy and France, by reason of two popes at one time, Urban, pope of Rome, and Clement, pope of Avignion.

Mary the Scotish queen did sow the seeds of schism and sedition both in the church of England and Scotland, by means of two popes, Gregory XIII. and Sextus V.

V. Joan queen of Naples was besieged in Castello, now called New Castle, one of the three strongest forts within the kingdom of Naples.

Mary queen of Scots was besieged in the castle of Dumbar, [Dunbar,] one of the three forts of the greatest force in all her dominions and kingdom of Scotland.

VI. Joan queen of Naples sent to the pope of Avinion, called by many historographers antipope Clement, a pope of her own facture and faction, to uphold and defend her quarel against Charles his forces: who, by reason he was nephew to Lewis king of Hungary’s son according to some right, or, as some say, next of kin to Andreas, her first husband, king of Naples, by her murthered, was competiter with her in the said kingdom; and that by the title of Robert king of Naples her grandfathers testament.

Mary queen of Scots (which is far worse) sent many times to popes of Rome, both to the said Gregory XIII. while he lived, and afterwards to the said Sextus V. now pope, not for the defence of her self, or her son, in the kingdome of Scotland, but to disturbe and terrify the quiet state of England with the thunderbolts of excommunication, and other seditious dissensions; tending to the bereaving of her majesty of her rightful crowne and dignity royal.

VII. Joan queen of Naples sent also at that time, and to the same end and purpose, to Charles the French king, and Aniens [Anjou] the French kings uncle, requesting them to bring all the forces they could, to the subduing of Charles nephew to Lewis king of Hungary.

Mary queen of Scots sent many times to king Philip, and her uncle the duke of Guise, to bring their foreign forces, and to preserve her in her possession of the kingdom of Scotland; which she had resigned long before to her son: but [also] to the invasion of this realm of England, and subduing of her majesty, the most lawful and undoubted queen of the same.

VIII. Joan the Neapolitan queen, for that she had no child, offered to make the said Lewis, duke of Anjou in France, her heir by adoption, and successor in the kingdom of Naples.

Mary the Scotch queen, altho’ she had a son, promised England and Scotland to the king of Spain, if her son would not be called from heresy; as by her letter lately written to the Spanish ambassador, Mendoza, evidently appeareth.

IX. Joan queen of Naples had great and mighty princes to take her part, both out of France and from the province. But both she and all that held on her side had so strange and disaster fortune, as it is wonderful. For the pope, by her means exalted, was deposed. The said duke of Anjou, general of the field, that came into Italy, as Pandulphus Cornatius writeth, with 50000 men, and as Peter Meria affirmeth, 30000 of them horsemen, dyed by the way; and 16 barons, and most of the gallant company with him. And the remnant that survived returned home with more shame than with pride they came forth; begging all the way they went, by two or three in a company, as Plantina witnesseth. And the queen her self was taken prisoner by him whom she firmely hoped to have taken and slain.

Mary the Scotch queen, which had in Rome at several times two popes; in Spain king Philip; in France French king and the duke of Guise; and in England and Scotland, dukes, earls, lords, gentlemen, and others, too, too many, bent to accomplish her unquiet humour and seditious dissension; yet neither had she nor any other that took her part any prosperous success: for the best friend of the two popes dyed. King Philip and the French king have never been without civil warts, and their lands full of uproars and dangerous tumults. The duke of Guise so maugre, and so crossed in all his designments, that he could not at any time help her, nor will relieve himself. The dukes, earles, and lords, for the most part, have lost their goods, lands, liberties, and countreys; or have been slain, or slain themselves: many gentlemen hanged for her sake, to the perpetual infamy of themselves and their names, and the utter undoing of their posterity.

And as touching her self, neither her own land could abide her, nor the ocean sea, to whose mercy in extreme refuge she committed her self, could brook her: nor the land of England, where she hath remained above years in our sovereign lady queen Elizabeth her protection, could for the more part like her, or be liked of her. And she became all that while prisoner unto her; whose royal person she continually hoped, and often practised to have murthered.

X. Joan queen of Naples being taken last of all by Charles, nephew to Lewis king of Hungary, was, by the said Charles, upon advice taken and had of the said king, secretly strangled in prison. And so by Gods providence payd the debt, as the history witnesseth, that she gave to her first husband Andreas, king of Naples.

Mary queen of Scots, altho by flying out of her own realm of Scotland into England, and by coming under the queen of Englands protection, she escaped hitherto to have due revengment for her husbands death (when and where her chiefest nobility pursued her end) by justice; yet, because she had sundry times since that time conspired the destruction of the sacred person of her majesty, and being once or twice pardoned, hath fallen into a relapse, or recidevation; there hath been, upon her due hearing and examination of the whole matter, together with her personal answers, taken by the chiefest lords of the realm, assisted with the principal judges of the same, sentence of death pronounced against her, according to the statute of Association by her self subscribed and sworn.

There remaineth nothing to make the history perfect, but that Mary of Scotland may have Gods judgment in her accomplished and performed; that did not only kil her first husband, king of Scots, but practised oftentimes the end of her majesty, the queen of England; and likewise was like to bring the whole realm in danger of a general massacre and present destruction, had not the eternal and mighty Lord, of his unspeakable and accustomable goodness, by a miraculous discovery, preserved the same.

NUMBER 3.

Sentences written by the lord treasurer Burghley ; occasioned upon the death of Mary queen of Scots; and upon queen Elizabeth’s displeasure towards him on that account. Endorsed 1586. After the Scots queen death Wednesday, Febr. The warrant signed, To the Lord Chancellor, that night PECCATUM ignorantia commissum.

Anima si peccaverit per ignorantiam, offeret arietem, et dimittetur ei, quia per ignorantiam.

Melius est, ut benefacientes (si voluntas Dei velit) pati, quam malefacientes.

Quem diligit Deus, corripit.

Quem diligit Deus, castigat.

Tribulatio patientiam operatur.

Si benefacientes patienter sustinetis, haec est gratia apud Deum.

Si bona suscepimus de manu Dei, mala quare non suscipiamus?

Deus meus, tu opem mihi tulisti a juventute mea: et us que ad senectam et canos, non derelinques me.

Non est sanitas in carne mea a facie irae tuae.

Job. Ipse vulnerat, et medetur.

Domine Deus meus, clamavi ad te, et sanasti me.

Quoniam in me speravit, liberabo eum.

Secundum multitudinem dolorum meorum in corde meo, consolationes tuae laetificarunt animam meam.

Laus sit Jehovae, quod audiverit vocem deprecationum mearum.

Quaesivi Jehovam, et respondit mihi, et ex omnibus angustiis hiis eripuit me. Earl of Shrewsbury . To tarry. Earl of Leicester, lord treasure. Lord admiral.

Mr. Davison . The bill signed. Mr. Davison. [His] affirmation. Earl of Leicester . Knowledg from the queen.

Always not to be acquainted with the circumstances.

The queen meant it not. Esto. This not known.

The matter alway present.

The matter for surety. (Greek word- 405) Seneca. Decet timeri regem, at plus diligi.

Potentior rex, quando irascitur viro inferiori. Lucas. Exeat aula, qui vult esse plus.

Sit piger ad paenas princeps, ad praemia velox.

Quique dolet quoties cogitur esse ferox. Proverb. xx. Thronus Dei corroboratur clementia.

Morieris nec primus, nec ultimus.

Ne sis miser ante tempus. Clementia. Leones prostratis parcunt.

Nullum magis decet clementia, quam principem.

Est omnibus clementia secunda sed maxime decora principibus. Correctio. Pro mensura peccati erit plagarum modus.

Q. Phreneticum ligat, et lethargicum excitat, ambobus molestus, sed ambos amat. Consilium. Sapiens non mutat consilium, omnibus illis manentibus quae erant. Confessio. Quum homo agnoscit, Deus ignoscit. Bona quaerentibus vix obtingunt mala, non quaesita. Dolor. Aristoteles. Cor non comedendum.

Nemo potest valde dolere, et diu. Error. Errare est falsum pro vero putare.

Lauda parce, vitupera parcius.

Inopinatum malum valde metuendum, si sine exemplo sit.

In summo imperatore haec quatuor esse oportet: scientia rei militaris; virtus; authoritas; faelicitas.

Colant te servi tui, potius quam timeant.

Amare debemus Deum tanquam filii, timere tanquam servi.

Non est bonum pluralitas principantium: unus ergo princeps.

Beatus qui beatis servit.

Justius est injustum juste evadere, quam justum injuste puniri.

Anima dum vivificat corpus, anima est. Dum vult animus est. Dum scit, mens est. Dum recolit, memoria est. Dum rectum judicat, ratio est. Dum spirat, spiritus. Dum aliquid sentit, sensus est.

Job. xvi. In mundo pressuram sustinebitis.

Act. xiv. Oportet nos per multas tribulationes ingredi regnum Del.

Heb. xii. Flagellat omnem filium, quem recipit.

Job. vii. Vita hominis militia super terram. 1 Cor. xi. Castigamur a Deo, ut non condemnemur in hoc mundo.

Ecc. xxviii. Afflictio dat intellectum. 1 Naum. Bonus Dominus est, confortans in tribulationibus.

Afflixi te, et non affligam te ultra.

Qui contra praepositam potestatem murmurat, ilium redarguit, qui dedit potestatem.

Maximum solatium est, vacare culpa.

Ante senectutem curandum est, ut bene vivat. Mors. Non facit malam mortem, quod sequitur. Vita amara. Vocantur ante tempus boni, ne diutius vexentur, morte. Mali, ne diutius persequantur.

Latet ultimus dies, ut observetur omnis dies. Mors calamitatis terminus.

NUMBER 4.

The lord treasurer’s second letter to the queen, lying under her displeasure, upon the death of the Scots queen. Dated Febr. 17. but not received. MOST gracious sovereign; altho’ to my great grief I cannot understand that your majestys offence against me is diminished, notwithstanding my humble submission to endure any thing that might pacify the same; yet finding my mind continually opprest with griefs for your displesure, and mine old body and lame limbs by day and night vexed with pains, and that therof I can imagine no remedy, but by continuance of my humble intercession to your majesty, either to receive my submission, or rather first to hear me answer any thing wherewith your majesty shall charge me.

Whereunto I will most plainly and truly answer for thought and deed, as if God himself should call me to judgment, from whom nothing can be hid.

My case alone is most miserable. For tho’ for this late fact, for which your majesty is so deeply offended, I am no more to be charged than others; yet I find and hear by report, that your majesty doth, with more bitter termes of displesure, condemne me than others. And this, I suppose, encreaseth, by reason your majesty hath not heard me as you have others, whom your majesty hath admitted to your presence: which through my lameness and infirmity, being not hable of my self to come unto your presence, is my principal let and stay. And yet such is my earnest desire to appear before your gracious presence, as I am most willing to endure any pain, to be caried to some place, if to be laid on the floor, neer your majesties feet, there to receive your gracious censure: hoping, by Gods special goodness, (in whose hand your heart is, and who knoweth best my thoughts past and present, to be so reverend to your majesty, and so careful of your favour,) that I shall find some drops of your mercy, to quench the panting sorrows of my heart.

NUMBER 5.

The lord treasurer’s third letter to the queen, dated Febr. 23, remaining yet under her displeasure, on the same occasion; delivered by lord Buckhurst.

Most gracious and mighty queen. ALTHO’ I am come to no understanding what special means to use to pacify your majestys heavy displeasure, so often and grievously exprest both to my friends and many others; wherby I am so overborn in my weak spirit, as no part of my mind is sound to perform that I ought to do; a torment such as I never felt; that I may say as is in the Psalme, Non est sanitas in me a facie irae tuae : yet such is the miserable condition of my state at this present, differing from others of my company, that tho’ I find my humble submissions to your majesty, and most lowly requests to be heard, to be still denyed, yet comparing in my knowledg your majestys natural, princely clemency and compassion with this late accidental quality of your mind, by onely one act miscontented, I do turn my face with my fact passed, to behold rather those princely graces which your majesty hath of God and nature, than to abide the censure of your mind, now miscontented; seeking by my defence [not] to have your majesty in any sort touched, by maintaining any thing against your honour; but to submit my self to your accustomed clemency: and so to be heard, as if your majesty shall not allow of my answer, yet I may hope to have your concept of my fact in some part alleviated.

I know surely by many experiences your majestys sincerity and Christian conscience such, as except your majesty [esteemed me] faulty indeed, your majesty would not thus extremely use me. And theftore I do not therein think any thing but honorably of your majesty; as you are persuaded, and as long as your- majesty shall, for lack of my answer, so conceive of me, I can hope of no good end, but only by your mercy. But if your majesty might be pleased to hear me, tho’ in your conceit as an offender, to answer to such things as move you to think me faulty; indeed I hope in my good God, to whose judgment without mercy I dare yield my self, (for any evil meaning in this cause,) either to move your majesty to temper the severity of your judgment against me, as not being a wilful offender, or to mollify your displesure with some drops of your princely pity towards me: whom I think your majesty afore this time, in no action whatsoever towards your person or honour, found me wilful, over seen, or void of care.

I perceive by my son, Thomas Cecil, that in deferring the time till my access, I might write to your majesty that which I had to say. For which favour I know that writing is but a composition of words, that may be otherwise doubtfully taken, for want of explanation or reply .... [And therefore I desire] to deliver the sense of my heart by mine own tongue. I dare not aventure to write as the cause requires, lest, in seeking favour, clemency, and pity, I might enerease the countrary, &c. Tribulationes cordis mei multiplicatae sunt : de necessi-tatibus meis erue me.

NUMBER 6.

A writing of the lord treasurer; for his absence from council; upon some angry words used to him by the queen. To be delivered to her by Mr. Vice-Chamberlain. March the xvth.

IAM so wounded in the heart with the late sharp and piercing speeches of her majesty to my self, in the hearing of my lord of Leicester and Mr. Secretary Walsingham, expressing therewith her indignation, at such time as I was called to her presence for matters of the Low Countries, my self giving no occasion by any speech of the matter of the queen of Scots, until her majesty did charge me therewith; as since regarding, in great anguish of heart, the weight of her majestys displesure, so settled and encreased, as I then deeply conceived; and mine own humility not hable to abide the continuance of such her displesure; I am therefore most careful, how by any means possible I may shun all en-crease of the weight hereof: knowing it very true that was said by the most wisest king, Indignatio principis mors est. And tho’ my conscience doth certainly witness with me in the sight of God, that I never had thought, nor did ever any act with mind to offend her majesty; but now finding this heavy burthen of her majestys displesure in mine old years, so long faithfully, painfully, and dangerously spent, only for her service, to be lately rather encreased, since her majestys princely compassion permitted me to her presence a few days past, I have great cause to fear, that this encrease groweth more by means of some secret enemies to my self, than of any influence of her own princely nature.

And therefore, tho’ I cannot imagine that any person is my enemy for any private offence of my own, but only in respect of my services for her majesty; wherin I have certainly felt of long time many sharp effects for doing my duty; yet now being so publicly, in town, in court and field, known, as I daily find it, her majesty is so grievously offended with me; whereby my enemies may presume that her ears are open to any sinister calumniations to be devised against me, for any thing I shall do in this time of her disfavour; I am therefore urgently moved to live warily; in token of the reverend fear I bear to her majesty, to forbear from all voluntary public actions of state, wherunto I am not by her majesty expresly commanded, until I may be releived to have her presence, as others of my condition have. And which I do to avoid the calumniations of the evil disposed, that may untruly incense her majesty, that I make no difference of times between the clearness of her former favour, and the darkness of her displesure.

And this having a special desire to notify to her majesty, being not the hundredth part of my heavy, bitter cogitations, I do notwithstanding remain free and ready to do, to serve and to suffer, without respect of pain or peril, as I may understand shall best content her majesty. For therein do I think my happiness to consist, as the Greek verse is:

Maka>riov o[stiv makari>ov uJphretei~ Beatus qui beatis servit.

NUMBER 7.

The bishop of Meath in Ireland to the lord treasurer lord Burghley, now come into England; to solicit for favour upon account of his first-fruits, not paid. His case referred to the lord deputy, his enemy.

It may please your good lordship, YOUR resolution for the referment of my cause back again to my lord deputy doth much grieve and discomfort me. Your lordship knoweth that his hard dealing hath forced me to come hither: where, according to your good advice, I have suffered both him and his agents to play upon me, bearing all things patiently. Now if I shall be referred unto him, who hath confessed that he never meant to have relieved me, until it were too late, I must needs say my hap is most hard.

Good my lord, let me not be made the first precedent to pay that which before was never exacted of any of my calling; but, in my reasonable suit for my relief, vouchsafe me your good favour. If either my service or course of life were known to your lordship, I doubt not you would more favourably consider of me. I have these three months followed only your lordship, and wholly depended upon you, and none other. Your lordship knoweth I am in Ireland a person hated for my religion, greatly maliced by the deputy; unles I may have her majestys and your good lordships countenance, what comfort can I have to return thither: mine estate is so poor, that I profess unto your lordship I was enforced to employ the mony which I owe unto her majesty upon my charges hither, to seek relief.

I am bold in the paper enclosed to discover to your lordship the yearly value of all the livings I have in Ireland. According to which note I am contented that any man shall be my farmer. Upon which livings I do keep always in a readiness xx able men in my house to serve her majesty: the one half of them well furnished on horseback; and I my self daily employed in her majestys service without any consideration.

I humbly recommend my self to your lordships good favour and devotion, having none other to depend upon. So humbly craving pardon for this boldness, I take leave, this 5th of March.

Your lordships humbly to command, THO. MIDENSIS.

NUMBER 8.

Mr. Henton, archdeacon of Coventry, to the bishop of Litchfield.

Account of the backwardness of some of the clergy of that archdeaconry in the payment of their taxations for the queen’s forces in the Low Countries.

Rt. reverend father in God, &c. THESE may be to signify unto your [lordship], how that according to your lordships commandment, by your lordships commission to us directed, and according to our duties in that behalf, we have performed such service about the taxing of the abler sort of your clergy within the archdeaconry of Coventry, towards the provision of the sum of 3 score and 15 pounds for lances, for the service in the Low Countries, as by that commission was enjoyned us; and as to the uttermost of our discretion we thought convenient for the full performance of the same. It may please your good lordship, we required and commanded the parties so by us taxed, in her majestys name, to make speedy payments of their several sums wherunto they were by us taxed, at Coventry, the 19. day of April, 1586, without any delay. At which time and place we also attended, to have received the same sums, if they had been brought thither unto us. But it may please your good lordship, among them all there was not above one man ready or willing to satisfy his taxation. This said party is ready to make pay, and will be at your lordships plesure; namely, the parson of Harborough Magna, neer to Rockby, Frauncis Kemberly. All the residue utterly failing their duties in this behalf, and shewing themselves most unwilling hereunto, alledging their disability. Whose names and several sums, by us so taxed, we have sent unto your good lordship, in a scedule or writing here enclosed; that your lordship may take order with the said parties, as to your lordships good discretion shah seem most convenient.

We have most willingly performed our service to your good lordship herein; and don that which hath seemed to us in our conscience most best.

And so we hope your lordship will conceive of us and our service.

It may please your good lordship, we have dealt further with all the residue of your clergy of the said archdeaconry, to se what every other minister would do of his own voluntary will; but the sums by all such others of the ministry offered voluntarily did not surmount in the whole above 6 or pounds, scarce the 4th part of one horse. For the willingness wherof we gave them thanks in your lordships name. But we left that course, because we saw it would serve neither to the performance of our commission, or your lordships expectation. And therefore continue the first course, above specified, according to the scedule herein enclosed. And thus with our humble duties unto your good lordship, &c. At Coventry, the 20 of April, 1586.

Then followed the names of the abler sort of the clergy within the several deaneties of the archdeaconry, cessed for the service of the lances, together with their respective sums to be paid.

Coventrie, deanry L. s.d. Whitnash 5 0 Willy 8 6 8 Allsceye 5 0 Redworth 6 5 0 Arden deanry 6 5 Harbrough 6 5 0 Weddington 6 5 Brymycham 6 5 0 Marton deanry6 5 Meryden 6 5 0 Lodbroke 6 5 Barkeswel 12 10 0 Staecton 6 5 Stonely deanry5 0 0 Southan 8 6 Warmington - 5 0 0 Hardwick 5 0 NUMBER June the 24th, 1586. Freke’s account for the monies received of the clergy for lances, in all the dioceses from the bishops; and of recusants for light horse. So endorsed by the hand of the lord treasurer.

This paper is defaced by rain and wet where the blanks are.

MAY the 4. 1586. Cantuar. Received of my L. s. d. lord archbishop there _ _ _ Surf. Received of lord bishop there _ _ _ London. Received of my lord bishop there _ _ _ Coventry and Litchfield. Received of my lord bishop there CC. _ _ College de Windsor. Received of Master Dean there 75, 0 College de Westmin. Received of Master Dean there 75, 0 Ebor. Received of my lord archbishop there 700 0 Sussex. Received of my lord bishop there 271 0 Wigorn. Received of my lord bishop there 200 0 Exon. Received, &c 549 3 Norwich. Received of, &c 225 0 Hereford. Received of,&c 100 0 0 Lincoln. Received of, &c 800 0 Winton. Received of, &c 340 0 Burgum. Sti Petri. Received of, &c. 250 0 Chester. Received of, &c 225 0 Carliol. Received of, &c 100 0 Gloucester. Received, &c. 200 0 Dunolm. Received, &c 300 0 Bath and Wells. Received, &c. ___ ___ ___ Sum 6650 3

NUMBER 10.

An account of the names and preferments of the prebendaries of Westminster. Drawn up and given in by Goodman, the dean, April 1586.

Months . Names, Maried,or not Preferments and benefices. 1. Mr. Mounford. Maried. Two benefices. 1. 2. Mr. Read. Not maried. Fellow of S. Johns, Oxon. 3. Mr. Wyborne. Maried. Prebendary of Rochester. 4. Mr. Wagstaft. Not. Parson of Henley. 5. D. Bond. Not. Chaplain of the Savoy. 6. D. Lewes. Maried. One benefice prebendary of Worcest. and Hereford. 2. 7. D. Still. Maried. Two benefices; master of Trinity coll.

Cambr. parson of Hadley, and archdeacon. 8. D. Buckler. Maried Prebendary in WestChester. A benefice in Bedfordsh. 9. Mr. Read. Maried. Prebendary of Windsor. 3. 10. The Bp. Of Rochester. Maried. 11. Mr. Wickham. Maried. Two benefices; the one in Sussex, the other in Kent. 12. Mr. Grant. Maried. Two benefices in Norfolk.

Then followes in the same paper, The order by the statutes, devised by Dr. Bill, and so in use ever since the late erection, hath been, that every four in course, after this order for their months, should be resi-dentiaries; and so contribute to the commons, for the month; and either preach themselves or find some other.

The allowance of every prebendary towards the commons for the month is 40 shil.

Howbeit few keep their order and course of residence. And so others that be presents have the benefit of the diet.

In term time other of the prebendaries be sometimes present, beside the residentiaries. Who for that time have allowance of diet for themselves and their men: giving no allowance for the same.

Most commonly present, Mr. Grant, Mr. Wagstaft, Mr. Wickham, D.

Bond, Mr. Bead, in midsummer quarter.

Such as preach and come to divine service in their habits being present: Dr. Bond, Mr. Bead, Mr. Wagstaff, Mr. Grant, Mr. Mounford, Mr. Wickham, D. Lewes, D. Still.

Mr. Wyburn and D. Buckley come not to divine service in their habits, nor do preach in this church; because they have not subscribed unto the articles sent unto us by my lord of Canterbury in her majestys name. Howbeit they have here whole living, as others have.

NUMBER 11.

Beza to the lord treasurer. The state of Geneva; obliged to him, next to the queen, for favour and assistance shewed them. This letter brought over by Wil. Cecil, the treasurer’s grandson, returning home from travel.

QUAM aegre tuli, spectatissime mi domine, periculosam charissimi tui nepotis in Italiam profectionem, tam mihi, imo nobis hic omnibus jucundus fuit illius ad nos adventus, jucundissimus futurus, si diutius ipsius praesentia frui, et aliquibus officiis nostram in te et ilium observantiam testari, licuisset. Verum magna fuit nobis religio tua quidem gaudia, ipsis vero desiderium renovari, nunquam alioqui passuris, ut ingrati tuorumque plurimorum ac maximorum apud nos meritorum immemores fuisse videamur. Cui enim hominum plura, secundum serenissimam regiam majestatem, quam tibi, tota haec civitas debet? Plura quidem certe, quam animo complecti queamus, nedum ut Hesiodi praeclarum illud de referendo beneficio praeceptum possimus praestare.

Quod unum igitur nobis ad animi ingrati vitandam notam supersit, id sedulo agimus, assidue, baud secus ac pro nostra ipsorum salute, precantes, imprimis, ut serenissimam regiam majestatem tot priorum non hominum modo, sed etiam populorum, insignissime oppressorum, vindicem; sed adeo, suaque omnia rarissimo vere Christiani zeli exemplo, evangelii propagationi postponentem firmissimo suo praesidio tutari, et omnibus sancti sui spiritus eximiis donis ornare et amplificare pergat. Deinde, ut divinitus attributos ipsius majestatis regiae consiliarios, et te quidem praesertim, cujus illa non immerito consiliis plurimum tribuit, ea perpetuo sapientia, prudentiaque semper instruat, quam tot ingentium negotiorum administratio requirit.

Caeterum, quis nunc sit non hujus tantum civitatis, sed etiam Helvetiae status, et quid in his quoque regionibus, conjurati moliantur, et nisi conatibus ipsorum obsistatur, perficere se posse confidant, si tibi videbitur, et tum universae reip. Christianae, tum privatim, id vestra interesse arbitraberis, ex ipso nepote tuo certissime et plenissime cognosces. Bene vale, nobilissime, et modis omnibus ornatissime Domine. D. Jesus, Servator ille noster, venerandam et sapientissimam canitiem tuam felicissime conservet. Genevae, xvii. Maii, anno ultimi temporis. CICICLXXXVI.

Amplitudini tuae addictissimus, A monsieur, THEODORUS BEZA.

Monsieur le baron de Burghley, con seiller et grand thesorier D’Angleterre, chevalier du treshonorable ordre de la Jaatiere.

NUMBER 12.

Parsons the Jesuit to Cardinal Allen at Rome; concerning the success of his and other Jesuits, their late mission into England, by commission from him.

Admodum rde in chro’. pt. pax Chri. FAELICISSIMO plane itinere in Angliam pervenimus: ubi magnum in veritatis hostibus furorem, in catholicis vero fervorem non imparem, sumus experti.

Pererebuit jam fama adventus nostri, et ex eorum, qui reginae a consiliis sunt, ore, meum quibusdam nomen innotuit. Terret res adversarium, et magnum nescio quid, a nobis timet. Adeo nunc evasit meticulosus. Cum Londinum pervenissem, primum inter giadios, tum vero in carcere quodam catholicos conveni. Quae (si ominari fas est) quiddam mihi non ingratum portendunt.

Post unum aut alterum diem, hominem, cui nos commisisti, incolumem, et de nostro adventu laetissimum, convenimus, et quibusdam leviuscule tractatis, longiores sermones in tempus magis opportunum rejecimus. Quod non ita multo post nacti, praemissis de more confessionibus, vota nostra, non magno quidera apparatu, sed maxima sane consolatione, renovavimus.

Et si commode res cecidisset sacrum habuissemus, eodem die, qui Stae.

Mariae Magdalenae sacer, solenni ritu, et insigni, variorum instrumentorum et vocum symphonia decantatum. Verum in sequentem diem rejecta res est: quem ego illic alio vocatus agere non potui. Ea tamen quae ad facultates nostras, et praecipua quaeque negotia pertinent, simul expendimus. Mirum in modum noster in insulam appulsus catholicos animavit, recreavitque qui se quodammodo a societate derelictos prius conquerebantur, dubitabantque, ne difficultatibus territi pastores gregem, operis nunquam magis indigentem, desererent.

Capti sunt hisce mensibus sacerdotes non pauci, quamvis neque tam arcte asserventur. Nonnulli etiam e carceribus pretio redempti, et liberi dimissi, nulla plane apposita conditione. Verum lictores illi, quos penes est illos comprehendere, lynceis oculis urbem obambulant, domos evertunt; et quos capiunt, nummis, equis, omnibus denique spoliant. Mortui sunt Nugati, carceris paedore confecti catholiei aliquot, et eo in loco situ et squallore misere cruciantur.

In aula regia fertur quoddam jam prae manibus esse negotlum, quod si faeliciter succedat, extrema quaeque in nobis impendent; serena autem omnia, si secus acciderit. Vetum haec catholicis puerorum terriculamenta visa sunt: quippe quos eo redegerunt, ut ad novam crudelitatem, fere reliquum sit nihil. Et quamvis post primam decreti illius, quod in parlamento, seu comitiis, condiderunt promulgationem, magnum etiam optimi quique concepere timorem; postmodum tamen, collectis animis, ad pristinum redire fervorem; licet operariorum defectu, nonnulli qui tunc languerent, nondum ad ingenium sunt reducti. At certe dolendum maxime est, multos hic esse comitatus non paucis orthodoxis refertos, in quibus nec unus quidem degit sacerdos, quamvis a plerisque eorum maxime expetitus.

Et nisi mature suppetias mittant aliqui, res catholica vehementer laborabit.

Quanquam et illud ad malum accedit, quod qui jam sunt in messe sacerdotes, dum ad unum aut alterum comitatum frequentlores confluunt, alios orbos plane pastoribus relinquant.

Comiti Arundelliae propositum fuit a primoribus, et, ut arbitror, a regina, quod si vellet tantum honoris causa, gladium de more, ante reginam ad templum ferre, et illi ad finem usque conciliabuli et vesparum adesse, liber dimitteretur. Verum ille fraudem veritus, aut detrectabit penitus, aut certe nihil faciet, quod, consultis doctioribus, non cogno verit licere. Neque enim in animo habet, vel latum quidem unguem ab officio catholici discedere.

Contigit hisce diebus sacerdotem quendam, qui, ut suspicionem effugeret, nautico sese habitu induerat, in portu comprehendi. Is ad curiam ductus, et hinc inde per ludibrium circumactus, tandem in reginae conspectum venit.

Quae ut sacerdotem esse rescivit, lepide percontata est, an illam vellet convertere. Cui sacerdos, Certe, inquit, modo et locus et attentio praebeatur, ego libentissime omnem movebo lapidem. Illa vero, has prius, ait, ancillas meas convertas oportet, quam ad me deveniatur. Post multa tandem scommata et irrisiones sacerdos carceribus committitur.

Mira quaedam, ut audio ab oculatis testibus, circa energumenos hic facta sunt. Quaeque et multos converterunt ad fidem, et alios vacillantes magnopere confirmarunt. Unde nonnullos sacerdotes, quorum et in his officiis pietas et sublimis plane potestas ita insigniter apparuit, haeretici magos et veneficos appellant. Ut quod factum negare non possunt, saltem non porestate sacerdotali, sed daemonis praestigiis calumnientur: immemores illius, quod Christus ait, Omne regnum in se divisum desolabitur.

Ego concionibus, confessionibus, aliisque soeietatis muneribus vaco; quotidianis quidem circumseptus periculis; nec ullo unquam vel brevissimo tempore securus. Sed ipsis animor diffieultatibus, et succedentium sibi timorum multi-tudo, dum nullum sinet esse diuturnum, adimit fere omnem.

Id ego unum contendo, ne imparatum hostis adoriatur. Quod reliquum est, Dei negotium esto.

Tu vero, revereride pater, pro eo quo filios hujuscemodi casibus objectos amore complecteris, conatus nostros, et suavissimos certe labores tuis aliorumque patrum sacrifieiisque precibusque prosequere; ut qui ingressum praebuit, progressum secundet, et faelicem tandem tribuat dolorum exitum.

Mirum hic desiderium est, et magna necessitas eorum quae ultimo petivimus privilegiorum ac facultatum; quae certe si concedatur plurimum erunt e re catholica. U. P. precibus nos omnes huc usque Dei gratia incolumes, humillime commendamus. X Xplirz 25 Julii. 1586.

R. V. filius indignus et servus in Christo, Admodum rdo. pri. nro. Robertus.

NUMBER 13.

The justices of the peace in Suffolk to the lords of the privycouncil, concerning certain payments required of the popish recusants there.

Our humble duties to your lordships remembred.

IT may please you to be advertised, that according to the commandment exprest in your lordships letters, we have called before us all the recusants; whose names in a scedule we received enclosed in your lordships said letters: to whom we imparted the contents therof; advising them to consider of her majestys gracious favour extended towards them; and mesuring the benefit which hereby they are to receive, to make offer by writing severally under their hands, what reasonable portion they can be contented yearly, of their own disposition, to pay unto her receipt, to be eased of the common danger of law for their recusancy. Whose several offers under their own hands, which herewith we send unto your lordships, may particularly appear. Their several rates and valuations, by your lordships former letters upon the disarming of them, we before certified to your lordships. So very humbly we take our leaves, &c. From Ipswich, the 23. of April, 1586.

Signed, — ROB. WYNGFIELD. NIC. BACON.

PH. PARKER. WILL. SYNGER.

WILLIAM WALGRAVE. JOH. HEIGHAM .

Mr. Fr. Mannock, esq. mentioned in the scedule received from your lordships, hath of long time, and doth, ordinarily and dutifully repair to his parish church; and there doth continue the time of the reading of divine service, and preaching of the word of God. “I Ro. Rokewood, of Stanfield in the county of Suffolk, am content yearly during my recusancy, to contribute and pay to her majestys receipt of her highness exchequer, the sum of 20l . thereby to receive and enjoy the benefit of her majestys gracious favour, to be exempt from all forfeitures, vexations, perils, and penalties, that may hereafter happen unto me, my heirs or executors, by reason of any offence or forfeiture heretofore by me committed, or that hereafter by me shall be committed against the law established touching recusancy, for not resorting unto the church, or other place assigned by the said laws in that case made and provided.

March the 28. 1586. ROB. ROKEWOOD.” Will. Yaxley offered 40l . per ann. His estate, he asserted, was but 220l . per ann. He writ, he had been levied for his lands for recusancy, 280l .

Wal. Norton, 20l . per ann. John Bedingfield, 20l .

Henry Drury, 20l . Rob. Jetter, 6 13 4.

H. Everard, 10l . Joh. Daniel, 20l .

Ri. Martin, 6l . Mich. Hare, 50l .

Edward Sulliard, 40l . Edw. Rookwood of Euston, Tho. Sulliard, 20 nobles. 30l .

Ambr. Germin, 20 mark. Roger Martin, 40 mark.

Marg. Daniel, 20l .

NUMBER 14.

The examinatios of Martin Ara, alias Cotton, a seminary priest, and Mr. Getvase Perpoint, a popish recusant; taken before Mr. Young, a justice of peace in London, the 16th day of June, 1586.

The examination of Martin Ara, alias Cotton.

THE said examinate saith, that he hath been chiefly known by the name of Martin, without any other name. That he is a seminary priest: so made at Doway in Arthois by the bishop of Cambray, about eight years past: and was brought up twelve years in the university of Lovain; where he proceded master of arts. And after that he was made priest he went to Rome, and stayed there 18 months in the hospital; and came into England about six years past. During which time he hath made his most abode about the city of London: and hath sometimes layne in Southwark, sometimes at Lambeth, and at common inns, and other places, and not elsewhere.

He went to Hampshire, to a market town five miles on this side Winchester, and came back again to Guilford. The cause of his going there was to se if he could live quietly there; for that he lived with great danger and trouble in London. And as he journeyed, he enquired how the bishop behaved himself towards recusants; and hearing that he was very troublesome, he thought there was no staying for him, and therefore returned, as is aforesaid.

Four years before, he was in Hampshire; two years ago, in Sussex. He heard no bruits or reports in his journey, save that the poorer sort were ready to break down barnes to get corn. And denyeth, that he heard any thing of the firing of the beacons, or of any ships coming on the seas.

Saith that he hath known Mr. Gervais Perpoint this half year, and had been with him sundry times in the Old Change at his lodgings: and one night this examinate would have lain with him; but he said he durst not, the laws were so rigorous.

That at his coming to London he went to Mr. Perpoints lodgings; and that he invited this examinate to dine with him: wherunto he granted: and that he followed him aloof, because he would not be seen in his company, for fear of danger; and dined with him at a carpenters house neer S.

Bartholomews the less, where this examinate was apprehended by the pursevants.

He denyeth to declare in what place he lay on that day, the 7th of June, or at any time before. Neither will he signify where the apparel, linnin, and books are, [used at the celebration of the mass; at which it seems he had been discovered.] And denyeth to take his oath, to answer to any matters concerning the state of this realm: [which was, it is likely by agreement among themselves, to avoid discovering any thing of Babington’s plot, now hatching.] THE EXAMINATION OF GERVAIS PERPOINT, GENT. Imprimis, he denyeth to take his oath, to make answer to any matter concerning the state of this realm.

He saith, that he hath lain at Earsleys house in the Old Change ever since his coming out of the Tower, which was shortly after Christmas was twelvemonth; and useth not to ly out of his own lodging, unless it be with some gentleman or friend of his, coming to town.

That he was acquainted with no Hampshire gentlemen, but Mr. Gawen of Islington.

Denyeth that he knoweth Martin Ara, alias Cotton, or Marten, or one Heywood, alias Blithe. And saith, that toward the 9th of June he went to Mr. Edward Gage his lodging in Southampton house, where he found Gages wife, and Mrs. Banister his sister, and no body else. And denyeth that any man went with him thither and returned from thence in his company.

That on Sunday the 12 of June, he this examinate, Henry Earsley his host, James Taylor of Fleet-street, grocer, and Christopher Askwith of S.

Martins, jerkin-maker, went together to Sr. Tho. Fitz Herbert his house, about 8 of the clock in the morning, and returned about 4 of the clock in the evening: and denyeth that he heard any service there.

That on Monday last he dined at Mr. Walgraves lodgings, neer little S.

Bartholomews. And that one Mr. Charles Tilney [one of that name was concerned in Babington’s plot,] living in Westminster, went thither with him. And that during the time of dinner two pursevants came in, and would needs have this examinate and another from away with him: and as they went, the other ran away. And they both went after him. So that this examinate, being left alone, repaired to his own lodging. And so he denyeth, that he did know the other man.

NUMBER 15.

Anthony Tyrrel, a priest, his letter to the queen, giving his reasons for revoking what he had before cofessed, and denying what he had before declared, concerning Jesuits; and recanting his recantation.

IF ever your majestys pity inclined unto the complaint of a sorrowful and distressed subject, vouchsafe, O gracious queen, as to encline to mine, which craveth no more at your highness hands, than that you peruse these letters, which are longer than willing I would; but that they contain matter that concerneth your princely justice, by defending your innocent subjects, and protecting them from harm.

I am the same, altho’ now far different in condition, that presumed heretofore to write letters unto your majesty, and as it hath been told me, you vouchsafed to receive and read them: and if the report that hath been told me be true, you took great joy and comfort of them. Alas! my right dear lady and sovereign, I am right sorry, that the effect of your comfort, whatsoever it were, proceded from so ill a cause: the ground wherof, when once it shall be known, will yield you more discomfort than fully may be shewed. For as for the comfort your majesty received, it is onely that you were informed now, that I being a seminary priest had recanted my religion, and submitted my self to your majestys mercy, should shew my self more loyal in discovering of traitors, detecting their treasons, and doing many other actions unto your majestys good liking: all which if they had been truly and sincerely don, your comfort had not been in vain. But now, when your highness shall hear that I have revoked all that back again, I fear me it will amaze your majesty, and make you to think, at the first blush, that a catholic hath no faith, no fidelity, no fear of God, no religion, no duty, no subjection. And so indeed it may seem to appear, if abruptly you mesure the disposition of all others according unto one.

But when your majesty by your great wisdom shall justly ponder the weight of the cause with the truth of the thing, how grievously soever the news shall appear at the first view; yet if you will not let to shew your princely temperance, until you come to the full knowledge of the thing; which thing when you have vouchsafed, next unto Almighty God, I require no other judge to determine of my punishment. The which, if you think me by your justice worthy to sustain in rigor, I patiently do accept it; or if by mercy you shall vouchsafe any way to qualify it, I do humbly acknowledg the benefit, whatsoever shall be allotted unto me.

Let your innocent subjects be defended, truth preserved, falsehood contenmed. And care not I, tho’ I be made the one and only example of all offenders that ever so transgressed: onely craving this, that by his favour and pity, from God his eternal fury I may be exempted. I shall hope there is none so cruelly ericlined, that notwithstanding whatsoever offence I have committed, would wish my punishment, for to be tormented eternally.

To come to the effect of my purpose. I am now able, most gracious sovereign, to let you understand the weight of the cause and greatness of my faults: that rejecting of my religion, lately received, the returning unto my former faith again, unless I unfold truly unto your highness with what mind and intent, I being made priest in Rome, came first unto your majestys land; how I have conversed since the time of my being there; the cause that made me forsake my old religion, and the cause that hath now brought me back again: for without the knowledge of these particulars your highness cannot discern the offences that I have don. In the perusal wherof, altho’ it may seem somewhat tedious unto your majesty, yet doubt I not, but that it shall breed some contentment by that time you have don.

Wherby you may the better be warned of the nature of a true loyal subject, from him that playeth the counterfeit and hypocrite.

I. As touching therfore my first coming to your majestys realm, since the time of my priesthood, from Rome, even as if I were to dy this present hour, and as I shall answer it at the dreadful day of judgment, I never was of other mind than this, as if I protest unto my knowledge allother priest to be of the same, only to help in my vocation to save your subjects souls, and to keep them from damnation. My meaning was never to persuade any to disloyalty, but to fear God above all things; and so far forth as they did not hazzard the loss of their souls, to obey your majesty. This was the only mind I had, when I first came into your majestys realm, welpleasing unto God; and so directed by my superiors. But since in this point our profession is different from your highness mind; and that by the learned in your own realm you are persuaded that religion to be false which we profess most true; it is not my meaning, being so vile a vassal, to dispute the same with my liege and sovereign, but only to say this, that for the truth of our religion I was of this mind when first I came unto this kingdom, that if I had a thousand lives, I would have lost them all for the defence of the same. And so long as the fear of God was before mine eyes, I so continued. And so purpose I now again to continue, until the day I dy.

And thus much briefly, as touching the mind wherewith I came unto this realm.

II. Now as touching my conversion, this is most sure and certain, that if my life had been agreeable to my profession, this mind in me had never changed; neither fear of death, nor hope of preferment, would have made or altered my opinion; but rather than I would have been brought for to relent, or to have forsaken my faith, as I have don, I would have yielded my body most willingly unto death, as divers of my most vertuous brethren most gloriously have don, and every good priest hereafter will do, in despight of all the devils in hell, or torments of any men. But alas ! here, oh! most gracious sovereign, to my temporal shame and confusion, so as my soul may find mercy at the dreadful day, I must openly confess, that I fell into a great corruption of life, and dissolute maners; suffering my self to be drowned in all sensuality and pleasure, that the grace of the Holy Ghost could no longer abide in a temple so defiled and polluted with sin.

Insomuch that my own conscience crying out against my own impiety, I not amending yet my evil maners, the Devil seized, and so expunged my faith. Wherupon my religion began to be irksome unto me; not for that I knew my religion to be evil, but because I knew my self to be passing naught, as that God nor any goodness could not any longer abide in mee. I was therefore oftentimes, before that ever I did fall into the danger of your majestys laws, minded to have renounced my religion, and to have yielded my self unto your majestys council: and so either to have played the dissembling spy, or else to have counterfeited a recantation, for no other end, but to have served the world, and to live for the time in plesure; altho’ in the end I was sure thereby to purchase eternal damnation.

Yet Gods mercy expecting my repentance, preserved me still from that horrible crime. And altho’ all the branches of the tree of my soul were withered dry by sin, and ready to be cut off, and cast into the fire; yet so long as there was any life left in the root, that is, that my faith was not yet forsaken, there was some hope of my return to God again. And so being by Gods providence taken and brought into the danger of your majestys laws, whereby I thought I was to lose my life for the same; those thoughts then came into my mind, that to dy for Gods cause, or the catholic religion, I was not worthy, by reason I had so contaminated my life by sin. Yet such was the mercy of Almighty God, as he letted not to offer me the grace, if I most wickedly had not forsaken him for the Devil, having gotten so great an advantage of me through sin, envied now my happy state, for to be called unto my tryal for my profession: fearing, lest that hereby he should have lost me altogether, assailed me more fiercely in another kind.

Procuring me under the colour of plesure to save my life, by recanting my catholic religion. Altho’ therby I was sure. in the end I should leese that altogether.

III. And now I am come, most gracious sovereign, unto the true cause of my last conversion, or rather meer perversion, (as truly I may term it;) by the which means what lamentable stratagems have been committed may now easily be seen. For after that the Devil had prevailed with me,that I was content, for my temporal life and worldly preferment, to yield unto all maner of sin, oh ! sweet Lord, (for I tremble now to recount unto your majesty what a number of monsters I did presently let in,) think you, that I had either care or conscience of my doings; when I had abandoned all grace, all goodness, all truth and honesty, and cast my self wholly unto sin?

No verily; for from that time I became more malicious than ever was Judas, that betrayed Christ: for I converted my malice wholly against him. And for one chop I forsook my faith, which I knew for certain to be pure and good, and accused the pope, and slandered the Jesuits, belyed D. Allen and Lewis, and D. Gifford; reporting of them and divers others of our nation, unto my lord treasurer, such horrible matters, as against the Turk or the Devil I could not devise the like. What Ballard his practices were against your majesty, or any of the rest that suffered with him, I protest I know not, nor ever yet could learn. And if they were guilty of any crime, I do not nor will not here excuse them; but rather will rejoice at their deservings.

Only this, O gracious queen, I cannot but confess a truth, (what peril or danger of my life soever I sustain,) that I accused Ballard most falsely, in conspiring your majesty’s death, that he should have begun to break the matter with D. Lewis at Milain; continued the same with the rector of the English seminaries, and the general of the Jesuits at Rome: by whose helps his speeches should have been commended unto pope Gregory XIII. and by him the action of your majesty’s death should have been allowed and confirmed. The same he should have imparted unto D. Alen at Rheimes, who should like well enough of the thing; and after should have been practised by Ballard, or some of his complices here in England, when they should se their time.

Wherin I accused Cha. Tilney and Edward Windsor, the one dead, the other living, to have been two of the chiefest attempters of that fact: all which (as I hope to be saved at the latter day) was as false as God is true; for never in my life did I hear so much as a thought conceived awry of your royal person. When I had deeply waded into the ford of lying, I spared no maner of person upon whom I might colour any cause of mischief to be don: insomuch as I accused the French ambassador in many things most wrongfully: as also his secretary. I accused the earl of Arundel, and his countess, of many a hainous matter: divers other noblemen and women of your land, of matters most false and untrue. Among the rest I falsely accused the Scotish queen unto your majesty of matters I knew no more than the child new born. What otherwise she deserved I know not, nor mind not to defend her, if she have offended your majesty in any thing. But whatsoever I did inform your highness, it was only to bring your majesty into a greater hatred, where I suppose you did not greatly love: and that made me to enlarge lyes against all catholics: and namely, against my lord Windsor, the lord Storton and his wife, my lord Compton, sir John Arundel, and others. And I remember, that being settled in this malicious humour, that I did write unto your majesty, wherin i warned you of three things. The first, to extirpate and root out all seminary priests, as members most pernicious unto your realm: for that they went about, wheresoever they came, to bring your majesty in hatred and contempt with your subjects, persuading them, that to seek the destruction of your person was a very laudable thing. The second, that you should have great regard unto the Scottish queen, by whom your majestys life stood most in danger; who sought by all the means she could, not only by foreign power, but by domestical attempt at home, to shorten and end your days, that she her self might be advanced unto the crown. The third was, that your majesty now having censured the heads of the conspirators, and had all your enemies now at such an advantage, that it were not good that you should let to prosecute the same: and to enact such laws against all recusants, as whosoever should refuse to swear against the pope and all his procedings against your majesty and this realm, he should be accounted no better than a rank traitor unto your majesty.

All which invectives, most gracious prince, if you consider with what a mind I did write them, you have no maner of cause to believe them. For I uttered these matters as one replete with all malice, and intended not to say truth in any thing.

For as for pope Gregory, I protest, as I hope to be saved, I never heard him speak any thing unto your majestys prejudice or harm; but I have heard him with mine own ears, and seen with mine own eyes to shed tears for your majesty; wishing that all the bloud in his body were spilt to do you any good. And so far he hath been from persuading us to any treachery towards your person, as he hath by his own mouth commanded us to pray for you, and not to intermeddle in any thing but that directly concerned our profession: and this is the worst that ever I did know pope Gregory to wish you, whom I have most falsely accused in many things.

And as for seminary priests, I protest, as I hope to be saved, that never since I came into England, (which is now more than six years past,) I never heard of any one but wisht unto your majesty, as to his own soul, and would willingly bestow his own life unto the uttermost drop of his bloud, for the preservation and salty of your majesty, as well in soul as in body.

And that in all their sermons, exhortations, informations, as well private as public, they persuade your subjects to all obedience; to pray for your majesty, and to suffer the affliction of your penal laws withal patience, and not resist, or move sedition for any cause. And this is the worst that ever I did know by any priest, Ballard only excepted; from whom neither I heard ever any hurt intended (as I most falsely reported) against your anointed person.

And as for the queen of Scots, who being dead, and God knows now whether she hath don well or ill, I can neither accuse her, nor will defend her but from the wrong which I have don her, which hath been in objecting such matters against her, as in truth to me were never known.

And lastly, for all catholics, as I accused them unto your majesty for most notorious traitors, I would to God your highness did but see their inward minds and intentions: and then I doubt not but you would not then so much wonder at them, their treasons and conspiracies; or at least for a few wicked and evil disposed members to condemn all the rest. For since my coming into England, God be my witness, I never heard of one or other that sought or wished hurt or harm to the least hair of your majestys head.

And therfore that I should advise you to prosecute them now upon the advantage, as so to beat them down, it was spoken only of a devilish mind on my part, and for no trespas that they had committed of their own.

For who seeth not, during the time of your majestys reign, with what patience and obedience they have lived under the sovereignty of your majestys laws? which, when it shall please God, you may ease and mollify again. And if some few disordered persons have strayed aside, (as in no government or commonwealth of any continuance, but there have been always some,) yet how their doings have been hated and contemned of the rest, your majesty may judge, if you please, by your own experience that you have seen. Therefore there is none that can justly accuse them of disloyalty, or worthily procure them your majesty’s disfavour; but only such as either in respect of a contrary religion cannot abide them, or such as be desperate persons, and seek to curry for his own particular credit and advantage, that cares not which end goe forward, so they may stand upright; or pass not who be the loosers, so they may win. Men without all pity and compassion of others, that care not who lament and weep, so they may laugh. Of which kind I must confess my self unto your majesty to have been one, and therefore worthy of all punishment; not knowing what way to make satisfaction, but by penance, death, or true repentance.

Thus have I in part recounted unto your majesty the causes that induced me to forsake my religion, to write suchletters unto your highness, to give out such sore and grievous informations against many of your majesty’s most loyal and loving subjects. Now, and if it may please you to give me leave but to say a word or two of my turning back again; then will I make an end. And truly to speak, as I shall answer before God, and not ly, the Devil was the cause that made me so to counterfeit unto your majesty a conversion; and the grace of God, undeserved on my part, hath brought me back again. For I could never have been induced to have made so many notorious and monstrous slanders against so many worthy princes, against so many noble and worshipful, against my dearest friends and acquaintance, whom I know to be most clear of all the matters wherof I had charged them, had not sin only and the Devil procured me unto it.

Justice Young, with all his cunning, could never have catched such hold of it, nor never could have brought me to that offence, as to forsake my faith, to abuse your majesty and my lord treasurer with so many writings and false informations, had not sin and the Devil procured me to it.

Therefore think not, good madam, that I could write or speak unto your majesty with a pure and sincere heart, being so foully stained with filth and corruption. Think, that I imagined nothing but lyes; practised nothing but lyes; sought the effusion of innocent bloud, by betraying of priests, betraying of catholics, and by doing all the injuries I could against them which never imagined hurt or harm. I was not so forward unto these mishapps my self, as I was also persuaded unto them by justice Young. Of whom I cannot but say, altho’ I abide all the torments that he can procure me, if ever I come again under his hands, that he is a most cruel bloudsucker, a destroyer of your people, and a great abuser of your majesty; for his cruelty in shedding of bloud, it is too well known. For such as he cannot destroy both in body and soul (as he hath don me,) he will be sure to preferr unto the gallows: otherwise, under the colour of persuading them unto Gods truth and religion, he will not let to bring them strait headlong unto damnation. For so some as he hath made, either priests or catholics, to relent, all religion is set apart. For his first ground of his new faith must be to play the spy: and under the colour of godliness to practice all the knavery that he can, before we come to enjoy the perfection of our new faith.

We must learn the rudiments how to betray Christ and his anointed, and to impeach the innocent, be they never so good, never so vertuous, never so far from offending your highness or your laws: some means we must seek to find a