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TOGETHER WITH AN APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL PAPERS OF STATE, RECORDS, AND LETTERS BY JOHN STRYPE, M.A.

A NEW EDITION VOLUME 7 (FORMERLY VOLUME 4) THE PREFACE.

MY store of authentic papers, transcribed by me from the originals, are sufficient to furnish me with matter to carry on my Annals to the end of queen Elizabeth’s reign in the same method with the former volumes, and to be digested into a just and methodical history; a thing which many of my learned friends and readers have desired to see. But my great age, and infirmities accompanying it, require me to forbear. And yet, that those papers might not be quite lost, or remain in obscurity and of no use, I have at last, in intervals of better health, prepared a great number of the most important and useful of them, as I took them by my own pen at first from the originals, and have now digested them into a course of historical matters, succeeding year by year, as they fell out. By which means a knowledge of the affairs both of the church and state may be attained, until the access of king James to the kingdom, and some years after. Wherein will be discovered divers remarkable occurrences during the latter part of her reign. Which consisted chiefly of the king of Spain’s formidable attempts against this realms plots of popish seminaries and Jesuits, and the endeavours of the disaffected to the establishment of this church, and the episcopal government of it; and the judicial proceedings taken with them.

All which these collections will give a great light into; none of them as yet having been published to the world.

So that this following large number of records will want nothing to render it a complete history of those times of the queen, (all very communicative of the chief matters transacted,) though not compiled into a formal history.

And let me add, (which will give a sufficient credit and estimation to these papers,) that they were for the most part found by me among the manuscripts and state-papers of that great and wise counsellor of the queen, lord Burghley, lord treasurer, the Nestor of his age, as he was styled. Under the year of whose death some peculiar and curious remarks in this work are given of him.

Since the publishing of the former volumes of the Annals, I have met with many material papers, which may improve and illustrate the said history; and therefore have added them by way of Supplement at the end of this book, as they fell out yearly.

THE CONTENTS.

Number 1. Reports sent from sir Edward Kelly in Bohemia, June an. 1589, of one Parkins a Jesuit: brought by Robert Tatton and George Leycester. Thus endorsed on the paper by the hand of the lord treasurer Burghley, as followeth, viz. Certain articles of the discovery of high treason, made by sir Edw. Kelly, baron of Bohemia, unto certain English gentlemen, which came to visit him at Tribona in the said kingdom, the latter end of June, 1589, whose names are here subscribed. To which may be here subjoined two letters wrote to the said Kelly by the lord treasurer Burghley, as a remaining memorial of the same famous man, sometime of this nation a native; viz.

Number 2 . The lord Burghley, lord treasurer, to sir Edward Kelly, written ann. 1591, declaring the value he and others had of him, upon the account of his great knowledge and virtue; and inviting him to return to his own country: and begging a medicine from him for his old enemy the gout.

Number 3 . Another letter from the lord Burghley to sir Edw. Kelly, in answer to a letter from him, brought by Mr. Dyar. Exhorting him earnestly, and that by command from the queen, to come over into his own country; that they might receive the honour and service that his great wisdom and knowledge deserved. Written by that lord’s own hand.

Number 4 . Sir Francis Knowles, knt. treasurer of the queen’s chamber; to the lord Burghley, lord high treasurer. A letter of some sharpness against the superiority of bishops.

Number 5. Sir Francis Knowles to the queen, upon some displeasure she had taken against him. Occasioned by his controversy about the superiority of bishops.

Number 6 . One Mrs. Dyer had practised conjuration against the queen, to work some mischief to her majesty; for which she was brought into question. And accordingly her words and doings were sent to Popham, the queen’s attorney, and Egerton, her solicitor, by sir Francis Walsingham the queen’s secretary, and sir Tho. Heneage, her vicechamberlain, for their judgment of her case; whose opinion was, that Mrs. Dyer was not within the compass of the estatute touching witchcraft; for that she did no act, and spake certain lewd speeches, tending to that purpose: but neither set figure nor made pictures. The attorney’s and solicitor’s letter in answer follows.

Number 7 . Sir Francis Drake to the lord treasurer; concerning the fleet landing at Caskays with don Antonio, for his recovery of the kingdom of Portugal from the king of Spain, who had taken it.

Number 8 . A discourse of Anthony Coppley, dated the 6th of January, 1590, (of his abode and maintenance beyond the seas, written to Mr. William Wade. [Who was one of the queen’s secretaries.] He seems to be the son of Tho. Coppley, a principal popish fugitive in Q.

Elizabeth’s reign, and was made great master of the Maes by the king of Spain; and afterwards knighted by the French king, and the title of baron given him; as Camden, under the years 1575 and 1577 of his Annals, writes.

Number 9 . Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, to the justices of peace in Kent: for release of the clergy from composition-corn. An original.

Number 10. The bishop of Winton to the lord treasurer. Upon a contest between the president and fellows of Corpus Christi college, Oxon: deferred to their visitor the said bishop, with his sense of it, shewed to the said lord treasurer; who had sent to him to put an end to it.

Number 11 . Merick, bishop of the Isle of Man, to the lord Burghley, lord treasurer. Complaining of his being charged above his ability. Shewing his needy condition. Writ April, 1590.

Number 12 . Hutton, bishop of Durham, to the lord treasurer, that his lordship would be a means to satisfy the queen concerning his bestowing of Sherborn hospital, the queen having granted it to another.

Writ in March, 1590.

Number 13 . Harberd, bishop of Hereford, to the lord treasurer; informing him of one brought before him for seditious words.

Number 14 . Ann. 1590. Memoire a monsieur le grand tresorier, pour Geneve. The paper following so endorsed was drawn up by Le Lect, agent here for Geneva; shewing their present miserable condition, and craving his interest with the queen on their behalf.

Number 15 The magistrates of Geneva to queen Elizabeth, thanking her for a collection sent to them, and craving further aid in their distress.

Number 16 . Thomas Cartwright, the puritan, to the right worshipful Mr. Puckring, one of her majesty’s sergeants at law; being sent for by a pursuivant, now deprived of his hospital at Warwick.

Number 17 . Some account of the trial and condemnation of John Udal, a minister, concerned with Martin Marprelate in publishing several schismatical books. Taken from the MSS. of sergeant Puckring; before whom and baron Clark the said Udal was brought to his trial, at the assizes held in Surrey.

Number 18 . Articles delivered to the judges by Mr. Udal, shewing reasons why they should not proceed in judgment against him, notwithstanding the verdict given against him. This paper consisteth of nine articles.

Number 19 . Udal’s submission: sent to baron Clark and sergeant Puckring, November 18, 1590.

Number 20 . After sentence given against Udal in the Lentassizes, Feb. 1590, sergeant Puckring wrote this letter to thc lord chancellor Hatton about their proceedings with him.

Number 21 . The copy of the submission required by the judges, to be made by Udal.

Number 22 . the last offered submission of Udal, Feb. 19, Number 23 . Dr. Bancroft, chaplain to the lord chancellor, to Mr. Sergeant Puckring, to stay execution of Udal. ibid.

Number 24 . Udal to sergeant Puckring, after his return from the assizes to his prison in the White Lion, November 11, 1590. In which letter may be observed his lofty and unrelenting behaviour: his justifying his innocency: calling for execution, or deliverance from his imprisonment.

Resenteth the disgrace that was done him; &c.

Number 25 . November 18 following, Udal writ both to the baron and the sergeant: who had told him that upon his submission they were willing to become means to her majesty for his pardon. He sent this letter. And Nov. 25 he wrote to them again another letter: upon their sending him a messenger, that his former submission did not content them. ibid.

Number 26 . Udal’s belief. Drawn up to pacify the queen, who conceived an high displeasure against him, for asserting, that the prince had nothing to do in spiritual matters, and that she was subject to their censures.

Number 27 . Thomas Cartwright to the lord treasurer Burghley, June 23, 1590, concerning the bad estate of his hospital at Warwick, upon the death of the earl of Leicester, their founder. ibid.

Number 28 . The lord treasurer lord Burghley to the chancellor of Scotland, lord Maitland; to persuade the king his master to suppress the professed enemies of the gospel in his kingdom, and the adversaries of the common amity.

Number 29 . The lord treasurer Burghley to count Figleazzi, with the duke of Florence; that he would acquaint the duke with the queen’s kind acceptance of his good-will towards her, and in his offer to mediate a peace between her and Spain: and the causes of contention between her and the king of Spain stated at large.

Number 30 . A certificate under the hands of several of the lords of their allowance of one Edge, an espial, employed into the camp of the duke of Parma, for intelligence. Drawn up by the pen of the lord Burghley.

October 9, 1590.

Number 31 . Richard Topclyff, a discoverer and taker up of popish seminaries, and other papists, his discourse of them in a letter sent to the lord treasurer; about the year 1590, in this time of danger. P. 53.

Number 32 . A prayer composed for the good success of the French king; printed anno 1590, with this title: A Prayer used in the queen’s majesty’s house and chapel, for the prosperity of the French king and his nobility; assailed by a multitude of notorious rebels, that are supported and waged by great forces of foreigners, August 21, 1590.

Number 33 . Spanish advertisements, delivered by Thomas Willys, a Leicestershire man. Thus endorsed: The declaration of Tho. Willys; taken 21 Feb. 1590.

Number 34. An office to be deputed. In a suit to be a general register of all christenings, marriages, and burials, within her majesty’s realm of England and Wales: with reasons for the same. To the lord treasurer Burghley. P. 62.

Number 35 . Inconveniences of parish clerkships.

Number 36 . Sir John Smyth’s letter to the lord treasurer, May 1590, upon the suppression of his book of directions concerning military discipline.

Number 37 . Tho. Cartwright to the lord treasurer. Liberty granted by the lord archbishop of Canterbury to him and other puritan ministers in prison. That he is falsely charged about a purpose to excommunicate the queen.

Number 38 . Mr. Cartwright to the lady Russel. Moving her to intercede with her relation, the lord treasurer, for his liberty, and for other ministers in prison. Writ in Aug. 1591.

Number 39 . Cartwright to the lord treasurer, dated October 4. Cited before the commissioners, and apprehensive of great troubles to follow upon the queen’s displeasure with him.

Number 40 . The bishop of Bristol, and Dr. Aubrey, to the lord treasurer: in answer to his order to them to take into their examination certain crimes, laid to the charge of one Matthew Heron, minister. And found by them to be scandals.

Number 41 . Overton, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, to the lords and others of the privy-council: complaining of a practice of abuse in the loan and subsidy, by subsidy-men. And his advice how to reform it.

Number 42 . A declaration of great troubles pretended against the realm by a number of seminary priests and Jesuits, sent, and very secretly dispersed into the same, to work great treasons under a false pretence of religion. With a provision very necessary for the remedy thereof.

Published by her majesty’s proclamation. With certain notes set in the margin. This is very briefly and imperfectly mentioned in Stow’s Annals and Camden’s Eliz.

Number 43 . Articles annexed to the commission, for a farther instruction to the commissioners how to proceed in the execution thereof.

Number 44 . Anthony Fitzherbert, a popish gentleman in the gaol at Darby, to the earl of Shrewsbury; relents, and prays favour from his imprisonment.

Number 45 . The earl of Darby, from the court at Greenwich, to the earl of Shrewsbury: concerning preparations for war; and the execution of two seminaries.

Number 46 . The confession of Boord before the lord treasurer, anno 1591, being in the Gate-house, Westminster; who was a spy, as it seems, for seminaries.

Number 47 . Colleges of Englishmen in Flanders. Boord and Tusser, whither they went.

Number 48 . Designs and attempts of Hacket, Coppinger, and Arthington, anno 1591, to dethrone the queen, and overthrow the government, upon pretence of revelation. Being collections from a book entitled, Conspiracy for pretended Reformation. Printed 1592.

Number 49 . Some remarks of Hacket, and his two prophets, Coppinger and Arthington, whose great pretence was the Spirit.

Number 50. A petition of divers prisoners, puritans, in the Fleet and other prisons, to the lord treasurer, for the furtherance of their humble petition to the lords of the council for their enlargement. Dated December 4, 1591.

Number 51 . The heads of the colleges in Cambridge to the lord Burghley, their high chancellor: concerning Legate their printer, who was hindered the printing of the Bible and Psalms in metre by the stationers in London; whose part the heads took as their printer.

Number 52 . Hugh Broughton, the learned Hebrician, to the lord Burghley; occasioned by Bishop and Newburgh, stationers, who had seized his books newly printed, and taken them out of his chamber. Desiring his lordship’s order to have them restored.

Number 53 . Anno 1591, Nov. 16. A note of the Indian fleet of king Philip, dispersed and cast away. Sent to the lord treasurer. On this paper is written, by the lord treasurer’s own hand, Sir Tho. Gage, as from whom this information came.

Number 54. The queen’s charter of Quietus est, with her broad seal appendant, to the lord treasurer, lord Burghley, discharging him from attendance on her, to enjoy his beloved Theobalds, anno 1591. Drawn up by the queen herself in a facetious style, to cheer the said lord, who was, it seems, melancholy, and desirous to retire to a private life at his beloved seat at Theobalds. It is dated at Theobalds thus: Teste meipsa apud Tybolles.

Number 55 . Advertisements from Spain to the lord high treasurer of England, so endorsed: A brief of such news as I, Henry Carminck, of Droushed, a merchant, could learn in Spain; arriving there the 1st of March 1590, and departing thence home the 21st of April 1591.

Number 56 . The cardinals to the city of Paris, from Rome; giving the news of pope Gregory’s death, anno 1591.

Number 57 . Londino-Gallica ecclesia. John Castel, minister there, in the name of the members of that church, upon occasion of a supply to be sent to the French protestants in France. Writ to the archbishop of Canterbury and the lord treasurer, sending to this church to make their contribution for them under persecution. Castel gives account of the members of this congregation, and their poor condition, in a Latin letter to this import.

Number 58 . Robert Beal, clerk of the council many years, now in some employment in York: his letter to the lord treasurer, upon the queen’s sending for him to wait again, after some long absence, about the year 1591.

Number 59 . Mr. Beal’s voyages and embassies: which he writ and sent to the lord treasurer, to manifest his public services and good deserts.

Number 60 . A letter of the Puritan ministers in prison, to her majesty, in vindication of their innocency. Dated April 15, 1592.

Number 61 . A petition to the lord treasurer from another rank of puritans, that were separatists: presented near this time: endorsed thus: This bumble petition was put up of many poor Christians, imprisoned by the bishops in sundry several prisons in and about London.

Number 62 . The humble supplication of the faithful servants of the church of Christ, in the behalf of their ministers and preachers imprisoned, to the lords of the council: the separatists shewing at large their case and reason in breaking off communion with the church established.

Number 63 . James Yong, a Jesuit, taken 1592. His confession Aug. 27. the same year, before the lord keeper Puckring, lord Buckhurst, and Mr. Fortescue, chancellor of the exchequer: being his letter under his own hand.

Number 64 . The lord treasurer to sir John Puckring, lord keeper, to the lord Buckhurst, and Mr. Fortescue, chancellor of the exchequer: upon Yonge’s declaration sent by them to the treasurer, to be read to the queen, now in her progress.

Number 65 . Thomas Christopher, alias George Dingley, that came from Rome: committed to the counter about mid April 1592. His confession.

MSS. lord keeper Puckring.

Number 66 . The lord treasurer Burghley’s speech in the house of lords, anno 1592. Containing the causes of the queen’s entry into a defensive war with Spain. With an account of the queen’s extraordinary charges by the said war. All writ with his own hand; and transcribed thence. It beareth this title on the top of the page: The causes of the queen’s entry into these defensive actions.

Number 67 . The queen’s extraordinary charges by means of the war, moved by the king of Spain. Set down by the lord treasurer in the same paper.

Number 68 . Thomas Markham to the lord treasurer: concerning his affliction for his son Robert Markham, going beyond sea for his conscience. ibid.

Number 69 . Robert Markham to his father, upon his departure beyond seas.

Number 70 . The queen in her progress, now at Sudley. From thence sir Tho. Heneage, her vice-chamberlain, writes to the lord keeper Puckring; relating the queen’s kind expressions towards him.

Number 71 . Sir Thomas Heneage, vice-chamberlain, to the lord keeper Puckring; signifying from her majesty, how well she took his assistance at the celebration of the 17th of November, the day of her access to the crown, ibid.

Number 72 . March the 5th, 1592. Notes for the inspection into charitable gifts. Set down by the lord treasurer. This being a time of great dearth.

Number 73 . A fleet of Spaniards ready to invade England. Signified in a letter from the lord Howard, lord admiral, to the lord treasurer.

Endorsed by the said treasurer’s own hand, Aug. 29, 1592. Thus superscribed: To the right honourable, my very good lord, the lord treasurer. For her majesty’s service. C. Howard. Haste, haste, posthaste.

Number 74 . Another letter writ by the lord admiral to the lord treasurer: shewing his advice, judgment, and diligence upon this dangerous juncture. Thus endorsed by the lord treasurer, Ships to be put to the seas; with his marginal notes in some places of the letter. September 1, 1592.

Number 75 . Sir Roger Manwood, lord chief baron, to the lord treasurer: his submission upon several abuses: committed, and under restraint.

Number 76 . The lord chief baron’s submission to the lords: by whom he had refused to have his causes tried.

Number 77 . Another letter of the lord chief baron to the lord treasurer: upon divers omplaints and lawsuits against him.

Number 78 . A case of Thomas Diggs, esq. against Manwood, steward of the chancery and admiralty court at Dover, in the ports; afterwards lord chief baron. Found among the lord treasurer’s papers. ibid.

Number 79 . The bishop of Lincoln to the lord high treasurer of England; shewing the true state of the vicarage of Hocknorton; endeavoured to be alienated from the church, upon pretence of concealment; John Williams, B.D. then vicar. About the year 1591 or 1592.

Number 80 . Instructions for the speaker’s speech; drawn up, in several articles, by the lord treasurer Burghley.

Number 81 . Some remarkable letters of sir Walter Raleigh, admiral of the fleet, concerning the great Spanish carack, richly laden from the East Indies, taken by some of his ships. This huge carack was called, The Mother of God; seven decks high.

Number 82 . Sir Walter Raleigh to the lord treasurer; to send down a commission for examination and inquiry concerning the robbing of the carack, Sept. 17, 1592.

Number 83 . Sir Walter Raleigh’s cause for the carack. Drawn up by himself.

Number 84 . Sir Walter Raleigh to the lord treasurer; concerning the carack, worth 200,000l . How much thereof came to the queen’s share.

Now under restraint. Dated Sept.---1592.

Number 85 . Sir Walter Raleigh to the lord treasurer. His advice for the division of the treasury of the carack. Sept. 16, 1592.

Number 86 . Henry earl of Derby to the lords of the privy-council; concerning the papists in Lancashire; and direction for dealing with them. Bell a seminary, his informations. ibid.

Number 87 . The earl of Derby to sir Tho. Heneage, vice-chamberlain, and chancellor of the duchy. With a copy of the former letter to the council enclosed. The bearer, Mr. Fleetwood, parson of Wigan. Papists, temporizers many.

Number 88 . The earl of Derby to the lord treasurer; that upon the directions of the lords he was in prosecution of the recusants. ibid.

Number 89 . Friar Robert Southwel, a dangerous conspirator, taken.

Richard Topcliff writ to the queen a letter in June concerning him, and his taking and keeping; and concerning Anthony Coppley, another refugee of note.

Number 90 . An inscription upon the coffin of Roger Rippon, a Barrowist, who died in Newgate this year, 1592.

Number 91 . Francis Johnson, a Brownist, in prison, his letter to the lord treasurer, Jan. 18, 1593. upon his being to be indicted for a Brownist.

Number 92 . Francis Johnson’s paper, enclosed in the letter above to the lord treasurer, had this title: “That F. J. for “his writings is not under the danger of the statute of 35 “Eliz. ca. 50:made to retain the queen’s subjects in their due “obedience.” Number 93 . Some books printed and set forth this year, 1593, against the new disciplinarian model of the church government.

Number 94 . Two kinds of schismatics, and the danger of their opinions, either directly or by necessary consequence gathered to be holden by those who urge a new church government, commonly called puritans.

These be of two sorts. First, some that will communicate with us in prayers, sermons, and sacraments. Secondly, others that will not. The first sort hold opinions dangerous; first, to her majesty and the crown; or, secondly, to the state, and to the policy of the realm. This paper seems to have been drawn up by the lord keeper Puckring, to be produced against them in the Starchamber, after their examination before him.

Number 95 . Cardinal Allen, from Rome, to Richard Hopkins, fugitive, August 14, 1593. So endorsed by the lord treasurer’s own hand. This letter of the cardinal was in answer to one from Hopkins, at Antwerp; upon report of a treaty between England and Spain; to endeavour a liberty of religion for the catholics.

Number 96 . Holt, a Jesuit, to cardinal Allen: writ from Brussels, January the 6th, 1593. Resolution to follow his grace’s opinion. Found among the lord treasurer’s papers.

Number 97 . Thomas Be!l, a convert, to Mr. Young, a justice of peace in London: concerning printing his motives to renounce the Romish faith.

Writ from Jesus college, Cambridge.

Number 98 . Bell to the lord treasurer, from the north where he preached at the desire of the earl of Huntington, lord president: who was desirous of his abiding there, for the instruction of ignorant people. He is ready so to do, or to return to Cambridge, according’to the lord treasurer’s directions.

Number 99 . Pierse, archbishop of York, and Henry, earl of Huntington, of the council of the north, to the lord treasurer; concerning an hospital and school, founded by Oglethorp, sometime bishop of Carlisle.

Number 100. Queen Elizabeth’s letter to the emperor of Germany; answering slanderous reports of her; especially, that she should stir up the Turk to have war with Christian princes. Sent by Dr. Parkins.

Number 101 . The letter of the great Turk to the queen, (who had interceded by her agent to him in behalf of the king of Poland,) mentioned in the foregoing letter. Writ in Latin.

Number 102 . A commission to Mr. Chery, a merchant, from the lord treasurer, and others of her majesty’s principal counsellors, with her letter to the great duke of Muscovy: vindicating the queen against false and scandalous reports and libels spread abroad, of assisting the great Turk; and in behalf of her merchants trading in those parts. Being minutes drawn up by the lord treasurer.

Number 103 . A memorial of sundry necessary things to be put in execution for the service of the realm, now toward the spring of the year: upon the formidable preparations of the Spaniard. Dated Jan. 8, 1593. Drawn up by the lord treasurer Burghley. A memorial for the border of Scotland. A memorial for the navy of the realm. Concerning recusants of the realm.

Number 104 . The vice-chancellor and heads of the university of Cambridge, to their chancellor, the lord Burghley: touching restraint of plays and shows; especially at that infectious season.

Number 105 . A certificate of certain principal traitors, given in by Diaper, [now a prisoner,] the 25th of September, 1593. So endorsed by the lord treasurer.

Number 106 . Anthony Hall, a messenger and officer of the queen: his services and deserts, shewed in a letter to the lord treasurer. And moving for a favour on that account to be obtained for his son. And his abilities in heraldry for that end. Feb. 12, 1593.

Number 107 . Strangers, Flemings and French, in the city of London: and complaint made of them by many, and libels scattered against them, ann. 1593.

Number 108 . A rhyme set up upon the wall of the Dutch churchyard on Thursday May the 5th, between eleven and twelve at night: and there found by some of the inhabitants of that place, and brought to the constable and the rest of the watch. Beginning, You, strangers, that inhabit in this land, &c.

Number 109 . A notable Jesuit taken up, namely Ogylby, alias Bourn, but his true name Ingram. Certified in a letter from the earl of Huntington at York to the lord keeper Puckring. Feb. 12, 1593.

Number 110 . Another letter from the earl of Huntington to the lord keeper: concerning his examination of Ogylby, and Walpole, and Lingen, seminaries, concerning Ogylby’s true name. March the 8th.

And Ingram sent up.

Number 111 . Concerning Walpole the Jesuit, Walpole his brother, and Lingen, thus the earl of Huntington to the lord keeper in a former letter, dated Jan. 10.

Number 112 . Henry Barrow, a separatist, now in prison for sedition, (and soon after executed,) requireth a conference; in a letter to Egerton, attorney-general.

Number 113 . This petition of conference was considered of by the bishops and others; and not thought convenient upon certain reasons against public disputations with Barrow. MSS. Whitg. archiep. Cantuar.

Number 114 . Another address of Barrow for a conference (as it seems) to the council, entitled, A Motion tending to Unity.

Number 115 . A meeting of Barrowists at Islington: where many of them were taken and committed; and afterwards examined before some of the queen’s justices. MSS. lord keeper Puckring.

Number 116 . Penry, [or Martin Marprelate,] his indictment. Being expressions taken out of the printed books: reflecting upon England, and the general state; the archbishops, bishops, judges, and council.

From the lord keeper Puckring’s papers.

Number 117 . Observations upon Penry’s tracts and writings; as, his Protestation of his Loyalty; his Confession; his Treatise unto the Queen’s Majesty. Ubi supra.

Number 118 . Advertisements out of Portugal, by one Graye, (a merchant, as it seems,) lately come from thence, of some Irish, and other English there; with other intelligence.

Number 119 . A note of evidence of all the prisoners for popery in the several counties; as the lord keeper Puckring collected, and writ it down for and against the persons hereafter named, ann. 1593. So endorsed by his own hand.

Number 120 . One Whitfield’s information concerning one Francis Dacres going to the king of Spain. Whose two brothers were papists, and in the rebellion in the north. Discovered by John Whitfield (who went in his company) to Mr. Henry Dethick, a justice of peace, October 1593.

The confession whereof was brought to the bishop of Durham; and by him delivered to the lord president of the north. Found among the lord keeper Puckring’s papers.

Number 121 . Whitfield’s declaration voluntary, of his own handwriting, concerning Dacres, Nov. 8, 1593. So endorsed by the lord keeper Puckring.

Number 122 . Mr. Francis Dacre indicted. The particulars of his indictment: anno 1593. MSS. of lord keeper Puckring.

Number 123 . Whitfield, a spy; his letter to the lord keeper, offering service, Nov. 16, 1593.

Number 124 . Whitfield’s intelligence, Dec. 2, 1593, of English Jesuits anti pensioners in Spain.

Number 125 . An examination of John Whitfield, Nov. 6, 1593, before sir John Puckring, lord keeper.

Number 126 . Another examination of John Whitfield, Nov. 8, 1593.

Number 127 . Names of prisoners now in the Tower. Some that intended to kill the queen. Others for other treasons. Lord keeper’s MSS. ibid.

Number 128 . Cardinal Allen’s letter to Mr. Mush, a priest, to pacify the disagreements between the priests in England. Writ anno 1594. In which year the cardinal died.

Number 129 . Advertisements of the ill estate and order of the Jesuits and seminary priests, in the prison of Wisbich castle, [and their manner of living there.] Lord keeper Puckring’s MSS.

Number 130 . Then follow the names of the priests remaining in the castle of Wisbich; and of such boys as are attending on them. Jan. 1595. With their countries.

Number 131 . Three gentlemen condemned in Middlesex for treason, when the Spanish fleet was on the sea, and passed Calais. And had their trial at the Old Bailey. Sir George Bond, mayor. Ubi supra, ibid.

Number 132 . Names of recusants, with their several sums of money paid into the receipt, from Michaelmas last to March the 10th, 1594.

Number 133 . Matthew Hutton, bishop of Durham, to the lord treasurer, Dec. 1594; upon the queen’s purpose, on the death of Pierse, archbishop of York, to prefer him to that see.

Number 134 . Another letter of bishop Hutton, upon his being nominated by the queen to the see of York. Written to the lord treasurer, Feb. 14, 1594. ibid.

Number 135 . Part of two letters of the bishop of Durham to the lord treasurer: in behalf of the lady Margaret Nevyl, daughter to the unfortunate earl of Westmerland, for her pardon from the queen.

Number 136 . Part of the said bishop’s second letter. Writ in February following, when he was removing to York. ibid.

Number 137 . The humble submission of Margaret Nevyl to the queen’s most excellent majesty, enclosed in the former letter.

Number 138 . Tobie Matthew, D. D. dean of Durham, to the lord treasurer. His information of Scotch matters, and of the Scots king.

Number 139 . The death of Pierse, archbishop of York, and the queen’s almoner; who died Sept. 28, 1594, at his seat of Bishopthorp. Some account of him in the sermon preached by Dr. King, his chaplain, at his funeral.

Number 140 . Cooper, bishop of Winchester, (who died also this year, 1594,) his monument and epitaph.

Number 141 . William Wickham, upon his nomination from Lincoln to the bishopric of Winchester, his letter to the lord treasurer; in gratitude, and concerning long leases designed of the revenues of that bishopric.

Number 142 . Fletcher, bishop of Worcester, his letter to the lord treasurer. Desires a remove to the see of London: and why.

Number 143 . Adam Loftus, archbishop of Dublin, and lord chancellor of Ireland, to the lord treasurer. His troubles; his integrity; displayed to that lord: and his application to him. Wrote from Dublin, May the 27th, 1594.

Number 144 . John bishop of Limrick, from York, who was, it seems, of the council there, to the lord treasurer: concerning some dangerous papists taken in those parts, and sent up: and now going to his bishopric in Ireland, he desires to be one of the council there, and his service promised.

Number 145 . The said bishop to the lord treasurer: for leave to transport things from York into Ireland: where he was going to live, being required residence.

Number 146 . The plague, dreadful storms and unseasonable weather in this and the former year, gave occasion to Dr. J. King, in one of his lectures at York, to use very affecting words. ibid.

Number 147 . Francis Bacon, (afterwards the learned lord Verulam,) son to sir Nicolas Bacon, keeper of the great seal, deceased, to the lord treasurer: concerning the solicitor’s place, which he had endeavoured by friends to obtain from the queen.

Number 148 . Anno 1594. Sir Tho. Mildmay moved to keep a register of all strangers coming into the realm. (Hitherto refused out of a compassion, as it seems, of the poor people, that came over hither for the sake of their religion and their lives.)

Number 149 . The lord treasurer to the queen’s secretary: concerning certain rents and revenues to be assured to the queen, upon the vacancies of the bishoprics of Winchester and Durham, by the two bishops that should succeed the former. MSS. D. Joh. episc. Elien. (Now in the royal library at Cambridge.)

Number 150 . A prayer of queen Elizabeth, upon the going forth of her majesty’s army against the enemy. Found among the lord Burghley’s papers.

Number 151 . The archbishop of York, and council in the north, to the lord treasurer: signifying their receipt of the queen’s commission; with certain instructions for authorizing the government of that council.

Number 152 . Matthew Hutton, archbishop of York, to the lord treasurer: concerning recusants in those parts. A great revolt there.

Number 153 . The aforesaid archbishop to the lord treasurer: concerning one Wright, a dangerous man; dismissed, and sent down to York.

Number 154 . Newal, a messenger of the queen’s chamber, sent by the privy-council into Derbyshire, to apprehend certain seminary priests there: with directions under their honours’ hands, unto which houses they should go; and the names of the justices that accompanied him.

Number 155 . Prisoners for religion: their prisons, and num bers, sent up from the ecclesiastical commission.

Number 156 . October 30, 1595. A memorial for defence of dangerous places of the land in several counties: wrote by the lord treasurer; upon apprehension of an invasion from Spain.

Number 157 . Young, bishop of Rochester, to the lord treasurer: upon a malicious report, that he was covetous, and kept a miserable house: together with an account of his incomes mentioned.

Number 158 . Tho. Bilson, warden of Winchester college, to the lord treasurer, soliciting his interest for the bishopric of Worcester.

Number 159 . Mr. Henry Savile to the lady Russel; praying her interest with the lord treasurer for the provostship of Eaton.

Number 160 . The vice-chancellor and heads of the university of Cambridge to the lord Burghley, their chancellor: complaining of doctrine preached by P. Baro, D. D. Lady Mar garet professor, in his clerum at St. Mary’s. University Regist. ibid.

Number 161 . Dr. Goad, vice-chancellor of the university of Cambridge, to their chancellor, the lord Burghley. Complaint of Mr. Covel’s sermon.

Charging a crime upon some noblemen and bishops.

Number 162 . The lord Burghley, high chancellor of the university of Cambridge, to the president and fellows of St. John’s college, being divided among themselves; strictly forbidding them from the queen to proceed to the election of a master of the college; Dr. Whitaker, last master, being lately dead.

Number 163 . The chancellor of the said university to the vice-chancellor and heads of the said university, to enjoin the fellows of St. John’s, divided among themselves, in the queen’s name, to proceed to the election of either Dr. Claiton or Mr. Stanton for their master. Dated Dec. 19, 1595. ibid.

Number 164 . A speech of the lord treasurer Burghley to the queen and privy-council: for commissioners to be appointed by her majesty for reforming abuses. The year when spoken by him not inserted, but probably near this year, or not long before. The queen had required a copy of it from him, and it was as followeth.

Number 165 . Queen Elizabeth falls sick, being in her climacteric. The great apprehensions and fears arising hereupon; but recovereth. Related in a letter of Mr. Camden to sir Robert Cotton. Camden’s Letters.

Number 166 . Edmund Nevyl, [calling himself lord Latymer,] a prisoner in the Tower: his letter to N. Ramberd, steward of the Tower, containing information against the lieutenant of the Tower. Nov. 9, 1595. MSS.

Burghlian.

Number 167 . Another letter of Latymer to Mr. Ramberd; setting down the articles of information against the lieutenant of the Tower.

Number 168 . Another letter of Nevyl to Ramberd, Nov. 13.

Number 169 . A fourth letter of Nevyl: containing the words spoken by the lieutenant of the Tower. ibid.

Number 170 . Lord Cobham and lord Buckhurst, of the privy-council, to Mr. Wade, clerk of the council: to examine Nevyl, whether he gave not occasion to the lieutenant to speak those words as above. To this question Nevyl wrote to Wade.

Number 171 . N. Ramberd, steward of the Tower, to the lord chamberlain.

His confirmation of the articles, Nov. 19.

Number 172 . Dr. James, Dean of Christ’s Church, Oxon, to the lord keeper Puckring; concerning a stint of bread to be used in that college, ibid.

Number 173 . The dean and prebendaries of Christ Church, Oxon, to the lord keeper Puckring; sending the copies of letters written in times past by the lord chancellor to that college, for reducing a stint of bread.

Number 174 . Then follows an original paper, endorsed, Christ’s Church endowments and expositions: declaring the state of that college. Sent to the lord keeper Puckring.

Number 175 . Robert earl of Essex to the lord keeper Puckring, July 1595; for his retainers, put away because he would not offend the law. And that for the cause of retainers they may not be put out of the commission of the peace.

Number 176 . The earl of Essex to the lord keeper: in behalf of Buckridge his chaplain. Jan. 12, 1595.

Number 177 . The earl to the lord keeper for Dr. Meyrick his chaplain.

Feb. 1595. ibid.

Number 178 . In the behalf of both the above-mentioned clergymen, his chaplains, the said earl of Essex writ to the lord keeper the year before, viz. Jan. 29, 1594, with mention of their deserts. His letter for Dr. Meyrick.

Number 179 . His letter for Mr. Buckridge. Feb. 17, 1594.

Number 180 . Sir John Puckring, lord keeper, his petition to the queen, for a lease of part of the possessions of the bishopric of Ely: a motion to fill that vacant see. MSS. D. Puckring. About the year 1595. ibid.

Number 181 . Another discourse of the said lord on the same subject; viz. that the placing of a bishop in the see of Ely will be as profitable to her majesty as now the vacancy thereof is: besides divers reasons for the which, also it appeareth to be very expedient.

Number 182 . Another paper of the said lord keeper: soliciting the queen for a lease of some part of the revenues of the abovesaid bishopric: that he sought only to be the bishop’s fermour.

Number 183 . Sir Edward Wotton to the lord treasurer; suing to be treasurer of the queen’s chamber, upon the death of sir Francis Knowles. ibid.

Number 184 . Sir Robert Cecil. knt. made secretary of state: son to the lord treasurer, lord Burghley. A familiar letter to Mr. Michael Hicks, his friend, secretary to the same lord: avowing his principle, chiefly to serve the queen.

Number 185 . A book came forth this year, 1595, called, The State of the English Fugitives under the King of Spain and his Ministers: containing besides, a discourse of the said king’s manner of government, and the injustice of many late dishonourable practices by them committed.

Number 186 . The visitation of Fletcher, bishop of London, Octob. 2, ann. regin. 37. In some articles of inquiry, chiefly respecting the clergy.

MSS. D. Johan. episc. Ely.

Number 187 . The archbishop of Canterbury to Chaderton, bishop of Lincoln; removed thither from Westchester, anno 1595. Touching relief of the poor in that time of dearth.

Number 188 . Matthew Hutton, archbishop of York, to the lord treasurer, in behalf of the lady Margaret Nevyl, reclaimed from popery.

Number 189 . The archbishop of York to the lord treasurer. Against certain concealers, to deprive him of certain church lands in Rippon, upon pretence of concealment.

Number 190 . The council in the north to the lords of the privy-council: giving notice of the death of Henry earl of Huntington, president of their council.

Number 191 . The archbishop of York to the lord treasurer: desiring a pardon for Nelson, a priest, a prisoner: now reclaimed, ibid.

Number 192 . A memorial: containing the lord treasurer’s advice concerning the Spanish preparations. Nov. 4, 1596.

Number 193 . A publication of the queen’s majesty’s commandment to the generals of her navy, to offend no manner of person of any nation, but the subjects of the king of Spain, her majesty’s enemy; or such as shall manifestly aid the said king, for the intended invasion of the queen’s majesty’s dominions. Thus endorsed by the lord treasurer’s own hand: the whole being of his drawing up. On the other side by another hand, thus written: A declaration of the causes moving the queen’s majesty to prepare and send a navy to the seas, for defence of her realms against the king of Spain’s forces. To be published by the generals of the said navy, to the intent that it shall appear to the world, that her majesty armeth her navy only to defend herself, and to offend her enemies; and not to offend any other that shall forbear to strengthen her enemy; but to use them with all lawful favour. May1596.

Number 194 . A prayer of thanksgiving for the queen’s success against Spain, in the year 1596: composed by the lord treasurer Burghley, July 3; and printed in a sheet of paper. This transcribed from his own MSS.

Number 195 . Hutton, archbishop of York, to the lord treasurer: advising what is necessary to be done in this time of great danger: and for an ecclesiastical commission for those parts.

Number 196 . Part of a letter from a person unknown of the clergy, to a person of quality; shewing the rigour of judge Anderson towards the clergy and preachers of Lincolnshire, when he went the assizes there, in charging them with Brownism. Writ from Alford.

Number 197 . Day, bishop of Winton, deceased this year: whose last will bare date Sept. 11, 1596; and was acknowledged by the testator as his last will, September 15: and was proved by the executors Oct. 2.

Which will the pious bishop in his preface thus began. His children and relations, and legacies to them, are added.

Number 198 . This year put an end also to the life of Fletcher bishop of London, who seems to have died under the queen’s displeasure: the occasion whereof was his marrying a lady not long before his death.

See some account of it in Archbishop Whitgift’s Life, book 4:ch. 13.

His letter to the lord treasurer in behalf of his brother Dr. Fletcher, to be made an extraordinary master in chancery, as Dr. Caesar was.

Number 199 . Hugh Broughton, a very learned man for all Jewish learning in those times: his high commendation and character of Henry earl of Huntington, president of the council in the north, his patron, now deceased. And Ockland, a poet in these times, his verses of him.

Number 200 . Dr. Jegon, vice-chancellor of the university of Cambridge, to their high chancellor, concerning the lectures to be read at Gresham college in London. Jealous of those lectures, and the injuries they might occasion to the university.

Number 201 . William Lambard, a justice of peace in Kent, a learned antiquarian, that wrote the Perambulation of Kent, and Eirenarchia, his letter to the lord treasurer Burghley, concerning the last will of the lord Cobham, (who died this year,) and some of his legacies. He was constable of Dover castle, and lord chamberlain to the queen. ibid.

Number 202 . The copy of a letter, written by Ribadineyra, the Jesuit, to D. Juan de Idiaque. Bearing date the 10th of March, 1596. Translated out of Spanish. Upon the defeat of the Spaniard at Cales. It seems to be a letter intercepted.

Number 203 Anthony Coppley, a popish gentleman, now a prisoner; some time in service abroad: his informations after his return, concerning affairs in Flanders, Spain, &c. To Mr. William Wade, 1596. Addressed to the lords.

Number 204 . Another letter of Mr. Coppley to the lords of the council, concerning English gentlemen abroad.

Number 205 . The archbishop of York to the lord treasurer, to appoint speedily a president and lieutenant for the north parts.

Number 206 . The archbishop of York and the council there to the lord treasurer: their reason why they stopped all suits commenced in chancery by those within their jurisdiction.

Number 207 . A proclamation against such as took upon them to be messengers, entitled, A proclamation against sundry abuses practised by divers lewd and audacious persons falsely naming themselves messengers of her majesty’s chamber; travelling from place to place, with writings counterfeited in form of warrants: as also, against another sort of vagabond persons, that carry counterfeit passports, wherewith to beg and gather alms.

Number 208 . To the lord treasurer. Capt. Price’s account of the expedition of Cales, anno 1596: concerning the taking of it, and damages done to the Spaniards. Writ in June.

Number 209. This letter was enclosed in another from Anthony Ashley to the said lord. And his was to this tenor.

Number 210 . Sir Anthony Ashley, secretary to this expedition, and commissioner; his letter to the lord treasurer Burghley: concerning the action at Cales, in a relation drawn up by him, by his lordship’s order. ibid.

Number 211 . Dr. Pye’s information of popery in Sussex, anno 1596.

Number 212 . Vagabonds and rogues in Somersetshire increase: and why; signified in a letter to the lord treasurer, from Edward Hext, some eminent justice of peace in that county. The calendar of the assizes there, anno 1596.

Number 213 . With the calendar as above, Mr. Hext sent this letter to the lord treasurer at the same time.

Number 214 . The false certificate before mentioned.

Number 215 . Sir John Smith, (the queen’s ambassador to Spain,) committed to the Tower, for words spoken by him to the militia that were training near Colchester under sir Tho. Lucas: which Smyth was cousin-german to king Edward VI. by the lady Jane Seimour’s sister; a man of Spanish comportment, and well known to the king of Spain.

And before that a volunteer in the wars of Hungary against the Turk.

Number 216 . Part of a letter from sir John Smyth to the lord treasurer, in excuse for his disordered words spoken at Colchester; and to be a means to her majesty in his favour: and offering his submission in the starchamber.

Number 217 . A letter of sir John Smyth to the lord treasurer, touching his submission in the starchamber; the attorney-general, and Mr. Solicitor, and Mr. Francis Bacon being sent unto him, Feb. 6, 1597.

Number 218 . His letter of gratitude to the lord treasurer; being now at liberty from the Tower. Dated at his house at Badow, under confinement there. Dated July 1598.

Number 219 . Edward lord Crumwel, to the lord treasurer: a protestation of his unfeigned love and service, by his father’s commandment, late deceased: who was Henry lord Crumwel. Dated September 6, 1596.

Number 220 . Articles annexed to the commission for recusants. This was a second commission for their examination, that was issued out some years before to the justices of every shire: occasioned (as it seems) upon the holy league of the pope and king of Spain to invade the realm.

These articles seem to be drawn up by the lord treasurer, lord Burghley. They were printed, and thus entitled: Articles annexed to the commission, for a further instruction to the commissioners how to proceed in the examination thereof. MSS. of the lord keeper Puckring.

Number 221 . Notes taken out of the new commission for spies, recusants, missionaries, and such like, about London or ten miles of it.

Number 222 . Hutton, archbishop of York, to the lord treasurer: for a pardon to be obtained for Dawson, a priest, converted by the said archbishop. His converting also of Richard Stapleton, constable, &c.

Recusants in those northern parts.

Number 223 . The archbishop of York, and the rest of the council in the north, to the lord treasurer; informing of the execution of certain papists. The plague in the north.

Number 224 . Sir Edward Coke, the queen’s attorney-general, to the lord treasurer: concerning his examination of Gerard, a Jesuit.

Number 225 . The examination of John Gerard, a Jesuit, before Coke, attorney-general, and others, May the 13th, 1597: concerning an oath.

So enclosed in the letter above.

Number 226 . Adam Loftus, archbishop of Dublin, in Ireland, to the lord treasurer: concerning Mr. Rider’s case: who had a mandamus for the deanery of that cathedral church of St. Patrick, being no member thereof. 429.

Number 227 . William, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, to the lord treasurer: to suspend his opinion of him, upon a false information of him, as if he were a maker and maintainer of incestuous marriages.

Number 228 . Rogers, suffragan bishop of Dover, and dean of Christ’schurch, Canterbury, died in the month of May this year, 1597. A letter of his (the year uncertain) was written to Mr. Bois, a learned civilian: concerning the validity of his leases.

Number 229 . Dr. Jegon, vice-chancellor of the university of Cambridge, and the rest of the heads, to the lord Burghley, their high chancellor: complaining of their privileges infringed by the town; that they shall be forced to seek relief extraordinary.

Number 230 . Dr. Jegon, the vice-chancellor of Cambridge; in answer to the said lord their chancellor: who had advised him to carry himself temperately to the mayor of the town and his company.

Number 231 . Questions disputed at a commencement in Cambridge in the year 1597: of law, divinity, and philosophy.

Number 232 . Charisma, sive Donum Sanationis: A book in quarto, written in Latin, by William Tooker, the queen’s chaplain, and dedicated to her; dated prid. id. Jan. 1597: treating concerning her cures in the king’s evil, by this miraculous gift of healing, imparted to her. Some account of this book and the queen’s cures.

Number 233 . A book of prayers printed this year 1597; being certain prayers, set forth by authority, to be used for the prosperous success of her majesty’s forces and navy. They were eight in number. The first whereof was of the queen’s composing.

Number 234 . The captain-general of the king of Spain’s armies: his commission Englished; this year, May 1597.

Number 235 . Dr. George Abbot, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, this year, read theses upon six questions in the divinity schools of Oxford: pro forma discussae, et discutiendae.

Number 236 . A relation of the stirs in Wisbich castle among the secular priests and Jesuits. A book set forth 1597. ibid.

Number 237 . Dr. Elie’s notes. Some things set forth in the end of those notes by Dr. Bagshaw. Both seculars. Which notes related to the controversy in the business of Wisbich.

Number 238 . The former of these, John Collington, one of the contending parties, afterwards wrote a book of this matter, entitled, An Appeal to Rome.

Number 239 . Dr. Mey, bishop of Carlisle, deceased at Dalston Feb. 15, 1597: and interred in the cathedral the same day in the evening. From the register of the parish of Dalston in Cumberland.

Number 240 . The archbishop of York to the lord treasurer: touching the loan; which some of the wealthier clergy were assessed to lend. ibid.

Number 241 . The archbishop of York to the lord treasurer: upon directions for keeping sir Robert Car, lord Sesford, an hostage from Scotland.

Number 242 . The archbishop to the lord treasurer’s answer.

Number 243 . Otto duke of Brunswick and Lunenburgh to the lord Burghley. Salutation. Wishing success to the queen’s fleet, preparing against her enemies, in Latin. ibid.

Number 244 . The said duke of Brunswick to the said lord Burghley, upon the queen’s declaration of sending forth her fleet against Spain, anno 1597.

Number 245 . The said duke of Brunswick’s letter to the lord Burghley, writ the following year, 1598, upon the return of the queen’s agent, Lesieur, sent to the electors and princes of Germany.

Number 246 . Considerations of a motion for a treaty of peace with the king of Spain: upon a motion of the emperor: drawn up by the lord treasurer Burghley, at a good length, by his own hand: and seems to be some of his last writings.

Number 247 . The lord treasurer, lord Burghley, slandered by one Johnson, the queen’s farmour of Claxby; whereof one Savyl was the bailiff, and Dobby and Goodwin two of the tenants, June 1598, that is, about a month or two before that lord’s death. The examination of this slander.

Number 248 . The lord Burghley, lord high treasurer of England, was born the 13th of Sept. 1521, and died the 4th of Aug. 1598: and was interred at Stamford, under a fair monument. The pious preface to his will, bearing date October 20, 1579, and revised afterwards, April 7, 1580, and June 1, 1580, and Feb. 22, 1582, was as followeth. From his Life, MS. at Burleigh house.

Number 249 . August the 3d, 1598. Oratio expirantis Domini. So is the title of the prayer, made by Mr. Thompson, that lord’s chaplain, the night before he died.

Number 250 . The character that Mr. Lambard gave of this great and good statesman, to his son sir Robert Cecil, in his epistle dedicatory to his learned book Archion.

Number 251 . Another writer, that translated the history of France out of French, about the latter end of queen Elizabeth’s reign, in his dedication thus styled the lord Burghley. ibid.

Number 252 . A large inscription in Latin upon a fair monument of this nobleman: composed by himself soon after the deaths of the countess of Oxford, his daughter Anne, and his own lady Mildred.

Number 253 . The lord Burghley’s instructions to his son Robert Cecil, when young.

Number 254 . Lord Burghley to his son, sir Robert Cecil, being the last letter that ever he wrote.

Number 255 . Toby Matthew bishop of Durham to the lord treasurer Burghley: concerning his apprehending the lady Katharine Gray, widow, one of the daughters of the earl of Westmerland; and other harbourers of popish priests in those northern parts.

Number 256 . Regin. Elizab. anno 35. A warrant to the lord keeper Puckring, [a rough draught, corrected with some additions, by the lord treasurer’s hand,] to grant commissions for visiting hospitals, almshouses, colleges, &c.; the revenues having been abused and swallowed up by evil men. The effect, as it seems, of that statesman’s former speech made to the queen, in the year 1594.

Number 257 . A remark upon this statesman, who was principal secretary of state in king Edward’s reign; upon a consultation at that king’s decease of altering the succession to the crown, and advancing the lady Jane Gray thereunto. Being a private letter to the lord Burghley by Roger Alford, one of his ancient servants in the office of secretary in that king’s reign. Written at the said lord’s desire. Which letter is thus endorsed by that lord’s own hand: Octob. 4, 1573: Roger Alford, concerning his knowledge of the times, 1553. Cotton Library. Titus, B.2.

Number 258 . Anno Eliz. 40. 1598. regia authoritate fuit convocatio.

Notes taken by one of the ministers of London, then present. MSS. D.

Johan. D. episc. Elien. In which convocation these canons were made and printed.

Number 259 . Martin Heton, D.D. was preferred to the bishopric of Ely this year 1599. vacant from the year 1581. when Cox the last bishop deceased, being about nineteen years. Heton was consecrated bishop Feb. 3. Of whose family, studies, and preferment, and death, some account follows from a reverend person his relation. ibid.

Number 260 . Sir Robert Cotton’s writings in Emanuel Demetrius the historian his album, remaining in the registers of the Dutch church in S.

Augustin Fryars, London.

Number 261 . The queen’s council to the lord mayor of London. In behalf of the strangers, Dutch and French, forbidden to exercise their trades in the city. Upon their petition to the queen. ibid.

Number 262 . To which letter is subjoined another, being of the same subject, though writ a year or two after. Lord Buckhurst, lord high treasurer, to Mr. Attorney-general; in behalf of the strangers.

Number 263 . Anno 1600. This was the year of the earl of Essex his plot.

Which gave occasion to the setting forth a book, by public authority, called, A Declaration of the Practices and Treasons attempted and committed by Robert late Earl of Essex, and his Complices, against her Majesty and her Kingdoms; and of the Proceedings as well at the Arraignment and Conviction of the said Earl and his Adherents, as after. Together with their confessions. Printed 1601. The cause of this declaration.

Number 264 . After the rebellion under the earl of Essex were certain prayers, fit for the time, set forth by authority, to be used thrice a week on the prayer days in the churches. Five in number. Occasioned by a great deliverance of the queen and kingdom from a dangerous rebellion. Composed upon her entrance into a new century, viz. the year 1600. The first prayer followeth.

Number 265 . The second prayer on the same deliverance.

Number 266 . A private letter of Francis Bacon (afterwards sir Francis Bacon, lord Verulam) to Robert earl of Essex: upon that earl’s motion to come into his party, as the means for him to rise.

Number 267 . James king of Scotland to lord Hambleton, one of his servants now in England; to assure the English people of his steadiness in religion. The writing of which letter was occasioned, as it seems, from two breves sent from the pope that year to the popish priests and people, to admit none to succeed to the crown of England, but such as were Roman Catholics. This from the Harleian library.

Number 268 . Ann. regin. 43. The preamble of a grant of the clergy of the province of Canterbury, in a convocation, to the queen. Which was four subsidies of 4s. in the pound.

Number 269 . The conclusion of the year 1602 concluded the last year of queen Elizabeth’s life. Some short account of her life and reign from a few words of Dr. George Abbot, (afterwards archbishop of Canterbury,) in his book against Hill, a Jesuit.

Number 270 . The mighty esteem and value had of this queen and prosperous government, will appear further, from part of the sermon preached at St. Paul’s Cross by Jos. Hall, D.D. dean of Worcester, (afterwards bishop of Norwich,) March 24, 1613, being the anniversary solemnity of king James’s access to the crown.

Number 271 . Richard Master, M. D. physician in ordinary to the queen: concerning the causes of diseases: upon occasion of her majesty’s question to him on that subject.

Number 272 . Charnock, a great philosopher, presented her majesty with a book, richly gilt, of the philosopher’s stone, and of the true way and art to obtain it. All written (as it seems) with his own hand. The title it bore was: A Book dedicated unto the Queen’s Majesty by Master Thomas Charnocke, Student in the most worthy Sciences of Astronomy, Physic, and Philosophy: concerning the work of natural philosophy. Nihil est opertum, quod non reveletur, et occultum, quod non sciatur. Matth. x. Anno a Virgineo partu 1565. Then follows the epistle.

Number 273 . To which may be added a third book in manuscript of the subject of divinity, (as the two former were of physic and philosophy, ) viz. concerning the doctrine of justification, by Richard Beard, some learned divine; writ, perhaps, for the queen’s satisfaction in that great disputed point in those times. The title whereof and the writer’s dedication follow. De vera justificatione Christiani hominis coram Deo, praecipuae doctorum et patrum sententiae Et etiam Harmoniae evangelicae......

Number 274 . A proclamation by the nobles of England, upon the death of queen Elizabeth, of the succession of king James. March 24, 1602.

Number 275 . The valuable apprehension had of king James of Scotland, upon his first coming into this kingdom in an address to him by William Covel, D.D. in his answer to a book that now came forth, called, A Plea for the Innocent; written in behalf of the puritans.

Number 276 . Anonymus (the queen’s physician, as it seems) to Edmund Lambard; a letter writ the day after the queen’s death, concerning her sickness and departure. Writ in Latin.

Number 277 . The university of Cambridge to the vicechancellor and others of the university of Oxford, concerning that university’s answer to the petition of the thousand ministers. October, 1603.

Number 278 . A proclamation for the king’s coming from Barwick. April 10, 1603.

Number 279 . A proclamation for all magistrates and officers under the late queen, to keep their places. April 5, 1603.

Number 280 . A proclamation for uniting both kingdoms. May 19, 1603.

Number 281 . A proclamation against monopolies and protections.

Number 282 . A proclamation commanding all Jesuits and seminary priests to avoid the realm before the 19th day of March following. Dated Feb. 22.

Number 283 . A proclamation declaring at what values the certain monies of Scotland shall be current within England. April 8.

Number 284 . A proclamation touching a meeting for the hearing and determining of things pretended to be amiss in the church. Given under our hand at Wilton, the 24th of October, 1603. This may be read in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift, book 4:chap. 31. Which proclamation produced the famous conference at Hampton-court.

Number 285 . Proclamation for calling a parliament. Jan. 11, 1603. ibid.

Number 286 . King James his answer in French to the members of the Dutch church in London; upon their address to him at his first coming to the crown. Ex minore MSto archivorum eccles. Belgic. Ann. 1603.

Number 287 . A proclamation, authorizing commissioners concerning the union of both kingdoms.

Number 288 . A proclamation for coins of gold and silver, with their mottos and figures. And with this proclamation was printed a table, expressing the true value and weights of the coins, according to the accounts of the mintmen of both nations.

Number 289 . Upon the remove of bishop Bancroft from London to Canterbury, anno 1604, the Dutch and French congregations made, to Dr. Vaughan, his successor, the address following. E MSS. eccles.

Belgic. London.

Number 290 . Cecil lord Cranborn, secretary of state, to Hutton, archbishop of York, concerning orders from the privy-council, for putting in execution the laws against puritans, &c.

Number 291 . The address of the Dutch church in London to Bancroft, bishop of London, upon his remove to Canterbury, when monsieur de la Fontaine, preacher of the French church, made this speech to him in Latin.

Number 292 . The speech of monsieur de la Fontaine to Dr. Vaughan, now the succeeding bishop of London, anno 1604.

Number 293 . The bishop of London’s answer.

Number 294 . De la Fontaine’s present reply to the bishop’s speech. ibid.

Number 295 . A convocation, ann. primo Jacobi regis, 1603, collected and taken from the registers of the upper house.

Number 296 . A proclamation for Jesuits, &c. to depart the realm: upon a second warning given, after the gunpowder plot.

Number 297 . King James’s letter to the lords; desiring their advice, in order to the better improving his revenue.

Number 298 . An address to king James from certain of his subjects. In answer to a letter from him.

Number 299 . Abbot, lord archbishop of Canterbury, to king James; informing him of secret treasonable practices of Sunega, the Spanish ambassador. Writ in the year 1612.

Number 1 . Strangers in London, anno 1568. Appointed by the lords of the council to Thomas Row, mayor, to be searched out in each ward; and a certificate thereof sent in to them: which accordingly was taken by him at large, and entered in a warrant book: with his letter to them.

Number 3 . A proclamation against retainers: for restraint of multitudes of needless servants, by wearing gentlemen’s livery badges, and other ensigns and tokens.

Number 3 . Minutes of a letter from the privy-council to the queen’s officers at Chester, to stop all ships immediately, dated May 1571, upon apprehension of some treacherous and seditious persons passing that way.

Number 4 . Upon the massacre at Paris in France, the protestants fly into England: whereof a brief account was sent up, of those that escaped to Rye in Sussex from Roan and Diep, to the number of 641 persons.

Number 5. The chaplains and fellows of the Savoy to the lord Burghley, lord treasurer of England, to help them in the miserable condition of their hospital; and that Mr. James of Oxford might be appointed by the queen to be their master. Ann. 1573.

Number 6 . To which address of the fellows of the Savoy may be added a more particular relation of the state of that hospital, as represented Nov. 29, 1575, bearing this title: A brief declaration of the state of the hospital of the Savoy, as it was found by her majesty’s visitors, anno 1570.

Number 7 . Thurland admitted again to be master of the Savoy, anno 1574: his subscription to certain rules and orders for the government of the said hospital: and his oath for performance.

Number 8 . Mr. Whitgift of Trinity college in Cambridge, and the senior fellows of that college, to the lord treasurer in behalf of one of their society: he and the lord Bacon being their only patrons.

Number 9 . Dr. Gabriel Goodman, dean of Westminster, to the lord treasurer, anno 1577. for Westminster college; there being then thoughts of reforming some things therein.

Number 10. Mr. Robert Bertie to the lord Burghley, anno 1580: concerning his son Peregrine’s title of lord Willoughby, and right thereto by his mother, the duchess of Suffolk.

Number 11 . To which may be added a letter to the same lord by Peregrine Bertie, son and heir to the said Robert: claiming the title of lord Willoughby, a man well known in the queen’s reign for his courage, and valour, and wit: who was now going into Lincolnshire, to his estate there. Writ March 1575.

Number 12 . A letter of sir Walter Raleigh to the lord treasurer, ann. 1583. concerning the earl of Oxford, under a cloud at court; for whom he had spoken favourably to the queen; being desired so to do by the said lord, whose beloved daughter Anne that earl had married. Occasioned by some quarrel between the earl and some other noblemen. P. 590.

Number 13 . Francis Bacon, son to sir Nicolas Bacon, lord keeper, his letter, written in the year 1580, to the lord treasurer Burghley, who had recommended him to the queen’s favour for some place under her; and her majesty’s gracious answer in his behalf. This F. B. was sir Francis Bacon, afterwards lord Verulam, viscount St. Alban’s, and lord chancellor of England.

Number 14. The bishop of Ross his letter to Mary queen of Scots, abbreviated in the Annals, vol. iii p. 104. thus went on at large, being the continuation of it.

Number 15 . A letter of Edwin Sandys, archbishop of York, May the 22d, 1586, to the lord treasurer, lord Burghley: justifying himself against certain accusations laid against him, and complained of to the queen by the dean of York, for leasing out the church lands by reversion; which had brought him up to court to vindicate himself.

NUMBER 1.

Report from sir Edward Kelly in Bohemia, June 1589, against Parkyns a Jesuit: brought by Robert Tatton and Geo. Leycester.

Thus writ upon the backside of the paper following, by the lord treasurer Burghley, viz. Certain articles of the discovery of high treason, made by sir Edward Kelly, baron of Bohemia, unto certain English gentlemen, which came to visit him at Tribona in the said kingdom, the latter end of June, 1589, whose names are here subscribed.

I. THAT fourteen days before the feast of Pentecost last past, one Parkyns, born in England, and now a Jesuit, came from Rome to the city of Prague in Bohemia. And there coming into an inn, where the said sir E. K. was, and uttering divers novelties, among others he plainly (but as it were in great secresy) opened to the said sir E. K. this horrible conspiracy against her majesty:

I. That there were now seven such ways or means, concluded and agreed upon by the pope and his confederates, for the murthering of the queen, that if the first, second, third, fourth, and fifth failed, yet were the [plots] &c. in such sort to be executed, that the sixth or seventh should take effect: yes, if all the devils in hell thereunto say nay.

II. And further Parkyns declared, that those ways and means were by him and his coherents to be executed against her majesty’s own person: for the performance whereof he declared also, that he would forthwith go into England by the way of Danzige. And so from thence, in the habit of a merchant, into England.

III. That when the said sir E. K. declared the same strange news to the lord Rosenburgh, viceroy of Bohemia, the said Rosenburgh told sir Edward, that the said Parkyns was the right hand, or chief man to the king of Spain and the pope, in all their treacherous enterprises against England.

IV. At the same time and instant the said L. Rosenburgh shewed unto sir E. K. a letter, written by one of the chief of the states of the Low Countries with the emperor, requesting the emperor to be a means to take up the matter between them and the king of Spain. And also requesting this emperor to send them some aid, to help them away with the English that were in those provinces.

V. That the said sir Edward, at his faithful disclosing those things (thus by divine Providence come to his knowledge) to these subscribed gentlemen, did furthermore much marvel and wonder, how it was possible that the strangers of the Low Countries, dwelling in England, would or could lend and send unto the emperor or king of Spain a million of gold at any time or times, to his or their helps: which he of his certain knowledge assured to be done. But he well hoped, that the treason therein by this time was come to the knowledge of some of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council. “We Robert Tatton, and George Leycester, gentlemen, do witness these articles, and the effect of every part of them, to have been declared unto us, and Edmund Hilton, servant to the rt. worshipful John Dee, esq. by the within named sir E. K. at our being with him at Trebona in Boeme in the end of June last, 1589.” To which may be added two letters to the said Kelly, wrote by the lord treasurer Burghley, as a remaining meof the same famous man, some time of this nation a native.

NUMBER 2.

The lord Burghley, lord treasurer, to sir Edward Kelly, written ann. 1591, declaring the value he and others had of him, upon the account of his great knowledge and virtue; and inviting him to return to his own country: and begging a medicine from him for his old enemy the gout. MY most hearty commendations premised. I have cause to thank you, and so I do very heartily, for your good, kind letter sent to me by our countryman, Mr. Royden: who maketh such good report of you, (as doth every other man that hath had a conversation with you,) as that I am comforted to hear their reports. Yet I have the same mingled with some grief, that none of them can give me any good assurance of your return hither; the thing most earnestly desired of all well disposed persons to the queen’s majesty, and to their countrymen: and what may be the stays thereof, I may rather guess, than judge them of moment, to retain a person of such a value in knowledge and virtue, (as I take you to be,) from the consummation of your felicity in your own native country: and so having writ to Mr. Dyar more largely, I refer myself to his dealing with you: wishing such success without further delay, as may be to the satisfaction of us all here, that love and honour virtue and knowledge in whomsoever we may find it. And I hope to hear from you to have something of your approbation, to strengthen me afore the next winter against my old enemy the gout: which is rather by a cold humour than a hot, and principally by a rheumatic head. Which I also think receiveth the imperfection from a stomach, not fully digesting the food received. But to affirm what I take is the most direct cause is, oppression of affairs, and lack of liberty: against the which no medicinal receipt can serve. And yet I will be glad to make much of any receipt you shall send me, with your assurance that it shall do me no harm.

And so I pray God to direct you to bestow your gifts that God hath given you, rather upon your own prince and country, than upon strangers. From the court now at my house of Theobalds, the of May, 1591.

NUMBER 3.

The lord treasurer Burghley to sir Edward Kelly, in answer to a letter from him, brought by Mr. Dyar. Exhorting him earnestly, and that by command from the queen, to come over into his own native country; that they might receive the honour and service that his great wisdom and knowledge deserved. Written by that lord’s own hand.

Good sir Edward Kelly, IHAVE received your letter, brought by my very friend, Mr. Edward Dyar: with the style whereof, and wisdom well mixed, and with a natural dutiful regard to your country and sovereign, I have been both much delighted and fully satisfied. And for any particular answer to the parts of your letter, I need not otherwise to write thereof, but in this general sort, that I like of all that you have written; although I should have best of all liked of your own access. I will not enter into argument of the misliking I have in that you cannot. For without more particular knowledge of the impediments, I may not give any such censures, as some inconsiderately, yea, uncharitably may do. I conceive by your writing, that you confess a desire to return to your native country; which is very commendable in you. I perceive also by your own words expressly, that your mind draweth you toward your gracious sovereign; whom above all worldly majesties you desire to serve and please: which intent you also desire me to further. And what can be required of any Christian subject beyond this offer? No Momus can reprehend this sincerity. And yet, nevertheless, I would not have you ignorant, that sundry men, being not acquainted with these your faithful offers and purposes, let not in some sort (since it is seen that you came not with Mr. Dyar) to divine variously of your stay. Some saying, that you do forbear to come, because you cannot perform that indeed which hath been reported of you. Some, that you are inticed by such as bear not the queen nor this realm any good will, (not to come to benefit her majesty.) Some allege, that your own profession of religion doth not agree with ours here.

Yea, some, that are maliciously disposed, say, that you are an impostor with your sophistications, as many heretofore, both here and in other countries, have been proved; and that you would fear to be proved such an one here, because of usurers severe punishment.

Now, good knight, though I write thus plainly to you, yet such is my credit in Mr. Dyar; such is my allowance of your loyal profession; such opinion I do firmly conceive of your wisdom and learning, expressed in your letters; such also is my persuasion of your ability to perform that which Mr. Dyar hath reported, by reason of the estimation, honour, and credit I see that you have by your behaviour; as I rest only unsatisfied in your delay of coming: and again expressly commanded of her majesty to require you to have regard to her honour, and accordingly to the tenor of her former letters to assure yourself to be singularly favoured; yea, in respect of the benefits that you may, by the gifts that God hath given you, bring to her majesty, to be honoured, to the comfort of yourself and all yours. And here I need not to use any further arguments to persuade you to this effect, considering natural reason may draw you to be assured of any worldly reward convenient for you, that is in a prince’s power, whom you shall make so happy for her surety, as no subject that she hath can do the like.

Good knight, therefore let me end my letter with God’s holy name: by which I do conjure you, not to keep God’s gifts from your natural-country; but rather to help to make her majesty a glorious and victorious prince against the malice of her and God’s enemies. Let honest glory move your natural heart to become honourable rather in your own country than a strange; and to leave a monument of your name at home to all posterity.

Let no other country bereave us of this felicity, that only, yea, only by you, I say, is to be expected. And now let no time be more driven off and lost; considering we are all mortal; you that should be author hereof, and this noble queen that should be the receiver thereof.

All this letter is by me written, as an answer to your letter sent by Mr. Dyar. And now I may not omit to thank you for the mountain or rock that you sent, and was safely brought to me from Stoden: which I will place in my house, where I do bestow other rare things of workmanship; and shall be a memorial of your kindness. Wishing I might enjoy some small receipt from you, that might comfort my spirits in mine age, rather than my coffers with any wealth: for I esteem health above wealth.

NUMBER 4.

Sir Francis Knolles, knt. treasurer of the chamber to queen Elizabeth; to the lord Burghley, lord high treasurer. A letter of some sharpness against the superiority of bishops.

IHAVE received your lordship’s letter of the first of August: wherein I have received very small comfort, and small hope of the good maintenance of her majesty’s safety, consisting in the sincere maintenance of her majesty’s supreme government, against the covetous ambition of clergy rulers. For your lordship saith, the question is very disputable, whereof I wrote unto your lordship. And I must needs confess, that Campion’s disputation against the humility of Christ’s doctrine, and for the advancement of Antichrist’s doctrine, was not only allowed to be disputable, but also it was very plausible in the minds of all those that favoured the worldly, pompous rule of Christ’s government. For the nature of covetous ambition in church governors hath always despised the humble and base style of Christ’s doctrine and government. For the high priests and governors of the church of the Jews, when Christ came unto them, they made it disputable, whether Christ were worthy to die, or not. But their disputation lasted not long: for the proud ambitious rulers of the church resolved quickly that Christ was worthy to die. And Christ himself bewailing the proud ambitious government of the Scribes and Pharisees, burst out and said, O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, &c. Whereby appeareth, that the church governors in all times, that are once stuffed with the ambitious pride of worldly rule in the church, could never away with the humility of Christ’s heavenly doctrine and spiritual rule in the church.

And as touching the superiority of bishops to be disallowed, as a false claim, it seems to me, that Christ himself hath plainly decided the matter, at what times as the apostles at two sundry times did seem to murmur and strive, who should be the greatest after Christ’s departure from them.

Where it seems to me, that Christ condemned plainly all claiming superiority among his apostles: the which rule if our bishops would follow, as no doubt they would, if her majesty’s supreme government were stoutly stand unto, then they would be contented to forbear their claimed superiority of government in the church, which Christ condemned in the apostles; and they would be satisfied with that equality which Christ left to the church among the apostles.

But here you must not take me, that I do deny that bishops may have any lordly authority or dignity that they have enjoyed, so that they claim it not from a higher authority than directly from her majesty’s grant. But I do not mean hereby to contend with your lordship, through whose assistance I have always hoped that her majesty’s safety (consisting in that thorough maintenance of her majesty’s supreme government) should be jealously preserved; but yet your lordship must pardon me, although I do not think that her majesty’s safety is any thing the better preserved, because our bishops dare not oppose themselves and their credit against her majesty’s supreme government. For it is the Jesuits, and not our bishops, that must bring her majesty’s safety into peril, if this maxim may be allowed unto the same Jesuits, that our bishops of England are not under-governors to her majesty of the clergy, but that they are superior governors over the said inferior clergy by God’s own ordinance, [i. e. jure divino. ] Whereupon it must needs follow, that her majesty is not supreme governor over the clergy, if so be that our said bishops be not under-governors to her majesty, but superior governors by a higher claim than directly from her majesty.

But my trust is, that the cause of your lordship’s writing unto me, that the question is very disputable, is not for that your lordship is of that opinion, but rather for that your lordship would bridle and stay me from running too fast before your lordship in the matter of her majesty’s safety. But although I have always been and must be plain with your lordship, in the matter of her majesty’s safety, yet if it shall please your lordship to set all the bishops and all their favourers against me, to prove me a disturber of their government in their suppressing of preachers, or otherwise, your lordship shall find, that none of them shall be able to prove any substantial matter against me, since the time that long since her majesty at Windsor did command me, that I should not deal with the puritans, as then her majesty called them, because her majesty did commit the government of religion to her bishops only. Since which time I have dealt no more with matters of religion than doth appertain to her majesty’s safety, consisting in the true preservation of her majesty’s supreme government. The which may best be called matter of her majesty’s policy, and not matter of religion; although the Jesuits do call all their treasons matter of religion.

Thus fearing that I have been too bold with your lordship, although I do know your lordship doth love to hear all men’s opinions, that your wisdom may the better judge thereof, I do most humbly take my leave.

Your lordship’s to command, At Ewelline Lodge, the 4th of August, 1589. F. KNOLLYS.

NUMBER 5.

Sir Francis Knollys to the queen, upon some displeasure she had taken against him. Occasioned by his controversy about the superiority of bishops.

My most gracious sovereign, ALTHOUGH I be unworthy to be trusted, yet I am not unworthy to be tried, or false in matters concerning the safety of your majesty’s crown and dignity. I found my old error, that is to say, that I have not heretofore (in weighty matters) used such temperancy of speech as wiser men have done to your majesty. Neither have I suppressed mine abundance of affections, (in so weighty causes,) as wiser men have done or should do. Now to avoid these my old errors, I do most humbly crave at your majesty’s hands at this present, that it will please you, that my lord treasurer may be pleased to be a faithful reporter and true dealer between your majesty and me, and also between me and such as I shall accuse for injuring your majesty’s safety, and your majesty’s supreme government, so sore presently assaulted by the pope and the king of Spain, and their Jesuitical adherents. This writ by another hand, being a copy sent to the lord treasurer Burghley, and found among his papers.

NUMBER 6.

One Mrs. Dier had practised conjuration against the queen, to work some mischief to her majesty; for which she was brought into question for it. And accordingly her words and doings were sent to Popham, the queen’s attorney, and Egerton, her solicitor, by Walsingham the secretary, and sir Tho. Heneage, her vicechamberlain, for their judgment of her case; whose opinion was, that Mrs. Dier was not within the compass of the estatute touching witchcraft; for that she did no act, and spake certain lewd speeches, tending to that purpose: but neither set figure, nor made pictures. The attorney’s and solicitor’s letter in answer follows. OUR humblest duty done unto your honours. It may please you to be advertised, that we have perused the several examinations which your honours sent us concerning Mrs. Dyar. Where we find very lewd and undutiful speeches by her concerning her majesty, and of very bad practices intended towards her highness. Which matters would require, in our opinions farther examination. Whether any thing concurring with her purpose; and the times thereof would be directly set down. Which we may guess at by Hamelton’s letter. But it would be plainly set down, where every thing was done or spoken. And for other matters of her witchery intendeds it appeareth not by any the examinations, that any action of witchcraft was put in use; but a speech used of such a purpose: which doth not bring them in danger of the law in that behalf made. Therefore it would be well looked into whether any thing were done, as picture, figure set, and such like. And the times would be set down plainly, when and where every thing was done. We have also here returned unto your honours the several examinations sent us concerning that cause. And so do humbly take our leaves. The 7th of Jan. 1589.

Your honours humbly, JO. POPHAM. THO. EGERTON.

NUMBER 7.

Sir Francis Drake to the lord treasurer, concerning the fleet landing in Caskays with don Antonio, for recovery of his kingdom of Portugal.

Right honourable, my very good lord, SINCE my last letter sent to your lordship from the Groine, we have landed our army twelve leagues from Lisborn, and passed with a navy to Caskays, which is within five leagues of Lisborn, where we landed such forces as we might conveniently spare. The long contrary wind at the Groine, and the continuance of the same in all our passage from thence hitherwards, hath been the cause of their intelligence so long before, of our coming with don Antonio. By which means the enemy had gathered their whole strength out of Portugal and Gallicia into three several places. The first and greatest they continued at Lisborn. The second in a fort of very great strength, in the very entrance and mouth of the haven of Lisborn. And the third in twelve galleys.

Our first army remained three days in the suburbs of Lisborn, aud our other troops at Caskays remained there six days.

All this time there never repaired unto us of Portugal soldiers above two hundred, or thereabouts. They have taken of the second sort of Portuguezs, their wives and children for their pledges and assurance, that they should be loyal to king Philip: and sent the gentlemen, and men of best account in Portugal, either into Spain, or kept them in prison.

We are all of opinion, that if we had comen first for Lisbon, the city had been ours: and that being once won, the whole country might well, and would have comen in unto don Antonio. The numbers of our soldiers and mariners are greatly decayed by extreme sickness happened in the army, to the great discomfort of the rest. We have not yet altogether concluded of our resolution for any farther service, although we have often sat to determine it: because we hear not of our supply, which is to come out of England. But mind, God willing, to determine it very shortly; and then to advise your lordship of the particulars thereof.

Thus I humbly take my leave of your lordship. From aboard her majesty’s good ship the Revenge, in the road of Caskaiz. This 2d of June, 1589.

Your lordship’s always ready to be commanded, FRA. DRAKE.

Within these three days we have taken threescore sail of hulks and bottoms; all, or the most part of them, laden with rye, wheat, and all manner of provisions, and bound to discharge at Lisbon.

By which means we have letted him of his purpose to come with an army this year.

The country, in all places where we came, is in great want of corn, yet the king’s store-houses full of all manner of provision. Which they caused to be burnt in every place where we came.

NUMBER 8.

A discourse of Anthony Coppley, the 6th of January, 1590, (of his abode and maintenance beyond the seas,) to Mr. William Wade. [ Who was lieutenant of the Tower.] He seems to be the son of Thomas Coppley, a prime popish fugitive in Q. Elizabeth’s reign, and was made great master of the Maes by the king of Spain; and afterwards knighted by the French king, and the title of baron given him; as Camden, under the years 1575 and 1577, writeth. THAT being fifteen years of age, and a young student of Furnival’s Inn, under the charge of a kinsman, Mr. T. Southwel, (now himself beyond seas,) he stole away, (him unwitting,) and got over to Rome, to his father and mother; who were dwelling there at that time, viz. 1582. And continued there two years, or thereabouts. Brought up by them and instructed in the knowledge and certainty of the faith I profess. Afterwards it was obtained by a lady of the prince of Parma’s court, that I might, if I would, be his page. But my father, supposing that a place not convenient for my younger years, albeit it were a place of honour, and a ready way, in time, to further preferment, either in court or camp, (as it is daily seen,) yet my father, perceiving in those my younger years a desire rather to travel, than any good liking I had of that condition, condescended to my own choice of the two. To be short, I rather chose to journey to Rome: whereunto my father the rather willingly condescended, by reason that at that very time a kin of my own, Mr. Rob. Southwel, a Jesuit in Rome, brother to the president Tho. Southwel, hearing of my being beyond sea, had of his own accord and love towards me procured ten crowns pension of pope Gregory for my better maintenance there, in case my friends would allow of that course. And herewithal by his letter to my father, then fled, advertised him of the whole.

Whereupon I was sent to Rome, where I remained the space of two years, having my chamber and table in thc English college, as Mr. Gilbert and Mr. Cha. Basset, and others in like manner had before me: living upon my pension of the pope at that while. And at last the pope died; and his nephew, the cardinal Sixto, likewise; (of whom I had confirmed my said pension unto me, while he lived.) These being dead, and so my pension lost, I returned again into Flanders; where I found my father was likewise dead, and my mother and elder brother returned into England. Only my brother Stanihurst I found there; who by Hugh Owen’s means got me forth twenty crowns pension of the prince of Parma.

So that since that time, till now that I am returned into England, I have served the king of Spain in his wars in Flanders. For which I humbly crave pardon of her majesty and my country; hoping now hereafter, and (protesting it) always to deserve better, in reparation of this my offence.

As for my religion, I protest unto you, sir, I will so behave myself therein, as no scandal shall be given. Neither will I refuse conference with any learned man, minister or other; to the end to be resolved in another faith, in case they can of certainty prove it unto me, that I believe amiss.

And, good sir, I beseech you, let my honourable good lords of her majesty’s council, namely my lord treasurer, be satisfied in my faith and truth to my prince and country; and to make proof thereof in whatsoever they shall please to employ me. Surely, sir, I am not returned to enjoy lands nor livings in any country: for fortune hath not so assigned me: only to the duties of a true and sincere subject I am returned: to stand with my prince and country to my life’s end. It grieveth me to hear abroad of Spanish preparations yet once again against England; namely, under pretence of title to the same. Which doubtless importeth in the enemy a mind resolved in a conquest of the realm, if ever they get on shore; which God defend.

Namely, I beseech you also, good sir, to move Mr. Vice-chamberlain in my behalf. His honour is long since privy to my return. I hope, therefore, that upon information of my present state, I shall, by your good means, find him my honourable good lord: which I humbly crave. Perchance my father’s and my brother’s demerits may make against me, but I refer myself to the favour of my good lords.

Anthony Coppley.

This seems to have been wrote by him in the Tower.

In the year 1608, Anthony Coppley was proclaimed to be apprehended, as likewise sir Griffin Markham, Watson, Clark, priests. Stow’s Annals.

NUMBER 9.

Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, to the justices of peace in Kent: for release of the clergy from composition-corn. An original.

To my very loving and assured good friends the justices of peace in the county of Kent, assembled at the sessions of Canterbury. AFTER my right hearty commendations. I am given to understand by sundry ministers of East Kent, that for some years last past (by what means I know not certainly). they have been assessed among others to the provision of corn, &c. for her majesty’s most honourable household. It is conceived that this hath first grown, when as heretofore most part of the benefices there were in the occupation of laymen, as fermours, or otherwise; whereby they were contributaries. But seeing that it is not unknown unto you, that by the most ancient laws all ecclesiastical persons are freed from this and like charges, that the ministers thereabouts are both of very mean ability, and also deeply charged to other public services and contributions; and that there is no reason, that they more than the ministers of other parts of this shire (perhaps upon some former negligence or mistaking) should endure this burden, which you of the commission of peace that have the yearly assessment thereof may easily remedy. I do therefore very heartily, upon these considerations, pray you and every one of you, to whom this may appertain, to have a friendly and pitiful regard for their release herein: and that the rather by your good means and furtherance they may without discouragement go forward in their vocation; enjoying but the benefit of law and of other subjects of their sort. Which exception, when all things shall be well weighed, will not be (as I persuade myself) any whit prejudicial to her majesty’s due provision, being a matter which, according to my bounden duty, I do otherwise greatly tender, and am most willing to prefer and set forward in all good and lawful manner I may.

And so I commit you all to God’s holy protection. Your very assured friend, From my house at Ford, the 21st of July, 1589. JO. CANTUAR’.

NUMBER 10.

The bishop of Winton to the lord treasurer. A contest between the president and fellows of Corpus Christi college, Oxon: deferred to their visitor the said bishop, with his sense of it, shewed to the said lord treasurer; who had sent to him to put an end to it. MY duty considered, right honourable. Upon the sixth of February, I received from your lordship a letter in behalf of the seniors of Corpus Christi college in Oxford. It may please you to understand that the controversy, which they move for the election of their officers, and for any other griefs, was never brought unto me until the 8th of January last. And yet had they before Christmas, contrary to their statute, sought remedy at other places; never making me privy of any thing. At which time, and ever since, I have had business of great importance, very nighly touching myself, my office, and charge. And yet did I not delay their cause, but presently bestowed an whole day and more in conference of their allegations: which were so difficult as I could not presently make my resolution, except I should have done it without just ground of conscience. Therefore I presently wrote to the president and them, [the seniors,] that for this time only they would quietly condescend to some indifferent election, until I could so peruse both their statute and the statutes of other colleges, that I might with safe conscience make my resolute interpretation. This counsel would not be accepted; but five of them without the president confirmed their former election. Yet did I plainly signify unto them, that as I stood then persuaded, I thought, that neither the president alone, nor five without the president, could make a just election.

Whereupon I wrote again unto them, to the end the business of the college might proceed, that they would suffer those persons, that were officers chosen by them the last year, to continue; and to execute their office, until they received my full resolution, which I would send them with as much speed as I could. Which direction, I understand, at Candlemas-day last, was accepted of: and therefore my hope is, I shall in reasonable time so end their controversy, that I shall in good part take away the factions that have been among them these six years.

I heartily desire your honour to have this persuasion of me, that I do more tender the good state of a college in Oxford, than I do mine own particular house and commodity. And it grieves me to see these places, which were ordained to be schools of good learning, modesty, and obedience, to be turned to be nurseries of discord, dissension, and stubbornness towards superiors, as that house hath been almost this seven years; seldom without questions, but never without factions and parties, one striving against another; and commonly raised and maintained by Leonard Taylor, the principal follower of these matters. For he hath wrought himself to be chosen bursar by these five: and therefore will willingly admit no moderation for the mean time. He hath of late years more studied to maintain wrangling interpretations of their statutes, than to increase his learning. I do not defer my resolution without great cause and sincere meaning. For I am prescribed by their statute to make no other interpretation, but secundum literalem et grammati-calera sensum. Which, by the interpretation of both parts, is made very intricate for me to declare what the founders meaning was, unless I did throughly peruse their statutes, and the statutes also of other houses. Which I cannot do in such haste as they would have me; unless my resolution should go before the judgment of my conscience.

Moreover, if I should resolve that five young men of small experience should choose all the officers in the house, and thereby overrule, and, as some of them have spoken, curb or bridle the president, I should plainly, against honest conscience, establish and allow (to a very hard example) a pack or conspiracy against the head, and also hazard the good estate of the house. For, as I see, that inconvenience may follow, if the president, being but one man, should have all in his own hands, (which I do not like in any wise;) so I do foresee great inconveniences may come, if four or five young persons, without or against their head, should do what they list, without some bridle to restrain them. I have been too well acquainted with the factious dealing of young scholars. And I know what is the root and first beginning of this faction against the president, and to what end it will come, if they be not stayed. I have known him head there these 23 years.

And this I dare say upon my credit, that for scholastical government and order in that house, he hath so ruled it, as few in Oxford have done the like. But whatsoever he be, I will neither for him nor for any other man, God willing, determine any thing that shall be against the good state of that house, if the clamorousness of these men do not overbear me.

But I trouble your honour too long. I pray God preserve the same in health to his glory. This 8th of Feb. 1590.

Your honour’s in Christ assured to his power, THOMAS WINTON.

NUMBER 11.

Merick, bishop of the Isle of Man, to the lord Burghley, lord treasurer. Complaining of his being charged above his ability.

Shewing his needy condition. Writ April, 1590.

Right honourable, PARDON me. I am forced to be troublesome. I came the last summer to Wales; having been the year afore in Man: as I am commonly between both: not of my own choice or will; but things are so, and causes I might allege to satisfy the wise, but too long for your honour’s affairs. Neither hath any bishop, my predecessor, been otherwise this [hundred] years. My living is but Lxxxxl . in money; wherewith I travail by sea and by land.

Landing here seven years since, and finding my friends in prison, I lent them my stock for that year, and borrowed them as much more: I have lacked it ever since, and would give the one half to be paid the other; and am in debt to others at that while: and did afore the last parliament assign the same money to others for my discharge.

Yet in respect of this the cessers for the temporalties in Anglesey, envying my friends that benefit, have rated me in goods worth more than all this isle is besides. And of truth, as I shall prove, I have neither house nor home here. No other debts, goods, but such as I carry about for my necessary expenses, and to bring me over again; no kind of benefit ecclesiastical or temporal, but three travelling nags, to carry me to and from the water-side.

Where lying sick and waiting for passage, being loath to continue subject to process, or to be thought fraudulently conveyed, or of not loyned my goods, I am well willing to be tried. And am constrained thus to signify to your honour; humbly beseeching your lordship, that I may not be wrongfully vexed; as I shall pray the Almighty God to give your honour abundantly de rore coeli et pinguedine terroe; increase your spiritual and temporal gifts; to prosper your public doings, and bless you and your posterity. Anglesey, the 4th of April.

Your honour’s most humble, Jo. Meryck, of the Isle of Man.

NUMBER 12.

Hutton, bishop of Durham, to the lord treasurer, that his lordship would be a means to satisfy the queen concerning, the bestowing of Sherborn hospital. Writ in March, 1590.

My most humble duty remembered, &c.

IAM now to crave your lordship’s favour more than ever in my life. For I understand by Mr. Secretary, that her majesty is much offended with me for the bestowing of Sherborn house. The matter is this. Immediately after the decease of Dr. Dale, I bestowed the hospital of Sherborn house upon a kinsman of mine, one Mr. Hutton, a bachelor of divinity, and one of the senior fellows of Trinity college in Cambridge, and this year head-lecturer in that house. But because the living chiefly consisteth upon husbandry, and he a mere scholar, I was content, at his suit, to bestow that hospital upon Dr. Bellamy, an honest man, a preacher and a physician, to have charge both of the souls and bodies of the poor, impotent, sick persons of that hospital, and Dr. Bellamy to give over one of his benefices, and his prebend in Durham, to Mr. Hutton. This was done in November and the beginning of December last. For after I did receive a letter from Mr. Secretary, that her majesty’s intention was to qualify sir Henry Lee with a dispensation, and to bestow upon him the said house, I did answer, that I being patron by statute, (whereunto her majesty had given her royal assent,) with best advice, had already given it as fully and effectually as I could.

So the matter slept from that time until the beginning of March, when I did receive, to my great grief, another letter from Mr. Secretary, that her highness was greatly offended with me for the bestowing of it; because I, knowing her majesty’s determination, had presumed to bestow it without her leave. I answer that which was most true, as I shall answer before the living God, that I had given it before Mr. Secretary’s letter, signifying her majesty’s pleasure, did come unto my hands; and that I did it with the testimony of a good conscience, to bring into this ignorant country two godly preachers by two benefices which Dr. Bellamy did resign.

But this week I did receive a third letter from Mr. Secretary, signifying, that he had acquainted her majesty with my answer. Wherewith her highness was nothing satisfied; but that her majesty’s resolution was, that I should restore Dr. BeUamy to all his former livings, and he to give over the hospital; and that I should send up forthwith to the court Mr. Hutton, to compound with sir Henry Lee for the hospital; and then he to have the same. Which thing, if it please your good lordship, lieth not in me to do.

For I am not patron of all Dr. Bellamy’s livings, and he refuseth to give over the hospital which he doth lawfully possess. And Mr. Hutton was instituted and inducted into the benefice and prebend in the beginning of December last; and, as I hear, hath already compounded for first-fruits. Yet have I sent my servant to Mr. Hutton at Cambridge, where he is preparing for his removing to his benefice, now at Easter, and willed him to make his present repair thither, and to answer for himself.

Thus standeth the matter. Now my humble suit is unto your honour for your accustomed favour. First, That Dr. Bellamy and Mr. Hutton be not compelled to give over their livings, which, as I take it, they do lawfully possess. Secondly, That the hospital appointed by her majesty and the whole parliament to a preacher, and the relief of the poor, may not be converted to worse uses; which is like to be, if sir Henry Lee be compounded withal. Thirdly, That her majesty be not offended with me for doing that which I thought I might do lawfully, and did with the testimony of a good conscience. I beseech your honour, that as you and my lord’s grace of Canterbury were the means, without my suit, for my placing in this country, so at my earnest humble suit you will be a means to defend me in my well and lawful doings. Thus with humble thanks to God for restoring you to health again, and to your honour for your great favour towards me at all times, I humbly take my leave. Aukland, the 30th of March, 1590.

Your lordship’s most bounden, MATTH. DUNELM.

NUMBER 13.

Harberd, bishop of Hereford, to the lord treasurer; informing him of one brought before him for seditious words.

Right honourable and my very good lord, WHEREAS William Wier of Middleton Scriven, in the county of Salop, yeoman, coming before me for a cause ecclesiastical, was accused; for that he, in the hearing of three others, (who have also certified the same,) had said, that priests’ wives were whores, and their children bastards. And that it was pity they were unburned. And that he did hope the true law should shortly be restored. And then they should be either hanged or burnt. And that it was pity the queen did reign, to suffer them unhanged or unburnt.”

And I thereupon have sent him to her majesty’s council in these parts, notwithstanding the said party in very vehement sort denied the speaking of any such words, and said, that because of controversy with them, they did bear him malice; I thought it my duty in this wise to certify your honour thereof, that such further order might be taken with him as to your wisdom shall seem convenient. And so I humbly commend your good lordship to the protection of Almighty God. From Whitburne, the 4th of October, 1590.

Your honour’s to command, HARB. HEREFORD.

NUMBER 14.

Memoire a monseigneur le grand tresorier, pour Geneve. A paper following so endorsed was drawn up by Le Lect, agent here for Geneva; shewing their present miserable condition, and craving his interest with the queen on their behalf.

Monsegneur, JE n’insisteray point a vous representer le pauvre estat de la ville de Geneve, ni les dangers et necessitez qui l’environnent: lesquelles vous avez peu voir par les lettres de mes superieurs; et qui est assez notoire a un chacun, &c. To this tenor in English; That he would not insist to represent to him the poor estate of the town of Geneva, nor the dangers and necessities that compassed them about; the which he had seen a little by the letters of his superiors, and which was sufficiently notorious to every one. But he should beg him only in all humility and reverence, and pursuing the new charge which he had from them, as he [the lord treasurer] had seen by the same letters, that he would please to make them finally perceive and experiment the effects of his zeal and compassion, favouring them (against their malice) toward her majesty.

So that it might be her good pleasure to succour them with some portion of her good means. He proceeded; My lord, you see us before your eyes, a church none of the least signalized, and of importance, and which hath always been very affectionate towards this realm, to sustain for fourteen months intire God’s two most terrible scourges, war and famine; having to do with the most powerful and obstinate enemies of the religion, the king of Spain and the duke of Savoy; except that they might not yet any ways perceive the issue of such assaults; which yet now began again more than ever.

In the midst of which, the hope which comforts and relieves my superiors and all our people, is the assistance of her majesty and this realm; which they wait for from day to day, not seeing to shine any appearance of comfort, neither from France, nor from Swisse, nor elsewhere.

In the mean time, my lord, I am in this realm seven months with so little fruit of my solicitation, and daily pains of body and mind, [a collection was granted for them February last; and the governors of Geneva, in a letter dated that month to the treasurer, did thank him for the same, as Le Lect had signified to them. But it seems the collection was not yet finished,] that I know no more to whom I may turn; being in truth such delays did not proceed (as he proceeded) from a disfavour or want of good affection of her majesty, or of the good will of her council towards their poor town; not knowing nevertheless to whom to attribute the causes of it. That his lordship saw, that poor Geneva had not been preserved, and subsisted to that present, but by an extraordinary, miraculous assistance of God, and against all human appearance. Yet his superiors, through extreme want of money, whereof they were exhausted, were constrained to keep together their soldiers, and to keep themselves close within their walls. And that the same almighty power and mercy of God could save them immediately without man. But his [the lord treasurer’s] prudence might easily judge how long it would be easy in human appearance for the enemy to oppress them; having also yet more forts and garrisons in one or two places near them. By means whereof it fell out (alas!) that they attacked them at their gates.

It remained, that in all appearance her majesty would more easily send them succour than they could ask it, since the war was made and conducted principally by the king of Spain and by his expenses; that is, by the capital enemy of this realm [of England.] Who being employed and detained thereabouts, [at Geneva,] and not being able to prevail over their weakness, without doubt he should not be able so easily to disquiet her said majesty in the Low Countries, nor in other places. That they knew the charges of her majesty, [mere nourrice, ] the mother nurse of the church, both near and far off. They knew also the ancient obligation which they owed her. But extreme necessity compelled them to implore again once more her aid, and not such or so large as might bring any prejudice or discommodity to the rest of her affairs upon all this happy peace which it had pleased God to give her. In sum, it lay in the power and good-will of her majesty to save, by a moderate beneficence, a city and church, by the loss and ruin whereof she would receive great displeasure, and France and other churches no little damage like to come. And, in a word, they alleged the most strait and sacred tie of religion and Christian charity, which could not be frustrate of blessing in respect of God, and perpetual praise in respect of men.

He added, [addressing to his lordship,] that every one knew how much of weight her majesty attributed to his good advice; and he hoped also so much of her kindness and clemency accustomed, and of that good affection which it pleased her to declare to him some months ago from her own mouth, towards their town, that she would not be inexorable to the most humble and most instant request towards their poor estate, so much afflicted, and as it were reduced to beggary. Nevertheless, if his lordship pleased also to give him [the agent] access to her said majesty, to represent to her matters further, as from his superiors, it would be a singular happiness and contentment; praying him, in the name of God, (of whom his lordship was an excellent servant in this realm,) not to hinder him in a cause so urgent, so pious, and so favourable; and if you would oblige more and more his superiors, and a whole Christian people, to acknowledge him for their father and benefactor; and to pray to God for his preservation, and to render themselves wholly at his service. From London, the 7th of June, 90. Subscribing, Your most humble and most affectionate servant, Jacobus Lect, in the name of the senate and town of Geneva.

This Lect was a man of great learning and esteem at Geneva; a lawyer, an orator, and a poet; and died about 1612. Spondan.

NUMBER 15.

The magistrates of Geneva to queen Elizabeth, thanking her for a collection sent to them, and craving further aid in their distress. A la serenissime royne d’Angleterre, de France, et a’Irlande.

Madame, NOUS avons entendu par les lettres du sieur Lect, nostre bien ayme frere, conseiller et depute, tant le gracieux accueil, quil a pleu a votre majeste luy faire, qu’aussi l’ottroy, d’une cuillette en vos pais. Et combien que nous aions eu desja paravant concu certaine esperance de n’estre point esconduits d’une si pitoyable et Chrestienne princesse, toutefois, madame, nous nous sentons tellement chargez et des obligations ancienes et de la presente, que nous aymons mieux les avouer et recognoistre meurement en nos esprits, que d’entrer en une ennuyeuse prolixite pour les representer en papier. Or puis qu’ainsi est, que comme nous scavons tresbien notre petitesse nous rend du tout incapables de faire jamais service a vostre majeste qui responde en quelque sorte a tant des bienfaicts, nos successeurs toutefois qui paraventure jouiront d’une meilleure condition, et ausquels nous en lairrons la memoire, sereputeront tres heureux, si Dieu leur faict la grace de pouvoir aumoins paier leur arerages des dettes crees par leurs devancieurs. Et nous aurestes avec tant d’autres qui pres et loing seront temoins de vostre charite, ferons devoir de prier ce bon Dieu tout puissant d’accomplir et ratifier en vostre personne les promesses excellentes qu’il a faictes aux princes et princesses nourricieurs et nourrisses de son Eglise, comme aussi des longues annees tout le monde voit clairement les rares et admirables benedictions qui accompagnent vostre couronne. Quant a nostre estat present, et a ce qui s’est passe depuis nos derniers, nous ne pourrions brievement le discourir; mais en escrivons plus amplement a nostre depute avec charge d’en faire scavoir les particularites vostre majeste, s’il luy plaist s’en soucier. Bien dirons nous que si ville subsiste oncques par une misericorde de Dieu extraordinaire et totalement miraculeuse, c’est une povre Geneve. Ce qui comme certaines arres nous faict esperer, que non obstant l’obstination et orgueil de nos ennemis, et tant de playes en apparence incurables que nous sentons par cette longue et miserable guerre, nous pourrons encores cestefois eschapper l’extreme ruine que le Pape et ses adherens nous ont machine depuis si long temps. Supplians vostre majeste comme tant la guerre que la disette de deniers, la famine et plusieurs autres povretes continuent, voire nous menacent de plus fort, vouloir aussi nous continuer de plus en plus vostre faveur et bonte, afin qu’au plustost, et le plus amplement que faire se pourra, nous puissions percevoir les fruicts de vostre beneficence tant attendus, et du long sejour de nostre depute par dela. Et en cest endroict nous prierons Dieu de tout nostre coeur qu’il luy plaise, Madame, veiller toujours a vostre conservation, et affermir vos sceptres et couronnes de plus en plus. De Geneve ce 8:Feburier, 1590.

Par messeigneurs syndiques et conseil.

Les tres humbles et tres affectionnes serviteurs de vostre majeste.

Les syndiques et conseil de Geneve.

NUMBER 16.

Thomas Cartwright, the, the puritan, to the right worshipful Mr. Puckring, one of her majesty’s sergeants at law; being sent for by a pursuivant, now deprived of his hospital at Warwick. THAT having received Mrs. Puckring’s letter upon Wednesday, I came no sooner with it, the cause hath been in part a strain in one of my legs, and in part the importunity of my friends, by the way, lying upon me to stay, until I had gotten some stability of my leg to travel with more commodity. And now I am come to town, that I bring not my letter myself, the cause is, for that being sent for by a pursuivant, I was loath to be attached before I had made my appearance without attachment, and that I might be mine own pursuivant, as it were; and partly also, because I was loath that your favour towards me should any way appear to any manner of hurt of yours, and no good of mine. And now, good sir, confessing myself greatly beholden unto you in my behalf, and in the behalf of my wife, my humble desire is, that I may yet further be beholden unto you in the behalf of the poor church of Warwick, that likely enough may be deprived of all manner of tolerable ministry, both for the good of your own family, which is great, and in regard of other poor souls there. That if the times will not bear us that are there present now, yet there may be such provided, as differing in judgment from us, may notwithstanding, both in some good skill and care, proceed in the edification of the church without bitterness of spirit against other poor men, which are otherwise minded. Which I am the bolder to crave at your worship’s hands, as I understand, (and was glad of,) that the town hath chosen you to the recordership, which may be singular means of doing much good unto the town. And among other, that good that it pleased you to talk with me of.

This I was bold to write, in fear of being severed from doing any more service there; and yet not aknown to myself of any breach of law, whereby I may be touched, saving only that I fear to be committed for refusing the oath ex officio mero. And thus I humbly commend you to the gracious keeping and blessing of God in Jesus Christ. May the 20th, anno 90.

Yours to command in the Lord, T. CARTWRIGHT.

NUMBER 17.

Some account of the trial and condemnation of John Udal, a minister, concerned with Martin Marprelate in publishing several schismatical books. Taken from the MSS. of sergeant Puckring; before whom and baron Clark the said Udal was brought to his trial, at the assizes held at Surrey. The indictment against John Udal, late of London, clerk. DEUM prae oculis suis non habens, sed instigatione diabolica seductus, et seditiose intendens et machinans ad rebellionem movend, et suscitand, infra hoc regnum, &c. ult. die Octobris, anno regni dict. dnoe regin. 30, at East-Mouldsey; then and there set forth, in English, a certain wicked, scandalous, and seditious book, entitled, A demonstration of the truth of that discipline which Christ hath prescribed in his word for the government of the church, &c. in all tymes and places, until the end of the world.

The passages alleged against him in this indictment, found in it, were these: “Who can, without blushing, deny you [speaking to the bishops] to be the cause of all ungodliness? seeing that government is that which giveth leave unto a man to be any thing save a sound Christian, in retaining that popish hierarchy first reigning in the midst of the mystery of iniquity, and that filthy sink of the canon law, which was invented and patched together for the confirming and increasing of the kingdom of Antichrist; ad magnum scandalum dict. dnoe. reginae, et subversionem legum hujus regni, et incitationem rebellionis infra hoc regnum Ahgl. contra pacem et in conterptum ejusd, dnae, reginae nunc, coron, et dignitatem suas, et contra formam statuti, in hujusmodi casu ordinat, et provis.”

NUMBER 18.

Articles delivered to the judges by Mr. Udal, shewing reasons why they should not proceed in judgment against him, notwithstanding the verdict given against him. This paper consisteth of nine articles.

I. IT seemeth my cause is not esteemed felony by the judges of the land, seeing they do usually sit in the high commission court, where the printing and dispersing of the same, or such like books, are usually inquired after, as transgressions of another nature.

II. No judgment by law ought to be given in ease of felony, but upon a party first tbund guilty thereof by verdict of twelve men. But I am not so.

For proof whereof I pray you it may be remembered, that your lordships gave the jury in issue only in trial of the fact, whether I were author of such a book, and freed them of inquiring of the intent; without which there is no felony.

III. I humbly pray you to call to mind by what means the jury was drawn to give that verdict they did. Whether they were left wholly to their own consciences, or were wrought unto it, partly by promise; assuring, that it should be no further danger to me, but tend to my good; and partly by fear, as it appeareth in that it hath been occasion of grief unto some of them ever since. And then I pray you to consider, whether upon such verdict drawn from twelve simple men, Christian judges, in a good conscience, may proceed to the sentence of death.

IV. In case the verdict were never so free, yet your lordships (being men of knowledge and wisdom) are to consider whether the statute whereupon I am indicted do agree to my case in the true meaning of it, there being nothing in the book spoken of her majesty’s person but in duty and honour; and whether that drawing of it from her royal person to the BB. [bishops,] as being a part of her body politic, be not a violent depraving and wresting of the statute. Which if it be, you, being Christian judges, cannot in any good conscience, upon such a ground, proceed to sentence, contrary to your own knowledge.

V. But if the statute be to be taken so as it is urged, it ought to be considered, that without malicious intent against her majesty’s person the statute itself maketh no act forbidden by it to be felony. Wherein I appeal first to God, and then to all men who have seen the whole course of my life; and to your lordships’ own consciences. Wherein I pray you to examine yourselves in the sight of God, whether, either by yourselves or by the just report of any others, you can find me guilty of any act in all my life that savoured of any malice or malicious intent against her majesty, or of any other behaviour, than standeth with the allegiance and duty of a most dutiful and Christian subject. Of which malice, if your consciences clear me before God, the act wherewith I am charged not being felony without such an intent, I hope you consider that you cannot with a good conscience proceed to judgment.

VI. Yet in case the statute and intent thereof were such as it is said, in case of life the evidence ought to be pregnant; and all living witnesses, I am sure by the word of God, (and I trust also by the laws of the land,) were to be produced face to face, to charge me. But I have no such against me, neither any other things, saving only the papers and reports of depositions taken by ecclesiastical commissioners and others. The which kind of proofs the judges cast away in case of lands, and by no means allow to be sufficient. And therefore are much less to be allowed in a case of life. The which being so, your lordships ought to have a consideration, that upon so weak evidence sentence of death be not pronounced.

VII. But if the same that hath been given in for evidence by writing had been testified by men living, standing out in the presence of the court, and of me accused, I trust your lordships will consider, that none of the evidences do directly prove me to be the author of the book in question.

Which, as it was, hath little force in it. As appeareth by this, that the author of the chief testimony is so grieved, that he is ashamed to come where he is known. Wherefore howsoever the jury hath not discerned thereof, yet you, being men of skill and understanding, are to have regard of it; and not upon so weak and impertinent proofs to proceed to judgment of death.

VIII. If all these things were such as in this case they might be, yet your lordships are to consider, (supposing me to be the [author] of the book in question,) that the said book, for the substance of it, containeth nothing but that which is taught and believed to be a part of the gospel of Christ by all the best reformed churches in Europe. Wherein nothing being diverse from them, I cannot be condemned for it without condemning in me all such nations and churches as hold the same doctrine. In which if there be no error in them, the offence can only be in some circumstance and manner of writing: the which some may think worthy an admonition; some, more severe, worthy correction or amercement. The sharpest cannot judge it to deserve more than some short time of imprisonment. But death for an error of such a kind, in terms and words not altogether dutiful, of certain BB. [bishops,] cannot but be extreme cruelty. The which seeing it ought to be far from any Christian man that hath the bowels of Christ in him, surely Christian judges professing the gospel, for a service of the gospel, ought not to proceed against one that hath endeavoured to shew himself a dutiful subject and faithful minister of the gospel, to give sentence of death.

IX. My offence not being aggravated, but remaining as it was the last assizes, when my submission was accepted, and judgment thereupon stayed, I trust your favour will be the same towards me now also, seeing I am ready to do the like.

If all this prevail not, yet my Redeemer liveth, to whom I commend myself, and say as sometime Jeremiah said in a case not much unlike; Behold I am in your hands to do with me whatsoever seemeth good unto you. But know you this, that if you put me to death, you shall bring innocent blood upon your own heads, and upon the land. As the blood of Abel, so the blood of Udal will cry to God with a loud voice; and the righteous Judge of the land will require it at the hands of all that shall be guilty of it.

NUMBER 19.

Udal was cast, but not condemned in the summer assizes, anno 1590; but in the Lent assizes after, he was; his submission not being sufficient. The sentence was forborne after he was found guilty in the summer assizes by favour, because he promised to make a submission. And a form of submission was sent November 18,1590, to Mr. Baron Clark and Sergeant Puckring. And this in these words. Udal’ s submission.

Most gracious sovereign, THE present lamentable estate wherein I stand, having against me the verdict of twelve men, that have found me guilty in their conscience of such matters, as the law having its course, I am to die for it; I most humbly prostrate myself at your majesty’s feet, submitting myself in most humble manner, as becometh a dutiful subject, to such order as it shall please your highness to appoint; to whom God hath given so high and sovereign a power as is able both to kill and to quicken, to bring to the gates of death, and to cause to return from thence to the comfort of life again. Before whom standing thus convict, I am not now to plead mine innocency, although I most humbly desire it may not offend your excellent majesty that I protest of the truth. Whereof I call God to witness, who knoweth the secrets of all hearts, and will judge both the quick and dead, that I have been always, not only far from any malice to your majesty’s royal state and person, but so dutifully affected towards both, in conscience of the ordinance of God, and in regard of many benefits, especially of the true knowledge of God, which I have attained unto under your gracious and happy government; that I was always ready by all means, and with the loss of my life, if it had been needful, to defend and maintain the same; and from my heart have instructed all those to whom my ministry appertained in like dutiful love and obedience.

But this defence being taken from me by course of law, and such proceedings as have passed against me, I do now only fly to your majesty’s gracious mercy; most humbly desiring your highness, of your merciful compassion, to grant me your gracious pardon, for remitting both the offence and the punishment which is now laid upon me. Other hope than this I have none, but the trust I have in God according to his promises, that your majesty, by a special gift of God, is gracious and merciful, and hath vouchsafed to shew mercy even to such as were not only by imputation of law, but indeed malicious and mortal enemies unto your highness; and therefore I hope that the same goodness of so princely a nature may be moved, and will shew forth itself in like gracious compassion on my behalf.

Which gracious pardon, upon my knees, I most humbly crave of your excellent majesty to grant unto me. By which special favour being raised as from the dead, I proraise and vow to lead the rest of my life in all humble and dutiful obedience unto your majesty; praying comtinually for the preservation of your highness’s precious life and happy government; to the honour of Almighty God, and the comfort of all obedient and dutiful subjects.

In another form of submission there was this material clause added; (otherwise agreeing in substance with this;) being found guilty by verdict to be the author of a book entitled, The demonstration of discipline, &c. and being, without your gracious pardon, to die for the same.

NUMBER 20.

Sentence was given upon Udal, February ,1590, being in the Lentassizes. After which sergeant Puckring wrote this letter to the lord chancellor Hatton about their proceedings with him at the Lentassizes.

Right honourable, IT was late on Saturday before it came to the time we were to give judgment on the prisoners. So as I could not before this make certificate of our proceedings. According as we were directed, we sent upon Thursday in the afternoon by sir William More, Mr. Dr. Forth, and Mr. Parker, unto Mr. Udal the submission prescribed, for him to consider of, and caused those sent in private to deal with him in the same. We also caused the same submission to be left with him all night, further for him to consider of. And on Friday forenoon we sent sir Will. More and Mr. Boyes, justices of peace, (Mr. Forth and Mr. Parker being absent,) further to persuade with him, and to bring his answer. But none of these prevailing with him, ourselves, on that Friday in the afternoon sent for him, and conferred with him privately by the space of an hour, (sir Will. More being only present;) and not prevailing with him to the form of submission prescribed, nor to the like effect, we willed him to write what manner of submission himself best liked to make. Whereupon he hath wrote to us a manner of submission, such as we not allowing of, (the copy whereof here enclosed I send to your lordship,) we after, on the Saturday in the afternoon, when we came to call the prisoners to judgment, called him among the rest, asking him what he could say why judgment should not be given: he spent an hour with us, debating to and fro; but no matter yielded unto for any submission, such as we could like of, (albeit in that public place we moved him thereunto.) We therefore proceeded, and gave sentence against him; and commanding openly of execution of all that were adjudged, (he being one.)

But in private this morning we commanded the respite of his execution, (as by Mr. Dr. Bankrot’s [Bancroft’s] letter I understand your honour’s pleasure was we should,) till her majesty might understand of these our proceedings, and her highness further pleasure known.

And to end, we have, as was appointed, written all this to my lord chamberlain, and sent our required submission, and also his last offered submission, enclosed in that letter, that her majesty may be informed of the same; and have sent the same to the under-sheriff of Surrey, ourselves being presently going towards Sussex: otherwise we should ourselves have waited on your honour with the same, and to have made relation at large of all the manner of our and his dealings and speeches together, which were too large to write.

At the last, when we charged him, that he had written in his petition to her majesty, that he did submit himself to such order as it should please her highness to appoint, and now by us her highness’s justices of assize that manner of submission which we prescribed him was thought meet to be required of him for her highness; he answered, that those words in his said petition he meant only as to abide her order for life or death, as her majesty should appoint, and not otherwise to yield to any thing that might concern him in conscience in that doctrine which he had taught, as by the words before and after the sentence, he said, it might be so understood. But offered in his last speech that that submission which he had made to her majesty, and any other submission that he had made, he would perform.

Marry, he and we did differ what was the manner of the submission he had made by words at Croyden assize.

So as, my very good lord, we are not able to get of him such a submission as was prescribed for him to make, nor to like effect, we have proceeded as aforesaid; leaving him now at her majesty’s pleasure. This Sunday morning, the 21st of Feb. 1590.

NUMBER 21.

The copy of the submission required by the judges, Feb. ,to be made by Udal.

I JOH. UDAL have been heretofore by due course of law convicted of felony for penning or setting forth a certain book, ealled, The demonstration of discipline. Wherein false, slanderous, and seditious matters are contained against her majesty’s prerogative royal, her crown and dignity, and against the laws and government ecclesiastical and temporal by law under her highness, and tending to the erecting of a new form of government, contrary to her said laws. All which points I do now, by the grace of God, perceive to be very dangerous to the peace of this realm and church, seditious in the commonwealth, and infinitely offensive to the queen’s most excellent majesty. So as thereby I now seeing the grievousness of mine offence, do most humbly, on my knees, before and in this presence, submit myself to the mercy of her highness; being most sorry, that so deeply and worthily I have incurred her majesty’s indignation against me. Promising, if it shall please God to move her royal heart to have compassion on me, a most sorrowful, convicted person, that I will for ever hereafter forsake all such undutiful and dangerous courses, and demean myself dutifully and peaceably. For I do acknowledge them to be both lawful and godly, and to be obeyed by every faithful subject.

NUMBER 22.

The last offered submission of Udal, Febr. 19, 1590. CONCERNING the book, whereof I was by due course of law convicted, by referring myself to the trial of the law, and for that by the verdict of twelve men I am found to be author of it; for which cause an humble submission is worthily required and offered of me: although I cannot disavow the cause and substance of the doctrine debated in it, which I must needs acknowledge to be holy, and (so far as I conceive of it) agreeable to the word of God, yet I confess the manner of writing of it is such in some part as may worthily be blamed, and might provoke her majesty’s just indignation therein. Wherefore the trial of the law imputing unto me all such defaults as are in that book, and laying the punishment of the same in most grievous manner upon me, as my most humble suit to her most excellent majesty is, that her mercy and gracious pardon may free me from the guilt and offence, which the said trial of the law hath cast upon me; and further of her great clemency to restore me to the comfort of my life and liberty; so do I promise, in all humble submission to God and her majesty, to carry myself in the whole course of my life in such humble and dutiful obedience as shall befit a minister of the gospel and dutiful subject, fervently and continually praying for the good preservation of her highness’s precious life and happy government, to the honour of God, and comfort of her loyal and dutiful subjects.

NUMBER 23.

Dr. Bancroft, chaplain to the lord chancellor, to Mr. Sergeant Puckring, to stay execution of Udal. To the rt. worshipful Mr. Sergeant Puckring, justice of assize in the county of Surrey.

Sir, MY lord’s [lord chancellor Hatton] advice is, that, if Mr. Udal’s submission do not satisfy you, that you should proceed to judgment. But that you should stay his execution: and forthwith this day to write to Mr. Vice-chamberlain [sir Tho. Heneage] of his obstinacy, desiring him to inform her majesty of it, and to know her pleasure for the execution, whether it shall be further stayed, &c. And so in haste I take my leave. At Ely-house, this 20th of February, 1590. [ This following enclosed, in the same hand.] You must then command execution. And after defer the same, until her majesty’s pleasure be known.

NUMBER 24.

Udal to sergeant Puckring, after his return from the assizes to his prison in the White Lion, November 11, 1590. In which letter may be observed his lofty and unrelenting behaviour: his justifying, of his innocency: his calling for execution, or deliverance from his imprisonment. Chargeth sin upon his judge: resenteth the disgrace that was done him; and such like. AFTER that it pleased God (as I trust, for my good) to return me from the assizes unto the prison, loaden with such a burden as never was, (so far as I can learn,) in the time of the gospel, by Christian magistrates, for such a cause, laid upon any minister of the word; I settled myself unto my former condition of imprisonment, waiting for that issue (as I do yet, and I trust to do ever) which it shall please the Lord to give thereunto: hoping that your lordship and your associate, [baron Clark,] by whom so deep disgrace was inflicted upon me, would have been the means to have wrought my release.

But when I heard of those speeches which each of you uttered in several places of public judgment, tending further to my disgrace than I (through God’s mercy towards me) gave any cause of; and more to the delighting of yourselves in the court holden against me, than (if you rightly esteem of it) you had just occasion, I persuaded myself rather to look for perpetual imprisonment, or other further severity, than any sense of relief by your means.

Yet at length I have resolved with myself (seeing your lordships do profess the same religion whereof I have been a teacher) to call to your remembrance my hard estate, the discourse whereof I pray you to accept, as proceeding from him that wisheth so well unto you as to his own soul. I need not offer unto your lordship’s consideration into what miserable estate I am brought, not only by being deprived of that living, whereby myself, my wife, and children, should have been maintained, and spending of that little substance which God had given me, in this tedious state of imprisonment; but also in the exposing of me and them unto utter beggary in the time to come. Only I pray you to call to mind in your private meditations, (and that in the presence of God,) by what course this misery was enforced upon me. And if you find by due consideration, that I am worthy to receive (from the sentence of uptight justice) the penalty which I do at present undergo, I pray you to hasten the execution of the same. For it were better for me to die than to live in this case; being irksome to myself, grievous to my friends, chargeable unto many, and profitable unto none. But if it appear, (as I hope your conscience will testify,) that no malice against her majesty can possibly be in me, being of the same religion that her highness professeth and maintaineth, and praying daily for the increase of her grace’s prosperity and happiness, both of soul and body, then do I humbly and heartily desire you to be a means that I may be released. So shall you give me just occasion, (which I hope to do, howsoever it fall out,) not only to forget that hard opinion conceived of your courses against me, but also to pray heartily unto God to bury the same, with the rest of your sins, in the grave of his Son Christ Jesus. Thus trusting to receive the comfortable effect hereof, which I, minister of the gospel, have just cause to look for from the hands of a Christian magistrate, I humbly take my leave. From the White Lion, Nov. 11.

Yours to command, in the Lord Jesus Christ, Jo. Udal, prisoner.

NUMBER 25.

November 18 following, Udal writ both to the baron and the sergeant: who had told him that upon his submission they were willing, to become a means to her majesty for his pardon.

Hereupon he sent his letter; IN as humble and dutiful a manner (he said) as he was able to express it: praying their honours’ favourable mediation unto her, that he might be discharged of the miseries and dangers wherein he was.

Nov. 25, he writ to them both again, upon their sending to him a messenger, that his former submission did not content them: whereupon he had drawn another. Which albeit, he said, it did not in so many words satisfy their lordships, as peradventure they desired, yet he humbly prayed them to be contented therewith, seeing it was both as much as he could yield, and as he trusted her fight excellent majesty would lay upon him. He trusted that they would favourably accept of that his last and furthest relenting, and to esteem of him, as one that had a care (whatsoever became of his outward state) to keep a good conscience even unto his death.

Jan. 1, 1590, Udal writ yet another letter to the sergeant, one of the justices of the assize of Surrey; to vouchsafe him his lawful favour in a matter that might be very comfortable unto him. That since God had pleased so to dispose of him, that he had been almost a year in prison, and was like, for any thing that he could discern, still so to continue; that he found such a sickness of body approaching upon him by reason of corrupt air, and want of exercise, as must needs endanger, if not take away his life; unless it would please God to move his lordship with compassion towards him.

And besides, that he had been so long deprived of the holy exercises of religion, as he found himself much vexed and grieved, and his soul to hunger after the same, as the hunted hart desired the water-brooks: wishing that some corner of the church were in his prison; and esteeming, with the prophet David, the bird happy that built in the roof of that place, where they might hear the voice of God sounding in the ears, and his praises coming with so holy a harmony from their mouths. In regard whereof he craved of his lordship to grant him thus much favour, that he might go with his keeper to the sermons within the borough, for the comfort of his soul, and into the fields to take the air, for the relief of his body.

NUMBER 26.

Mr. Udal’s belief. Drawn up to pacify the queen, who conceived an high displeasure against him, and such as he; in asserting, that the prince had nothing to do in spiritual matters, and that she was subject to their censures. Therefore in this paper he represents himself as favourably as he could with respect to his subjection to her, or the temporal magistrate. “I DO believe, and have often preached, that the church of England is a part of the true visible church of Christ.”This published in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift, under the year 1591, page 375.

NUMBER 27.

Tho. Cartwright to the lord treasurer Burghley, June 23, 1590, concerning the bad estate of his hospital at Warwick, upon the death oft he earl of Leicester, the founder. Writ from London.

Rt. honourable, and my singular good lord; IMAKE conscience of troubling your lordship with particular causes, whose strength of body and mind (for longer continuance among us) I could desire were consecrated to the general and state causes of the whole realm; yet the case I bring before you pressing so greatly, and your honour being, as I am informed, the only person by whose means relief may be obtained, I am even as it were constrainedly drawn, in most humble suit to appear before your honour at this time, first and principally in behalf of the poor hospital at Warwick; and after, in the second place, in mine own behalf.

The cause, if it please your lordship, is as followeth: The rt. honourable the earl of Leicester endued the hospital in Warwick with 200l . by year, whereof 150l . are to the use of the twelve poor men, and the other fifty for the stipend of the master, which he requireth to be a preacher. For performing whereof he giveth certain lands in Warwick and Lancaster shires, whose rents, raised unto the highest, amount unto that sum, and no more. These lands, about a three years before his death, he conveyed by deed to his hospital; which, because it was not enrolled within the year, according to trust, he put in one Mr. Sutton, from Lincoln; which was esteemed, in strict construction of law, insufficient. Whereupon the house was compelled to take a second grant of the like honourable earl of Warwick, or of his heir.

Further, the earl of Leicester, over and above the other stipend of the master, gave me, by letters patent, other 50l . during my life; not charged indeed out of any certain lands, but payable by him and his heirs, receivers general. Which, notwithstanding, is agreed by the learned in the laws of the land to be good as long as the heir hath assets, or otherwise wheresoever the land should become, if I had brought a writ of annuity at any time before the lands had come into the hand of a stranger: which I might indeed have done, (the rent being one whole year behind,) but that it was not meet for me, a man of so low degree, to call such honourable persons into question of law, especially such as I was so greatly bound unto.

Now it is said constantly, that her majesty’s extent shall go forth upon all the lands that the earl of Leicester was seized of, either at the time of his death, or in the 24th year of her majesty’s reign. Whereupon not my stipend only will fall, but, which is more lamentable, the whole college of his twelve poor, old, impotent men, for the present, shall be constrained to beg; and for the time to come shall be in danger to be utterly scattered and overthrown.

Besides this, considering that the hospital cannot obtain of the countess of Leicester any whit of the legacy of 200l . which the earl of Leicester devised by will in the name of a stock unto it, the master is constrained to lay forth the charges of one half year, before he receive one penny of the rent appointed unto his hospital’s maintenance. All which he should liese, if the extent should lie upon all the earl’s lands without exception, before the half year’s rent be due.

Hitherto also belongeth, (the rather to move commiseration towards the hospital,) that of the 200l . of yearly rent, 20l . have been demanded from the death of the earl of Leicester by the unjust dealing of one Mr. Ugnol, a rich citizen of London, and one, who comparing his great wealth with the extreme poverty of the hospital, thinketh to defraud the hospital of that 20l . for ever.

I speak not here of my continual labours and suits in the behalf of the hospital, ever sithence the death of the earl of Leicester; whereby, contrary to my disposition and bringing up, I have been driven to give attendance here at London in the termtime, and contrary to that my poor state doth afford, I have been constrained to be at great charges for the hospital. And for to make me satisfaction again, having no manner of stock. Which truly, but for the continuance of so good a work to posterity, and duty toward the deceased lord, that the good work he honourably and faithfully proposed might not be dispurposed, I would never have endured until this time. I pass by also, that the living my lord of Leicester took me from, to bring me to this, was for profit much better, in regard of the charges that this place casteth upon me, which the other did not.

Having thus nakedly laid down the cause before the eyes of your honourable compassion, besides my most humble suit only in behalf of the poor, and of myself, I mean not to labour your lordship’s affections with such reasons, as the pitifulness of the cause will yield; as that which might be offensive to your honour, because of other your most weighty affairs; and hinder us also, while the reasons by us alleged would be short of that which your lordship of your own accord will conceive for us, better than we can lay down for ourselves, &c. London, the 23d of June, ann. Dom. 1590.

Your honour’s humbly to command, THO. CARTWRIGHT.

NUMBER 28.

The lord treasurer Burghley to the lord chancellor of Scotland, lord Maitland; to persuade the king his master to suppress the professed enemies of the gospel in his kingdom, and the adversaries of the common amity. This letter was occasioned by commendations brought to him by the earl of Worcester, sent in the year 1590 ambassador to that king, to congratulate his marriage; and withal to put him in mind betimes to suppress the popish faction, which grew strong in Scotland.

My very good lord, THERE are too manifest causes to move me to write to you in all kind manner, as every one of them alone is sufficient to me to write, and your lordship to receive the same in friendly sort. The old familiar acquaintance, in a very strict amity with your elder brother, the young laird Lethington, he a secretary to that crown, and I then to this crown, was so beneficial to both these crowns, by restoring them by our ministry into such a brotherly peace as never had been in many hundred years before; as the memory of the same is very agreeable to survive towards you his brother and a secretary by office, as he was, though now also placed in an office, being chancellor, which I account the principal secretary of that realm.

Next to this, the amity professed and accorded by treaty between the princes of both these realms, require conjunction of good-will in such ministers as are known to have credit with their superiors. Wherein, as I know you are with the king almost the only counsellor for managing of those affairs, so, without presumption, I may affirm, that I find myself, with some others interested, to be acquainted with the affairs of this realm: and in that respect I am the more willing to have intelligence with you for the furtherance and continuance of our sovereign’s amity.

And to add some more cause of my present writing, by receiving of your kind letter at the hand of sir John Carmichel, and by report of the earl of Worcester of your kind acceptance of my commendations sent to you by his lordship, I am to render your lordship thanks for the same. And to end our letter with that which might be the ground-plat of a long letter, I do in God’s name, and for the surety of your good king, require your lordship to advance the good intention of the king, testified by his majesty to the earl of Worcester, for the suppressing of the professed enemies of the gospel, by name Jesuits and seminaries, and the civil adversaries to the common amity, by name Spanish conspirators. And these being thoroughly suppressed, the king shall prosper in the sight of Almighty God, and shall be beloved and honoured of all honest men in the whole island. And joining in this manner of accord with the Christian princes that profess the gospel, he shall be feared as a potent prince of the adversaries, I mean papists: who truly, my lord, I know, being straitly pursued, are but cowards, like their father the pild priest at Rome. And in this act facies hominis will do in your young lusty king facies leonis. And so I leave all the rest that I might write of this argument to the bearer, sir John Carmichel, one very ready to serve with your lordship in this action, and one that honoureth and esteemeth your lordship worthy the place which you hold.

NUMBER 29.

The lord treasurer Burghley to count Figleazzi, with the duke of Florence; that he would acquaint the duke with the queen’s kind acceptance of his good-will towards her, and in his offer to mediate a peace between her and Spain: and the cause of contention between her and the king of Spain stated at large.

Occasioned by a letter sent to secretary Walsingham, since deceased.

Sir, ICANNOT otherwise think, but you have afore this time heard, or else I am sure you shall hear before this letter can come to your hands, of the death of Mr. Secretary Walsingham; who left this world the 6th of April, as we account by ancient custom. Whereby, though he hath gained a better state, as I am fully persuaded, for his soul in heaven, yet the queen’s majesty and her realms, and I and others, his particular friends, have had a great loss for the public use of his good, painful, and long services, and for the private comfort I had by his mutual friendship. But since it hath so pleased God, we now that are left in this vale of earthly troubles are to employ ourselves to remedy the loss, by applying ourselves to supply such defects as the loss of him hath brought; and for grief of the want of him that is dead, not to neglect actions meet for us, whom God permitteth still to live.

Wherefore, upon this action, the queen’s majesty hath recommended to me the consideration of such things as have passed between you and him divers months past. And for that purpose I have gathered together such letters as of late time have been sent from you to the said master secretary, and of such minutes as have been sent from him to you. And perusing of such as were found extant, and making her majesty acquainted therewith, (for in truth, Mr. Secretary had before his death always from time to time imparted all that passed between you) but yet since his death some of your letters directed to him were brought to me, by means of Philip Corsini, an honest merchant, and a dutiful subject to the great duke. Whereof I have also made her majesty privy.

And upon consideration of all things contained in these letters that passed between you and him, her majesty hath thought it very meet, yea, necessary, for the first, that the great duke should understand how thankfully her majesty accepteth his sincere and friendly disposition towards her and her state; and also that the intelligences begun between you and Mr. Secretary should not be let fall or broken off by his death, but continued by the interposition of me, being of her council, of her affairs, and matters of state of longest continuance here, and also of inward acquaintance with the said Mr. Secretary in all his public actions, since he came first to public service. And therefore by commandment of her majesty, I do require you to give the grand duke knowledge, that her majesty hath conceived of long time very good opinion first of the grand duke his father, of noble memory, as one that always by his friendly demonstrations deserved her majesty’s reciproke good-will to him and his noble family. Which mutual good-will now the present duke hath also not only continued, but, as it appeareth manifestly by sundry your letters, hath sought to increase. And therefore her majesty requests his excellency, that he would make such account of her majesty’s good-will and honourable opinion of him as she meaneth to deserve upon any first occasion that may be offered to be shewed by her towards him.

And where it appeareth that he hath had an earnest disposition to be a mediator, to compound the differences between her majesty and the king of Spain, she doth allow the same in him, as an office very Christian and honourable: and of her own part she never hath shewed any repugnancy to incline thereto; as well for the quietness of Christian peace, as for the avoiding of much Christian blood, and the ruin of the subjects of both their dominions. But yet her majesty wisheth that the grand duke might understand (which cannot be expressed in one letter) how long her majesty hath been urged to her long continuance of defensible forces for the safety, not only of her own life, (which she esteemeth not so much as the state of her kingdom and faithful subjects,) but for preservation of her noble crown, and the lives and liberties of her people. Against the which the king of Spain hath ever almost, since God called her to this crown, (being now almost thirty-two years,) moved matters, partly by practice of his ministers within this realm, and sustentation of secret rebellious actions within her realm against her person; partly by open hostilities with pretence to conquer her dominions. For withstanding whereof, when her often ambassadors, by persons of great honour sent into Spain divers years, could not prevail to move him to renew the form of the ancient amity that had been aforetime between their two fathers, the emperor Charles V. and king Henry VIII. both of most noble memory, with offer on her part to live to perfect amity with him, and in peace with all his subjects; her majesty was moved by the law of nature, and according to the power that God had given her, to defend her kingdom and subjects, finding no other remedy, to make all preparations requisite to be able to defend herself and countries.

As hitherto God hath blessed her actions in the sight of the world, rather in a sort miraculous, as by his divine favour, than natural by the work of men’s hand, if the forces, riches, greatness of countries, and multitudes of subjects at his commandment, out of very many his kingdoms and dominions, be compared with her majesty’s small portions of her kingdoms of England and Ireland, two small isles.

And howsoever her majesty’s actions, by having some of her forces in the Low Countries, are calumniated on the king of Spain’s part, yet her majesty doubteth not, but all such as are wise in matters political, and are not blinded with partial affection, will judge her majesty’s actions in that behalf most necessary, and therefore not unjust. In one action both to keep her enemy out of her own country, and to succour her neighbours, being by tyranny oppressed; as by ancient alliances and compacts, not only with her majesty, as the supreme prince of this crown, but with her subjects, and most of her particular cities, who are especially bound to the city and every town of the Low Countries, by mutual solemn bonds remaining in force, to maintain them in their freedoms and liberties. As also the like may be truly said for defence of her actions in suffering her subjects, having been spoiled of their ships and goods in Spain, in times of all outward appearance of free traffick, to be revenged upon the seas against the subjects of the king of Spain, as well in the continent countries as in the islands.

But for a full satisfaction in defence of her majesty’s intention to prove her Christian disposition to desire peace, what can be of more force than this, which is most true, and publicly known, that she refused not in the year 1588, now past, to send sundry noblemen of great birth, and of her council, to Flanders, to offer and to treat of peace with certain of the king’s part.

Where tong time was first spent on the king of Spain’s part, by delay of a sufficient commission, and of commissioners well authorized; and afterwards by other dilatory cavillations, during many months; until even when the king’s commissioners were directed from Spain; and coming to some likelihood to conclude an accord, wherewith her majesty was very glad, the king of Spain’s monstrous navy and great mighty army was come to the sea, and was come to the seacoast in sight of the queen’s commissioners, (that expected a conclusion of peace,) near Calais; ready there to have come and landed in England, if a navy, which her majesty had, far inferior to the Spanish, had not valiantly attempted to stay them from landing. And so, partly by the force thereof, and partly stricken with fear, the said mighty navy gave place; and was, partly by fire, and partly by the courage of the English navy, forced to flee away in all haste from the coast to the north of Scotland. And so they were led by God’s mighty hand to their ruin, the west coast of Ireland; and by the savage people of that land spoiled, and very cruelly handled; whereof it is too well known in Spain what losses the said navy and army sustained, and what great number of prisoners came to the commandment of her majesty, both in England and Ireland; and the same sent home into Spain upon small ransoms, without loss of their lives, although their set purpose was to have spared no man’s life; no, not the life of old or young, nor of any sex, as they have confessed.

But of this matter I mind not to treat any longer in the body of a letter; neither meant I in the beginning of my letters to have treated hereof; but entering into some consideration how her majesty’s actions are depraved by her rebels and her adversaries, and knowing how false the reports are made thereof, even by printing of public false libels, I could not stay my pen, being in the hand of one that in my heart and conscience do know how false the same are. But now to make an end hereof, leaving the consideration hereof to your judgment, either to keep the same to yourself, or to impart the same to the grand duke, or to any other prince or person of public vocation, I do affirm unto you, on my honour, and in the faith of a Christian, that all that I have written hereof is true, and to be proved many ways for just and true.

Now followeth that which I am commanded to report to yourself, which is, that her majesty finding your private disposition to follow the natural affection of the grand duke, your lord, her majesty commandeth me to give you her hearty thanks, and assureth you, that following and furthering the grand duke’s disposition, of his love and. goodwill towards her majesty, you shall never find cause to repent yourself. And as for the matter of mine, to reduce her majesty and the king of Spain to accord and to live in peace, her majesty knowing how inculpable she is, either for any beginning or for continuing these troubles, she cannot devise how to reform her course; but as the king of Spain hath and shall shew himself either contented to live in peace, or to make proof of his great power by using that hostility against her majesty, her people, and countries, so she must and will be answerable to the one course or other; that is, most willingly to live in peace with the king, if he so will yield thereto; and if not, then she findeth the favour of God to be ready for maintenance of her rights, with such Originally published Oxford, 1824 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 66-20694 Printed in the U.S.A. powers as God hath given her: as she will never yield to his threatenings, nor, by God’s grace, will be unready to defend herself and her dominions against the king of Spain, how mighty or strong soever he shall be by sea or land. And though this be her majesty’s princely resolution, yet she will not refuse any friendly advice of so noble a prince as the grand duke is. But if he shall attempt by any means to become a mediator for peace between her majesty and the king of Spain, she will always incline to follow his advice, as of a person of state and dignity, knowing what be-longeth to the honour and reputation of monarchs: among whom,although she is a woman, yet she esteemeth her honour as worthy to be regarded as the honour of any man, being an emperor or king.

When I had written thus far, and looked back to the quantity of the lines written, I began to mislike the length thereof, as not convenient for a letter; but considering how the matter led me to that length, being of that nature as I could have continued much longer therein, in respect of the multitude of writings published in sundry countries by men, partly malicious, partly ignorant of truth, to deprave and condemn her majesty’s actions, necessarily and justly taken in hand, for defence both of her own person and country.--But this being my first letter to you, I do now rather choose to break off, and retain in silence a great deal of matter that might be revealed, than to breed loathsomeness or mislike, either in yourself by reading, or in the grand duke by your report; and do conclude as I began, to require you, that the grand duke may be most assured of her majesty’s kind acceptation of his good-will, and that she can be well content to remit to his wisdom to deal between her and the king of Spain, to have all controversies cease, and to resort to love: but with condition of peace for themselves and their subjects, as their fathers of most noble memory did during their whole lives. Whereunto the queen’s majesty will be found most ready to yield to any reasonable conditions, so as the same may be treated upon with more respect of her honour than was used by the treaty in Flanders, in summer 1588, when the king’s navy came violently, and broke up the treaty in such sort as her majesty found herself thereby dishonourably used, although the goodness of God turned the same, by the destruction of the king’s navy, to her good and honour.

NUMBER 30.

A certificate under the hands of several of the lords of their allowance of one Edg, an espial, employed into the camp of the duke of Parma, for intelligence. Drawn up by the pen of the lord Burghley. October 9, 1590. WHEREAS John Edg, gentleman, in the county of Lancaster, serving the queen’s majesty in Berghen op Zome, as a gentleman in the horse band of sir John Pooly, knt. hath offered, by such familiarity as he hath with some gentlemen, his countrymen, that do serve in some bands under the duke of Parma, to discover some things in the said duke’s army profitable for her service, and there to perform some special service, allowable, and worthy of commendation and reward: and lest he might incur some danger or reproof for his familiar conversation with any of his said countrymen, he hath required us to allow of his offer, and to preserve his credit against such as might maliciously, or ignorantly, and for lack of knowledge of his good intent to do such good service to her majesty, condemn or reprove him:

We, to whom the said John Edg hath declared this his good intent and offer of service, do allow thereof. And if he shall, by his conversation with any his countrymen in the said duke’s army or retinue, discover any thing worthy of knowledge, and shall perform any action laudable, and profitable for her majesty at any time, within the space of here after the date hereof, we will acquit him against any that shall accuse or reprove him for his absence from his place of service at Berghen, and for his familiarity and conversation with any of his countrymen, serving under the duke of Parma.

In witness whereof we have signed this writing with our hands, and are content that it shall remain secretly in the custody of sir Robert Sydney, governor of Flushing.

NUMBER 31.

Richard Topclyff, a discoverer and taker up of popish seminaries, and other papists, his discourse of them in a letter sent to the lord treasurer; about the year 1590, in this time of danger. SEEING it hath pleased you to use me heretofore as a watchman, and thereby am of some experience of the natures, properties, and subtle conditions of those unnatural subjects the papists, &c. He therefore sent a discourse to the said lord, entitled, A simple opinion of a diligent scout or watchman in my country, suddenly done, as the time gives occasion, touching the most perilous and dangerous recusants and dissembling papists throughout England.

First, he treats of the persons to be shut up, and of what sorts and degrees, in this time of danger now expected.

Secondly, where and how they are to be shut up and guarded.

For the first, I do perceive your lordship is very resolved to shut up under safeguard and keeping all the principal recusants within this realm, lest that (as traitorous priests have confessed) they should join with the catholic enemy; for so the enemy expecteth, or else he would never presume to come, especially, to invade. And the plain and bold papists do, both in their open confessions and in their secret speeches, avow so to do, whensoever they find fittest time.

But I know that there is a great danger in many others, who sometimes do come to the church, and yet be papists, both in their inward hearts and in their outward actions and conversations, refusing to receive the communion; and in every thing else as ill as the worst. Of which there be also two sorts. The one goeth to the church for saving of the penalties of thirteen score pounds a year, yet his wife and whole family, or most of them, continue resolute recusants, and harbour traitors. The other sort go to the church because they may avoid suspicion of the magistrates the better; and is dispensed withal by some secret dispensation of a delegate, or such a great priest as hath episcopal authority; to the end they may the better, and with the less suspicion, serve the turn of their cause catholic, in receiving and harbouring the most notable priests and intelligencers, in consulting with them and others, in conveying to and from letters and advertisements; or, if they be either great of power, wit, knowledge, courage, or desperation, (termed resolution by father Parsons,) to serve the turn, any way, when their day of Jhesus cometh, as the traitors Jesuits call it, &c. Dr. Parry is my witness, taking the oath in the parliament-house.

The traitorous dissimulation of that vile person is not forgotten, nor the memory of the friars; one being the death of the prince of Orange, and the other of the late French king.

There be also ladies, gentlewomen, as well married as widows, needful to be shut up, in effect, as much as men. And, though they cannot go to the field, and lie in camps, (for the sex and shame,) yet they want no desire nor malice, every one being furnished with a lusty priest harboured in her closet, who shall serve as her lieutenant, when that holy day of Jesus cometh. Or else she is prepared of a lusty catholic champion, servant, tenant, or neighbour, or son, for her purpose: command her purse, horse, armour, and tenant. And whether she be wife, widow, maid, or whatsoever, harbours, receives, and relieves priests and traitors fugitives, or else ready to assist foreign invasion.

And seeing far greater is the fury of a woman once resolved to evil, than the rage of a man, I humbly beseech your lordship, that that sex of women be not overlooked: the rather, seeing Gregory Martyn, the translator of the Testament, in his English book, entitled, The treatise of schism, wisheth, “among all the constant catholic gentlewomen of England, one constant Judith, to cut off Holo. fernes head, to amaze all the heretics, that they might never defile their religion again, by communicating with heretics in any sort. And severely one constant Judith would make many like servants.

A thing much to be wished for the catholic bringing up of young gentlewomen, who otherwise be in danger of Holofernes, and his ungracious enemies. And so goeth on, teaching how a Judith may dissemble, until she strike off Holofernes head.

Of these patronesses of priests, it is incredible how great a number there lurketh in and about London.

There is also a third sort, of mean gentlemen in degree, franklings, head yeomen, artificers, husbandmen, &c. whose malice be hot and barbarous.

And how great or small soever their wealth and power be, their credits be grown big among country people and papists; and some of their powers and knowledges, to kindle a rebellion, as much as captain Cobler in Lincolnshire, or captain Ket in Norfolk, were.

These mean papists, now, in the absence of the grand papists and landlords, from their strength and countries, shall have authority, or else without authority, by the love and credit among common people, papists and malecontents, to will and command the servants, tenants, freeholders, and people of all sorts, as much, and many of them more, than the grand papists, lords, masters, might do, if they were at home, and had liberty.

My wish is, not to have all papists to be shut up; for the prisons of all England cannot retain them. But if the worse spirits be regarded, it will not be amiss.

For the place where, and how, all sorts should be shut up.--Where the persons may be kept most surely, and their counsel and power to do least harm.

Then it is sure the prisoner, being committed far off, in distance from his own country, friends, and power, shall be most sure, and do least hurt. As for example, the papists in Yorkshire to be committed in some strong house in Kent or Surrey, from the seaside; and, for exchange, the papists in Kent and Surrey to be committed in Yorkshire: and so the papists in Cornwall and Devonshire, of the west parts, to Norfolk, Kent, or in the east parts; and, contrary, they in Norfolk, Suffolk, to go westward. The papists not to be near their own habitations, living, strength, or power: for who doubteth that a resolute papist, especially the son, the next heir, a loving servant, or kind tenant, or near neighbour, tied by natural or kind bonds, but chiefly bound by bondage he hath avowed to the catholic church of Rome, when he was received into it, as a true child and member thereof, and whereof he received his God, to his damnation, if he continued not obedient, will not adventure, if he hear news of the catholic power, or of a civil rebellion, to ride in a secret or stormy night, or two night journeys, with 40 or 50, or more, desperate and resolute catholics, kinsmen, servants, friends, or tenants, to redeem and set at liberty his father, master, landlord, or friend, by some stratagem, murder, or policy, out and from the place where a plain bishop or gentleman hath as many gentlemen in hold as prisoners, wanting nothing to set themselves at liberty but sharp weapons, as the number of these persons amounteth unto who guard those prisoners.

And I well remember, that when the Spanish fleet was upon the seas in summer in 88, at what time the papists were restrained, and a number of them sent to Ely, I know some three or four of them, who in that place were within two nights and two days journey of their habitations, servants, tenants, kinsmen, and friends, who among them had been able to have raised near an hundred able men; and most of their own affection.

Then it is dangerous and disputable, whether it be convenient or not to have any multitude of papists in one place together; especially in such a place as the Isle of Ely, where the tenants, servants, and friends of all those papists so restrained, once gathered together by one and by two, (as going to some fair,) they might have troubled all England. Such is the trouble of the place.

NUMBER 32.

A prayer composed for the good success of the French king; printed 1590, with this title: A Prayer used in the queen’s majesty’s house and chapel, for the prosperity of the French king and his nobility; assailed by a multitude of notorious rebels, that are supported and waged by great forces of foreigners, August 21, 1590.

O MOST mighty God, the only protector of all kings and kingdoms, we, thy humble servants, do here with one heart and one voice call upon thy heavenly grace for the prosperous state of all faithful Christian princes; and namely, at this time, that it would please thee of thy merciful goodness to protect by thy favour, and arm with thine own strength, the most Christian king, the French king, against the rebellious conspirations of his rebellious subjects, and against the mighty violence of such foreign forces as do join themselves with these rebels, with intention to deprive him most unjustly of his kingdom; but finally, to exercise their tyranny against our sovereign lady, and her kingdom and people; and against all others that do profess the gospel of thy only Son our Lord Jesus Christ.

Now, O Lord, is the time when thou mayest shew forth thy goodness, and make known thy power. For now are these rebels risen up against him, and have fortified themselves with strange forces, that are known to be mortal enemies both to him and us. Now do they all conspire and combine themselves against thee, O Lord, and against thy anointed. Wherefore now, O Lord, aid and maintain thy just cause; save and deliver him, and his army of faithful subjects, from the malicious, cruel, bloody men; send him help from thy holy sanctuary, and strengthen him out of Sion.

O Lord, convert the hearts of his disloyal subjects. Bring them to the truth and due obedience of Jesus Christ. Command thy enemies not to touch him, being thy anointed, professing thy holy gospel, and putting his trust only in thee. Break asunder their bands that conspire thus wickedly against him: for his hope is in thee. Let his help be by thee. Be unto him as thou wast to king David, whom thy right hand had exalted, the God of his salvation, a strong castle, a sure bulwark, a shield of defence, and place of refuge. Be unto him council and courage, policy and power, strength and victory. Defend his head in the day of battle. Comfort his army, his true, faithful noblemen, the princes of his blood, and all other his faithful subjects. Strengthen them to join their hearts and hands with him: associate unto him such as may aid him to maintain his right, and be zealous of thy glory. Let thy holy angels walk in circuit about his realm, about his loyal people; that the enemies thereof, though they be multiplied in number, though they exalt themselves with horses and horsemen, though they trust to their numbers, to their shields, and glory in strength, yet they may see with Elizeus the unresistible army of angels which thou canst send for the defence of thy inheritance; and that thy enemies may know and confess that thy power standeth not in multitude, nor thy might in strong men: but thou, O Lord, art the help of the humble, the defender of the weak, the protector of them that are forsaken, and the saviour of all those who put their trust in thee.

O merciful Father, we acknowledge thy gracious goodness in our own former deliverance from the like kind of enemies and rebels against thy anointed, our sovereign lady and queen, professing thy gospel. So will we do in this, and be as joyful of it, and no less thankful for it; and make the same to be for ever an occasion unto us of our more faithful subjection to our own dread sovereign. Whom, Lord, we beseech now and evermore most mercifully bless with health of body, peace of country, purity of religion, prosperity of estate, and all inward and outward earthly happiness and heavenly felicity. This grant, merciful Father, for the glory of thine own name, and for Christ Jesus’ sake, our Mediator and only Saviour. Amen.

NUMBER 33.

Spanish advertisements, delivered by Thomas Willys, a Leicestershire man, Feb. 2, 1590. so endorsed.

The declaration of Tho. Willys; taken the 21. of Febr. 1590.

HE saith, that he set sail from Cales in Spain the 2d of February, and arrived at Portsmouth on Tuesday, at night, the 17th of the same.

The news at Spain, at his being at Port St. Maria, is this: He saith, that at Gibraltar the admiral of the galleys, called don Martin de Padila, had two galleons now building. The king gives him the wood and the nails. The report of some is, that they shall go of merchandise to the Indies; and some say, they are made to keep the Straits, that the English may not pass into Barbary.

There is lying in the bay of Cales a great galleon of Florence, of the burden of 1500 ton. To what purpose he knoweth not: but, as they say, she is dismissed from the king’s armada. There is a report that the king of Spain is fallen out with the duke of Florence. The reason is this; the duke having lent the king one million of treasure, the king required to borrow another of him: which he refused to do, and desired to send him back his galleon, and that which he already ought him: and then he would lend him another million.

He saith, that a Fleming coming into Cales, being a great hulk, was seized for the king’s service, as he thinketh, for carriage of masts and provisions to the king’s armada.

He saith, that there are six men of war, furnished by the king, and appointed to keep at the Cape of St. Vincent.

He saith, that there be twelve new ships building in Biskay after the English fashion, as the report is, and do lack nothing but masts. These ships are accounted to be the best and most principal that the king hath. The report is at Cales, that there are at the Groin and at Ferrol about 50 or 60 great ships, which went to the sea in August to meet their fleet coming from the India, and fearing they were to stay thatand not come away, they returned back to Ferrol, with the loss of two ships, and the dispending of one.

That day on which he came from Cales there were six captains of galleys to be beheaded at the Port St. Mary by the king’s express commandment. For that in August last they met two English ships between Lishbone and the Port St. Mary, and durst not set upon them, being in the whole fourteen galleys.

He heard that the Indian fleet is in the Havana, and did determine to set sail for Spain about the first of February; accounting to be at home about the end of March next.

At his coming from Cales there was a certain report that the earl of Cumberland had besieged the Havana with 150 sail of ships, and had driven the Spaniards to that extremity, that they must deliver up all their ships, and whatsoever they had, unto him and his fleet. This was so generally bruited at Cales, that the people did cry out against the king, saying, that he had robbed them, and both they and were undone. And that they gave him their money, but could not have any remedy.

He saith that in the indies there are six or seven new builded, and do come along with the fleet; and there are fifty ships more which do coast them home; and sixty laded with treasure. And he saith this is the whole number of the fleet, as he heareth.

There is a report that at the Groin there are a great number of soldiers: some say 14,000; some say 10,000; and he never heard under 8000. And those are very good and old soldiers, which are belonging to the ships that are there. Some say that there are 30,000 soldiers; whereof 10,000 horsemen enpressed to go for France.

He saith that the impost which the king doth levy of the people is so great, as that they cannot sustain them. And he understood, a little before his coming away, by one Hugh Leton, an Englishman, and a merchant of Sevil, who told it him in secret talk, that the president of Sevil had told him, that their king could not hold out one year longer, as he did begin, except there were some great remedy.

He saith that the king hath taken this order, that what Spaniard soever shall put himself forth for a gentleman, and is none, shall find him a man and an horse, to the maintenance of the war. And because they are of a proud nature, rather than this shall be a question of their gentility, they have offered a great sum of money, (which he heard and named.) But at this time they are compounding with him for it. Moreover, the king hath the tenth of all things that are sold. So as if it be sold ten times, he hath the price of the thing itself.

He saith also that there is one that’goeth up and down all Spain, requiring a gathering of free gift (without enforcing) of all dukes, condies, and the nobility, and also of all the chief cities and towns, for the king’s wars.

He saith, that there is an Englishman come to St. Mary Port, and so is gone to the king; and hath 50 crowns a month of him, as a pensioner: he calleth himself Williams, alias Morgan; a little short man, with long black hair.

There are five or six Englishmen which serve in the galleys under Martin de Padilia; and have pay of the king: whereof there is one called captain Crippes; who hath fifty crowns a month; and the rest, some 10, some 8, some 4 crowns a month. And those who have four crowns a month have their meat and drink.

He saith that the Scots which brought him home had a Scotchman with them, a pilot, who had once served the king in his armada, and by some means got away; had come now with them into Andaluzia, thinking he should not be known. But notice was presently given to the admiral of the galleys of his being there. Whereupon he was sent for, and put into the galleys.

He hath also brought a note of the names of all the English which are now slaves in the galleys.

NUMBER 34.

An Office to be deputed. In a suit to be a general register of all the christening’s, marriages, and burials, within her majesty’s realm of England and Wales: with the reasons for the same. To the lord treasurer Burghley.

THE benefit that will grow to her majesty and her successors thereby: 1. An annual rent of an 100l . by year to her majesty and her successors for ever. 2. That it will be much profit to her majesty, for the explaining of the ages of her wards, being now greatly abused by excheaters and feodaries, in the benefits and commodities which may thereby grow to her subjects. 3. That it shall tend to the great good of many, which shall have occasion to have certificates, either for lawful copplement in matrimony, or in case of bastardy. 4. That it shall dearly avoid all cosenages made by those under age, either in levying of fines, suffering recoveries, acknowledging statutes or recognisances, or doing any other matter of record. 5. That the entrance of the baptisms, as it shall be provided for, will be a clear deciphering of all half bloods, or controversies daily happening under colour of half or whole blood. 6. That it will be a curb for those who pretend to be sundry times married. 7. That it shall much tend to the deciding of many controversies, which daily grow by reason of the life or death of persons. 8. There shall be also yearly delivered unto your honour, and unto every lord treasurer, from the time being, a summary of the whole.

Whereby it shall appear unto you and them, how many christenings, weddings, and burials be every year within England and Wales, and every county particularly by itself, and how many men children and women children in either of them severally set down by themselves. A patent for this was sent from the lord treasurer to the archbishop of Canterbury, for his judgment.

NUMBER 35.

Inconveniences of parish clerkships. WHEREAS about the year 1590, somebody had endeavoured to obtain such an office to appoint all parish clerks, whether in the city of London only, or of greater compass, appeareth not; but there was a paper shewing the inconveniences thereof, drawn up by archbishop Whitgift, as it seems; for it is his secretary’s hand; and found among the lord treasurer’s papers: who had desired the archbishop’s thoughts of such an office, which some had made suit for.

INCONVENIENCES IN THE PETITION MOVED FOR A GRANT OF THE PARISH CLERKSHIPS, OR FOR SURVEYING THEM.

1. Law and custom hath in all parishes established the appointing of the parish clerk and sexton in the minister and in the parishioners. 2. Their service is to the minister in church matters, for the use of all the parishioners; therefore fittest to be chosen by them; as it is observed every where. 3. They receive their fees and accustomed wages of the parishioners; therefore a stranger cannot be obtruded well upon them: for if any of another’s appointment be their clerk, they will think it hard measure that they should be forced to maintain him. 4. He that is no way beholden, either to the minister or parishioners, nor in any awe of them for his office, will neither perform duty nor diligence. 5. If the grantee shall do the office in his own person, then can he have but the employment of one parish: for he must be attendant thereon upon all occasions, early and late. If by a deputy, such one will hardly leave his wages, when their common servant is appointed by another: besides, the grantee will for his own commodity reserve some part for himself. And so the service will be either performed by an insufficient man, or at least be very greatly neglected. 6. The office of surveying all parish clerks is but a shift to pick out money from the poor men, and in no respect requisite or needful: for the reformation of them, being negligent or faulty, is by law already settled in the ordinaries. 7.

These and such like grants, as they are very extraordinary, so are they burdensome to the queen’s subjects, and unprofitable for the commonwealth, and serve only for the private gain of private persons: which nevertheless prosper not when they have them. [A secret check to these suitors, whereof there were many in these times.] By the copy of the patent, which your lordship sent unto me, there is granted the buying of books, clappers of bells, and other necessaries for the use of the church, at the parishioners’ cost and charges: a matter most unreasonable. For so he may still poll them, and make what accounts he list, and they have no remedy. 9. Besides, the laws and her majesty’s Injunctions lay this trust upon the churchwardens of the parish, being of the substantialest men, whom the rest think good to trust; and therefore do make choice of, to disburse their money in that behalf.

NUMBER 36.

Sir John Smyth’s letter to the lord treasurer, May , 1590, upon the suppression of his book of directions concerning military discipline.

Right honourable, &c. WHEREAS I certainly understood, that the book I composed, and was lately printed, is now forbidden to be sold, greatly to the hinderance of the poor printer; certainly, if the said suppression do still continue, it will (although unjustly) greatly redound to my reproach and shame. That the world shall imagine, that I have been of so small foresight and consideration, as to compose and set forth a book containing so disordered matters, that it should be extinguished almost at the first coming out of the same.

Besides, that it will hereafter not only be a great encouragement upon employments military unto our such men of war again to follow such detestable courses as are contained in my proem, to the great evil of the realm.

How good an intention soever I have had, to the uttermost of my power, done beforetime, to the honour and service of her majesty and my country, it hath been very little or nothing regarded; and therefore labour lost.

Neither employed at home nor abroad; but only in the mustering and training of the regiments of this shire of Essex in the year 1588. Which by the malicious and false reports of Leycester, that I did was all turned to my disgrace. And now since his death, I mean the last summer, I was here in the shire, I was to my disgrace put out of the commission of subsidy. And in the ever since I came to keep house here, I have been made inferior in all affairs of the shire to divers that are but of the same call ing which I am, and that were but boys, and went to school, when I had spent some time in the service of some princes, &c.

I have at this present above 1001 . land by the year less than I had when her majesty called me from beyond the seas. Besides that, I am at this present seeking, by all the means that I can, to sell a great deal more of my patrimony, partly to pay her majesty, and other my debts.

All men may see, that sir Roger Williams, [a great captain in the Netherlands,] in a little book that he composed of late, doth in the beginning thereof in terrible sort touch some chieftains of ours, such men of war, as I call them, that had served in the Low Countries. And the same he hath so plainly set down, and with such signs and tokens, that, in the opinion of divers gentlemen that have served in these parts, he doth, as it were, evidently shew whom he meaneth. And besides, in the latter end of his discourse, he doth in some sort touch and disable the opinions of the old men of war, or silently, yet living of our nation. All which notwithstanding, his book hath been very well allowed of, and never called in question for any suppression.

Because I have been no ways employed in so many years, and that I have no skill nor desire to follow hunting and hawking, but do live almost continually retired in my house, (except when I go further, to the court;) I, for lack of other things to do, have given myself to compose four or five little books, all treating more or less of matters of arms. And that I have done with intent, that in time to come the same might some ways profit the crown and realm. See something more of this gentleman’s quality, and of his troubles, being committed to the Tower, under the year 1590. Entered in the starchamber.

NUMBER 37.

Thomas Cartwright to the lord treasurer Burghley. Liberty now granted, ted by the archbishop of Canterbury to him and other puritans in prison. He is falsely charged about a purpose to excommunicate the queen. WHEREAS I have been and continue an humble suitor to your good lordship, that by your honour’s mediation I may obtain some relief of my long and tedious imprisonment, it may please your lordship (for better furtherance of it) to understand, that my fellow-prisoners in the Clink and White-lion have all from his grace this degree of liberty granted, upon their own bond of 401 . only, upon this condition alone, to return to their prison at night; that they may go to church upon the sabbath day; and to such as allege special cause of business for it, any other day in the week; namely, to Mr. Fenne, Mr. King.

Further also it may please your lordship to be informed concerning the rest of the def. [defendants,] myself, and the deponents in our cause, according to the note which I have here enclosed. [This note wanting.] Moreover, what I hear, that some misinform against me, that I should both write something undutifully, touching the excommunicating of her majesty, and also be in a plot for the execution of the same, I beseech your lordship to hear my true answer to as unjust an accusation as ever was devised against any. For I unfeigned]y protest to your lordship, in the presence of Almighty God, the searcher of all hearts, that I am so far from being any party, or privy to any such execution, as that such a thing never entered so much as once into my thoughts.

As for the rest, how meanly soever they that have so informed esteem of my discretion, yet I assure myself it shall never be proved by true note of my writing or speech, that I have undutifully and in unseemly manner treated at any time of excommunication; or ever applied it to the person of a prince, much less precisely to her majesty’s royal person. Wherefore I assure myself, that when this private surmise shall be examined, (which I most humbly desire it may be to the uttermost,) it will fall out to have no more truth than the public accusation, that I had given over my ministry, and taken a new and truer ministry in my hands, was in Martin’s libel, where I of the clean contrary part both maintained my ministry against some excepting unto it, as no ministry, and was ever an enemy to Martin’s disordered course.

Such doctrine also as I taught of excommunication, either by writing many years ago, or sithen by preaching, is no singular opinion, but the same which the universal church of God, and particularly this our own church of England both now alloweth, and always heretofore; as in our most humble supplication presented unto her majesty in all our behalfs is more fully declared: except it be in the excommunication of the emperor Theodosius.

Where I maintain that it was neither done, nor to be done by any one man, Ambrose or other, but by synod or council. And his grace affirmeth it to have been done by Ambrose only; yea, and setteth forth the commendation of the same; as may appear in our books. Other difference, I know none.

Which being so, I humbly beseech your lordship, as to your wisdom shall seem convenient, to use your honourable means for my liberty or bail, as it may be obtained, for ease of this heavy affliction, and for dealing in such business as I have to do; which greatly importeth both mine own estate and some of my friends; especially the hospital, whereof I have charge, and which is diversly defrauded by men that pull from it, &c. Fleet, the 15th of January, 1591.

Your lordship’s humbly to command, THOM. CARTWRIGHT.

NUMBER 38.

Tho. Cartwright to the lady Russel. Moving her to intercede with her relation, the lord treasurer, for his liberty, and other puritan ministers in prison. Writ in August 1591.

I AM glad, right honourable, that that which I might truly do, I did also agreeable unto your honour’s liking, touching the mention of your worthy father, [sir Anthony Cook,] in my letters I wrote unto you. Howbeit, to commend you by your father is is ajpo< th~v skia~v ejpainei~n thanta h\ ajpo< tw~n ojnu>cwn toonta ): which is a slender praise, when there are better notes than these are. For beside the mark of learning in yourself, rare in your sex, that is also worthy commendation, that you favour those which are learned, or rather (meaning myself) which desire to be learned; yet this is not that wherein your praise doth or ought to consist, as that which already of all other parts of the flower of the grass tarrieth longest, yet fadeth it away, and is no better than a summer flower, not able to resist the scythe of death, if by the winter storm of sickness or of old age it be not before prevented. So that the fame and report that riseth from thence hath no more steadiness, than the voice which is committed to the air, or writing engraven in the water. Godliness only is that which endureth, and maketh to endure such as have gotten possession of it. For which, although I might persuadedly commend your honour, as having heard somewhat of others, and some experiences myself; yet I had rather exhort you to a further increase therein, than enter into the praise of that which the Lord hath already begun. For that beside it wanteth not peril in slacking our course toward the goal of the crown of glory, when we are established into opinion of some good advancement that way, the praise of that which is good in us is seldom safe, unless it be mingled with the reproof of that which remaineth still amiss, and shall remain as long as we be compassed with this body of sin. Which latter, when it belongeth not unto me, that know not your honour’s wants, as I have been made acquainted with the good things which the Lord God hath planted in you, I easily see a law of silence laid upon me in that thing which my suitors especially do willingly pursue.

Albeit here I cannot pass by your singular and very rare favour towards me, whom it pleased to become after a sort a suitor unto me, that your honour might do me good, by preventing, through your honourable offer, that which partly my poor estate, and partly the small means of access, by any duty of mine sent before, did shut me from. Yet forgat I not your honourable and kind usage of me, when I was with you some five years past: so far as it pleased you to call in two noble plants, your daughters, and in my hearing to tell them, that I was a man whom for good reports you favoured, and willed them for the same, in respect as any occasion might serve to righteousness. But, alas! good madam, what encouragement could I take thereby, when looking into myself I see so little that might bear out that opinion you had conceived of me. Howbeit, seeing it pleaseth you in your honourable disposition thus to break upon me, and after a sort to enforce your honourable assistance towards me, it were too foolish and rustical a shamefastness to refuse so honourable a hand reached forth unto me.

Wherefore, with very humble and thankful acknowledgment, I lay hold of your honourable favour; which, although it should come alone, and unaccompanied, yet is it that for which I will take myself greatly beholden unto your honour. Then I lay hold of the fruits of your favour, so far forth as the same may be convenient for your estate in your honourable mediation towards such as you shall think good; especially towards my singular good lord, the lord treasurer. Of whom, what to desire, I know not. His honour knoweth the pitiful case wherein we stand. I trust also he knoweth how innocent we are of the things we stand charged with, if for his great and weighty affairs it had pleased him to inform himself of the proceeding with us. We thought the suit of ministers, upon reasonable bail, to return to their houses, (among whom some of us have preached the gospel xxx years of her majesty’s reign,) would not have been refused: being that which oftentimes is yielded unto felons; but hath been often to recusants, papists. We being therefore refused herein, I know not what we should make suit for.

Again, it astonisheth me, that we are not easily suffered to come to her majesty by our most humble supplication. In the empire of Rome there was not the vilest servant to whom the emperor’s image, standing in the midst of the market-place, was not a good sanctuary, if he once laid hold of it.

And with us it hath always been far better; that by supplication the poorest subject might come, not to the image of our most gracious prince, but unto the prince herself. These things make me, that, as I said, I know not what to desire. But if I might understand what were likely to be granted, although it were never so little, and whereof it would please his honour to be an honourable means, there is no ease so small, but we would gladly and thankfully embrace.

Now, besides the common calamity of us all, mine hath something by itself.

For all the other prisoners for this cause having access to them from all their friends, the warrant of the high commission restraineth me from all, saving my wife, and such as have necessary business with me. Which thing I would be well contented with, if it were afforded me accordingly. For if I might, I would not, for divers causes, have many come unto me. But the warden [of the Fleet,] whether esteeming thereby to gratify the bishops, and others whom he thinketh this will be pleasing to, or of his own hard disposition towards me, construeth it more strictly against me than the meaning of the high commission was. For I take that upon experience of the multitudes that visited me the last time I was in prison, (as much to my misliking as theirs,) they sent the warrant of this restraint. Yet dare I not complain of the hard usage of me more than other keepers to their prisoners, lest he might use that for a mean to cause the BB. [bishops] to restrain them also of the access of their friends. But it is a thing which I can, I thank God, well bear. And therefore will not trouble your honour with the suit of so small a matter.

Again, if I should make suit in regard of my infirmities, the gout especially, which gaineth on me, it is like that the council is informed that I complained of them without a cause. For the bishop of London speaking openly, that I had therein abused her majesty’s privy-council, they would not, although I humbly beseeched him to suffer me to answer one word unto it. For if he would, I could have alleged the testimony of the physician, who had witnessed it under his hand: which the archbishop taking from my wife, would not restore again. I could also have brought good testimony, how having but small comfort from the physician that physic would do me good in prison, (as that which the air itself would give the check unto,) yet was I fain to take divers strong purgations, one within three or four days of another, to such a pulling down of my body, as I was scarce able to bear mine own clothes. Now to do all this without cause of disease, I think, might be rather judged phrensy than hypocrisy. And surely I was far from being ambitious in laying down my infirmities before the board of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council, that I did not once make mention of the sciatica, wherewith I have been exercised many years.

But I perceive I have too much given the reins to the grief of my mind; out of the which my pen hath been very liberal to utter my complaint unto your honour. Wherefore I will make an end, leaving all to your honourable consideration, what to keep to yourself, and what to communicate to his lordship, what to ask, or what to leave unasked: that is to say, what you think his lordship can conveniently and with his good liking effect, making no doubt but that his honour standeth favourably inclined toward me. If I obtain nothing else, yet I most humbly pray his lordship that I may remain still in his good opinion that he hath conceived of me; at least so far as to be free from those misdemeanours which the L. BB. do surmise. And thus with my humble thanks for all your honourable favour and care of me, I commend your honour and your whole household, and children especially, unto the gracious keeping and blessing of God in Jesus Christ. Fleet, the l3th of August, an. 91.

Your honour’s humbly to command, T. CARTWRIGHT.

This letter was sent to the lad y Russel, who had offered to Cartwright to intercede (for any request he had to make to the lord treasurer ) for him.

And she sent the whole letter to him, with these words of her writing set in the superscription; “Good my lord, rede this thorow; and do what good you can to the poor man.”

NUMBER 39.

Cartwright to the lord treasurer, dated October the 4th. Cited before the commissioners, and apprehensive of great troubles to follow upon the queen’s displeasure with him. SO it is, if it please your good lordship, that with much grief of mind I have understood of her majesty’s heavy displeasure against me, in whose gracious favour, next under God, the comfort of my life and of all those that depend upon me cloth consist. Wherefore it may be, that at this time I stand under the arrest of her high commission, in causes ecclesiastical, for appearance upon Thursday next: when what matters may be objected I know not. But this I well know, that from the writing of my last book, which was thirteen years ago, I never wrote, nor procured any thing to be printed, which might be in any sort offensive to her majesty or the estate; much less had any hand, or so much as a finger, in the books under Martin’s name.

And although there have been divers books of Antimartin printed, and read by all; wherein I have not only been contemptuously derided, as unlearned, but my good name most slanderously rent and torn in pieces; as, to be a dicer, to have thrust one through the leg with a knife; also, that I love a cup of sack and sugar, and other such like; (whereof, I thank God, there is not the least suspicion;) yet am I able to make good proof, that from the first beginning of Martin unto this day I have continually, upon any occasion, testified both my dislike and sorrow for such kind of disorderly proceeding.

For my ministry also, which I have exercised now almost five years sithence my return out of the Low Countries. [When he was at Antwerp.] Notwithstanding, there have been directed to the place of my abode, twice or thrice, men that have made whole arguments and invectives against me, yet have I as sparingly spoken of any matter in controversy between us and our brethren as any whatsoever in the country having the same judgment which I have.

Wherefore my most humble suit unto your lordship is, that it would please you either by counsel, favour, or both, which the Lord hath so plentifully bestowed upon you, to relieve me against the troubles that are coming upon me; especially against her majesty’s heavy displeasure, &c. This Sunday morning, October the 4th.

NUMBER 40.

The bishop of Bristol, and Dr. Aubrey, LL.D. to the lord treasurer: in answer to his order to them to take into their examination certain gross crimes, laid to the charge of one Matthew Heton, a minister. And found to be scandals.

OUR duties to your good lordship most humbly remembered. Where it pleased your lordship to refer the examination of certain articles preferred by one William Marsham, gent. against Matthew Heton, minister; we took the same to be as here followeth.

I. That the said Heton being charged that his father was punished for incest, he answereth, that he is not to be charged in reason with his father’s faults: adding thereunto, that though his father were accused and punished for the same, yet by the order of law he cleared himself of the same crime by the sworn testimonies of seven ministers, graduates, of London; whereof Mr. Crowley was the foreman.

II. That where he was charged with an untruth suggested unto her majesty, touching the benefice of Langham in the diocese of Norwich, to have two benefices besides; it doth not appear unto us, that he had any full title unto the same of Langham; but had only a bare presentation, without any institution or induction.

III. That he was indicted of buggary in Sussex. It doth appear, that the matter was maliciously procured by his father-in-law three years after his departure thence.

IV. Likewise, where he is charged with the same indictment in Sussex, returned into Devonshire, three years again after that indictment; we find, that the same could come to no trial, because there was a general pardon followed after, wherein the same crime was remitted, so that he could not clear himself that way. But it appeareth, that he was so careful of the preservation of his credit, that he brought the said matter before the commissioners ecclesiastical: who, upon deliberate examination, found him clear, and freed him from the said offence, and all the circumstances thereof, and decreed unto him letters testimonial under their hands and seals of office in that behalf, as we have seen.

V. That he was accused of the like heinous crime at St. Andrew’s in Holbourn. We have seen testimonials from the bishop and mayor of London for his clearing, upon examination of the boy and his mother.

VI. To that, that he is charged with a letter of the bishop of Exon, written to the bishop of London, that he was vehemently suspected and defamed for the selfsame crime in that county of Devon, his answer is, (which we find to be true,) that the said bishop of Exeter, upon a later examination of that matter, by authentic testimony under his seal of office, did certify, that he took him for clear, notwithstanding his former letter.

This is the sum of the chiefest points which appeared unto us of the matter so objected by Marsham against Heton. And so we humbly take our leaves, the 20th of March, 1591.

Your good lordship’s most humbly at commandment, RICH. BRISTOL.

ANT. AUBREY.

NUMBER 41.

Overton, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, to the lords and others of the privy-council: complaining, of a practice of abuse in the loan and subsidy, by subsidy-men. And his advice how to reform it.

Right honourable, I AM bound, as well in regard of my duty to the queen’s majesty, as also of my dutiful and faithful service to the realm, to open unto your lordships (if it be not already opened unto you by some others) a certain strange kind of practice long time used, as it should seem, among the people of these parts, and now of late come to light, by sending abroad of the privy seals. Such a practice, indeed, as I cannot but think to be the very chief original cause, that the said privy seals take no better place than they do.

So it is, my honourable good lords, that the subsidy-men, which is one of the chief grounds that you work upon in these loans, are for the most part poor and needy persons, suborned by the richer sort to bear the name in the subsidy-books, and to take the matter upon them, that the others might escape: and yet in the mean time are borne out and supported of the others by privy contribution with some advantage. And which is more, not only one for one, but one oftentimes for many, is suborned to take the matter in hand: whereby the subsidies are greatly impaired, and the queen’s majesty very much defrauded. Surely an evil practice, and a very unnatural part in the rich to suborn the poor, to blind the commissioners’ eyes, and to defraud the queen of her right. For by this means both we are notably deluded which are in commission for the subsidies, and the queen’s majesty is wonderfully defrauded, to whom the benefit of that service doth appertain: especially when many rich contributors shall join together to suborn one poor man to serve all their turns. And yet this practice, as it now appeareth, hath not been only to serve their turn that ways to deceive the queen, and to ease themselves in the subsidies, but also to keep their names out of the subsidy books: whereby they might prevent all other after-claps that might follow, as now in these privy seals they hope will come to pass.

But if it please your lordships to give me leave to interpose my simple opinion and advice, I doubt not but that this practice of theirs, the light of their covert dealing being now come abroad as it is, will not only not at all hinder the good purpose of those privy seals, but also further them very much, when two or three or four abler men shall be found out, to make double or treble supply of every unable man’s defect; which, by your commissioners [sent] down into the country for that purpose, ye may easily work, if it so please you. Or if this practice shall not fall out so generally true as is supposed, (for in some places peradventure it may happen to be otherwise,) yet if it please you to direct your commissions down to every shire unto such careful and skilful men, as by your authority may allot, according to their own knowledge and good discretion, some contributors to those that are overcharged in these privy deals; or, if need be, to discharge them clean, and to take others in their places that are better able to bear the burden; ye shall see, that the whole proportion of money that was first meant in these loans will rise well enough, and be performed without any great ado.

For mine own part, I seek no discharge, although how weak my state is some of yourselves do well enough know. But yet, because by mine example I will give no man occasion of drawing back, I am content, and have taken order that my privy seal shall be satisfied; as also I will have a care that the rest of my clergy, that are of the abler sort, shall do the like.

Of whom I understand, that some, though most able of all, have by false suggestion gotten themselves unconscionably released and discharged. But in this, or any service else, as it shall please you to impose the charge upon me, and not otherwise.

Thus much I thought good to disclose unto your lordships of the practices here in these parts, upon the occasion of many that have been with me, and have detected the same; being the parties themselves that have been suborned, and now seek relief in this new burden that they have drawn upon themselves by their own folly. And so, leaving the further consideration thereof to your own honourable gravity and wisdom, I humbly take my leave. From Eccleshal, the 4th of May, 1591.

Your honour’s humble to command, W. COVEN. AND LICH.

NUMBER 42.

A declaration of great troubles pretended against the realm by a number of seminary priests and Jesuits, sent, and very secretly dispersed into the same, to work great treasons under a false pretence of religion. With a provision very necessary for the remedy thereof. Published by her majesty’s proclamation. With Notes set in the margin. ALTHOUGH we have had probable cause to have thoughts, that now towards the end of 33 years, being the time wherein Almighty God hath continually preserved us in a peaceable possession of our kingdoms, the former violence and rigor of the malice of our enemies (especially of the king of Spain) would, after his continuance in seeking to trouble our estate, without any cause, so many years, have waxed faint, and decayed in him; and also others depending on him, and been altered into some peaceable humour, meet to have disposed him to live in concord with us, and other Christian princes, his neighbours; and by such good means to establish an universal peace in Christendom, now by his wars only, and no otherwise disturbed: yet to the contrary we find it by his present mighty actions, (great as he never before attempted the like,) whereby it so pleased the Almighty God of hosts, as we are persuaded, to suffer the ruin or correction of such as will not be content to live in peace with their own: and to that end, to permit the said king, now in his declining years, (meetest for peace,) and when he ought to be satisfied without seeking of more kingdoms by violence and arms, (seeing he possesseth at this day more crowns and kingdoms and countries, and more earthly wealth than any of his progenitors, or any other prince Christian ever had,) now to begin a most unjust and a dangerous war for all Christendom against the French king; as in like manner he meant two years past to have done the like against us, by invading of our kingdoms in the very time of a treaty of peace with us; whereof God gave him and his whole army a just cause of repentance.

And therefore seeing we do now manifestly understand, that he hath of late (to fortify these his strange violent attempts with some new colour) procured a Millanois, a vassal of his own, to be exalted into the papacy of Rome, and hath seduced him, without the consent of the college of cardinals, to exhaust the treasures of the church, and therewith to levy forces in Italy (which had no sound of war in it these many years) and in many other places, to be guided by his nephew, and sent to invade France, a kingdom that hath been always a maintainer of that church in all their oppressions. And for that this war, so generally and mightily against France, concerneth our state very greatly, and cannot but be directly very dangerous to our dominions; and that it is also known to us by sundry means, besides the preparation of other great forces for his seas, against our crown and dominions, the same be greater for this year to come than ever he had before: and for furtherance thereof hath also lately, by eolour of this his peculiar pope’s authority, which he hath now hanging at his girdle, practised with certain principal seditious heads, (being unnatural subjects of our kingdom, but yet very base of birth,) to gather together with great labour upon his charges a multitude of dissolute young men, who have, partly for lack of living, partly for crimes committed, become fugitive rebels and traitors; and for whom there were in Rome and Spain, and other places, certain receptacles made to live in, and there to be instructed in school-points of sedition; and from thence to be secretly and by stealth conveyed into our dominions, with ample authority from Rome to move, stir up, and persuade as many of our subjects as they dare deal withal, to renounce their natural allegiance due to us and our crown, and upon hope, by a Spanish invasion, to be enriched and endued with the possessions and dignities of our other good subjects. For which purpose they do bind our subjects upon whom they practise, (by oaths, yea, by sacraments,) to forswear their natural allegiance to us, and yield their obedience, with all their power, to this king of Spain, and to assist his forces.

And for the more forcible attraction of these unnatural people (being weak of understanding) to this their bend, these seedmen of treason bring certain bulls from the pope: some of indulgences, pretending to promise heaven to such as will yield; and some of cursings, threatening damnation and hell to such as shall not yield to their persuasions. And though this manner of popish attempts have been of long time used, yet in some sort also they have been impeached by direct execution of laws against such traitors, for mere treason, and not for any points of religion, as their fautors would colour falsely their actions, which are most manifestly seen and heard at their arraignment, where they are neither executed, condemned, or indicted, but for high treason: affirming, among other things, that they will take part with any army sent by the pope against us and our realm. And of this, that none do suffer death for matter of religion, there is manifest proof, in that a number of men of wealth in our realm, confessing contrary religion, are known not to be impeached for the same, either in their lives, lands, or goods, or in their liberties, but only by payment of a pecuniary sum, as a penalty for the time that they do refuse to come to church. Which is a most manifest course to falsify the slanderous speeches and libels of the fugitives abroad.

That it is now certainly understood, that these heads of these dens and receptacles, which are by the traitors called seminaries, or colleges of Jesuits, had very lately assured the king of Spain, that though heretofore he had no good success with his great forces against our realm, yet if he will now once again renew his war this next year, there shall be found ready, secretly, within the queen’s dominions, many thousands (as they make their account for their purpose) of able people, that will be ready to assist such power as he shall set on land: and by their vain vaunting they do tempt the king hereto; who otherwise ought in wisdom, and by his late experience, to conceive no hope of a safe landing here; shewing to him in Spain, by the special information of a schoolman, named Parsons, arrogating to himself the name of the king catholic’s confessor, and to the pope at Rome, by another scholar, called Allen, now for the treason honoured with the cardinal’s hat, certain scrolls, or bedrolls of names of men dwelling in sundry parts of our countries, as they have imagined them, but especially in the maritimes, with assurance that these their seedmen, named seminaries, priests, and Jesuits, are in the sundry parts of the realm secretly harboured; having a great part of them been sent within these 10 or 12 months; and shall be ready to continue their reconciled people in their lewd constancy to serve their purpose, both with their forces and with other traitorous enterprises which the Spanish powers shall be ready to lend.

Upon which impudent assertions to the Pope and to the king of Spain, (though they know a great part thereof to be false,) they have now very lately advertised into divers parts by their secret messengers, (whereof some are also very lately taken, and have confessed the same,) that the king, upon their information and request, hath promised to employ all his forces that he could by sea this next year, to attempt once again the invasion of this realm; wherewith, because some of his wisest counsellors doubt that he shall not prevail, therefore he is otherwise persuaded, that if that his purpose shall not take place here, yet the same may be well employed against France or the Low Countries, or against some part of Scotland, into which realm there hath some number of the like brood been sent.

Wherefore considering that these the intentions of the king of Spain are to us in this sort made very manifest; and although we doubt not but Almighty God, the defender of all just causes, will (as always hitherto he hath) make the same void, yet it is our duty, as being the supreme governor under the Almighty hand, to use all such just and reasonable means as are given to us, and therewith to concur, or rather attend upon his most gracious favour, by the help of our faithful subjects, both to increase our forces to the utmost of our power, and by execution of laws, and our other public ordinances, to impeach the foresaid practices of these seditions and treasons.

And, before all other things, we do first require of the ecclesiastical state, that the like diligence be used by the godly ministers of the church, by their diligent teaching and example of life, to retain our people steadfastly in the profession of the gospel, and in their duties to Almighty God and us; as it is seen a few capital heads of treason are continually occupied with their seminaries, in withdrawing of a multitude of ignorants to their enchantments.

And, secondly, for having sufficient forces in readiness by sea, we hope, by God’s goodness, and with the help of our good subjects, to have as great or greater strength on the seas than at any time we have had, to withstand these puffed vaunts from Spain. And for our forces by land, our trust is, that seeing we have distributed our whole realm into several charges of lieutenancies, that they by themselves, when they may be personally present, and otherwise by their deputies and assistants of other our ministers, will now, after the general musters which have been by our special order lately taken, consider of all things requisite to perform and make perfect all defects that shall appear necessary, to make the bands both of horsemen and footmen fully furnished with armour, weapons, and munition, and with all other things requisite for their conduction to the place of service; and there also to continue, as time shall require, to defend their country. And so we do most earnestly require and charge all manner of our subjects, with their hands, purses, and advices, yea, all and every person of every estate, with their prayers to God, to move him to assist this so natural, honourable, and profitable a service; being only for defence of their natural country, their wives, families, children, lands, goods, liberties, and their posterities, against ravening strangers, wilful destroyers of their native country, and monstrous traitors.

And, lastly, to withstand and provide speedy remedy against the other fraudulent attempts of the seminaries, Jesuits, and traitors;. without the which, as it appeareth, his forces should not now be used, the same being wrought only by falsehood, by hypocrisy, and by undermining of our good subjects under a false colour and face of holiness, to make breaches in men’s and women’s consciences, and to train them to their treasons; and that with such a secrecy, by the harbouring of the said treacherous messengers in obscure places, as without very diligent and continual search to be made, and severe orders executed, the same will remain and spread itself as a secret infection of treasons in the bowels of our realm; most dangerous, yea, most reproachful to be suffered in a well ordered commonweal.

Therefore we have determined, by advice of our council, to have speedily certain commissioners, men of honesty, fidelity, and good reputation, to be appointed in every shire, city, and port-town within our realms, to inquire, by all good means, what persons, by their behaviour or otherwise worthy to be suspected to be any such persons, or have been sent, or that are employed in any such persuading of our people, or of any residing within our realm, to treason, or to move any to relinquish their allegiance to us, or to acknowledge any kind of obedience to the pope or to the king of Spain; and also of all other persons that have been thereto induced, and that have thereto yielded: and further to proceed in the execution of such their commission, as they shall be more particularly directed by instructions annexed to their commission.

And furthermore, because it is certainly known and proved by common experience, upon the apprehension of sundry of the said traitorous persons sent into the realm, that they do come into the same by secret creeks and landing-places, disguised both in names and persons; some in apparel as soldiers, mariners, or merchants; pretending that they have heretofore been taken prisoners, and put into galleys, and delivered. Some come in as gentlemen, with contrary names, in comely apparel, as though they had travelled into foreign countries for knowledge. And generally all, for the most part, as soon as they are crept in, are clothed like gentlemen in apparel, and many as gallants; yea, in all colours, and with feathers, and such like, disguising themselves; and many of them in their behaviour as ruffians, far off to be thought or suspected to be friars, priests, Jesuits, or popish scholars.

And of these many do attempt to resort to the universities and houses of law; from whence, in former time, they departed many into services of noblemen, ladies, and gentlemen, with such like fraudulent devices, to cover themselves from all apprehension or suspicion. And yet, in process of time, they do at length so insinuate themselves, to get themselves credit, with hypocrisies, as they infect both the masters and families; and consequently adventure also, yet secretly, to use their offices of priesthood and reconcilement: whereby all such as do retain them are worthy to be suspected, and may be charged by law, to their great danger.

For avoiding whereof, and either to discover these venomous vipers, or to chase them away out of the realm from the infecting of many more, we order, and strictly charge and command our temporal noblemen, gentlemen, lord, lady, master or mistress, or owner whatsoever of any house, family, lodging, yea, the very officers of our own household, and governors of any societies, to make a present, due, and particular inquisition of all manner of persons that have been admitted or suffered to have usual resort, diet, lodging, residence, in their houses, or in any place by their appointment, at any time within the space of one whole year now past and ended at March last; or that from thenceforth have or shall be admitted or suffered so to resort, enter, lodge, reside, or attend. And by such inquisition and examination to be duly and particularly informed of what condition and country any such person is, and by what kind of means he hath heretofore lived, and where he hath spent his time for the space of one whole year before. And likewise to know whether he hath used or doth use to repair to the church at usual times to divine service, according to the laws of the realm. And to cause those inquisitions, with their answers, to be put into writing particularly, and the same to be kept in the manner of a register or calendar, to be shewed when they shall be demanded. That upon case of suspicion of any such person, the same may be further tried by the commissioners above-mentioned of those places, whether the same persons so examined be loyal subjects or no. And if any such shall be found unwilling to answer to such inquisitions, or shall be found by his doubtful answer not likely to be an obedient subject, the same person shall be stayed by the householder, or him that ought to have examined him, and shall be sent to any of the commissioners above-mentioned next adjoining. And if any person having government or command over such servant or resiant, shall be found not to have performed the points of the foresaid inquisition, as is above limited, the same shall be called to appear before the said commissioners, or before our privy-council, if the quality of the person shall so require; and shall be further used and ordered for such default, as the said commissioners or our council shall have just cause to deal with such a person.

And, finally, we admonish, and strictly charge and command all persons that have any intelligence with any such so sent, or come from beyond the seas to such purpose, to detect them to the commissioners, in that behalf to be assigned as aforesaid, within twenty days after the publication hereof, in the shire-town, or city, or port, within the precincts of the said commission, upon pain that the offenders herein shall be punished as abettors and maintainers of traitors. Wherein we are resolutely determined to suffer no favour to be used for any respect of any persons, qualities, or degrees; nor shall allow, nor suffer to be allowed, any excuse of negligence for not detection, or for not due examination of the qualities of such dangerous persons, according to the order hereafter prescribed, being nowise contrary, but agreeable to the most ancient laws and good usages of our realm; devised for the good order of all manner of subjects in every precinct of any leet, to be forthcoming, to answer for their behaviour towards the dignity of our crown and the common peace of our realm.

Given at our manor of Richmond, the 18th of October, 1591, in the 33d year of our reign.

NUMBER 43.

Articles annexed to the commission, for a further instruction to the commissioners how to proceed in the execution thereof.

FIRST, you, to whom the commission shall be brought, shall, without delay, notify to the rest of the commissioners that shall be in the country, or that may shortly repair thither, the receipt of the said commission, with some signification of the contents thereof; and shall require them to meet at some convenient time and place, to consider of the contents thereof; and thereupon to accord upon sundry days and places in every quarter of the shire, ordinarily to meet about the same. So as now at the beginning, the oftener they shall meet, the same shall be the better. And after your first meeting, you shall, according to the quantity of the shire, make some partitions among yourselves to execute the commission with more ease: and yet you shall every forty days, for this present year, assemble all together, to confer upon your several proceedings: so as you may once every quarter give knowledge to her majesty’s council of your actions. Item, You shall send to the bishop or ordinary of the diocese, and to the chancellor or official, and to the archdeacon of the same, to certify you of all persons, with their dwelling-places, whom they shall know to have been presented to them as recusants, and that do so continue in their recusancy.

And the like certificate you shall require from the custos rotulorum, or the clerk of the peace, and from the clerk of the assize of the county, to know such as have been presented and indicted as recusants, as well women as men; and what process hath been sent forth against them. And likewise you shall by any other means inform yourselves of all such as within your county are commonly noted to be receivers or comforters of persons that are suspected to have come from beyond seas, as seminaries, priests, Jesuits, or fugitives. And after that you shall be duly informed, by these or any other means, of such persons so to be suspected, as principal offenders or accessaries, you shall retain to yourselves secretly the names of the same, without any publication thereof, until you shall afterwards find probable and good cause to warn any of them to come before you, or otherwise to apprehend and examine them according to the contents of your commission. Item, In your examination of any persons by virtue of this commission, you shall not press any one to answer to any questions of their conscience for matter of religion, otherwise than to cause them answer whether they do usually come to church, and why they do not. And if you shall perceive that they are wilful recusants, then you shall examine them upon any matters concerning their allegiance to her majesty, and of their devotion to the pope or to the king of Spain; or upon their maintenance of any Jesuits, seminaries, priests, or other persons, sent from Rome, or from any parts beyond seas, to dissuade any subjects from their obedience to the queen’s majesty.

And to give you some particular instructions in what sort you may conceive convenient questions, whereupon to examine persons that are to be suspected to adhere to the pope or to the king of Spain, contrary to their duty of allegiance, you may observe the form of these questions hereafter following. The questions ensuing to be answered by oath, by such as shall be verily suspected to have been moved to give assistance to the forces of the pope, or king of Spain, when they shall happen to invade this realm; whereby such wicked seducers may be discovered.

Whether have you been moved by any, and by whom, and when, and by what persuasion, to give aid or relief, or to adhere to the forces of the pope or king of Spain, when they should happen to invade this land for any cause whatsoever? The questions following to be ministred without oath; to discover such as shall be suspected to be priests, seminaries, or fugitives, dangerous to the state.

Whether have you been at Rome, Rheimes, or in Spain, at any time within these five years? When returned you last into this realm? And to what purpose? And where have you been ever since your coming from thence?

Be you a Jesuit or priest made after the Romish order? Where and when were you so made? And by whom? Have you been at the seminaries or colleges for the English, Welsh, or Irish nation at Rome, Rheimes, in Spain, or elsewhere? How long were you in any of them? And where were you last sent from any of them into England or Wales? And to what end? Item, Where, by her majesty’s late proclamation, whereof you shall take knowledge, it is ordered, That all manner of persons, of what degree soever they be, without any exception, spiritual or temporal, and so forth, shall make particular inquisition of all manner of persons that have been admitted, or suffered to have resort, diet, lodging, &c. within the space of one year past, &c. if you shall be informed of any such person so lodged, or comforted, &c. as in the proclamation is at large expressed; in such case you shall require the party that is appointed to make such inquisition, to deliver the same his inquisition to you in writing. And thereupon you shall do your best to try out, if there have been any suspected person so lodged or comforted; and further used according to his deserts. Item, Because the like commission is sent into all other shires of the realm, and like instructions annexed thereto, as these are, and that you may percase be informed of some persons meet to be apprehended or examined, which are gone out of that shire in some other parts, or do remain in places out of the jurisdiction of your commission; in such cases, we require you to send secret knowledge thereof to the commissioners of the counties where you shall think such suspected persons do remain; requiring them, in her majesty’s name, to use all diligence for the apprehension of such, and by such information as you shall give them to examine the parties, and to proceed against them according to their commission. Item, You shall do well to make choice of some persons, of honest behaviour, and loyal in religion, in every quarter of the shire, and especially in every port-town, market-town, or great large parish; and where the parsons or vicars are faithful and careful of their cures, to join them together, with charge to observe all such as refuse obstinately to resort to church. And such persons you shall call before you, and, without dealing with them for their recusancy, (for which they shall be otherwise by law punished,) you shall, as in your direction think meet, (respecting the quality of their persons,) require them to answer to the two former questions, or to either of them: for that by their recusancy they do give cause to suspect to be disloyal in their duties to the queen’s majesty and the state, or to favour the common enemies.

NUMBER 44.

Anthony Fitzherbert, a popish gentleman in the gaol at Darby, to the earl of Shrewsbury; relents, and prays favour from his imprisonment.

Right honourable, and my very good lord, IMOST humbly beseech your honour to commiserate my poor and distressed estate, remaining here a prisoner within the gaol of Darby, by your lordship’s commitment and direction from the lords of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council. Forasmuch as I have been examined before your lordship of divers articles, and have answered thereto; so as, I trust, your honour doth well perceive me no meddler in matter of state, but only misled in points of religion; wherein I have been nursed up from my infancy, never tasting any other grapes. But now more and more weighing with myself, and daily considering your most honourable admonitions and sage counsels, wherewith your lordship did persuade me; which have taken deeper root in me, and moved me more than any durance of imprisonment or terror of law could ever have done. So that now, my good lord, I well perceive mine own blindness, and acknowledge myself to have too too long wandered in the darksome night of ignorance, never escrying a daylight before.

Wherefore, I most humbly beseech your lordship, for charity sake, to be a means to the most honourable lords of her majesty’s privy-council for my enlargement. For my trust is, their honours will be as merciful to me as they have been to others, in like case as great offenders as I am. And if your honour will this once be compassionable, you shall be an eyewitness that I will conform myself, and come to the church, as I promised your honour, and avoid the company of all such dangerous persons as your lordship gave me warning of, and bear myself hereafter like a most loyal, obedient subject. Pardon me, my honourable good lord, I humbly beseech you, my importunate boldness, in the straitness of this place, and most odious for many causes, with the loathsome and unsavoury smells, and the cumbersome companions which be here committed for all vices, (wherewith I am pestered,) do so daily increase the many infirmities of my weak body, with some other more special and particular causes, which I made known to your honour at my being with you, as, unless I find your honour to stand my good lord, I shall rather wish a short and speedy death, than so wearisome and consuming a life. My real confidence is, your honour will not be unmindful of me: and I shall pray to God for your honour’s happy felicity and daily increase of all honour. From the gaol of Darby, the 21st of May, 1591.

Your lordship’s most bounden in all duty, ANTHONY FITZHERBERT.

NUMBER 45.

The earl of Darby,from the court at Greenwich, to the earl of Shrewsbury: concerning preparations for war; and the execution of two seminaries.

My very good lord, THIS place of late hath afforded little worthy letters for your lordship’s view; which hath been the reason I have forborne to write unto you: yet now some discourses being come hither of exploits and services in Britain, not long ago performed, I thought good to send them to your lordship here enclosed. My lord of Essex is furnishing and preparing himself towards the king of France, attended with sundry of account; namely, the earl of Lincoln and his son, and these captains contained in the enclosed; as also 4000 soldiers.

This morning two seminaries, Beisely and Scot, were executed in Fleetstreet: who, among other their bad opinions, traitorously affirmed, that if her majesty had an army against the pope here, they would fight with the pope against her majesty; or if the pope should command them to lay violent hands upon, or kill her majesty, (whom the Lord of heaven long preserve to reign over us,) they would willingly do it.

And so for this time, till further occasion of writing be proffered, with my most hearty commendations to your good lordship, I wish the same as to myself. From the court at Greenwich, this 1st of July, 1591.

Your lordship’s assured loving cousin, and faithful friend to use, H. DERBY.

Postscript.

My good lord, ONE of these seminaries was at the high race at Croyden, all in green and velvet, well mounted upon a good gelding, having also a pistol at his side; insomuch as it was conceived he meant ill toward her majesty, if she had been there.

NUMBER 46.

The confession of Boord before the lord treasurer, anno 1591, being in the Gate-house, Westminster; who was a spy as it seems, for seminaries. EDWARD BOORD, a soldier in France, goeth thence to the prince of Parma with one Tusser; there offereth his service to the king of Spain. And at Brussels, Hugh Owen and Mr. Dennis, desirous to know what service they could do for the king; to whom Dyer made answer, That he came to do the king service, and that he would be willing to hazard his life, and any thing whatsoever. Whereupon they asked him, Whether he would undertake to burn the queen’s ships? Which sudden motion made my heart ache, saith Boord. But remembering my pretence, and the cause of my coming, [which he had said before was to endeavour to discover what they could, and so to come over into England and declare it,] he told them, That so they would give him [i. e. Boord] reason for the performance thereof, he would do his best. [Thus Boord said.] Their means were these. They would have built two vessels to row with oars; and in them they would have had room for seven or eight small boats; every boat should have had fifteen or sixteen men apiece in them; and with a device made to break the chain, they would have rowed into the harbour; and the first small boat should pass so many ships as there were boats before she began to give fire; and by that time the last boat would be with the first ship in the river, and set them afire at one instant; and to row to their ships as well as they could, though it were with the loss of some of their men and boats. This will be adventured when the prince is gone.

Upon this motion I went to Mr. Paget, because I would be sure to have his love, and told him what matters there were in hand, and how they would use me as an instrument in the cause; and withal entreated him to give me the best counsel he could: so that he took this so kindly at my hand, that he told me, that if he could do me any good, or give me advice, I should be as bold to use him as any man whatsoever. This counsel I took to enter into him, and to make myself familiar with him, who afterwards used me very kindly; for I knew that Owin and he did not affect either one another, &c.

Now having the knowledge of these men coming over, we devised with ourselves [Tusser and himself] how we should give your lordship [lord treasurer Burghley] intelligence hereof, [by our getting into England.] We went to Owin, and told him, that if he would procure us a passport, we would go into England, and make all the money we could, and bring a ship with us; which made him have a very good opinion of us, and told us, that if we did the same, we should do the king very good service. But when we heard him say so, we told him we feared that when we returned that should be taken from us. And then he did give us his word, that he would procure us a commission to serve the king by sea; and because he could not do it presently, he procured a letter from the counsellor in the causes of the admiralty to the governor of Dunkirk, that if we should come in, to use us very well. By this means I brought over this gentleman: for I told him, if that he would go, he might procure him money to live in good surety. This was our persuasion unto him; for we knew he could bring us to divers masses; by which means we might cause many seminaries to be apprehended. For if I had not been brought to your lordship, my meaning was to have come unto you, and to have made your lordship acquainted with our proceedings, as by Mr. Tusser’s course and mine we had proceeded; who, if your lordship please to speak with, I will send for him.

For he stays to be directed by your lordship, whom I humbly entreat to have a care and regard that he perish not in the hands of those vile and wicked persons, who seek the blood of our people and ruin of our country.

By the means of a ship, I will tell your lordship how you may either take Dunkirk or burn all their ships with very little charge, and no loss of men; to which end Tusser is gone thither.

I have a direction to find out a priest, whose name is Southwel, and the chief dealer in the affairs of our state of England for the papists.

Mr. Paget’s persuasions to Mr. Tusser and myself was, that whether we brought a ship or nay, or whether we brought money or not, that we should not fail to return again: for, saith he, you shall know of the effecting of greater matters than you know of or can imagine. Whereupon he wished your lordship’s head upon London-bridge: for, saith he, there is no prince in Christendom hath the like statesman.

And thus I beseech your lordship to have so much pity of me, and not to let me lie in prison, unless it be the better to effect the causes abovementioned: for if they think I am a papist, my friends will do nothing for me. This gentleman knoweth of none of our proceedings; for we brought him only to discover seminaries and Jesuits: for he told us he would bring us every day to mass. SUBSCRIBED, EDWARD BOORD.

NUMBER 47.

Colleges of English in Flanders. BOORD and Tusser, whither they went. Boord, in his foresaid relation, sheweth, how they went from France to Erre, [Arras,] where they were directed by Harrison, principal of the college, to Apavile, [Abbevile,] to one Anthony Denham, friar, and born in Exeter.

At Abbevile we found Michael Richardson, a northern man, and dealer for the transporting of money for the scholars of Erre, [Arras,] who told us, that within six weeks he would go into England. There is one Richard Owin, an Irishman, that serveth mons. Rambares.

We went to Arras, where we found Clement Hanmer, servant to the abbot.

At Doway, Somerfield, Dr. Web, Dr. White, Chambers, Tayler, Edwards, and Baily, who is dead.

At Valensine, [Valensienne,] Pilkington.

At Mounts, Dr. Sanderson. Then we came to Brussels; when Hugh Owin and Mr. Dennis came to them, to know what service they could do for the king of Spain [as before mentioned.] Upon the backside of this paper is writ, by the lord Burghley’s own hand, XI. N°. 1591. Boord in the Gatehouse.

NUMBER 48.

Designs and attempts of Hacket, Coppinger, and Arthington, anno 1591, to dethrone the queen, and overthrow the government on pretence of revelation. Being collections from a book entitled, Conspiracy for pretended Reformation. Printed 1592, in divers articles. 1. THEY intended to appeach two great and honourable counsellors, [the lord treasurer and lord chancellor,] whom they thought would stop the course they had taken, and hinder their purposes, as if they intended some wicked practice against the queen’s person. 2 . A conspiracy of the death of certain lords of the council, when they should be at the Starchamber, in case they should give a judgment against certain that were sometime preachers, and then prisoners for misdemeanours, [viz. several puritans,] perilous to the peaceable state of the realm. So Coppinger wrote in a letter to Lancaster, “That if the lords should give a hard censure against those parties, the next day, if God shewed not such a fearful judgment against some of those lords, as that some of them should not go alive out of that place, then never trust him.” 3. They prepared the minds of the people, to stir them up to be in a readiness, and this done by certain seditious letters that were purposely scattered five or six nights before in many streets of London: and a book was printed by Wiggington, who was a turbulent preacher, and in prison, that set on Hacket and the rest. It was entitled, The fools bolt; and on the other side of the sheet, A father’s exhortation to a young courtier. It was in a halting rhyme, roaring lewdly, not only at the governors ecclesiastical, and at other ministers, but at sundry having civil authority and high places; beginning thus: “My son, if thou a courtier sue to be, In flower of youth, this lesson learn of me:

A Christian true, although he be a clown, May teach a king to wear sceptre and crown.” These papers were dispersed by one Browne, and particularly to several women. He was examined about them by the privy-council and others.

Wiggington, in his chamber, was heard to say, That if the magistrates do not govern well, the people might draw themselves together, and to see a reformation. 4. The purpose of theirs was, not only to make an alteration in the state of the church-government, and to plant in every congregation their eldership or consistory of doctor, pastor, and certain lay-elders, with the appurtenances; but also to change the civil policy of this realm. For which consideration they meant to displace all the lords and others of the privy-council, calling them therefore by their bare names, or with this addition, late lord-chancellor, late lord-treasurer; and in their stead they had nominated and set down certain others, in truth very honourable and worshipful persons, that should be counsellors. 5. And last and most damnable designment was, the deprivation of her sacred majesty of her crown and dignity, and the destruction of her royal person. Arthington, who confessed afterward, did say, How that these things were to be effected, they opened not unto him; and pretended that he himself was always unwilling to hear any of them.

But whether it was meant to do it by some open violence, or secret practice; but sure it is, that popular tumult was not the least means they trusted on; which tumult they hoped to stir up by their pretence of so great holiness, and by calling the realm to repentance in the open streets of London, by offering joys and mercy to the penitent, and by a proclamation also which they made in Cheapside.

NUMBER 49.

Some remarks of Hacket, and his two prophets, Coppinger and Arthington. 1. THEIR great pretence was the Spirit, and to be moved by the Spirit. 2. They would not pull off their hats before the magistrates.

When two were sent by the queen, lords of the privy-council, and these two prophets brought before them at the lord mayor’s house to be examined, they shewed them no reverence or duty, nor would put off their hats till they were plucked off by others. And when some asked them, if they knew before whom they stood, they answered, They knew them right well, but would yield them no duties or reverence, saying, They were greater persons than those before whom they stood. 3. These two prophets used horrible imprecations, confounding and damning themselves, if it were not true as they said.

At one Kay’s house in Knightrider’sstreet, where Hacket lodged, he defaced the queen’s arms there; and being examined about it, he said, He was moved thereunto inwardly by the Spirit, to take away her whole power of her authority; and that he would have done worse, had it not been for disquieting his hostess where he lay; because when she found it, she was very angry; and that he was not sorry, nor is sorry, for doing that act, because he was commanded by God to do it, and durst not do otherwise.

He put out also the lions and dragons eyes in the arms; and being asked, Why? he answered, That he did know that lion and dragon did let God’s people. He rased out also the cross pictured on the top of the crown. Kay and his wife also deposed, That they found the queen’s picture picked with some bodkin, or iron instrument, in the very place representing her royal heart: and this they did with great anger charge Hacket with. He answered, That he had done it, and must and would answer it; adding, That he had greater matters to answer than that; and therefore they need not make such ado for it. But at his examination he denied this point, or said, He did not remember it.

Hacket said, That the queen had forfeited her crown, in that her ministers used extraordinary means to set up religion; and said, There was a man at Walker’s house that laid claim to the crown of England, meaning himself: and acknowledged, That he had published in Hampshire, three or four years past, and afterwards in Hertfordshire and in Northamptonshire, that her majesty was not queen; and that she had forfeited her title to the crown. All this he confessed without any torture.

When he was put upon the torture, he confessed her majesty to be his lawful queen, and affirmed that he honoured her, and was sorry for his offences: and added, That if Coppinger, Wiggington, and one other, (whom he named,) were well sifted and straitly examined, they would utter and declare sundry matters of treason.

He was brought to his trial from Bridewell, July 26, [that is, a week after his and his companions doings in Cheapside, which was July the 19th,] at the sessions house near Newgate, before the lord mayor, lord Wentworth, sir Gilbert Gerrard, master of the rolls, sir Wolstan Dixy, sir Richard Martin, aldermen, sergeant Fleetwood, recorder of London, and others in the commission. After two several indictments against him, he was bid to hold up his hand, which he did. Then the first indictment was read; which was for his saying several times, That the queen was not queen of England; and that queen Elizabeth did represent all hypocrisy; and had forfeited her crown; and was worthy to be deprived. And that he defaced her arms in Kay’s house: and that he said, He was moved thereto by the Spirit. He pleaded guilty, saying, All must be as you will.

The second indictment was for defacing the queen’s arms, and rasing a certain picture of the queen’s majesty in the said Kay’s house, and thrusting an iron instrument into that part of the picture that represented the queen’s breast and heart: and for treating with Coppinger and Arthington at Walker’s house concerning his traitorous purposes and imaginations. And being asked, Whether he were guilty or not guilty to this indictment? he began to answer more perversely, saying to the bench, You have wit enough to judge for me and yourselves. Being asked again, he said, Few words are best: it is good to know much and say little. Being asked again, Whether he were guilty or not? He said, Ambo; [that is, Both; ] and afterwards he pleaded, Not guilty. Then being asked, By whom he would be tried? he said, By the country. And afterwards he said again, By the jury. And then burst out into blasphemous and hellish words against the majesty of God, in truth, not to be heard by Christian ears, and therefore not to be uttered.

Then the queen’s attorney desired, in behalf of the queen, That seeing he could not be brought to any other plea, that judgment might be entered; and that he had pleaded guilty to the one indictment, and stood mute to the second: whereupon he was to be convicted of both indictments. The attorney and the solicitor, for the better satisfaction of the world, thought fit somewhat to shew how heinous and how evident his treasons were. The recorder then gave judgment upon Hacker.

Preachers travailed with him before the day of his execution. At first he gave froward and lewd answers; but at last they brought him to a serious consideration, as it seems, of his own state, and of the grievousness of his treasons. On the 27th of July, the day before his execution, Mr. Richard Young, an active justice of peace of London, wished him to submit himself, and confess his fault before Almighty God. Hacker did accordingly. Then he wished him to take patiently what God had laid upon him. Hacker said, He would unfeignedly so do; and withal asked the queen forgiveness, saying, He was sorry for the words he had spoken: and said, It was a gracious and happy turn that their treasons were in time revealed, for otherwise it would have cost a number of innocent men their bloods, and himself he thought should nevertheless also have been slain among them: but now he trusted in God that others also would confess their treason; and that her majesty was a gracious princess, and would forgive them if they asked mercy. Upon his desire Mr. Yong gave him some money; Hacket thanked him, and desired Mr. Yong to pray for him. In this good temper he continued that night and the next morning, until looking out at one of the windows to the street toward Cheapside, he saw all the streets filled with people expecting his execution; thereupon he began very desperately and blasphemously to answer such as exhorted him. Coming down the stairs, one of the sheriffs wished him to be mindful of Christ’s death, who suffered for him; he uttered execrable blasphemy against Christ’s blessed passion.

The rest of his behaviour and hideous expressions may be found in our historians.

The next day after, Coppinger, wilfully having abstained from meat seven or eight days together, died in Bridewell, and Arthington lived still in the Counter in Wood-street, reserved, as was hoped, unto sincere repentance; for immediately after Hacket’s execution, he wrote a letter unto two great counsellors (whom, among others, he had lewdly slandered) of submission, and afterwards more at large to the body of the council, the whole course, as he pretended, of this action, so far as he was made acquainted with it; humbly craving their lordships’ mediation unto the queen’s most excellent majesty for his pardon; and acknowledging his dangerous error and devilish seduction.

To all the rest this may be added. When Arthington was with Hacker at Walker’s house in Broken-wharf, on the same day when he and Coppinger had proclaimed Hacket in Cheapside to be the prophet sent from God, Haynen, parson of St. Mary Somerset, (an honest and learned preacher,) was present, and looked upon some of Hacket’s papers that were then seized; but Hacker reproved him for it, and said, It appertained not unto him, but unto the magistrates, to read those papers. Arthington then told that preacher, That the judgments that were over the city were very great, and that the time was come that God would reform his church, and root out all idolatrous priests; and the ministers of the city were no better. This preacher demanded of Hacket, Why he seduced Arthington to bring him into such blasphemy? (for he, at the end of all his expressions, used horrible imprecations, and said, If it were not so, God confound me. ) Hacket answered, That abundance of zeal caused him to exceed in that sort.

Further, he asked Hacker, How he liked that Arthington ascribed unto him an office peculiar to Christ? Hacker answered, That God had a great work to bring to pass by himself in this land; affirming also that he was a prophet.

And to conclude. What understanding there was between these wretches and Marprelate and his company may be gathered from part of a letter from Coppinger to Udal, who was then a prisoner in Southwark: telling him, That the cause why he repaired not unto him (and the rest who were in prison) so oft as he was wont to do, was for doubt of more trouble and danger that might grow to them thereby; and that in respect of an action which he had to do.

NUMBER 50.

A petition of divers prisoners, puritans, in the Fleet and other prisons, to the lord treasurer, for the furtherance of their humble petition to the lords of the council for their enlargement. Dated December 4, 1591. HAVING a purpose, right honourable, by most humble petition, to come unto the lords of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council for bail, agreeable unto law, (as we are informed,) until their lordships shall please to call us to further trial of our innocence in that we are charged with: we thought good, besides our petition to the lords, to address our most humble suit particularly unto your lordship, not only as defendants to a principal judge of the court where our cause dependeth, but also as children of the land to a chief father of the same; which taketh no pleasure in this our afflicted state, but will, as we are persuaded, tenderly weigh it, so far as any equal course of justice may relieve it. For we nothing doubt but your lordship, in discourse of reason, and in experience of the state of students, can easily discern that a year’s imprisonment (which we all, with a surcrease, have suffered) will strike deeper into our healths, having regard to our bringing up, than some number of years of others, whose bringing up hath been other, and which have followed their trades of life.

It is well known, that divers papists, not only denying her majesty’s lawful authority, but giving the same to a stranger, yea, to the sworn enemy of ours, and of all Christian princes, have yet received favour of freedom from their imprisonment. There is never an one of us but hath been sworn to her majesty’s supremacy, and some of us, upon occasion, divers times. And if we be doubted how we stand affected this time, notwithstanding we have given no cause (as we are persuaded) of that suspicion, yet, to satisfy the authority under which we live, we will be ready to take the oath again.

And notwithstanding some (not so well affected towards us as we are towards them) do suggest that we carry some other interpretation with us than the meaning of the law is, yet have we verily no other than all the reformed churches have in the dutiful acknowledgment of the authority of their several magistrates; none other than her majesty’s own admonition in the end of her injunctions, and the 37th article of the convocation; and especially the most authentic and classical writers of this church, both bishops, deans, and other men of note, with privilege, with allowance, with oversight of the bishops themselves and finally, with great commendation of all, have written of that point. Finally, we may affirm, with truth to be justified, that we hold no other than that some of the chiefest of them, whose hand is against us in this cause of further reformation, have set down, when they either quietly have written of this point, or have buckled with the papists, &c. However, writing (ajgwnistikw~v ) against us, and put on by mislike of the persons against whom they write, crossed and contradicted their own judgment.

And thus craving pardon of our boldness in detaining you from so weighty affairs of watching continually for the good of this commonwealth, and expecting that favour from your lordship which either equity or a regardful consideration of our afflicted state may require, &c.

Your lordship’s most humble to command, Prisoners in and about the city, THOM. CARTWRIGHT, EDWARD LORD, HUMFREY FEN, EDMUND SNAPE, ANDREW KING, WILLIAM PROUDLOVE, DANIEL WYGHT, MELANCTHON JEWELL. JOHN PAYNE,

NUMBER 51.

The heads of the colleges in Cambridge to the lord Burghley, their high chancellor: concerning Legate their printer, who was hindered the printing of the Bible and Psalms in metre by the stationers in London; whose part the heads took as their printer.

Right honourable, and our singular good lord, SUCH is the importunity of our adversaries, in devising against us new complaints, as we are forced eftsoons to renew our just defence, ever while they charge us as doing wrong to Mr. Barker, [the queen’s printer,] in printing a Bible of the lesser volume. Now they accuse us as offering like injury to Mr. Day, in publishing therewith the Psalms in metre. They seek, in dividing the persons, to make us seem guilty of many crimes. Whereas, in very truth, our printer having for his copy one only volume, wherein both those books are joined together, could not conveniently set forth the one without the other, seeing both do jointly and usually serve for the public celebration of divine service. The suit which they have made unto your lordship for the stay of our printer until the next term is so prejudicial to the poor man, as if they should prevail therein, it could not but tend to his utter undoing; especially Sturbridge-fair now drawing near; being the chiefest time wherein he hopeth to reap greatest fruit of this his travail.

We are the rather therefore right humbly to crave of your good lordship, that if they cannot be pacified otherwise, your lordship would be pleased to require the opinions of the master of the rolls, the lord chief justice of the common-pleas, and justice Peryam; who all, or some of them, as we hear, either already are, or shortly will be there in London. Ourselves have conferred with divers of good skill of the laws of the land, who, not drawn to favour us in respect of our fee, but uttering freely their resolute judgment, find no just reason whereon the adverse party may safely rely.

For the chief ground they seem to lay, viz. that the prince, by virtue only of prerogative, may, by a later grant, either take away or abridge a former, being no ways hurtful to the state, is not only against the rule of natural equity, but also dangerous to all degrees, opening a way to the overthrow of all patents and privileges, as well of inferior trades, as of offices, lands, and livings whatsoever.

We have not sought to call in question the validity of their monopolies and engrossments, whereby such effects do daily ensue, as poor scholars are either driven to be destitute of most needful books, or to buy them, to their singular hinderance, at excessive prices. We shall account ourselves well appaid, if our poor printer may, with their good patience, now and then deal with some few of the most saleable copies for his necessary maintenance in honest art; if your honourable persuasion (whereunto it might well beseem him, in a case of such equity, to give better ear to) cannot induce them to yield to this, rather than our dutiful regard should seem to be wanting in the necessary defence of this our charter, so equitable in itself, so commodious to the students of the university, so beneficial to many other subjects of the realm, granted by her majesty’s most noble father, ratified by the gracious bounty of herself, established by act of parliament so many years past, may not be thought sufficient against their grant so late obtained, we know not upon privilege we may hereafter repose our trust.

Wherefore once again most humbly beseeching your good lordship to continue your honourable favour toward the university, in preserving the ancient and lawful charters of the same. From Cambridge, the 16th of July, 1591.

Signed by, Robert Some, vice-chancellor, WILLIAM WHITAKER, THO. BYNG, THO. LEGG, THO. PRESTON, LAWRENCE CHADERTON, ROGER GOAD, UMPHREY TYNDAL, JO. DUPORT.

Before this, Legate [their printer] had printed Terence a year or two ago, in a small volume for the use of the scholars; and the impression the stationers had seized, or as many as they could get.

And before that, Thomas Thomas [the printer before Legate] had made a dictionary of his own, and printed it; and the stationers printed it at London upon him, to his great hinderance. These matters the university complained of to their chancellor.

NUMBER 52.

Hugh Broughton, the learned Hebrician, his letter to the lord Burghley; occasioned by Bishop and Newburgh, stationers, who had seized his books newly printed, and taken out of his chamber.

Desiring his lordship’s order to have them restored. MELCHIZEDEK. CONSIDERING your lordship’s great business, I would not trouble you but in a matter proceeding from yourself, and again waiting upon your determination. The sum is concerning books taken from me by Bishop and Newbury, wardens of the Stationers, which were printed by allowance, paid for by myself, and carried to my chamber; having no one word against religion or policy, nor bitter against any man. Of which the archbishop of Canterbury required to judge, of his honour and learning, said to one Mr. Hobkinson, That if they had been brought to him, he would have allowed them; and sent him to Bishop the stationer, with word, that he should bring them home: which yet the stationers refuse to do without a warrant, which will not be granted without your lordship’s word. I think I may in justice require so much of your lordship; for the book was written upon urgent provocation of two D.D. [doctors of divinity,] extremely against themselves and her majesty’s ground of religion; viz. The stay of scripture, in defence of my book dedicated to her majesty: wherein, I am sure, that posterity may see chief points in few hours which cost me many years.

Wherein also I settled a consent of Jew and Gentile, of Moses and Evangelists, ever as all ages understood them; and one of the two still, where we strive.

I chose two points to dash at their stuff, to spare their fame, to close up the matter, that the learned might see a victory, and the simple might think that there was not great variance, thought a lapse in a treatise of Melchizedek; dealing against Dr. Croke, and where sorest he might be disgraced. But where learned men being of his mind, his fame should less be annoyed, though he were deceived. And Dr. Reynolds, who strives, that si angelus dixisset post octies 70 annos excidetur Christus, hic praecise et proprie locutus esset angelus, be not known to be so culpable, but convicted in one word, that Daniel expressly telleth, That the angel made him understand by his own grant should yield; who granted, That if Daniel knew his own meaning, and rightly knew what the angel meant, the words were to be taken properly.

Thus I thought of a quiet apology, sparing learned men. The suppressing of my book wrought them harm; for I was forced to call them both to account, and to object an hundred theses of great importance against each of them; whereby all learned condemn them both. Your lordship feared harm by the book, &c. I pray your lordship that you would send them word by some of your men, to deliver me that which by law they could not take away, and to let them pass under your protection, to mitigate the rumour against two learned men.

Your lordship’s to command, H.BROUGHTON.

NUMBER LIII.

Anno 1591, Nov. 16. A note of the Indian fleet of king, Philip, dispersed and cast away, Sent to the lord treasurer.

On this paper is written, by the lord treasurer’s hand, Sir Tho. Gage, as from whom this information came.

OF 102 ships, lost 54; men lost, 1000. The treasure landed at Havana.

By examination of divers Spaniards and Portugals, upon their oaths, we find the loss sustained by the king and his subjects to be as followeth. Nova Spania fleet outward bound, was of 52 sail, whereof returned to Havana but 33; so lost 19 stiff, and therein 2600 men; by account whereof many soldiers and passengers.

Terra Firma fleet outward bound was 50 sail; whereof some stole away for Spain by one or two at a time; and some were taken, and some sunk; so that only 23 ships came to the Havana; missing 27 sail with about men, by estimation.

At Havana met and joined together, 33 sail from Nova Spania; 23 sail from Terra Firma; 12 sails of S. Domingo; and 9 sail from Funduras; 77 sail in the whole; and set sail about the 17th of July. The admiral and vice-admiral being of 600 ton apiece, carrying 30 pieces of brass, and 500 men apiece; which kept company together until the 10th of August. At which time, and within twenty days after, ail the great ships were cast away; so that by the end of August they were all perished, saving 48 sail; whereof about 16 sail recovered to Tarseries only; all the rest forced by a storm to keep the sea, and not like to escape, but either to be taken or cast away: and in those ships cast away is thought to be about 5000 men. But the king’s treasure is all landed at Havana, to come home in six frigates in January next.

This Spanish plate fleet, ann. 1591, was waited for by the English, by several of the queen’s ships, Thomas Howard, second son of the duke of Norfolk, in the admiral, unsuccessful.

NUMBER 54.

The queen’s charter of Quietus est, with her broad seal appendant, to the lord treasurer Burghley, discharging him from attendance on her, and to enjoy his beloved Theobalds, anno 1591. Drawn up by the queen herself in a facetious style, to cheer the said treasurer, who was, it seems, melancholy, and desirous to retire to a private life at his seat at Theobalds.

Transcribed by some writer in old text hand; but the spelling is kept according to the queen’s own writing. It is dated at Theobalds thus: Teste meipsa apud Tytbolles. ELIZABETHA Anglorum id est, a nitore angelorum, regina formosissima et felicissima: [the rest is in English.] To the disconsolate and retyred spryte, the heremite of Tyboll, and to al oother disaffected sowles, claiming by, from, or under the said heremit, sendeth greting. Where, in our high coourt of chancerie it is given us to understand, that yoou, sir Heremite, the abandonate of natures fair workes, and servaunt to heavens woonders, have (for the space of two years and two moonthes) possessed yoor self of fair Tybollt, with her sweet rosary the same tyme, the recreation of our right trusty and right wel beloved, sir William Sitsilt, knt. leaving to him the old rude repoze, wherein twice five years (at his cost) yoor contemplate life was relieved, which place and fate inevitable hath brought greefs innumerable, (for looer greef biddeth no compare,) suffering yoor solitary ey to bring into hir house desolation and moorning, joyes destroyers and annoye frendes; whereby paradice is grown wilderness, and for green grass are comen gray hearz, with cruel banishment from the frute of long laboure, the possession whereof he hath holden many yeerz, the want of the mean profit thereof (health and gladness) having been greatly to hiz hindrance; which tooucheth us much in the interest we have in hiz faithful servicez; besides the law of biz looving neibours and frends, infinite, as by the record of their countenance most plainly may appear.

Wee upon advised consideration have commanded you heremit, to yoor old cave, too good for the forsaken, too bad for oour worthily belooved coouncillour. And becauz we greatly tender yoor comfort, we have given poour to oour chauncillour, to make oout such and so many writs, as to him shal be thought good, to abjure desolations and mourning (the consumer of sweetness) to the frozen seas and deserts of Arabia Petrosa, upon pain of 500 despights to their terror, and contempt of their torments, if they attempt any part of yoour hoous again; ENJOYNING YOU to the enjoyment of yoour own hoous, and delight without memory of any mortal accident or wretched adversary.

And for that you have been so good a servaunt to common tranquillity, we command solace to give the ful and pacifick possession of al and every part thereof: not departing until oour favour (that ever hath inclined to yoor meek nature) have assured you peace in the possession thereof. Wherein we command al causez within the prerogative of oour high favour to give you no interrupdon. And this under the paine aforesaid they shal not omitt. Teste meipsa apud Tybolls, 10mo die Maii, regni nostri 33o. On the backside of this charter is, Per Cancellar. Angl. CHR. HATTON.

NUMBER 55.

Advertisements from Spain to the lord high treasurer of England, so endorsed. A brief of such news as I, Henry Carmink, of Droushed, a merchant, could learn in Spain; arriving there the 1st of March 1590, and departing thence home the 2lst of April 1591. THERE departed from Ferrol, about the 20th of February last, to the number of 25 sail for Britain, with 6000 soldiers; and being at sea were dispersed, some to the coast of France, and four of them back again to the port Vivers in Gallicia, where they remained fourteen days in very foul weather. After which time there came commandment, that they should set forward again toward the port where they were bound.

Also I heard, that the duke of Savoy hath entered into Mersellia, and holdeth the same by the right of his wife.

It is reported, that the king of Spain hath promised to help the leaguers with 12,000 men by the last of May next.

There was lost 11 of the best ships that were bound forth for treasure to the Indies, and not any saved in them. After which loss the king sent forth sixteen other ships for a new supply. There is by report come home three small ships with four millions of treasure. Nevertheless some think it not so, but only a speech given out; thinking that if Drake hear that the treasure be come home, that then he will not set forth; and also that by this report the soldiers will the rather enter into pay. For as they were accustomed to be paid monthly, they have been of late five months behind.

Sir William Stanley [that betrayed Deventer to the Spaniard] is at Madrid, and hath by report 200 ducats by the month. He hath six men attending upon him, and yet is scarce able to maintain the port of a mean gentleman.

And also the Irish gentlemen that be there, and have the king’s pay, are scarce able to pay tor their victuals, their apparel being very bare and simple.

There grew in Madrid a mutiny by the commons of the town against the king, for that he pressed them and all the country with new impositions. So that they wish that Drake were their king, then should they live as freemen, whereas they are now but captives. Upon which tumult, there were to the number of 60 hanged, and about 200 whipped and carted.

There came post from Madrid to Ferrol, by sir William Stanley’s footman, commanding every general captain and officer whatsoever, to be in a readiness presently to withstand sir Francis Drake; for there came letters to the court at Madrid, that Drake had promised that he would keep his Easter in Ferrol. Whereupon they commanded muster to be taken from to 60; and for so many as I saw, (to the number of 4000,) they were but simply weaponed, and poor naked people, and such as, in my judgment, would never stand to fight. And to prevent the English fleet from coming into the river of Ferrol, the Spanish have moored five great armathos, and two galliasses, as bulwarks to keep the enter of the harbour.

Moreover, I heard that. there was (since the 1st of November) three popes seated in Rome; whereof two are killed or poisoned. For that they held with the right of the king of Navarre, now king of France. Moreover, it is further reported, that there is a strong fleet builded at Blevet, and to straiten the same here lieth in the harbour five armathos and two galliasses.

By me, Henry Carminck.

NUMBER 56.

The cardinals to the city of Paris, from Rome; giving the news of pope Gregory’s death, anno 1591. Miseratione divina episcopi, presbyteri et diaconi sanctae Romance ecclesiae cardinales, dilectissimis nobis in Christo salutem et sytnceram in Domino charitatem. MAGNO cum dolore et plane inviti has ad vos literas damus, quas cor vestrum scimus quasi peracuto doloris gladio pariter transfixuras. Nam quo major vestra est cum hac sancta apostolica sede conjunctio, quo illustrior pietas et ergs Christi vicarium beati Petri successorem devotio et obedientia, eo acerbiori maeroris sensu vos commoveri certum est, cum aliquid nobis luctuosum accidit, qui vos paterne diligimus, aut ecclesise Romanae matri vestrae charissimae lachrymarum materiam praebet, quae vos in visceribus Christi complectitur.

Sed jam tandem illud enunciandum quod et mens et lingua effari effugit; pater noster sanctissimus pater amantissimus, in quo maxime conquiescebamus, Gregorius XIIII. summus pontifex nocte hesterna, sicut Domino placuit, caducae hujus vitae brevem cursum absolvit et ad sempiternae vitae gaudia migravit; sic enim pie nobis persuademus. Vitae enim integerrimae actae mors consentanea fuit. Nam ut omittamus quod sacris omnibus sacramentis Christiano ritu communit`us seipsum et innocentem animum Creatori suo cum omni humilitate libentissime tradidit, illud certe praeterire non possumus, quod paulo antequam e vita discederet, sacrum nostrum collegium ad se vocavit, et magna constantia et pietate, ut talem pontificem decebat, gravissimis verbis testatus est unam esse catholicam fidem, quam Christus Dominus noster docuit, sancti apostoli et eorum successores praedicarunt, quam sancta Romana ecclesia omnium ecclesiarum mater et magistra docuit semper et docet; in qua se per Dei gratiam vixisse, in ea se velle mori. Tum praeterea magno quodam affectu, ut plane ex intimo corde promanare perspiceremus, commendavit nostro sacro collegio causam nobilissimi et Christianissimi regni Franciae, hoc est causam Christi, causam catholicae religionis, causam totius reipublicae Christianae; cujus tam insignis et tam nobilis portio regnum illud est. Nosque magnopere admonuit, ut quae tanta spe inchoata sunt non deseramus.

Nos autem sanctissimo patri, etsi multis cum lachrymis, ea respondimus, quae tam justa et tam salutaria momento respondere debebamus, idem omnium nostrum ardor et desiderium erat: quare illius saluberrimas cohortationes cordi nostro infixas fore diximus, et reipsa jam efficimus.

Scribimus enim ad dilectissimum nobis in Christo Herculem montis Mastiani ducem, et militum exercitus sedis apostolicae praefectum generalem, ut provinciam sibi a sanctissimo patre impositam strenue sustineat, in opere tam praeclare inchoato insistat, mandata illius sanctae memorise quam accuratissime exequi pergat, eadem nos cupere, eadem mandate, eandem nostram voluntatem esse.

In eandem sententiam scripsimus et ad apostolicos nuntios in regno isto ne latum unguem a praescripto itinere discedant.

Quare etsi negare non possumus multum in optimo pontifice amissum esse, qui de istius regni salute dies noctesque cogitabat, tamen aequum est ut D.

D.W. [dominationes vestrae] seipsas consolentur, et bono ac forti animo sint, et in Dei providentia confidant. Vivit enim per Dei gratiam apostolica sedes, eadem apud vos materna charitas, oblivisei illos non potest quos in Christo genuit. Sacrum hoc nostrum collegium quantum in Domino poterit vos semper arctissime complectetur. Novimus virtutem vestram, novimus animi magnitudinem, novimus invictam fortitudinem istius regiae et nobilissimae civitatis pro fide catholica tuenda adversus omnes Satanae machinationes et omnes inferorum portas. Vestra constantia bonis aliis exemplo fuit; et nunc quoque caeteros catholicos corroborat et sustentat.

Quare, dilectissimi nobis in Christo, constantes estote, viriliter agite, et confortetur cor vestrum in eo qui potens, et eo qui facit mirabilia magna solus.

Nos paulo post in apostolicum conclave ingrediemur, et ab infinita Del clementia cito pontificem summum impetraturos confidimus; nec dubitamus eodem animo, eodem spiritu, eadem erga nos charitate illum fore qua sanctae rec. [recordationis] Gregorius fuit. Itaque vos magnopere hortamur, ut tot perpessos labores, tot merita vestra perfectae patientiae opere cumuletis, et caeteris, quod hactenus fecistis, vestrae gloriae splendore praeluceatis. Rogamus autem vos in Domino, ut sollicitudinem nostram vestris orationibus adjuvetis: ut ecclesiae catholicae sponsus et caput visibile, pastor universalis Domini gregis nobis a Patre misericordiarum, brevi concedatur, qui nostrum et vestrum et bonorum omnium desiderium in istius praesenti regni causa salutariter auxiliante Domino perficiat. Dat’ Romae in palatio apostolico, et congregatione nostra generali, sub sigillis trium nostrum in ordine priorum, die XVI Octobris 1591. Apostolica sede vacante.

Suprascriptio. Subscriptum Silvius Antonianus. Dilectissimis nobis in Christo senatui, clero, praeposito mercatorum et scabinis populi civitatis Parisiensis.

NUMBER 57.

Londino-Gallica ecclesia. John Castel, minister there, in the name of the members of that church, upon occasion of a supply to be sent to the French protestants in France. His letter writ to the archbishop of Canterbury and the lord treasurer, sending to this church to make their contribution for them under persecution.

Castel gives account of the members of this congrgation, and their poor condition, in a Latin letter to this tenor. THAT their church consisted of strangers, that were deprived of their goods and estates out of their own countries. That one part, and that the least, were Frenchmen: and they denied not, but that heretofore more were most kindly received by this nation into this port. But such as were of better condition long since returned, to defend their own seats against the rage of the enemies: but the men of meaner condition, and of military age, being helped by the liberalities of good men, (their wives and children being left to this church’s care,) followed the king’s camp: that those that remained there being exhausted with perpetual calamities, and had often suffered shipwreck, by reason of the continual tempest of war, did very hardly live.

That the other part [of this church,] and that the greatest, were Hannonii, Artesii, Flandri, Gallicani, that is, sprung out of the countries which obey the Spaniard; and in less need and want (some few excepted) than the rest.

That from the good God it is granted to them, that in some certain manufactures [opificia ] they excelled: but nevertheless since those works almost lie buried, all provision by the injury of times taken away, and commerce with other nations extinguished. That it is a wonder, and scarce to be believed, what great miseries the too deep silence of the merchants draws along with it. That they had about ten or twelve months since borrowed a great sum of money to relieve their poor, that they might not beg from