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    RAAMA <ra’-a-ma > ([ am;[]r” , ra`ma’ ]): Thus spelled only in 1 Chronicles 1:9; elsewhere “Raamah” ([ hm;[]r” , ra`mah ]). A son of Cush and father of Sheba and Dedan ( Genesis 10:7 = 1 Chronicles 1:9). In Ezekiel’s lament over Tyre ( Ezekiel 27:22) the tribe of Raamah is mentioned along with Sheba as a mercantile people who provided the inhabitants of Tyre with spices, precious stones and gold. It has generally been identified with Regina, mentioned by Ptolemy and Steph. Byzantr. as a city in Southeastern Arabia on the shores of the Persian Gulf. The Septuagint ([ JRegma>, Rhegma ]) itself supposes this site. But the Arabic name of the city here indicated is spelled with a “g” and so gives rise to a phonological difficulty. A more probable identification has been found in the Sabean ra`mah in Southwestern Arabia near Me`in in the north of Marib. Me`in was the capital of the old Minaean kingdom. A. S. Fulton RAAMIAH <ra-a-mi’-a > ([ hy;m][“r” , ra`amyah ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Naamia>, Naamia ]; Codex Alexandrinus, [ JReelma>, Rheelma ): One of the leading men who returned with Zerubbabel from captivity ( Nehemiah 7:7). In the corresponding passage in Ezra 2:2, where the same list is named, a slight variation in form is given. “Reelaiah” is the name found in this passage. Doubtless, one is a corruption of the other. Both have the same root meaning.

    RAAMSES; RAMESES <ra-am’-sez > , <ram’-e-sez > ( Exodus 1:11), ( Genesis 47:11; Exodus 12:37; Numbers 33:3,5) ([ ssem][]r” , ra`mecec ], [ ssem][“r” , ra`amcec ]; [ JRamessh~, Rhamesse ]; Egyptian Ra-messu, “Ra created him” (or “it”)): 1. THE MEANING OF “STORE-CITIES”:

    One of the two “settlements” (mickenoth) built, or “built up,” by the Hebrews for the Pharaoh, the other being Pithom, to which the Septuagint adds a third, namely, “On which is Heliopolis,” a town near Cairo ( Exodus 1:11). The Hebrew term mickenoth comes from a root meaning “to settle down” (Arabic sakan, “settlement,” Assyrian sakanu or shakanu, “to set”), but it is rendered “strong cities” in Septuagint, “treasure cities” in the King James Version, and (incorrectly) “store-cities” in the Revised Version: The “land of Rameses,” where Jacob and his sons settled, was apparently the “field of Zoan” (see ZOAN), thus lying in the Delta East of the Bubastic branch of the Nile. 2. THE MEANING OF THE NAME:

    It is often assumed that no city called Rameses would have existed before the time of Rameses II, or the 14th century BC, though even before Rameses I the name occurs as that of a brother of Horemhib under the XVIIIth Dynasty. The usual translation “Child of Ra” is grammatically incorrect in Egyptian and as Ra was an ancient name for the “sun” it seems possible that a town may have borne the title “Ra created it” very early.

    The mention of Rameses in Genesis (47:11) is often regarded as an anachronism, since no scholar has supposed that Jacob lived as late as the time of Rameses II. This would equally apply to the other notices, and at most would serve to mark the age of the passages in the Pentateuch where Rameses is mentioned, but even this cannot be thought to be proved (see EXODUS ). According to Deuteronomy Rouge (see Pierret, Vocab.

    Hieroglyph., 1875, 143) there were at least three towns in Lower Egypt that bore the name Pa Rames-ses (“city of Rameses”); but Brugsch supposes that the place mentioned in the Old Testament was Zoan, to which Rameses II gave this name when making it his capital in the Delta.

    Dr. Budge takes the same view, while Dr. Naville and others suppose that the site of Raamses has still to be found. 3. SITUATION:

    There appears to have been no certain tradition preserving the site, for though Silvia (about 385 AD) was told that it lay 4 miles from the town of Arabia (see GOSHEN ), she found no traces of such a place. Brugsch (“A New City of Rameses, 1876,” Aegyptische Zeitschrift, 69) places one such city in the southern part of Memphis itself. Goodwin (Rec. of Past, Old Series, VI, 11) gives an Egyptian letter describing the “city of Rameses- Miamun,” which appears to be Zoan, since it was on the seacoast. It was a very prosperous city when this letter was written, and a pa-khennu or “palace city.” It had canals full of fish, lakes swarming with birds, fields of lentils, melons, wheat, onions and sesame, gardens of vines, almonds and figs. Ships entered its harbor; the lotus and papyrus grew in its waters. The inhabitants greeted Rameses II with garlands of flowers. Besides wine and mead, of the “conqueror’s city,” beer was brought to the harbor from the Kati (in Cilicia), and oil from the “Lake Sagabi.” There is no reason to suppose that Zoan was less prosperous in the early Hyksos age, when the Hebrews dwelt in its plain, whatever be the conclusion as to the date when the city Rameses received that name. The description above given agrees with the Old Testament account of the possession given by Joseph to his family “in the best of the land, in the land of Rameses” ( Genesis 47:11). C. R. Conder RABBAH <rab’-a > : (1) ([ hB;r” , rabbah ]; [ JRabba>, Rhabba ], [ JRabba>q, Rhabbath ], [ JRabba>n, Rhabban ]. The full name is [ yneB] tB”r” ˆwOM[“ , rabbath bene `ammon ]; [hJ a]kra tw~n uiJw~n jAmmw>n, he akra ton huion Ammon ], [ JRabba>q uiJw~n jAmmw>n, Rhabbath huion Ammon ], “Rabbah of the children of Ammon”): This alone of the cities of the Ammonites is mentioned in Scripture, so we may take it as the most important. It is first named in connection with the “bed” or sarcophagus of Og, king of Bashan, which was said to be found here ( Deuteronomy 3:11). It lay East of the territory assigned to Gad ( Joshua 13:25). Whatever may have been its history in the interval, it does not appear again in Scripture till the time of David. This monarch sent an embassy of sympathy to King Hanun when his father Nahash died. The kindness was met by wanton insult, which led to the outbreak of war. The Ammonites, strengthened by Aramean allies, were defeated by the Israelites under Joab, and took refuge in Rabbah. After David’s defeat of the Arameans at Helam a year later, the Ammonites were exposed alone to the full-force of Israel, the ark of the covenant being carried with the troops. The country was ravaged and siege was laid to Rabbah. It was during this siege that Uriah the Hittite by David’s orders was exposed “in the forefront of the hottest battle” ( Samuel 11:15), where, treacherously deserted by his comrades, he was slain. How long the siege lasted we do not know; probably some years; but the end was in sight when Joab captured “the city of waters” ( Samuel 12:27). This may mean that he had secured control of the water supply. In the preceding verse he calls it the “royal city.” By the chivalry of his general, David was enabled in person to enjoy the honor of taking the city. Among the booty secured was the crown of Melcom, the god of the Ammonites. Such of the inhabitants as survived he treated with great severity ( 2 Samuel 12:26-31; 1 Chronicles 20:1 ff).

    In the utterances of the prophets against Ammon, Rabbah stands for the people, as their most important, or perhaps their only important, city ( Jeremiah 49:2,3; Ezekiel 21:20; 25:5; Amos 1:14). Jeremiah 49:4 speaks of the “flowing valley” — a reference perhaps to the abundance of water and fruitfulness — and the treasures in which she gloried. Ezekiel 21:21 represents the king of Babylon at “the head of the two ways” deciding by means of the divining arrows whether he should march against Jerusalem or against Rabbah. Amos seems to have been impressed with the palaces of Rabbah.

    The city retained its importance in later times. It was captured by Ptolemy Philadelphus (285-247 BC), who called it Philadelphia. It was a member of the league of ten cities. Antiochus the Great captured it by means of treachery (Polyb. v.71). Josephus (BJ, III, iii, 3) names it as lying East of Peraea. In the 4th century AD, it ranked with Bostra and Gerasa as one of the great fortified cities of Coele-Syria (Ritter, Erdkunde, XV, ii, 1154 f).

    It became the seat of a bishop. Abulfeda (1321 AD) says that Rabbah was in ruins at the time of the Moslem conquest.

    Rabbah is represented by the modern `Amman, a ruined site with extensive remains, chiefly from Roman times, some 14 miles Northeast of Heshbon, and about 22 miles East of the Jordan. It lies on the northern bank of Wady `Amman, a tributary of the upper Jabbok, in a well-watered and fruitful valley. Possibly the stream which rises here may be “the waters” referred to in 2 Samuel 12:27. Ancient Rabbah may have stood on the hill now occupied by the citadel, a position easy of defense because of its precipitous sides. The outer walls of the citadel appear to be very old; but it is quite impossible to say that anything Ammonite is now above ground.

    The citadel is connected by means of an underground passage with a large cistern or tank to the North, whence probably it drew its watersupply. This may be the passage mentioned in the account of the capture of the city by Antiochus. “It is,” says Conder (Heth and Moab, 158), “one of the finest Roman towns in Syria, with baths, a theater, and an odeum, as well as several large private masonry tombs built in the valley probably in the 2nd century. The fortress on the hill, now surrounding a considerable temple, is also probably of this same date. The church with two chapels farther North, and perhaps some of the tombs, must belong to a later age, perhaps the 4th century. The fine mosque and the fine Moslem building on the citadel hill cannot be earlier than the 7th, and are perhaps as late as the 11th century; and we have thus relics of every building epoch except the Crusading, of which there appears to be no indication.”

    The place is now occupied by Arabs and Circassians who profit by the riches of the soil. It is brought into contact with the outside world by means of the Damascus-Hejaz Railway, which has a station here. (2) ([ hB;r”h; , ha-rabbah ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Swqhba~, Sotheba ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ jArebba>, Arebba ]): An unidentified city of Judah named along with Kiriath-jearim ( Joshua 15:60). W. Ewing RABBI <rab’-i > , <rab’-i > ([ yBir” , rabbi ]; [rJabbi>, rhabbi ], or [rJabbei>, rhabbei ]): A term used by the Jews of their religious teachers as a title of respect, from [ br” , rabh ], “great,” so “my great one” (compare Latin magister), once of masters of slaves, but later of teachers ( Matthew 23:7); therefore translated by [dida>skalov, didaskalos ], “teacher” ( Matthew 23:8; John 1:38; compare 1:49). In the King James Version frequently rendered “Master” ( Matthew 26:25,49; Mark 9:5; 11:21; 14:45; John 4:31; 9:2; 11:8). John the Baptist ( John 3:26), as well as Christ, is addressed with the title ( John 1:49; 6:25), both by disciples and others. Jesus forbade its use among His followers ( Matthew 23:8). Later (Galilean) form of same, RABBONI (which see). See TALMUD for Rabbinical literature. Edward Bagby Pollard RABBITH <rab’-ith > ([ tyBir”h; , ha-rabbith ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Dabeirw>n, Dabeiron ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ JRabbw>q, Rhabboth ]): A town in the territory of Issachar ( Joshua 19:20) which is probably represented today by Raba, a village in the southern part of the Gilboa range and North of Ibzaq . The “ha” is, of course, the definite article.

    RABBLE <rab’-l > : This word is not found in the King James Version. the Revised Version (British and American) has it once as the translation of [ajgorai~ov, agoraios ] (literally, “lounger in the market place”), in Acts 17:5, where it replaces “baser sort” of the King James Version. It has the common meaning of an unruly, lawless set who are ready to join a mob.

    RABBONI <rab-o’-ni > , <rab-o’-ni > ([rJabboni>, rhabboni ], “my great master” ( Mark 10:51); [rJabbouni>, rhabbouni ] (Westcott-Hort rhabbounei , ( John 20:16)). See RABBI.

    RAB-MAG <rab’-mag > ([ gm;Abr” , rabh-magh ];. Septuagint has it as a proper noun, [ JRabama>q, Rhabamath ]): The name of one of the Babylonian princes who were present at the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, during the reign of Zedekiah, king of Judah ( Jeremiah 39:3,13). The word is a compound, the two parts seemingly being in apposition and signifying tautologically the same thing. The last syllable or section of the word, magh, was the designation among the Medes, Persians and Babylonians for priests and wise men. Its original significance was “great” or “powerful”; Greek [me>gav, megas ], Latin magis, magnus. The first syllable, rabh, expresses practically the same idea, that of greatness, or abundance in size, quantity, or power. Thus it might be interpreted the “allwise” or “all-powerful” prince, the chief magician or physician. It is, therefore, a title and not a name, and is accordingly put in appositive relations to the proper name just preceding, as “Nergal-sharezer, the Rabmag,” translated fully, “Nergal-sharezer the chief prince or magician.” See NERGAL-SHAREZER.

    In harmony with the commonly accepted view, the proper rendering of the text should be, “All the princes of the king of Babylon came in, and sat in the middle gate, to wit, Nergal-sharezer, Samgarnebo, Sarsechim, (the) Rab-saris, Nergal-sharezer, (the) Rab-mag” ( Jeremiah 39:3); and “so Nebuzaradan the captain of the guard sent, and Nebushazban, (the) Rabsaris, and Nergal-sharezer, (the) Rab-mag, and all the chief officers of the king of Babylon” ( Jeremiah 39:13). Walter G. Clippinger RAB-SARIS <rab’-sa-ris > ([ syris;Abr” , rabh-caric ]): As with Rab-mag, which is not regarded as a name, but a title, so this is to be regarded as a descriptive title for the person whose name precedes it (see RAB-MAG ). The first part, rabh , signifies “great” or “chief,” the second, caric , is the title for eunuch or chamberlain. The translation then would be chief eunuch or the chief of the eunuchs (or chamberlains).

    The oriental custom was for the king to surround himself with a number of eunuchs, who performed varied kinds of services, both menial and dignified. They usually had charge of his harem; sometimes they occupied court positions. Frequently they superintended the education of the youth.

    The term itself was sometimes used to designate persons in places of trust who were not emasculated. The above title describes the highest or chief in rank of these eunuchs. See EUNUCH.

    The full title is used 3 times, once in connection with the titles of other important officers who were sent by the king of Assyria with a large army to demand the surrender of Jerusalem. The passage would be translated properly, `And the king of Assyria sent the Tartan and the Rab-saris (the chief eunuch) and the Rabshakeh from Lachish to king Hezekiah’ ( Kings 18:17). Again, it refers to a Babylonian whose real name was Sarsechim, who with the other Babylonian princes sat in the middle gate during the capture of Jerusalem. This event is described as having occurred in the 11th year of Zedekiah, king of Judah ( Jeremiah 39:3). The third use is in connection with the name Nebushazban, who, with the other chief officers of the king of Babylon, sent and took Jeremiah out of the court of the guard and committed him to Gedaliah, who was to take him home to dwell with his own people ( Jeremiah 39:13).

    Thus, it is seen that based upon this accepted theory the three titles would be in their connections as follows: (1) simply “the chief eunuch,” (2) Sarsechim, the Rab-saris (or chief eunuch), and (3) Nebushazban, the Rab-saris (or chief eunuch). See also ASSYRIA, X.

    Walter G. Clippinger RABSHAKEH <rab’-sha-ke > , <rab-sha’-ke > ([ hqev;b]r” , rabhshaqeh ]): A compound word, the first part, [rabh], indicating “head” or “chief” (see RAB-MAG; RAB-SARIS ). The second part, which in the Aramaic, probably meant “cupbearer,” had in this connection and elsewhere, according to later discoveries, an extended significance, and meant chief officer, i.e. chief of the heads or captains.

    Rabshakeh was one of the officers sent by Sennacherib, the king of Assyria, with the Tartan and the Rabsaris to demand the surrender of Jerusalem, which was under siege by the Assyrian army ( 2 Kings 18:17,19,26,27,28,37; 19:4,8; Isaiah 36:2,4,11,12,13,22; 37:4,8). The three officers named went from Lachish to Jerusalem and appeared by the conduit of the upper pool. Having called upon King Hezekiah, his representatives Eliakim, the son of Hilkiah, Shebnah, the scribe, and Joah, the recorder, appeared. Rabshakeh sent through them a message to the king in which he represented himself as the spokesman for the king of Assyria. He derided King Hezekiah in an insolent fashion in representing his trust in Egypt as a bruised reed which would pierce the hand. Likewise his confidence in Yahweh was vain, for He also would be unable to deliver them. Then the officers of the king replied, requesting him to speak in the Syrian language-which they understood, and not in the Jews’ language which the people on the wall understood. This he refused to do, speaking still more loudly in order that they might hear and be persuaded. By bribery and appeal, by promise and by deception he exhorted them to turn traitor to Hezekiah and surrender to him. The people, however, true to the command of Hezekiah ( 2 Kings 18:36), “held their peace, and answered him not a word.” Afterward Rabshakeh returned and “found the king of Assyria warring against Libnah”. ( 2 Kings 19:8). From this description it is inferred that Rabshakeh was a man of considerable literary attainment, being able, in all probability, to speak in three languages. He had, in addition to his official power, dauntless courage, an insolent spirit and a characteristic oriental disregard for veracity. Walter G. Clippinger RACA <ra’-ka, <ra-ka’ > ([rJaka>, rhaka ], Westcott and Hort, The New Testament in Greek with Codices Sinaiticus (corrected), Vaticanus, Codex E, etc.; [rJaca>, rhacha ], Tischendorf with Codices Sinaiticus (original hand) and Bezae; Aramaic [ aq;yre , reqa’ ], from [ qyre , req ], “empty”):

    Vain or worthless fellow; a term of contempt used by the Jews in the time of Christ. In the Bible, it occurs in Matthew 5:22 only, but John Lightfoot gives a number of instances of the use of the word by Jewish writers (Hot. Hebrew., edition by Gandell, Oxford, 1859, II, 108).

    Chrysostom (who was acquainted with Syriac as spoken in the neighborhood of Antioch) says it was equivalent to the Greek [su>, su ], “thou,” used contemptuously instead of a man’s name. Jerome rendered it inanis aut vacuus absque cerebro. It is generally explained as expressing contempt for a man’s intellectual capacity (= “you simpleton!”), while [mwre>, more ] (translated “thou fool”), in the same verse is taken to refer to a man’s moral and religious character (= “you rascal!” “you impious fellow!”). Thus we have three stages of anger, with three corresponding grades of punishment: (1) the inner feeling of anger ([ojrgizo>menov, orgizomenos ]), to be punished by the local or provincial court ([th~| kri>sei, te krisei ], “the judgment”); (2) anger breaking forth into an expression of scorn (Raca), to be punished by the Sanhedrin ([tw~| sunedri>w|, to sunedrio ], “the council”); (3) anger culminating in abusive and defamatory language (More ), to be punished by the fire of Gehenna. This view, of a double climax, which has been held by foremost English and Gor. commentators, seems to give the passage symmetry and gradation. But it is rejected among others by T. K. Cheyne, who, following J. P. Peters, rearranges the text by transferring the clause “and whosoever shall say to his brother, Raca, shall be in danger of the council” to the end of the preceding verse (Encyclopaedia Biblica, IV, cols. 4001 f). There certainly does not seem to be trustworthy external evidence to prove that the terms “the judgment,” “the council,” “the Gehenna of fire” stand to each other in a relation of gradation, as lower and higher legal courts, or would be so understood by Christ’s hearers. What is beyond dispute is that Christ condemns the use of disparaging and insulting epithets as a supreme offense against the law of humanity, which belongs to the same category as murder itself. It should be added, however, that it is the underlying feeling and not the verbal expression as such that constitutes the sin. Hence, our Lord can, without any real inconsistency, address two of His followers as “foolish men” ( Luke 24:25, [ajno>htoi, anoetoi ], practically equivalent to Raca, as is also James’s expression, “O vain man,” James 2:20). D. Miall Edwards RACAL <ra’-kal > ([ lk;r; , rakhal ], “trader”): A place in Judah, enumerated among “the places where David himself and his men were wont to haunt,” to the elders of which he sent a share of his spoils ( 1 Samuel 30:29). The Septuagint reading “Carmel” has been adopted, by many, because of the similarity of the words in Hebrew ([ lkr , rakal ] and [ lmrk , karmel ]) and because there was a Carmel in the neighborhood of Hebron ( Joshua 15:55; 1 Samuel 15:12), which figures in the story of David’s adventures when pursued by Saul (1 Samuel 25) in a manner that makes it improbable that he would overlook the place in his good fortune (the King James Version “Rachal”). Nathan Isaacs RACE <ras > ([ 6wOrme , merox ]; [ajgw>n, agon ], [dro>mov, dromos ]). See GAMES, I, 2; II, 3.

    RACES <ras’-iz > . See TABLE OF NATIONS.

    RACHAB <ra’-kab > ([ JRaca>b, Rhachab ]): the King James Version; Greek form of “Rahab” (thus Matthew 1:5 the Revised Version (British and American)).

    RACHAL <ra’-kal > . See RACAL.

    RACHEL <ra’-chel > ([ ljer; , rachel ], “ewe”; [ JRach>l, Rhachel ] ( Genesis 29:6; Jeremiah 31:15, the King James Version “Rahel”)): 1. BIOGRAPHY:

    An ancestress of Israel, wife of Jacob, mother of Joseph and Benjamin.

    Rachel was the younger daughter of Laban, the Aramean, the brother of Jacob’s mother; so Rachel and Jacob were cousins. They met for the first time upon the arrival of Jacob at Haran, when attracted by her beauty he immediately fell in love with her, winning her love by his chivalrous act related in Genesis 29:10 ff. According to the custom of the times Jacob contracted with Laban for her possession, agreeing to serve him 7 years as the stipulated price (29:17-20). But when the time had passed, Laban deceived Jacob by giving him Leah instead of Rachel. When Jacob protested, Laban gave him Rachel also, on condition that Jacob serve years more (29:21-29). To her great dismay “Rachel was barren” ( Genesis 29:30,31), while Leah had children. Rachel, envious of her sister, complained to Jacob, who reminded her that children are the gift of God. Then Rachel resorted to the expedient once employed by Sarah under similar circumstances (16:2 ff); she bade Jacob take her handmaid Bilhah, as a concubine, to “obtain children by her” (30:3). Daniel and Naphtali were the offspring of this union. The evil of polygamy is apparent from the dismal rivalry arising between the two sisters, each seeking by means of children to win the heart of Jacob. In her eagerness to become a mother of children, Rachel bargained with Leah for the mandrakes, or love-apples of her son Reuben, but all to no avail ( Genesis 30:14). Finally God heard her prayer and granted her her heart’s desire, and she gave birth to her firstborn whom she named Joseph ( Genesis 30:22-24).

    Some years after this, when Jacob fled from Laban with his wives, the episode of theft of the teraphim of Laban by Rachel, related in Genesis 31:19,34,35, occurred. She hoped by securing the household gods of her father to bring prosperity to her own new household. Though she succeeded by her cunning in concealing them from Laban, Jacob later, upon discovering them, had them put away (35:2-4). In spite of all, she continued to be the favorite of Jacob, as is clearly evidenced by 33:2, where we are told that he assigned to her the place of greatest safety, and by his preference for Joseph, her son. After the arrival in Canaan, while they were on the way from Beth-el to Ephrath, i.e. Bethlehem, Rachel gave birth to her second son, Benjamin, and died (35:16 ff). 2. CHARACTER:

    In a marked manner Rachel’s character shows the traits of her family, cunning and covetousness, so evident in Laban, Rebekah and Jacob.

    Though a believer in the true God ( Genesis 30:6,8,22), she was yet given to the superstitions of her country, the worshipping of the teraphim, etc. ( Genesis 31:19). The futility of her efforts in resorting to self-help and superstitious expedients, the love and stronger faith of her husband ( Genesis 35:2-4), were the providential means of purifying her character. Her memory lived on in Israel long after she died. In Ruth 4:11, the names of Rachel and Leah occur in the nuptial benediction as the foundresses of the house of Israel.

    RACHEL’S TOMB ([ ljer; tr”buq] tb,X,m” , matstsebheth qebhurath rachel ): In Genesis 35:20 we read: “Jacob set up a pillar upon her grave: the same is the Pillar of Rachel’s grave unto this day,” i.e. the time of the writer. Though the pillar, i.e sepulchral monument, has long disappeared, the spot is marked until this day, and Christians, Jews and Mohammedans unite in honoring it.

    The present tomb, which, apparently, is not older than the 15th century, is built in the style of the small-domed buildings raised by Moslems in honor of their saints. It is a rough structure of four square walls, each about 23 ft. long and 20 ft. high; the dome rising 10 ft. higher is used by Mohammedans for prayer, while on Fridays the Jews make supplication before the empty tomb within. It is doubtful, but probable, that it marks the exact spot where Rachel was buried. There are, apparently, two traditions as to the location of the place. The oldest tradition, based upon Genesis 35:16-20; 48:7, points to a place one mile North of Bethlehem and 4 miles from Jerusalem. Matthew 2:18 speaks for this place, since the evangelist, reporting the slaughter of the innocents of Bethlehem, represents Rachel as weeping for her children from her neighboring grave.

    But according to 1 Samuel 10:2 ff, which apparently represents another tradition, the place of Rachel’s grave was on the “border of Benjamin,” near Beth-el, about 10 miles North of Jerusalem, at another unknown Ephrath. This location, some believe, is corroborated by Jeremiah 31:15, where the prophet, in relating the leading away of the people of Ramah, which was in Benjamin, into captivity, introduces Rachel the mother of that tribe as bewailing the fate of her descendants. Those that believe this northern location to be the place of Rachel’s grave take the words, “the same is Beth-lehem,” in Genesis 35:19; 48:7, to be an incorrect gloss; but that is a mere assumption lacking sufficient proof.

    Mr. Nathan Strauss, of New York City, has purchased the land surrounding Rachel’s grave for the purpose of erecting a Jewish university in the Holy Land. S. D. Press RADDAI <rad’-a-i > , <ra-da’-i > ([ yD”r” , radday ], “beating down”(?)): The 5th of the 7 sons of Jesse, father of David, according to 1 Chronicles 2:14 Septuagint, Codex Alexdrinus, “Rhaddai”; Lucian, “Rhedai”; others, “Zaddai”).

    RADIANT <ra’-di-ant > ([ rh”n; , nahar ], “to sparkle” i.e. (figurative) be cheerful; hence (from the sheen of a running stream), to flow, i.e. (figurative) assemble; flow (together), be lightened): the American Standard Revised Version substitutes the active “radiant” for the passive “were lightened” in Psalm 34:5; Isaiah 60:5 (English Revised Version, the King James Version “flow together”). As the earth and moon, both being dark, face a common sun and lighten each other, they are not only lightened, but radiant. So with the believers, “They looked unto him (Yahweh), and were radiant.” Thus nahar combines the two ideas of being lightened and flowing together. This appears, also, in a different connection, in Isaiah 60:5, “Then thou shalt see and be radiant.” “It is liquid lightlight that ripples and sparkles and runs across the face; .... the light which a face catches from sparkling water” (G.A. Smith, Isaiah, II, 430). M. O. Evans RAFT <raft > . See SNIPS AND BOATS, II, 1, (2).

    RAFTER <raf’-ter > (Song 1:17). See GALLERY; HOUSE.

    RAG Plural in Proverbs 23:21, “Drowsiness will clothe a man with rags” ([ µy[ir;q] , qera’im ] “torn garment”; compare 1 Kings 11:30), and figuratively in Isaiah 64:6 the King James Version, “All our righteousnesses are as filthy rags,” in the sense of “tattered clothing” ([ dg,B, , beghedh ], the Revised Version (British and American) “garment”).

    In Jeremiah 38:11,12 the American Standard Revised Version translates [ hb;j;s] , cechabhah ], as “rag” (the King James Version, the English Revised Version “old cast clout”), while the King James Version, the English Revised Version use “rotten rag” for [ jl”m, , melach ] (the American Standard Revised Version “worn-out garment”). Both cechabhah and melach mean “worn out.”

    RAGAU <ra’-go > ([ JRagau~, Rhagau ] (Westcott-Hort): the King James Version; Greek form of “Reu” (thus, the Revised Version (British and American)) ( Luke 3:35).

    RAGES; RAGAU <ra’-jez > , <ra’-go > 1. LOCATION: (“Rages,” Tobit 1:14; 4:1,20; 5:5; 6:9,12; 9:2; “Ragau,” Judith 1:5,15; [ JRagai>, Rhagai ], [ JRa>ga, Rhaga ], [ JRa>gh, Rhage ], [ JRagau>, Rhagau ]; in Darius’ Behistun Inscriptions, II, 71, 72, Raga , a province; in Avesta, Vend. I, 15, Ragha , city and province; perhaps, “the excellent”): In Eastern Media, one forced march from Caspian Gates,11 days’ journey from Ecbatana, 5 1/2 miles South of present Tehran ; the capital of the province of the same name, though by Ptolemy called Rhagiana. 2. HISTORY: (1) Ancient.

    A very ancient city, the traditional birthplace of Zoroaster (Zarathustra; Pahlavi Vendidad, Zad sparad XVI, 12, and Dabistan i Mazahib). In Yasna XIX, 18, of the Avesta, it is thus mentioned: “The Zoroastrian, four-chiefpossessing Ragha, hers are the royal chiefs, both the house-chief, the village-chief, and the town-chief: Zoroaster is the fourth.” In Vend. I, 15: “As the tenth, the best of both districts and cities, I, who am Ahura Mazda, did create Ragha, which possesses the three classes,” i.e. fire-priests, charioteers, husbandmen. Later it was the religious center of magism. A large colony of captive Israelites settled there. Destroyed in Alexander’s time, it was rebuilt by Seleucus Nicator (circa 300 BC), who named it Europos. Later, Arsaces restored it and named it Arsacia. (2) Medieval.

    In the early Middle Ages Ragha, then called Rai, was a great literary and often political center with a large population. It was the birthplace of Harun’al Rashid (763 AD). It was seized and plundered (1029 AD) by Sultan Machmud, but became Tughril’s capital. In the Vis o Roman (circa 1048 AD) it is an important place, 10 days journey across the Kavir desert from Merv. It was a small provincial town in about 1220 AD. It was sacked by Mongols in 1220 AD and entirely destroyed under Ghazan Khan circa 1295. A Zoroastrian community lived there in 1278 AD, one of whom composed the Zardtusht-Namah. (3) Present Condition.

    Near the ruins there now stands the village of Shah Abdu’l ‘Acim, connected with Tehran by the only railway in Persia (opened in 1888).

    LITERATURE Ptolemy, Diodorus Siculus, Pliny, Strabo; Ibnu’l Athir, Jami’u t Tawarikh, Tarikh i Jahan-gusha Yaqut; Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch; E.G. Browne, Literary Hist of Persia; modern travelers. W. St. Clair Tisdall RAGUEL (1) <ra-gu’-el > , <rag’-u-el > ([ JRagouh>l , Rhagouel ): “The friend of God,” of Ecbatana, the husband of Edna, father of Sarah, and father-in-law of Tobias (Tobit 3:7,17; 6:10; 7:2 f; 14:12). In Tobit 7:2 he is called cousin of Tobit, and in Tobit 6:10 the King James Version he is erroneously represented as “cousin” of Tobias = “kinsman” in the Revised Version (British and American). In Enoch 20:4 Raguel appears as one of the archangels, perhaps by confusion for Raphael (Tobit 3:17). Another form of the name is REUEL (which see).

    RAGUEL (2) <ra-gu’-el > , <rag’-u-el > ([ laeW[r] , re`u’-el ]; Septuagint: Rhagouel ): The Midianite chothen , i.e. either father-in-law or brother-in-law of Moses ( Numbers 10:29 the King James Version, the Revised Version (British and American) “Reuel”), the father of Hobab, called a Kenite, who is likewise described as a chothen of Moses ( Judges 4:11). See RELATIONSHIPS , FAMILY. Moses’ wife’s father is called re`u’el in Exodus 2:18 where Lucian reads “Iothor” and English Versions of the Bible “Reuel,” which transliteration is adopted in the Revised Version (British and American) in Numbers 10:29 also. In other passages the chothen of Moses is called “Jether” or “Jethro.” Among the harmonizations suggested the following are worthy of consideration: (a) that all are names or perhaps titles of one man (Rashi); (b) that Reuel was the father of Hobab and Jethro, that Jethro was the father-in-law of Moses, and that the word “father” is used for grandfather in Exodus 2:18; (c) that Reuel was the father-in-law and Jethro and Hobab brothers-inlaw; (d) that either Reuel or Hobab is to be identified with Jethro. None of these views is free from difficulty, nor is the view of those who would give Jethro as the name in the Elohist (E) and Reuel as that in the Jahwist (Jahwist) and (J-E). See also REUEL.

    Nathan Isaacs RAHAB <ra’-hab > : (1) ([ bj;r; , rachabh ], “broad”; in Josephus, Ant, V, i, 2, 7, [ JRa>cab, Rhachab ]; Hebrews 11:31 and James 2:25, [ JRa>ab, Rhaab ]): A zonah , that is either a “harlot,” or, according to some, an “innkeeper” in Jericho; the Septuagint [po>rnh, porne ], “harlot”). The two spies sent by Joshua from Shittim came into her house and lodged there ( Joshua 2:1). She refused to betray them to the king of Jericho, and when he demanded them, she hid them on the roof of her house with stalks of flax that she had laid in order to dry. She pretended that they had escaped before the shutting of the gate, and threw their pursuers off their track. She then told the spies of the fear that the coming of the Israelites had caused in the minds of the Canaanites — “Our hearts did melt .... for Yahweh your God, he is God in heaven above, and on earth beneath” — and asked that the men promise to spare her father, mother, brothers and sisters, and all that they had. They promised her to spare them provided they would remain in her house and provided she would keep their business secret. Thereupon she let them down by a cord through the window, her house being built upon the town wall, and gave them directions to make good their escape ( Joshua 2:1-24). True to their promise, the Israelites under Joshua spared Rahab and her family ( Joshua 6:16 ff the King James Version); “And,” says the author of Josh, “she dwelleth in Israel even unto this day.” Her story appealed strongly to the imagination of the people of later times. Hebrews 11:31 speaks of her as having been saved by faith; James, on the other hand, in demonstrating that a man is justified by works and not by faith only, curiously chooses the same example ( James 2:25).

    Jewish tradition has been kindly disposed toward Rahab; one hypothesis goes so far as to make her the wife of Joshua himself (Jew Encyclopedia, under the word). Naturally then the other translation of zonah , deriving it from zun , “to feed,” instead of zanah , “to be a harlot,” has been preferred by some of the commentators. (2) ( JRa>cab, Rhachab ): Josephus, Ant, V, 1, 2, 7, so spells the name of (1) Septuagint and New Testament contra). The wife of Salmon and mother of Booz (Boaz) according to the genealogy in Matthew 1:5.

    Query, whether there was a tradition identifying (1) and (2); see Lightfoot, Horae Hob on Matthew 1:5. (3) ([ bh”r” , rahabh ], literally, “storm,” “arrogance”): A mythical sea-monster, probably referred to in several passages where the word is translated as a common noun “pride” ( Job 9:13), “the proud” ( Job 26:12; compare Psalm 89:10). It is used in parallelism with tannin, “the dragon” ( Isaiah 51:9). It is most familiar as an emblem of Egypt, `the boaster that sitteth still’ ( Isaiah 30:7; Psalm 87:4; compare 89:10). The Talmud in Babha’ Bathra’ speaks of rahabh as sar ha-yam , “master of the sea.” See also ASTRONOMY.

    Nathan Isaacs RAHAM <ra’-ham > ([ µj”r” , racham ], “pity,” “love”): Son of Shema, and father of Jorkeam ( 1 Chronicles 2:44).

    RAHEL <ra’-hel > ( Jeremiah 31:15 the King James Version). See RACHEL.

    RAID <rad > ( 1 Samuel 27:10). See WAR, 3.

    RAIL; RAILING; RAILER, <ral > , <ral’-ing > , <ral’-er > : To “rail” on (in modern usage “against”) anyone is to use insolent or reproachful language toward one. It occurs in the Old Testament as the translation of [ tr”j; , charaph ] ( Chronicles 32:17, “letters to rail on Yahweh”), and of [ fy[i , `it ] ( Samuel 25:14, of Nabal, “he railed at them,” the English Revised Version “flew upon them,” margin “railed on”). In the New Testament “to rail” is the translation of [blasfhme>w, blasphemeo ] ( Mark 15:29; Luke 23:39; “railing,” 1 Timothy 6:4; 2 Peter 2:11; Jude 1:9). The word loidoria , rendered railing” in 1 Peter 3:9 the King James Version, is in the Revised Version (British and American) “reviling,” and loidoros, “railor,” in 1 Corinthians 5:11 is in the Revised Version (British and American) “reviler.” See also RACA.

    W. L. Walker RAIMENT <ra’-ment > . See DRESS.

    RAIMENT, SOFT ([malako>v, malakos ]): In Matthew 11:8 English Versions of the Bible, where Jesus, speaking of John the Baptist, asks “What went ye out to see? a man clothed in soft raiment?” where “raiment,” though implied, is not expressed in the best text, but was probably added from Luke 7:25 parallel. It is equivalent to “elegant clothing,” such as courtiers wore, as shown by the words following, “Behold, they that wear soft raiment are in kings’ houses.” John had bravely refused to play courtier and had gone to prison for it. In the early days of Herod the Great some scribes who attached themselves to him laid aside their usual plain clothing and wore the gorgeous raiment of courtiers (Jost, in Plumptre). George B. Eager RAIN <ran > ([ rf;m; , maTar ], Arabic maTar , “rain” [ µvo,G, , geshem ], “heavy rain” [ hr,wOm , moreh ], “early rain,” [ hr,wOy , yoreh ], “former rain,” [ vwOql]m” , malqosh ], “latter rain”; [bre>cw, brecho ], [uJeto>v, huetos ]): 1. WATER-SUPPLY IN EGYPT AND PALESTINE:

    In Egypt there is little or no rainfall, the water for vegetation being supplied in great abundance by the river Nile; but in Syria and Palestine there are no large rivers, and the people have to depend entirely on the fall of rain for water for themselves, their animals and their fields. The children of Israel when in Egypt were promised by Yahweh a land which “drinketh water of the rain of heaven” ( Deuteronomy 11:11). Springs and fountains are found in most of the valleys, but the flow of the springs depends directly on the fall of rain or snow in the mountains. 2. IMPORTANCE OF RAIN IN SEASON:

    The cultivation of the land in Palestine is practically dry farming in most of the districts, but even then some water is necessary, so that there may be moisture in the soil. In the summer months there is no rain, so that the rains of the spring and fall seasons are absolutely essential for starting and maturing the crops. The lack of this rain in the proper time has often been the cause of complete failure of the harvest. A small difference in the amount of these seasonal rains makes a large difference in the possibility of growing various crops without irrigation. Ellsworth Huntington has insisted on this point with great care in his very important work, Palestine and Its Transformation. The promise of prosperity is given in the assurance of “rain in due season” ( Leviticus 26:4 the King James Version). The withholding of rain according to the prophecy of Elijah ( 1 Kings 17:1) caused the mountain streams to dry up ( 1 Kings 17:7), and certain famine ensued. A glimpse of the terrible suffering for lack of water at that time is given us. The people were uncertain of another meal ( 1 Kings 17:12), and the animals were perishing ( 1 Kings 18:5). 3. AMOUNT OF RAINFALL:

    Palestine and Syria are on the borderland between the sea and the desert, and besides are so mountainous, that they not only have a great range of rainfall in different years, but a great variation in different parts of the country.

    The amount of rain on the western slopes is comparable with that in England and America, varying from 25 to 40 inches per annum, but it falls mostly in the four winter months, when the downpour is often very heavy, giving oftentimes from 12 to 16 inches in a month. On the eastern slopes it is much less, varying from 8 to 20 inches per annum. The highest amount falls in the mountains of Lebanon where it averages about 50 inches. In Beirut the yearly average is 35,87 inches. As we go South from Syria, the amount decreases (Haifa 27,75, Jaffa 22,39, Gaze 17,61), while in the Sinaitic Peninsula there is little or none. Going from West to East the change is much more sudden, owing to the mountains which stop the clouds. In Damascus the average is less than 10 inches. In Jerusalem the average for 50 years is 26,16 in., and the range is from 13,19 in 1870 to 41,62 in 1897. The yearly records as given by J. Glaisher and A. Datzi in Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly from 1861 to 1910, 50 years, are given in the accompanying table.

    RAINFALL IN JERUSALEM IN INCHES YEAR AMOUNT 1861 27.30” 1862 21.86” 1863 26.54” 1864 15.51” 1865 18.19” 1866 18.55” 1867 29.42” 1868 29.10” 1869 18.61” 1870 13.19” 1871 23.17” 1872 22.26” 1873 22.72” 1874 29.75” 1875 27.01” 1876 14.41” 1877 26.00” 1878 32.21” 1879 18.04” 1880 32.11” 1881 16.50” 1882 26.72” 1883 31.92” 1884 23.16” 1885 29.47” 1886 31.69” 1887 29.81” 1888 37.79” 1889 13.16” 1890 35.51” 1891 34.72” 1892 31.23” 1893 30.54” 1894 35.38” 1895 23.15” 1896 32.90” 1897 41.62” 1898 28.66” 1899 22.43” 1900 21.20” 1901 17.42” 1902 25.51” 1903 18.04” 1904 34.48” 1905 34.22” 1906 28.14” 1907 27.22” 1908 31.87” 1909 21.13” 1910 24.64” The amount of rainfall in ancient times was probably about the same as in present times, though it may have been distributed somewhat differently through the year, as suggested by Huntington. Conder maintains that the present amount would have been sufficient to support the ancient cities (Tent-Work in Palestine). Trees are without doubt fewer now, but meteorologists agree that trees do not produce rain. 4. DRY AND RAINY SEASONS; The rainfall is largely on the western slopes of the mountains facing the sea, while on the eastern slopes there is very little. The moisture-laden air comes up from the sea with the west and southwest wind. When these currents strike the hills they are thrown higher up into the cooler strata, and the moisture condenses to form clouds and rain which increases on the higher levels. Having passed the ridge of the hills, the currents descend on the other side to warmer levels, where the moisture is easily held in the form of vapor so that no rain falls and few clouds are seen, except in the cold mid-winter months.

    The summer months are practically rainless, with very few clouds appearing in the sky. From May 1 to the middle of October one can be sure of no rain; “The winter is past; the rain is over” (Song 2:11), so many sleep on the roofs of the houses or in tents of leaves and branches in the fields and vineyards throughout the summer. The continuous hot droughts make the people appreciate the springs and fountains of fresh running water and the cool shade of rock and tree.

    The rainy season from October to May may be divided into three parts, the former, the winter, and the latter rains, and they are often referred to under these names in the Old Testament.

    The “former rains” are the showers of October and the first part of November. They soften the parched ground so that the winter grain may be sown before the heavy continuous rains set in. The main bulk of the rain falls in the months of December, January and February. Although in these months the rains are frequent and heavy, a dark, foggy day is seldom seen.

    The “latter rains” of April are the most highly appreciated, because they ripen the fruit and stay the drought of summer. They were considered a special blessing: Yahweh “will come .... as the latter rain that watereth the earth” ( Hosea 6:3); “They opened their mouth wide as for the latter rain” ( Job 29:23); and as a reason for worshipping Yahweh who sent them, “Let us now fear Yahweh our God, that giveth rain, both the former and the latter, in its season” ( Jeremiah 5:24).

    The rain storms always come from the sea with a west or southwest wind.

    The east wind is a hot wind and the “north wind driveth away rain” ( Proverbs 25:23, the King James Version). “Fair weather cometh out of the north” ( Job 37:22, the King James Version). 5. BIBLICAL USES:

    The Psalmist recognizes that the “showers that water the earth” ( Psalm 72:6) are among the choicest blessings from the hand of Yahweh: “The early rain covereth it with blessings” ( Psalm 84:6). The severest punishment of Yahweh was to withhold the rain, as in the time of Ahab and Elijah, when the usual rain did not fall for three years (1 Kings 17); “the anger of Yahweh be kindled against you, and he shut up the heavens, so that there shall be no rain, and the land shall not yield its fruit; and ye perish quickly” ( Deuteronomy 11:17). Too much rain is also a punishment, as witness the flood ( Genesis 7:4) and the plague of rain and hail ( Ezra 10:9). Sending of rain was a reward for worship and obedience: “Yahweh will open unto thee his good treasure, the heavens, to give the rain of thy land in its season, and to bless all the work of thy hand” ( Deuteronomy 28:12). Yahweh controls the elements and commands the rain: “He made a decree for the rain” ( Job 28:26); “For he saith to the snow, Fall thou on the earth; likewise to the shower of rain” ( Job 37:6).

    LITERATURE Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly; meteorological observations from the Dead Sea, Jerusalem, Jaffa and Tiberias; various observers; Zeitschrift des deutschen Paldstina-Vereins; H. Hilderscheid, Die Niederschlagsverhdltnisse Paldstinas in alter and neuer Zeit; C. R. Conder, Tent-Work in Palestine; Edward Hull, Mount Seir, Sinai and Western Palestine; Ellsworth Huntington, Palestine and Its Transformation; bulletin of the Syrian Protestant College Observatory, Meteorological Observations in Beirut and Syria. Alfred H. Joy RAINBOW ([ tc,q, , qesheth ], translated “a bow”; [i+riv, iris ], “rainbow”):

    As most of the rainfall in Palestine is in the form of short heavy showers it is often accompanied by the rainbow. Most beautiful double bows are often seen, and occasionally the moon is bright enough to produce the bow. It is rather remarkable that there are so few references to the rainbow in the Bible. The Hebrew qesheth is the ordinary word for a bow, there being no special word for rainbow.

    The interpretation of the significance of the bow in the sky is given at the close of the story of the flood, where it is called “the token of the covenant” of Yahweh with Noah that there should be no more flood: “I do set my bow in the cloud, .... and the waters shall no more become a flood to destroy all flesh” ( Genesis 9:13,15). This addition to the story of the flood is not found in other mythical accounts. The foundation for the interpretation of the bow in this way seems to be that while His bow is hung in the sky God must be at peace with His people. The glory of God is likened to “the appearance of the bow that is in the cloud in the day of rain” ( Ezekiel 1:28). The rainbow forms a striking part of the vision in Revelation 4:3: “And there was a rainbow round about the throne.” Alfred H. Joy RAISE <raz > : “To raise” in the Old Testament is most frequently the translation of the Hiphil form of [ µWq , qum ], “to cause to arise,” e.g. raising up seed ( Genesis 38:8), a prophet ( Deuteronomy 18:18), judges ( Judges 2:16,18), etc.; also of [ rW[ , `ur ], “to awake,” “stir up” ( Ezra 1:5 the King James Version; Isaiah 41:2, etc.), with other words. In the New Testament the chief words are [ejgei>rw, egeiro ], “to awaken,” “arouse” ( Matthew 3:9; Luke 1:69; 3:8, etc.), frequently of raising the dead; and [ajni>sthmi, anistemi ] ( Matthew 22:24; John 6:39, etc.; Acts 2:24 (30 the King James Version), etc.), with compounds of the former.

    Among the Revised Version (British and American) changes may be noted, “to stir the fire” for “from raising” ( Hosea 7:4); “raiseth high his gate” for “exalteth his gate” ( Proverbs 17:19); the American Standard Revised Version, “can it be raised from the roots thereof” for “pluck it up by the roots thereof” ( Ezekiel 17:9 the King James Version and the English Revised Version); “raised up” for “rise again” ( Matthew 20:19; compare Matthew 26:32; Romans 8:34; Colossians 3:1). W. L. Walker RAISIN-CAKES <ra’-z’-n-kaks > : the Revised Version (British and American) gives this rendering for the King James Version “foundations” in Isaiah 16:7 (Hebrew ‘ashishah from ‘ashash , “to found,” “make firm,” “press”). The trade in these would cease through the desolation of the vineyards. For the King James Version “flagons of wine” in Hosea 3:1, the Revised Version (British and American) gives “cakes of raisins,” such as were offered to the gods of the land, the givers of the grape (compare Song 2:5).

    See next article.

    RAISINS <ra’-z’-nz > : (1) [ µyqiWMxi , cimmuqim ]; [stafi>dev, staphides ], translated “dried grapes,” Numbers 6:3; mentioned in all other references as a portable food for a march or journey. Abigail supplied David with “a hundred clusters of raisins,” among other things, in the wilderness of Paran ( 1 Samuel 25:18); David gave two clusters of raisins to a starving Egyptian slave of the Amalekites at Besor ( 1 Samuel 30:12); raisins formed part of the provision brought to David at Hebron for his army ( 1 Chronicles 12:40); Ziba supplied David, when flying from Absalom, with a hundred clusters of raisins ( 2 Samuel 16:1). (2) [ hv;yvia\ , ‘ashishah ], something “pressed together,” hence, a “cake.” In Hosea 3:1, mention is made of [ µybin;[\ yveyvia\ , ‘ashishe ‘anabhim ] ([pe>mmata meta< stafi>dov, pemmata meta staphidos ]), “cakes of raisins”: “Yahweh loveth the children of Israel, though they turn unto other gods, and love (margin “or them that love”) cakes of raisins.” These are supposed to have been cakes of dried, compressed grapes offered to false gods. Gratz considers that the Hebrew words are a corruption of ‘asherim and chammanim (“sun images”). Compare Isaiah 17:8; 27:9. In other passages “cakes” stands alone without “raisins,” but the translation “cakes of raisins” is given in 2 Samuel 6:19; 1 Chronicles 16:3; Song 2:5 (the King James Version “flagons”); Isaiah 16:7 margin “foundations.”

    Raisins are today, as of old, prepared in considerable quantities in Palestine, especially at es-Salt, East of the Jordan. The bunches of grapes are dipped in a strong solution of potash before being dried. E. W. G. Masterman RAKEM <ra’-kem > ([ µq,r; , raqem ], the pausal form of [ µq,r; , reqem ]): The eponym of a clan of Machir ( 1 Chronicles 7:16). See REKEM.

    RAKKATH <rak’-ath > ([ tQ”r” , raqqath ]; Codex Vaticanus [ jWmaqadake>q, Omathadaketh ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ JRekka>q, Rhekkath ]): The Greek is obviously the result of confusing the two names Rakkath and Hammath, taking “r” in the former for “d”. Rakkath was one of the fortified cities in Naphtali ( Joshua 19:35). It is named between Hammath and Chinnereth. Hammath is identified with the hot baths to the South of Tiberias. There are traces of ancient fortifications here. The rabbis think that Tiberias was built on the site of Rakkath. Certain it is that Herod’s town was built upon an ancient site, the graves of the old inhabitants being disturbed in digging the new foundations (Neubauer, Geog. du Talmud, 208). W. Ewing RAKKON <rak’-on > ([ ˆwOQr”h; , ha-raqqon ]; [ JIera>kwn, Hierakon ]). See ME-JARKON.

    RAM (1) <ram > ([ µr; , ram ], “high,” “exalted”): (1) An ancestor of David ( Ruth 4:19 ([ jArra>n, Arran ]); Matthew 1:3,4 ([ jAra>m, Aram ]); in 1 Chronicles 2:9 he is called the “brother,” but in 2:25, the “son of Jerahmeel” (compare 2:27). Ram as the son of Hezron appears more likely than Ram the son of Jerahmeel, since, according to the narratives of 1 and 2 Samuel, David cannot have been a Jerahmeelite. (2) Name of Elihu’s family ( Job 32:2). It is an open question as to whether Ram should be taken as a purely fictitious name, invented by the author of the Elihu speeches, or whether it is that of some obscure Arab tribe. In Genesis 22:21 Aram is a nephew of Buz (compare Elihu the Buzite), and the conjecture was at one time advanced that Ram was a contraction of Aram; but this theory is no longer held to be tenable. The suggestion that the initial “a” (the Hebrew letter, ‘aleph) has been changed by a scribal error into “h” (the Hebrew letter, he) is more acceptable. Rashi, the rabbinical commentator, takes the quaint position that Ram is identical with Abraham. Horace J. Wolf RAM (2) <ram > : (1) The ordinary word is [ lyia” , ‘ayil ], which is remarkably near to [ lY;a” , ‘ayyal ], “deer” (compare Latin caper, capra, “goat,” and capreolus, “wild goat” or “roe-buck”; also Greek [dorka>v, dorkas ], “roe-buck” or “gazelle”). (2) [ rk;D] , dekhar ], literally, “male” ( Ezra 6:9,17; 7:17). (3) [ rK” , kar ], “battering ram” ( Ezekiel 4:2; 21:22); elsewhere “lamb” ( Deuteronomy 32:14, etc.). (4) [ dWT[“ , `attudh ], properly “he-goat” (“ram,” Genesis 31:10,12 the King James Version). See SHEEP.

    RAM, BATTERING See SIEGE.

    RAMA <ra’-ma > ([ JRama~, Rhama ]): the King James Version; Greek form of RAMAH (which see) ( Matthew 2:18).

    RAMAH <ra’-ma > ([ hm;r;h; , ha-ramah ], without the definite article only in Nehemiah 11:33; Jeremiah 31:15): The name denotes height, from root [ µWr , rum ], “to be high,” and the towns to which it applied seem all to have stood on elevated sites. (1) Codex Vaticanus [ jArah>l, Arael ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ JRama>, Rhama ]: A fenced city in the lot assigned to Naphtali ( Joshua 19:36). Only in this passage is the place referred to. It is probably identical with the modern er-Rameh, a large Christian village on the highway from Cafed to the coast, about 8 miles West-Southwest of that city. To the North rises the mountain range which forms the southern boundary of Upper Galilee. In the valley to the South there is much rich land cultivated by the villagers. The olives grown here are very fine, and fruitful vineyards cover many of the surrounding slopes.

    No remains of antiquity are to be seen above ground; but the site is one likely to have been occupied in ancient times. (2) [ JRama~, Rhama ]: A city that is mentioned only once, on the boundary of Asher ( Joshua 19:29). The line of the boundary cannot be followed with certainty; but perhaps we may identify Ramah with the modern Ramiyeh, a village situated on a hill which rises in the midst of a hollow, some 13 miles Southeast of Tyre, and 12 miles East of the Ladder of Tyre. To the Southwest is a marshy lake which dries up in summer. Traces of antiquity are found in the cisterns, a large reservoir and many sarcophagi. To the West is the high hill Belat, with ancient ruins, and remains of a temple of which several columns are still in situ. (3) Codex Vaticanus [ JRama>, Rhama ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ jIama>, Iama ], and other forms: A city in the territory of Benjamin named between Gibeon and Beeroth ( Joshua 18:25). The Levite thought of it as a possible resting-place for himself and his concubine on their northward journey ( Judges 19:13). The palm tree of Deborah was between this and Bethel ( Judges 4:5). Baasha, king of Samaria, sought to fortify Ramah against Asa, king of Judah. The latter frustrated the attempt, and carried off the materials which Bassha had collected, and with them fortified against him Geba of Benjamin and Mizpah ( 1 Kings 15:17; 2 Chronicles 16:5). Here the captain of Nebuchadnezzar’s guard released Jeremiah after he had been carried in bonds from Jerusalem ( Jeremiah 40:1). It figures in Isaiah’s picture of the Assyrians’ approach ( Isaiah 10:29). It is named by Hosea in connection with Gibeah (5:8), and is mentioned as being reoccupied after the exile ( Ezra 2:26; Nehemiah 7:30). It was near the traditional tomb of Rachel ( Jeremiah 31:15; compare 1 Samuel 10:2; Matthew 2:18, the King James Version “Rama”).

    From the passages cited we gather that Ramah lay some distance to the North of Gibeah, and not far from Gibeon and Beeroth. The first is identified with Tell el-Ful, about 3 miles North of Jerusalem. Two miles farther North is er-Ram. Gibeon (el-Jib) is about 3 miles West of er-Ram, and Beeroth (el-Bireh) is about 4 miles to the North Eusebius, Onomasticon places Ramah 6 Roman miles North of Jerusalem; while Josephus (Ant., VIII, xii, 3) says it lay 40 furlongs from the city. All this points definitely to identification with er-Ram. The modern village crowns a high limestone hill to the South of the road, a position of great strength.

    West of the village is an ancient reservoir. In the hill are cisterns, and a good well to the South. (4) [ jAramaqai>m, Aramathaim ]: The home of Elkanah and Hannah, and the birthplace of Samuel ( 1 Samuel 1:19; 2:11, etc.). In <090101> Samuel 1:1 it is called “Ramathaim-zophim” ([ µypiwOx µyit”m;r;h; , haramathayim- tsophim ]). The phrase as it stands is grammatically incorrect, and suggests tampering with the text. It might possibly be translated “Ramathaim of the Zuphites.” It was in Mt. Ephraim, within accessible distance of Shiloh, whither Samuel’s parents went up from year to year to worship and to sacrifice (1:3). From Ramah as a center Samuel went on circuit annually, to judge Israel, to Bethel, Gilgal and Mizpah (7:16 f). It is very probable that this is the city in which, guided by his servant, Saul first made the acquaintance of Samuel (9:6,10), where there was a high place (9:12). Hither at all events came the elders of Israel with their demand that a king should be set over them (8:4 f). After his final break with Saul, Samuel retired in sorrow to Ramah (15:34 f). Here, in Naioth, David found asylum with Samuel from the mad king (19:18, etc.), and hence, he fled on his ill-starred visit to Nob (20:1). In his native city the dust of the dead Samuel was laid (25:1; 28:3). In 1 Macc 11:34 it is named as one of the three toparchies along with Aphaerema and Lydda, which were added to Judea from the country of Samaria in 145 BC. Eusebius, Onomasticon places it near Diospolis (Euseb.) in the district of Timnah (Jerome).

    There are two serious rivals for the honor of representing the ancient Ramah. (a) Beit Rima, a village occupying a height 13 miles East-Northeast of Lydda (Diospolis), 12 miles West of Shiloh, and about the same distance Northwest of Bethel. This identification has the support of G.

    A. Smith (Historical Geography of the Holy Land, 254), and Buhl (Geographic des Alten Palestina, 170). (b) Ramallah, a large and prosperous village occupying a lofty position with ancient remains. It commands a wide prospect, especially to the West. It lies about 8 miles North of Jerusalem,3 West of Bethel, and 12 Southwest of Shiloh. The name meaning “the height” or “high place of God” may be reminiscent of the high place in the city where Saul found Samuel. In other respects it agrees very well with the Biblical data.

    Claims have also been advanced on behalf of Ramleh, a village 2 miles Southwest of Lydda, in the plain of Sharon. This, however, is out of the question, as the place did not exist before Arab times. Others support identification with Neby Samwil, which more probably represents the ancient MIZPAH (which see). (5) Ramah of the South, the King James Version “Ramath of the South”: Ramath is the construct form of Ramah ( Joshua 19:8) ([ bg,n, tm”ar; , ra’math neghebh ]; [ Ba>meq kata< li>ba, Bameth kata liba ]).

    A city in that part of the territory of Judah which was allotted to Simeon. It stands here in apposition to Baalath-beer, and is probably a second name for the same place. It seems to correspond also with “Ramoth (plural) of the South” ( 1 Samuel 30:27), a place to which David sent a share of the spoil taken from the Amalekites. In this passage Septuagint retains the singular form, Rhama notou.

    Identification has been suggested with Qubbet el-Baul, about 37 miles South of Hebron; and with Kurnub a little farther South. There is no substantial ground for either identification. (6) Codex Vaticanus [ JRemmw>q, Rhemmoth ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ JRamw>q, Rhamoth ]: Ramah in 2 Kings 8:29; 2 Chronicles 22:6, is a contraction of Ramoth-gilead. W. Ewing RAMATH OF THE SOUTH <ra’-math > , ( Joshua 19:8 the King James Version). See RAMAU, (5).

    RAMATH-LEHI <ra’-math-le’-hi > ([ yjil, tm”r; , ramath lechi ], “the hill” or “height of Lehi”; [ jAnai>resiv siago>nov, Anairesis siagonos ]): So the place is said to have been called where Samson threw away the jaw-bone of an ass, with which he had slain 1,000 Philistines ( Judges 15:17). The Septuagint seems to have supposed that the name referred to the “heaving” or throwing up of the jaw-bone. The Hebrew, however, corresponds to the form used in other placenames, such as Ramath-mizpeh, and must be read as “Ramah of Lehi.” The name Lehi may have been given because of some real or imagined likeness in the place to the shape of a jaw-bone ( Judges 15:9,14,19). It may have been in Wady es-Sarar, not far from Zorah and Timnath; but the available data do not permit of certain identification. See JAW-BONE; LEHI.

    W. Ewing RAMATH-MIZPEH <ra’-math-miz’-pe > ([ tm”r; hP,x]Mih” , ramath ha-mitspeh ]; Codex Vaticanus [ jArabwAraboth kata ten Massepha ], Codex Alexandrinus [ Ramw, Ramoth ... Maspha ]: A place mentioned in Joshua 13:26 in a statement of the boundary of Gad, between Heshbon and Betonim. It may possibly be identical with MIZPAH, (1) .

    RAMATHAIM; RAMATHEM <ra-ma-tha’-im > , <ram’-a-them > (1 Macc 11:34; the King James Version). See RAMAH, (4).

    RAMATHAIM-ZOPHIM <ra-ma-tha’-im-zo’-fim > . See RAMAH, (4).

    RAMATHITE <ra’-math-it > ([ ytim;r;h; , ha-ramathi ]; Codex Vaticanus [oJ ejk Jrah>l, ho ek Rhael ]; Codex Alexandrinus [oJ JRamaqai~ov, ho Rhamathaios ]): So Shimei is called who was set by David over the vineyards ( 1 Chronicles 27:27). There is nothing to show to which Ramah he belonged.

    RAMESES <ram’-e-sez > , <ra-me’-sez > . See RAAMSES.

    RAMIAH <ra-mi’-a > ([ hy;m]r” , ramyah ], “Yah has loosened” or “Yah is high”):

    One of the Israelites, of the sons of Parosh, mentioned in the register of those who had offended in the matter of foreign marriages ( Ezra 10:25). The form of the name in 1 Esdras (9:26), “Hiermas,” presupposes a Hebrew form yeremyah or possibly yirmeyah = “Jeremiah.”

    RAMOTH (1) <ra’-moth > : (1) [ twOmar; , ra’moth ]; [hJ JRamw>q, he Rhamoth ]: A city in the territory of Issachar assigned to the Gershonite Levitea ( 1 Chronicles 6:73), mentioned between Daberath and Anem. It seems to correspond to “Remeth” in Joshua 19:21, and to “Jarmuth” in 21:29, and is possibly identical with er-Rameh about 11 miles Southwest of Jenin. (2) Ramoth of the South. See RAMAH, (5). (3) Ramoth in Gilead. See RAMOTH-GILEAD.

    RAMOTH (2) <ra’-moth > ([ twOmr; , ramoth ], Qere for yeremoth ( Ezra 10:29 the King James Version); the Revised Version margin Kethibh makes the name similar to those in Ezra 10:26,27): One of the offenders in the matter of foreign marriages. The English Revised Version and the American Standard Revised Version, adopting Kethibh, read JEREMOTH (which see).

    RAMOTH (3) ( Job 28:18 King James Version margin). See STONES, PRECIOUS.

    RAMOTH-GILEAD <ra’-moth-gil’-e-ad> ([ tmor; d[;l]Gi , ramoth gil’adh]; Codex Vaticanus [ JRemmad, Rhemmath Galaad]; Codex Alexandrinus [ JRammw>q, Rhammoth], and other forms): A great and strong city East of the Jordan in the territory of Gad, which played an important part in the wars of Israel. It is first mentioned in connection with the appointment of the Cities of Refuge ( Deuteronomy 4:43; Joshua 20:8). It was assigned to the Merarite Levites ( Joshua 21:38; 1 Chronicles 6:80). In these four passages it is called “Ramoth in Gilead” ( [ d[;l]GiB” , ramoth ba-gil’adh]).

    This form is given wrongly by the King James Version in 1 Kings 22:3.

    In all other places the form “Ramoth-gilead” is used. 1. HISTORY:

    Here Ben-geber was placed in charge of one of Solomon’s administrative districts ( 1 Kings 4:13), which included Havvoth-jair and “the region of Argob, which is in Bashan.” The city was taken from Omri by the Syrians under Ben-hadad I (Ant., VIII, xv, 3 ff), and even after the defeat of Benhadad at Aphek they remained masters of this fortress. In order to recover it for Israel Ahab invited Jehoshaphat of Judah to accompany him in a campaign. Despite the discouragement of Micalab, the royal pair set out on the disastrous enterprise. In their attack on the city Ahab fought in disguise, but was mortally wounded by an arrow from a bow drawn “at a venture” ( 1 Kings 22:1-40; 2 Chronicles 18). The attempt was renewed by Ahab’s son Joram; but his father’s ill fortune followed him, and, heavily wounded, he retired for healing to Jezreel ( 2 Kings 8:28 ff; Chronicles 22:5 f). During the king’s absence from the camp at Ramothgilead Jehu was there anointed king of Israel by Elisha ( 2 Kings 9:1 ff; 2 Chronicles 22:7). He proved a swift instrument of vengeance against the doomed house of Ahab. According to Josephus (Ant., IX, vi, 1) the city was taken before Joram’s departure. This is confirmed by 2 Kings 9:14 ff. The place is not mentioned again, unless, indeed, it be identical with “Mizpeh” in 1 Macc 5:35. 2. IDENTIFICATION:

    It is just possible that Ramoth-gilead corresponds to MIZPAH , (1), and to RAMATH-MIZPEH . The spot where Laban and Jacob parted is called both Galeed and Mizpah. Ramath may become Ramoth, as we see in the case of Ramah of the South.

    Merrill identifies the city with Jerash, the splendid ruins of which lie in Wady ed-Deir, North of the Jabbok. He quotes the Bah Talmud (Makkoth 9b) as placing the Cities of Refuge in pairs, so that those on the East of the Jordan are opposite those on the West Shechem, being the middle one of the three West of the Jordan, should have Ramorb-gilead nearly opposite to it on the East, and this would place its site at Gerasa, the modern Jerash (Hastings Dictionary of the Bible, under the word). But the words of the Talmud must not be interpreted too strictly. It seems very probable that Golan lay far South of a line drawn due East from Qedes (Kedeshnaphtali).

    No remains have been discovered at Jerash older than Greek- Roman times, although the presence of a fine perennial spring makes occupation in antiquity probable. The place could be approached by chariots along Wady `Ajlun, and the country adjoining was not unsuitable for chariot evolutions.

    Conder and others have suggested Reimun, an ancient site to the West of Jerash. The absence of any source of good water-supply is practically fatal to this identification. Buhl (Geographic des Alten Palestina, 261 ff) favors el-Jil`ad, a ruined site on a hill South of the Jabbok; see GILEAD , (1).

    Eusebius and Jerome (Onomasticon, under the word) contradict each other, the former placing Ramoth-gilead 15 miles West, and the latter miles East of Philadelphia. It is clear, however, that this is a mere slip on Jerome’s part, as both say it is near the Jabbok. Many have identified it with es-Salt, which is indeed 15 miles West of `Amman (Philadelphia), but it is 10 miles South of the Jabbok, and so can hardly be described as near that river. It is also no place for chariot warfare. The case against identification with Ramoth-gilead is conclusively stated by G.A. Cooke in Driver’s Deuteronomy, xx.

    In suggesting these sites sufficient attention has not been given to what is said in 1 Kings 4. The authority of the king’s officer in Ramoth-gilead extended over the land of Argob in Bashan, as well as over the towns of Jair in Gilead. A situation therefore to the North of Mahanaim must be sought. Guthe would find it at er-Remtheh, on the pilgrim road, about miles South of Mezerib (compare Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy Land, 586 ff). Cheyne’s suggestion of Salkhad, away on the crest of the mountain of Bashan, is out of the question. Caleb Hauser (Palestine Exploration Fund Statement, 1906, 304 f) argues in favor of Beit Ras, over 11 miles Southeast of Gadara, a position commanding all Northern Gilead and as favorably situated as Jerash for chariot warfare and communication with the West of Jordan. “Here we have the heights of Northern Gilead.

    Ramoth, Capitolias, and Beit Ras are in their respective languages idiomatic equivalents. It is improbable that a large city like Capitolins should have superseded anything but a very important city of earlier times.” We must be content to leave the question open meantime. W. Ewing RAMPART <ram’-part > ( Lamentations 2:8; Nah 3:8). See FORTIFICATION.

    RAM’S HORN See MUSIC.

    RAMS’ SKINS The skin of the sheep, roughly tanned with all the wool on, is the common winter jacket of the shepherd or peasant, the ram’s being considered especially desirable (compare Hebrews 11:37). Hence, the appropriateness of these skins in the covering of the tabernacle ( Exodus 25:5, etc.). See TABERNACLE; DYE, DYEING.

    RANGE <ranj > : “Range” and “rank” have the same derivation, and in the sense of a “row” (of men, etc.) they were formerly interchangeable. “Range” with this meaning is found in 2 Kings 11:8,15 the King James Version parallel 2 Chronicles 23:14 (the Revised Version (British and American) “rank”; [ hr;dec] , sedherah ], “row”). Hence, “to range” is “to set in a line” (Judith 2:16; 2 Macc 12:20, diatasso) or “to move in a line” or, simply, “to roam,” whence “a ranging bear” ( Proverbs 28:15; [ qq”v; , shaqaq ], “run to and fro”). A cooking “range” is a stove on which pots, etc., can be set in a row, but the [ µyir”yKi , kirayim ] of Leviticus 11:35 is a much more primitive affair, composed, probably, of two plates (kirayim is a dual). In Job 39:8 “range of the mountains” is good modern use, but [ rty , ythr ], should be pointed yathur (not yethur as in Massoretic Text) and connected with tur , “search.” So translate. “He searcheth out the mountains as his pasture.” Burton Scott Easton RANK <rank > : (1) [ jr”ao , ‘orach ], used in Joel 2:7 of the advance of the locust army which marched in perfect order and in straight lines, none crossing the other’s track. (2) [ hk;r;[\m” , ma`arakhah ], “battle array” ( 1 Chronicles 12:38 the King James Version; compare 1 Samuel 4:16; 17:22,48). See ARMY.

    RANKS <ranks > ([prasia>, prasia ], “a square plot of ground,” “a garden-bed”): “They sat down in ranks” ( Mark 6:40); the several reclining ranks formed, as it were, separate plots or “garden-beds.”

    RANSOM <ran’-sum > (the noun occurs in the English Bible 12 times ( Exodus 21:30 the King James Version [ ˆwOyd]Pi , pidhyon ]; Exodus 30:12; Job 33:24; 36:18; Proverbs 6:35; 13:8; 21:18; Isaiah 43:3, [ rp,Ko , kopher ]; Matthew 20:28; Mark 10:45, [lu>tron, lutron ]; Timothy 2:6, [ajnti>lutron, antilutron ]); the verbal form occurs 4 times ( Isaiah 35:10; Hosea 13:14, [ hd;P; , padhah ]; Isaiah 51:10 the King James Version; Jeremiah 31:11, [ la”G; , ga’al ]; these two Hebrew verbs are generally rendered in other passages by the English “redeem”)): 1. USAGE BY CHRIST:

    The supremely important instance is the utterance of the Lord Jesus Christ as reported by Matthew and Mark ( Matthew 20:28; Mark 10:45), and in looking at it we shall be able, by way of illustration, to glance at the Old Testament passages. The context refers to the dispute among the disciples concerning position in the Kingdom, with their misconception of the true nature of Christ’s Kingdom. Christ makes use of the occasion to set forth the great law of service as determining the place of honor in that Kingdom, and illustrates and enforces it by showing that its greatest exemplification is to be found in His own mission: “For the Son of man also came not to be ministered unto, but to minister” ( Mark 10:45). His ministry, however, was to pass into the great act of sacrifice, of which all other acts of self-sacrifice on the part of His people would be but a faint reflection — “and to give his life (soul) a ransom for many” (same place).

    He thus gives a very clear intimation of the purpose and meaning of His death; the clearest of all the intimations reported by the synoptists. The word He uses bears a well-established meaning, and is accurately rendered by our word “ransom,” a price paid to secure the freedom of a slave or to set free from liabilities and charges, and generally the deliverance from calamity by paying the forfeit. The familiar verb luo , “to loose,” “to set free,” is the root, then lutron , that which secures the freedom, the payment or forfeit; thence come the cognate verb lutroo , “to set free upon payment of a ransom,” “to redeem”; lutrosis , “the actual setting free,” “the redemption,” and lutrotes , “the redeemer.” The favorite New Testament word for “redemption” is the compound form, apolutrosis . 2. OLD TESTAMENT USAGE — THE LAW:

    The word lutron was common in Greek classical literature, constantly bearing the sense of “ransom price,” and was frequently connected with ritual usage, with sacrifice and expiation. But for the full explanation of our Lord’s great thought we have to look to the Old Testament usage. The two leading Hebrew verbs translated in our version by “redeem,” are generally rendered in the Septuagint by lutroo , and derivatives of these words conveying the idea of the actual price paid are translated by this very word lutron . (1) General Cases.

    In Exodus 21:30 we have the law concerning the case of the person killed by an ox; the ox was to be killed and the owner of it was also liable to death but the proviso was made, “If there be laid on him a sum of money, then he shall give for the ransom of his life whatsoever is laid upon him” (the King James Version). The Hebrew for “sum of money” is kopher , literally, “atonement” (the Revised Version (British and American) “ransom”); the word for “ransom” (the Revised Version (British and American) “redemption”) is pidhyon (from padhah ); the Septuagint renders both by lutron (rather by the plural form lutra ). In Leviticus 25, among the directions in relation to the Jubilee, we have the provision (25:23) that the land was not to be sold “in perpetuity,” but where any portion has been sold, opportunity is to be given for re-purchase: “Ye shall grant a redemption for the land” (25:24). The Hebrew is ge’ullah , a derivative of ga’al , the Septuagint lutra . In 25:25,26, the case is mentioned of a man who through poverty has sold part of his land; if a near kinsman is able to redeem it he shall do so; if there is no one to act this brotherly part, and the man himself is able to redeem it, then a certain scale of price is arranged. In the Hebrew it is again ga’al that is used with the cognate go’el for “kinsman.” The last clause rendered in the King James Version, “and himself be able to redeem it” (in the Revised Version (British and American) “and he be waxed rich and find sufficient to redeem it”), is literally, “and his hand shall acquire and he find sufficient for its redemption”; the Septuagint has the verb lutroo in the first part, and renders the clause pretty literally, “and there be furnished to his hand and there be found with him the sufficient price (lutra ) of it.” In Leviticus 25:51,52, in reference to the redemption of the Jew sold into slavery, we have twice in the Hebrew the word ge’ullah , rendered in English accurately “the pricen of his redemption”; and by Septuagint with equal accuracy, in both cases, lutra , “the ransom-price.” In Leviticus 27:31 the King James Version, the phrase “if a man will at all redeem aught of his tithes” is intended to represent the emphatic Hebrew idiom, “if a man redeeming will redeem,” which is rendered by Septuagint ean de lutrotai lutro anthropos . (2) Redemption Money — the Firstborn.

    But perhaps the most important passage is the law concerning the halfshekel to be paid by every Israelite from 20 years old and upward when a census was taken. It was to be the same for rich and poor, and it was called “atonement money,” “to make atonement for their souls.” In the opening words of the law, as given in Exodus 30:12 (the King James Version), we read “Then shall they give every man a ransom for his soul unto the Lord” — the Hebrew kopher ; the Septuagint rendering is lutra tes psuches autou , “a ransom price for his soul.” All the people were thus considered as doomed and needing atonement, and it is significant that this atonement money paid at the first census furnished the silver for the sockets of the tabernacle boards, intimating that the typical tabernacle was built upon atonement. The same thought, that the people’s lives were forfeited, comes out in the provision for the consecration of the Levites, recorded in full in Numbers 3:40-51. The firstborn represented the people. God claimed all the firstborn as forfeited to Himself, teaching that Israel deserved the same punishment as the Egyptians, and was only spared by the grace of Yahweh, and in virtue of the sprinkled blood. Now He takes to Himself for His services the Levites as the equivalent of the firstborn, and when it was found that the number of the firstborn exceeded the number of the Levites, equivalence was maintained by ransoming at a certain price the surplus of the firstborn males. In the Septuagint account, lutra occurs 4 times, twice for the phrase “those to be redeemed,” and twice for “redemption money.”

    Thus the idea of ransom for the forfeited life became familiar to the people as educated by the typical system, and redemption expressed the sum total of their hopes for the future, however faulty might be their conception of the nature of that redemption. (3) Connection with Sacrifice.

    It is also clear in the typical teaching that sacrifice and ransom were closely related. Even in classical Greek, as we have noted, the two conceptions were connected, and it is not surprising to find it so in the Old Testament. Kopher , we have seen, is literally, “atonement” and comes from kaphar , literally, “to cover,” and thence by covering to make atonement, or to cover by making atonement; and so it is in the Piel form, the most common and technical Hebrew word for making atonement, or expiation, or propitiation, and is frequently rendered in the Greek by hilaskomai , often too by the compound exilaskomai . In Exodus 21:30, kopher , we noted, is used interchangeably with pidhyon , both being represented in the Septuagint by lutra , and so in Exodus 30:12; Numbers 35:31,32; the Hebrew kopher is lutra in the Greek In the latter place, where it is twice stated that no satisfaction shall be taken for the life of a murderer, the Hebrew is kopher , the Septuagint has lutra ; the Revised Version (British and American) has “ransom;” the King James Version has “satisfaction.” (4) Typical Reference to the Messiah.

    Sacrifice was thus linked with ransom. Sacrifice was the divinely-appointed covering for sin. The ransom for the deliverance of the sinner was to be by sacrifice. Both the typical testimony of the Law and the prophetic testimony gave prominence to the thought of redemption. The Coming One was to be a Redeemer. Redemption was to be the great work of the Messiah. The people seem to have looked for the redemption of the soul to God alone through the observance of their appointed ritual, while redemption, in the more general sense of deliverance from all enemies and troubles, they linked with the advent of the Messiah. It required a spiritual vision to see that the two things would coincide, that the Messiah would effect redemption in all its phases and fullness by means of ransom, of sacrifice, of expiation.

    Jesus appeared as the Messiah in whom all the old economy was to be fulfilled. He knew perfectly the meaning of the typical and prophetic testimony; and with that fully in view, knowing that His death was to fulfill the Old Testament types and accomplish its brightest prophetic anticipations, He deliberately uses this term lutron to describe it ( Matthew 20:28); in speaking of His death as a ransom, He also regarded it as a sacrifice, an expiatory offering. The strong preposition used intensifies the idea of ransom and expiation, even to the point of substitution. It is anti, “instead of,” and the idea of exchange, equivalence, substitution cannot be removed from it. In Numbers 3:45, “Take the Levites instead of all the first-born,” the Septuagint uses anti, which, like the English “instead of,” exactly represents the Hebrew tachath ; and all three convey most unmistakably the idea of substitution. And as the Levites were to be substituted for the firstborn, so for the surplus of the firstborn the “ransom money” was to be substituted, that idea, however, being clearly enough indicated by the use of the genitive. Indeed the simpler way of describing a ransom would be with the genitive, the ransom of many; or as our version renders, “a ransom for many”; but just because the ransom here is not simply a money payment, but is the actual sacrifice of the life, the substitution of His soul for many, He is appropriately said “to give his soul a ransom instead of many.” The Kingdom of God which Christ proclaimed was so diverse in character from that which Salome and her sons anticipated that, so far from appearing in dazzling splendor, with distinguished places of power for eager aspirants, it was to be a spiritual home for redeemed sinners. Men held captive by sin needed to be ransomed that they might be free to become subjects of the Kingdom, and so the ransom work, the sufferings and death of Christ, must lie at the very foundation of that Kingdom. The need of ransom supposes life forfeited; the ransom paid secures life and liberty; the life which Christ gives comes through His ransoming death. 3. THE PSALMS AND JOB:

    Besides the passages in the Pentateuch which we have noted, special mention should be made of the two great passages which bear so closely upon the need of spiritual redemption, and come into line with this great utterance of Christ. Psalm 49:7,8, “None of them can by any means redeem (padhah ; lutroo ) his brother, nor give to God a ransom (kopher ; exilasma ) for him (for the redemption of their life is costly, and it faileth forever).” (The Hebrew gives pidhyon for “redemption”; the Greek has “the price of the redemption of his soul.”) No human power or skill, no forfeit in money or service or life can avail to ransom any soul from the doom entailed by sin. But in Psalm 49:15 the triumphant hope is expressed, “But God will redeem (padhah ; lutroo ) my soul from the power of Sheol.” In Job 33:24, “Deliver him from going down to the pit, I have found a ransom”: God is the speaker, and whatever may be the particular exegesis of the passage in its original application, it surely contains an anticipation of the gospel redemption. This divine eureka is explained in the light of Christ’s utterance; it finds its realization through the cross: “I have found a ransom,” for “the Son of Man” has given “his soul a ransom for many.” 4. APOSTOLIC TEACHING:

    This great utterance of the Saviour may well be considered as the germ of all the apostolic teaching concerning redemption, but it is not for us to show its unfolding beyond noting that in apostolic thought the redemption was always connected with the death, the sacrifice of Christ.

    Thus, Paul ( Ephesians 1:7), “In whom we have our redemption through his blood.” Thus Peter (1 Pet 1:18,19), “Ye were redeemed, not with corruptible things .... but with precious blood, as of a lamb without blemish and without spot, even the blood of Christ.” So in Hebrews 9:12 it is shown that Christ “through his own blood, entered in once for all into the holy place, having obtained eternal redemption”; and in the Apocalypse ( Revelation 5:9) the song is, “Thou wast slain, and didst purchase unto God with thy blood men of every tribe,” etc. In all but the last of these passages there is an echo of the very word used by Christ, apolutrosis and lutrosis , both being connected with lutron. In 1 Timothy 2:5,6 Paul has a still closer verbal coincidence when he says, “Christ Jesus, who gave himself a ransom for all” (antilutron ). The word used in the Apocalypse is agorazo , to buy in the open market, and is frequently used of the redeeming work of Christ ( Revelation 14:3,4; 2 Peter 2:1; Corinthians 6:20; 7:23). In the two places where Paul uses it he adds the means of purchase: “Ye were bought with a price,” which from his point of view would be equivalent to ransom. In the passage in Galatians 3:13; 4:5, Paul uses the compound exagorazo, which is equivalent to “redeem, buy off, deliver by paying the price.” 5. TO WHOM WAS THE RANSOM PAID?:

    The question “Who receives the ransom?” is not directly raised in Scripture, but it is one that not unnaturally occurs to the mind, and theologians have answered it in varying ways. (1) Not to Satan.

    The idea entertained by some of the Fathers (Irenaeus, Origen) that the ransom was given to Satan, who is conceived of as having through the sin of man a righteous claim upon him, which Christ recognizes and meets, is grotesque, and not in any way countenanced by Scripture. (2) To Divine Justice.

    But in repudiating it, there is no need to go so far as to deny that there is anything answering to a real ransoming transaction. All that we have said goes to show that, in no mere figure of speech, but in tremendous reality, Christ gave “his life a ransom,” and if our mind demands an answer to the question to whom the ransom was paid, it does not seem at all unreasonable to think of the justice of God, or God in His character of Moral Governor, as requiring and receiving it. In all that Scripture asserts about propitiation, sacrifice, reconciliation in relation to the work of Christ, it is implied that there is wrath to be averted, someone to be appeased or satisfied, and while it may be enough simply to think of the effects of Christ’s redeeming work in setting us free from the penal claims of the Law — the just doom of sin — it does not seem going beyond the spirit of Scripture to draw the logical inference that the ransom price was paid to the Guardian of that holy law, the Administrator of eternal justice. “Christ redeemed us from the curse of the law, having become a curse for us” ( Galatians 3:13). This essential, fundamental phase of redemption is what theologians, with good Scripture warrant, have called redemption by blood, or by price, as distinguished from the practical outcome of the work of Christ in the life which is redemption by power. (a) Redemption by Price:

    As to Satan’s claims, Christ by paying the ransom price, having secured the right to redeem, exercises His power on behalf of the believing sinner. He does not recognize the right of Satan. He is the “strong man” holding his captives lawfully, and Christ the “stronger than he” overcomes him and spoils him, and sets his captives free ( Luke 11:21,22). In one sense men may be said to have sold themselves to Satan, but they had no right to sell, nor he to buy, and Christ ignores that transaction and brings “to nought him that had the power of death, that is, the devil” ( Hebrews 2:14), and so is able to “deliver all them who through fear of death were all their lifetime subject to bondage” ( Hebrews 2:15). (b) Redemption by Power:

    Many of the Old Testament passages about the redemption wrought on behalf of God’s people illustrate this redemption by power, and the redemption by power is always founded on the redemption by price; the release follows the ransom. In the case of Israel, there was first the redemption by blood — the sprinkled blood of the Paschal Lamb which sheltered from the destroying angel (Exodus 12) — and then followed the redemption by power, when by strength of hand Yahweh brought His people out from Egypt ( Exodus 13:14), and in His mercy led forth the people which He had redeemed ( Exodus 15:13).

    So under the Gospel when “he hath visited and wrought redemption for his people” ( Luke 1:68), He can “grant unto us that we being delivered out of the hand of our enemies should serve him without fear” ( Luke 1:74).

    It is because we have in Him our redemption through His blood that we can be delivered out of the power of darkness ( Colossians 1:13,14). See further, REDEEMER, REDEMPTION.

    LITERATURE. See works on New Testament Theology (Weiss, Schmid, Stevens, etc.); articles in Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible (five volumes); Hastings, Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels.

    Archibald M’Caig RAPE <rap > . See CRIMES; PUNISHMENTS.

    RAPHA, RAPHAH <ra’-fa > ([ ap;r; , rapha’ ]): (1) In the Revised Version margin these names are substituted for “the giant” in 1 Chronicles 20:4,6,8 and in 2 Samuel 21:16,18,20,22.

    The latter passage states that certain champions of the Philistines who were slain by David’s warriors had been born to the raphah in Gath.

    The text is corrupt; Raphah is probably an eponym. Originally the name of one of the Philistines who was of the body “Rephaites” stood in the text. The plural of this word, or at least a plural of this stem, is REPHAIM (which see). (2) Raphah (the King James Version “Rapha”), a descendant of Saul ( 1 Chronicles 8:37). See REPHAIAH.

    Horace J. Wolf RAPHAEL <ra’-a-el > , <ra’-fa-el > ([ laep;r] , repha’el ], from rapha’ ‘el , “God has healed”; [ JRafah>l, Rhaphael ]): The name of the angel who, as Azarias, guides Tobias to ECBATANA and RAGES (which see). The purpose of his mission is, in accordance with his name, to cure Tobit of blindness, and to deliver Sarah, the daughter of Raguel, from the power of the evil spirit Asmodaeus (Tobit 3:8; 12:14). Later, in addition, when he reveals himself (Tobit 12:15), he declares that he is “one of the seven holy angels, which present the prayers of the saints, and go in before the glory of the Holy One.” These seven angels are derived, according to Dr. Kohut, from the seven Am-shaspands (Amesha-spentas) of Zoroastrianism (compare Revelation 4:5). At the head of the elaborate angelology of the Enoch books there are “four presences,” and Raphael is one of them (En 40:9; 54:6). In the first of these passages Raphael is the healer; in the second, he with Michael, Gabriel and Phanuel lead the wicked away to punishment.

    These four presences seem related to the four “living creatures” of Ezekiel (1:5) and of the Apocalypse ( Revelation 4:6). While this is the general representation of Raphael’s position in Enoch, in 20:3 he is named among the angels who “watch,” whose number according to the Greek text is seven. Raphael shared in the function assigned to the archangels, in the Oracula Sibyllina, of leading souls to the judgment seat of God (II, 215, Alexandre’s text). He occupies a prominent place in Jewish medieval writings; he with Michael and Gabriel cured Abraham (Yoma’ 37a); according to the book Zohar, Raphael conveyed to Adam a book containing 72 kinds of wisdom in 670 writings. The painters of the Renaissance frequently depicted Raphael. J. E. H. Thomson RAPHAIM <raf’-a-im > , <ra-fa’-im > (Codex Vaticanus omits; Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Alexandrinus have [ JRafa(e)i>n, Rhapha(e)in ]): An ancestor of Judith (Judith 8:1).

    RAPHON <ra’-fon > ( JRafeiw>n, Rhapheion ]): The place where in his campaign East of Jordan Judas inflicted disastrous defeat on the host of Timotheus, the fugitives fleeing for refuge to the temple at Carnaim (1 Macc 5:37 ff; Ant, XII, viii, 4). The same place is doubtless referred to by Pliny as “Raphana” (NH, v.16). It may possibly be represented by the modern Rafeh, on the East of the pilgrimage road, about 17 miles North of Der`ah, and 11 miles Northeast of Tell el-`Ash`ary. It is a mile and a half North of Wady Kanawat, which would thus be the “brook” mentioned in the narrative. It is perhaps far enough away from Carnaim, if this is rightly placed at Tell el- `Ash`ary. W. Ewing RAPHU <ra’-fu > ([ aWpr; , raphu’ ], “one healed”): The father of Palti, the spy selected from the tribe of Benjamin ( Numbers 13:9).

    RASSES <ras’-ez > ([ JRaassei>v, Rhaasseis ], Codex Alexandrinus and Codex Vaticanus, [ JRassei>v, Rhasseis ]; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) Tharsis; Old Latin Thiras et Rasis): The children of Rasses are mentioned with Put, Lud and the children of Ishmael as having been subdued by Holofernes (Judith 2:23).

    Their identity is a matter of conjecture only. Some think Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) Tharsis (= Tarsus) is meant, others Rosh ( Ezekiel 38:2,3; 39:1), others Rhosos, a mountain range and city South from Anunus, on the Gulf of Issus. Most probably a district, not a town, is named, situated in the eastern part of Asia Minor. S. F. Hunter RATHUMUS <ra-thu’-mus > ([ JRa>qumov, Rhathumos ]): One of those who joined in writing a letter to protest to Artaxerxes against the Jews (1 Esdras 2:16 ff).

    In 1 Esdras 2:17 he is styled “story-writer,” the Revised Version margin “recorder” ([oJ ta< prospi>ptonta, ho ta prospiptonta ] sc. ([gra>fwn, graphon ]) = “Rehum the chancellor” of Ezra 4:8, Rathumus being a Greek form of Rehum. In 1 Esdras 2:16 his title appears as an independent proper name, BEELTETHMUS (which see) (here the King James Version margin gives “Bahumus,” a misprint), and in 1 Esdras 2:25 R. and Beeltethmus are given as distinct persons.

    RAVEN <ra’-vn > ([ bre[o , `orebh ]; [ko>rax, korax ]; Latin Corvus corax): A large family of the smaller birds of prey belonging to the genus Corvus corax. A bird of such universal distribution that it is known from Iceland to Japan, all over Asia, Europe and Africa, but almost extinct and not of general distribution in our own country. In no land is it more numerous than in Palestine In general appearance it resembles the crow, but is much larger, being almost two feet long, of a glossy black, with whiskers around the beak, and rather stiff-pointed neck feathers. A bird exhibiting as much intelligence as any, and of a saucy, impudent disposition, it has been an object of interest from the beginning. It has been able to speak sentences of a few words when carefully taught, and by its uncanny acts has made itself a bird surrounded by superstition, myth, fable, and is connected with the religious rites of many nations. It is partially a carrion feeder, if offal or bodies are fresh; it also eats the young of other birds and very small animals and seeds, berries and fruit, having as varied a diet as any bird. It is noisy, with a loud, rough, emphatic cry, and its young are clamorous feeding time.

    Aristotle wrote that ravens drove their young from their location and forced them to care for themselves from the time they left the nest. This is doubtful. Bird habits and characteristics change only with slow ages of evolution. Our ravens of today are, to all intents, the same birds as those of Palestine in the time of Moses, and ours follow the young afield for several days and feed them until the cawing, flapping youngsters appear larger than the parents. In Pliny’s day, ravens had been taught to speak, and as an instance of their cunning he records that in time of drought a raven found a bucket containing a little water beside a grave and raised it to drinking level by dropping in stones.

    Palestine has at least 8 different species of ravens. This bird was the first sent out by Noah in an effort to discover if the flood were abating ( Genesis 8:6-8). Because it partially fed on carrion it was included among the abominations (see Leviticus 11:15; Deuteronomy 14:14).

    On 1 Kings 17:4-6, see ELIJAH and the present writer’s Birds of the Bible, 401-3. Among the marvels of creation and providence in Job 38:41, we have this mention of the raven, “Who provideth for the raven his prey, When his young ones cry unto God, And wander for lack of food?” The answer to this question is in <19E709> Psalm 147:9: “He giveth to the beast his food, And to the young ravens which cry.” Both these quotations point out the fact that the young are peculiarly noisy. In Proverbs 30:17 it is indicated that the ravens, as well as eagles, vultures and hawks, found the eye of prey the vulnerable point, and so attacked it first. The Hebrew `orebh means “black,” and for this reason was applied to the raven, so the reference to the locks of the bridegroom in the Song of Solomon becomes clear (Song 5:11). The raven is one of the birds indicated to prey upon the ruins of Edom ( Isaiah 34:11). The last reference is found in Luke 12:24: “Consider the ravens, that they sow not, neither reap; which have no store-chamber nor barn; and God feedeth them.” This could have been said of any wild bird with equal truth. Gene Stratton-Porter RAVEN; RAVIN <rav’-n > , <rav’-in > : “Raven” (verb) is from “rapine,” “violent plundering, used for [ trf; , Taraph ], in Genesis 49:27; Psalm 22:13; Ezekiel 22:25,27, while “ravin” (noun) is the object ravened, in Nah 2:12 the torn carcasses ([ hp;ref] , Terephah ]). So “ravenous bird” ( Isaiah 46:11; Ezekiel 39:4) is a bird of prey (not a “hungry bird”), [ fyi[“ , `ayiT ], literally, “a screecher.” “Ravenous beast” in Isaiah 35:9 is for [ 6yriP; , parits ], “violent one.” In the New Testament [a[rpax, harpax ], “rapacious,” is translated “ravening” in Matthew 7:15, while for the cognate [aJrpagh>, harpage ] ( Luke 11:39), the King James Version gives “ravening,” the Revised Version (British and American) “extortion.”

    RAZIS <ra’-zis > ([ JRazei>v, Rhazeis ]): “An elder of Jerusalem,” “lover of his countrymen,” and for his good will toward them called “father of the Jews,” accused before the Syrian general Nicanor as an opponent of Hellenism. In order to escape falling into the hands of Nicanor’s soldiers he committed suicide with the greatest determination in a rather revolting manner (2 Macc 14:37 ff), in his death calling upon “the Lord of life” in the hope of a resurrection. His suicide — contrary to Jewish sentiment — was regarded with approbation by the author of 2 Macc (14:42,43).

    RAZOR <ra’-zer > ([ r[T, ta`ar ], “knife” ( Numbers 6:5; Psalm 52:2; Isaiah 7:20; Ezekiel 5:1), [ hr;wOm , morah ], “razor” ( Judges 13:5; 16:17; 1 Samuel 1:11)). See BARBER; HAIR.

    READING <red’-ing > ([ ar;q]mi , miqra’ ]; [ajna>gnwsiv, anagnosis ]): As a noun occurs once in the Old Testament ( Nehemiah 3:8) and 3 times in the New Testament ( Acts 13:15; 2 Corinthians 3:14; 1 Timothy 4:13), each time with reference to the public reading of the Divine Law.

    The verb “to read” ([ ar;q; , qara’ ]; [ajnaginw>skw, anaginosko ]) occurs frequently both in the Old Testament and in the New Testament: (1) often in the sense of reading aloud to others, especially of the public reading of God’s Law or of prophecy, as by Moses ( Exodus 24:7), Ezra ( Nehemiah 8:3,18), Jesus in the synagogue at Nazareth ( Luke 4:16), of the regular reading of the Law and the Prophets in the synagogues ( Acts 13:27; 15:21), and of the reading of apostolic epistles in the Christian church ( Colossians 4:16; Thessalonians 5:27); (2) also in the sense of reading to one’s self, whether the divine word in Law or prophecy ( Deuteronomy 17:19; Acts 8:28-30, etc.), or such things as private letters ( 2 Kings 5:7; 19:14; Acts 23:34, etc.). D. Miall Edwards READY <red’-i > ([ ryhim; , mahir ]): Occurs twice in the sense of apt, skillful ( Ezra 7:6; Psalm 45:1). the Revised Version (British and American) gives “ready” for “fit” ( Proverbs 24:27), for “asketh” ( Micah 7:3), for “prepared” ( Mark 14:15), for “not be negligent” (2 Pet 1:12).

    REAIAH <re-a’-ya > , <re-i’-a > ([ hy;a;r] , re’ayah ], “Yah has seen”; Septuagint:

    Codex Vaticanus, [ JRada>, Rhada ], A, [ JReia>, Rheia ]): (1) The eponym of a Calebite family ( 1 Chronicles 4:2). The word “Reaiah” should probably be substituted for “Haroeh” in Chronicles 2:52, but both forms may be corruptions. (2) A Reubenite ( 1 Chronicles 5:5, the King James Version “Reaia”). See JOEL. (3) The family name of a company of Nethinim ( Ezra 2:47; Nehemiah 7:50 = 1 Esdras 5:31).

    REAPING <rep’-ing > ([ rxq; , qatsar ]; [qeri>zw, therizo ]): Reaping in ancient times, as at present, consisted in either pulling up the grain by the roots or cutting it with a sickle (see SICKLE ), and then binding the stalks into bundles to be carried to the threshing-floor. If the Egyptian sculptures are true to life, reaping was sometimes divided into two operations, the heads of grain and the stalks being reaped separately. In Palestine and Syria both pulling and cutting are still practiced, the former when the ground is stony and the spears scarce. Even where the sickle is used, much of the grain comes up by the roots, owing to the toughness of the dried stalks or the dullness of the sickle. The reaper sometimes wears pieces of cane on the fingers of the hand which gathers the grain in order to protect them from injury by the sharp grasses or the sickle. There were definite laws established by the Hebrews in regard to reaping ( Leviticus 19:9; 23:10; 25:5,11; Deuteronomy 16:9). Samuel mentions the task of reaping the harvest as one of the requirements which would be made by the king for whom the people were clamoring ( 1 Samuel 8:12).

    FIGURATIVE:

    The certainty of the consequences of good and evil doing were often typified by the sowing and the reaping of harvests ( Job 4:8; Proverbs 22:8; Hosea 8:7; 10:12,13; 2 Corinthians 9:6; Galatians 6:7,8). “They that sow in tears shall reap in joy” is found in the liberated captives’ song ( <19C605> Psalm 126:5). “He that regardeth the clouds shall not reap,” i.e. a lack of faith in God’s care will be punished ( Ecclesiastes 11:4); compare also the lesson of trust drawn from the birds ( Matthew 6:26; Luke 12:24). Sowing and not reaping the harvest is mentioned as a punishment for disobedience ( Job 31:8; Jeremiah 12:13; Micah 6:15). Reaping where he sowed not, showed the injustice of the landlord ( Matthew 25:26), as did also the withholding of the reapers’ wages ( James 5:4). In God’s Kingdom there is a division of labor: “He that soweth and he that reapeth may rejoice together” ( John 4:36-38). In John’s vision he saw an angel reap the earth ( Revelation 14:15,16). See AGRICULTURE; GLEANING.

    James A. Patch REARWARD <rer’-word > ([ ts”a; , ‘acaph ], “to gather,” Numbers 10:25; Joshua 6:9 (the King James Version margin “gathering host”); Isaiah 52:12). See ARMY; DAN, TRIBE OF; WAR, 3.

    REASON; REASONABLE; REASONING <re’-z’n > , <re’-z’n-a-b’l > , <re’-z’n-ing > ([ jk”y; , yakhach ], etc.; [lo>gov, logos ], [dialogi>zomai, -ismo>v, dialogizomai, -ismos ], etc.): “Reason” with related terms, has a diversity of meanings, representing a large number of Hebrew and Greek words and phrases. In the sense of “cause” or “occasion” it stands in 1 Kings 9:15 for dabhar, “a word” (the Revised Version margin “account”), but in most cases renders prepositional forms as “from,” “with,” “because of,” “for the sake,” etc. As the ground or argument for anything, it is the translation of ta`am ( Proverbs 26:16, the Revised Version margin “answers discreetly”), of yakhach , as in Isaiah 1:18, “Come now, and let us reason together” (compare Job 13:3; 15:3); in 1 Samuel 12:7, the word is shaphaT , the Revised Version (British and American) “that I may plead,” etc. The principal Greek words for “reason,” “reasoning,” are those given above. The Christian believer is to be ready to give a reason (logos ) for the hope that is in him (1 Pet 3:15 the King James Version). “Reason” as a human faculty or in the abstract sense appears in Apocrypha in The Wisdom of Solomon 17:12 (logismos ); Ecclesiasticus 37:16, “Let reason (logos ) go before every enterprise,” the Revised Version (British and American) “be the beginning of every work.” In Acts 18:14, “reason would” is literally, kata logon , “according to reason”; in Romans 12:1, for “reasonable (logikos ) service,” the Revised Version (British and American) has “spiritual,” and in the margin “Greek `belonging to the reason.’ “ In the Revised Version (British and American) “reason,” etc., occurs much oftener than in the King James Version (compare Leviticus 17:11; Deuteronomy 28:47; Judges 5:22; Job 20:2; 23:7, etc.; Luke 3:15; 12:17; Acts 17:17, etc.). W. L. Walker REBA <re-bek’-a > ([ [b”r, , rebha` ], “fourth part”; Septuagint: Codex Vaticanus [ jRo>be, Rhobe ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ JRe>bek, Rhebek ]): One of the five chieftains of Midian who were slain by the Israelites, under Moses ( Numbers 31:8; Joshua 13:21). Like his comrades, he is termed a “king” in Numbers, but a “chief” or “prince” in Joshua.

    REBEKAH <re-bek’-a > ([ hq;b]ri , ribhqah ]; Septuagint and New Testament [ JRebe>kka, Rhebekka ], whence the usual English spelling Rebecca):

    Daughter of Bethuel and an unknown mother, grand-daughter of Nahor and Milcah, sister of Laban, wife of Isaac, mother of Esau and Jacob.

    Her name is usually explained from the Arabic, rabqat , “a tie-rope for animals,” or, rather, “a noose” in such a rope; its application would then by figure suggest the beauty (?) of her that bears it, by means of which men are snared or bound; The root is found in Hebrew only in the noun meaning “hitching-place” or “stall,” in the familiar phrase “fatted calf” or “calf of the stall,” and in view of the meaning of such names as Rachel and Eglah the name Rebekah might well mean (concrete for abstract, like [ hm;q]ri , riqmah ], [ hD;m]j, , chemdah ], etc.) a “tied-up calf” (or “lamb”?), one therefore peculiarly choice and fat.

    Rebekah is first mentioned in the genealogy of the descendants of Nahor, brother of Abraham ( Genesis 22:20-24). In fact, the family is there carried down just so far as is necessary in order to introduce this woman, for whose subsequent appearance and role the genealogy is obviously intended as a preparation. All this branch of the family of Terah had remained in Aram when Abraham and Lot had migrated to Canaan, and it is at Haran, “the city of Nahor,” that we first meet Rebekah, when in Genesis 24 she is made known to Abraham’s servant at the well before the gate.

    That idyllic narrative of the finding of a bride for Isaac is too familiar to need rehearsal and too simple to require comment. Besides, the substance both of that story and of the whole of Rebekah’s career is treated in connection with the sketches of the other actors in the same scenes. Yet we note from the beginning the maiden’s decision of character, which appears in every line of the narrative, and prepares the reader to find in subsequent chapters the positive, ambitious and energetic woman that she there shows herself.

    Though the object of her husband’s love ( Genesis 24:67), Rebekah bore him no children for 20 years ( Genesis 25:20,26). Like Sarah, she too was barren, and it was only after that score of years and after the special intercession of Isaac that God at length granted her twin sons. “The purpose of God according to election,” as Paul expresses the matter in Romans 9:11, was the cause of that strange oracle to the wondering, inquiring parents, “The elder shall serve the younger” ( Genesis 25:23).

    Whether because of this oracle or for some other reason, it was that younger son, Jacob, who became the object of his mother’s special love ( Genesis 25:28). She it was who led him into the deception practiced upon Isaac ( Genesis 27:5-17), and she it was who devised the plan for extricating Jacob from the dangerous situation into which that deception had brought him ( Genesis 27:42-46). When the absence of Jacob from home became essential to his personal safety, Rebekah proposed her own relations in Aram as the goal of his journey, and gave as motive the desirability of Jacob’s marrying from among her kindred. Probably she did not realize that in sending her favorite son away on this journey she was sending him away from her forever. Yet such seems to have been the case.

    Though younger than Isaac, who was still living at an advanced age when Jacob returned to Canaan a quarter of a century later, Rebekah seems to have died during that term. We learn definitely only this, that she was buried in the cave of Machpelah near Hebron ( Genesis 49:31).

    Outside of Genesis, Rebekah is alluded to in Scripture only in the passage from Romans (9:10-12) already cited. Her significance there is simply that of the wife of Isaac and the mother of two sons of such different character and destiny as Esau and Jacob. And her significance in Gen, apart from this, lies in her contribution to the family of Abraham of a pure strain from the same eastern stock, thus transmitting to the founders of Israel both an unmixed lineage and that tradition of separateness from Canaanite and other non-Hebrew elements which has proved the greatest factor in the ethnological marvel of the ages, the persistence of the Hebrew people. J. Oscar Boyd REBUKE <re-buk’ > : As a verb “rebuke” is in the Old Testament the translation of [ r[“G; , ga`ar ] and [ jk”y; , yakhach ]; another word, ribh , in Nehemiah 5:7, is in the Revised Version (British and American) translated “contended with.” “Rebuke” (noun) is most frequently the translation of ge`arah ; also in the King James Version of cherpah ( Isaiah 25:8; Jeremiah 15:15, the Revised Version (British and American) “reproach”), and of a few other words signifying reproach, etc. “Rebuker” (mucar , literally, “correction,” “chastisement”) in Hosea 5:2 has the Revised Version margin “Hebrew `rebuke.’” In the New Testament “to rebuke” is most often the translation of [ejpitima>w, epitimao ] ( Matthew 8:26; 16:22; 17:18, etc.); also in the King James Version of [ejle>gcw, elegcho ], always in the Revised Version (British and American) rendered “reprove” (1 Tim 5:20; Titus 1:13; 2:15; Hebrews 12:5; Revelation 3:19). Another word is epipletto (once, 1 Timothy 5:1); “without rebuke” in Philippians 2:15 is in the Revised Version (British and American) “without blemish.” On the other hand, the Revised Version (British and American) has “rebuke” for several words in the King James Version, as for “reprove” ( 2 Kings 19:4; Isaiah 37:4), “reproof” ( Job 26:11; Proverbs 17:10), “charged” ( Mark 10:48). In Isaiah 2:4; Micah 4:3, the English Revised Version has “reprove” for “rebuke,” and in the margin “decide concerning,” which is text in the American Standard Revised Version. In Ecclesiasticus 11:7 we have the wise counsel: “Understand first, and then rebuke” (epitimao ). W. L. Walker RECAH <re’-ka > ([ hk;re , rekhah ]; Codex Vaticanus [ JRhca>b, Rhechab ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ JRhfa>, Rhepha ]; the King James Version Rechah): In Chronicles 4:12 certain persons are described as “the men of Recah,” but there is absolutely no information either about the place or its position.

    RECEIPT OF CUSTOM <re-set > . See CUSTOM.

    RECEIVER <re-sev’-er > : Found in the King James Version ( Isaiah 33:18); but the Revised Version (British and American) substitutes “he that weighed the tribute.” The Hebrew is shoqel , which means “one who weighs,” “a weigher.”

    RECHAB; RECHABITES <re’-kab > , <rek’-a-bits > ([ bk;re , rekhabh ], [ µybik;re , rekhabhim ]): Rechab is the name of two men of some prominence in the Old Testament records: (1) A Benjamite of the town of Beeroth, son of Rimmon ( 2 Samuel 4:2); he and his brother Baanah were “captains” of the military host of Ish-bosheth. On the death of Abner ( 2 Samuel 3:30) the two brothers treacherously entered Ish-bosheth’s house, when at noon he was resting and helpless, beheaded him, and escaped with the head to David at Hebron ( 2 Samuel 4:6-8). They expected to receive reward and honor from David for the foul deed, which left him without a rival for the throne of all Israel. But the just and noble-minded king ordered their immediate execution ( 2 Samuel 4:9-12), as in the case of the Amalekite, who asserted that he had killed Saul (2 Samuel 1).

    For some reason the Beerothites left their own town and fled to Gittaim, another town in Benjamin, where they were still living when the Books of Samuel were written ( 2 Samuel 4:3). (2) The more prominent of the men bearing this name was a KENITE (which see), a descendant of Hammath ( 1 Chronicles 2:55). A part of the Kenite tribe joined the Israelites during the wilderness wanderings ( Numbers 10:29-32; Judges 1:16; 4:17), becoming identified with the tribe of Judah, although Heber and Jael his wife were settled in Northern Palestine ( Judges 4:17). Rechab was the ancestor or founder of a family, or order, in Israel known as the Rechabites, who at various times were conspicuous in the religious life of the nation. The most notable member of this family was Jehonadab ( 2 Kings 10:15 ff,23), or Jonadab, as he is called in Jeremiah 35.

    Jehonadab was a zealous Yahweh-worshipper and took part with Jehu in the extirpation of Baal-worship and the house of Ahab. He set for his descendants a vow of asceticism: that they should drink no wine, nor plant fields or vineyards, nor build nor live in houses throughout their generations ( Jeremiah 35:6,7). That must have been a singular feature in Palestinian life: the simple, nomadic life of this family from generation to generation in the midst of settled agricultural and industrial conditions! They followed this simple life in order to guard against the enervating tendencies of sensualism, and as a covenant of fidelity to Yahweh, to whom they wholly devoted themselves when they joined themselves to Israel. Jeremiah used the Rechabites, who had been driven into Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar’s investment of the land, as an object-lesson to covenant-breaking Judah. The Rechabites, hungry and thirsty, refused wine when it was set before them, because of the command of their ancestor Jonadab ( Jeremiah 35:8-10); but Judah refused to heed Yahweh’s commands or to keep His covenant ( Jeremiah 35:14,15).

    If the Rechab of Nehemiah 3:14 is the same as this Kenite, then his descendant Malchijah, who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem, may have abandoned the vow of his ancestors, for he was “ruler of the district of Beth-haccherem” (i.e. “house of the vineyard”). Edward Mack RECHAH <re’-ka > ([ hk;re , rekhah ]). See RECAH.

    RECLINING <re-klin’-ing > ( John 13:23). See MEALS, III; TRICLINIUM.

    RECONCILE; RECONCILIATION <rek’-on-sil > , <rek-on-sil-i-a’-shun > (katalla>ssw, katallasso ], [ Katallagh>, katallage ], also the compound form [ajpokatalla>ssw, apokatallasso ]; once the cognate [dialla>ssomai, diallassomai ] is used in Matthew 5:24): 1. THE TERMS: (1) New Testament Usage.

    In the last case, Matthew 5:24, the word is not used in a doctrinal sense, though its use is very helpful in considering the force of the other terms. All the other instances are in Paul’s Epistles ( Romans 5:10; Corinthians 7:11; 2 Corinthians 5:18-20, the verb; Romans 5:11; 11:15; 2 Corinthians 5:18,19, the noun; Ephesians 2:16; Colossians 1:22, the compound). The word “reconcile” has a double meaning and usage, and the context must in each case determine how it is to be taken. The great doctrine is the reconciliation of God and men, but the question to be decided is whether it is God who is reconciled to men, or men who are reconciled to God, and different schools of theology emphasize one side or the other. The true view embraces both aspects. The word “to reconcile” means literally to exchange, to bring into a changed relationship. Some maintain that it is only a change in the sinner that is intended, a laying aside of his enmity, and coming into peaceful relations with God. But that manifestly does not exhaust the meaning, nor is it in the great Pauline passages the primary and dominant meaning. (2) Old Testament Usage.

    The Old Testament usage does not materially help in the elucidation of the New Testament terms, for though the word occurs in a number of passages in the King James Version, it is in the Revised Version (British and American) generally changed to “atonement,” which more accurately represents the Hebrew kaphar , which is generally rendered by “atonement,” and by hilaskomai or exilaskomai in the Greek (In one passage of the New Testament ( Hebrews 2:17), the phrase “to make reconciliation” represents the Greek hilaskomai , and is better rendered in the Revised Version (British and American) by “to make propitiation.”) The making atonement or propitiation is the basis of the reconciliation, the means of its accomplishment, and the fact that the translators of the King James Version sometimes rendered kaphar by “reconcile” shows that they understood reconciliation to have the Godward aspect. Whatever may be said of the nature of the atonement or propitiation in the old dispensation, it was something contemplated as appeasing or satisfying, or at least in some way affecting God so as to make Him willing, or render it possible for Him, to enter into, or abide in, gracious relations with men. In one passage in the Old Testament where “reconciliation” occurs ( Chronicles 29:24) it represents a different Hebrew word, but here the Revised Version (British and American) has changed it into “sin-offering,” which is in harmony with the general meaning and usage of the Hebrew. (3) Special Passage in 1 Samuel 29:4.

    There is yet another Hebrew word rendered “reconcile” in 1 Samuel 29:4, and inasmuch as this passage in the Septuagint has as the equivalent of the Hebrew the Greek word diallasso , it is of some importance in guiding to the New Testament meaning. On one occasion when the Philistines gathered together to battle against Israel, David and his band of men accompanied Achish king of Gath to the muster-place. “The princes of the Philistines” did not at all appreciate the presence of “these Hebrews,” and although Achish testified in favor of David’s fidelity, they were very indignant, and demanded that David and his men be sent back, “lest in the battle he become an adversary to us: for wherewith should this fellow reconcile himself unto his lord? should it not be with the heads of these men?” The Hebrew is ratsah , which means “to be pleased with” or “to accept favorably,” and the Hithpael form here used is “to make himself pleasing or acceptable,” “to reconcile himself.” But assuredly the Philistines’ idea of David reconciling himself to Saul was not that he should lay aside his enmity against Saul, and so become friends with him. The enmity was on Saul’s side, and the thought of the princes was that David by turning against them in the battle would gratify Saul, and lead him to lay aside his enmity against David. (4) Usage in the Apocrypha.

    It may be noted that in 2 Macc 5:20, katallage is used evidently of the Godward side: “And the place which was forsaken in the wrath of the Almighty was, at the reconciliation of the great Sovereign, restored again with all glory.” The verb occurs in 2 Macc 1:5 when again the Godward side seems intended, though not perhaps so certainly: “May God .... hearken to your supplications, and be reconciled with you,” and in 7:33: “If for rebuke and chastening our living Lord has been angered a little while, yet shall he again be reconciled with his own servants,” and 8:29: “They besought the merciful Lord to be wholly reconciled with his servants.” In these two, especially the last, it is unquestionably the laying aside of the divine displeasure that is meant. 2. NON-DOCTRINAL PASSAGE — MATTHEW 5:24:

    Before passing on to look at the great utterances in the Epistles, we may now look at the non-doctrinal passage referred to at the beginning. There is, indeed, another non-doctrinal instance in 1 Corinthians 7:11, where the wife who has departed from her husband is enjoined either to “remain unmarried, or else be reconciled to her husband.” But as it is indeterminate whether the wife or the husband is the offending party, and so which is the one to be influenced, the passage does not help us much. But Matthew 5:24 is a very illuminating passage. Here as in the passage from 1 Samuel, the word used is diallasso , but it is practically identified in meaning with katallasso. The injunction is given by Christ to the one who is at variance with his brother, not to complete his offering until first he has been reconciled to his brother. But the whole statement shows that it is not a question of the one who is offering the gift laying aside his enmity against his brother, but the reverse. Christ says, “If therefore thou art offering thy gift at the altar, and there rememberest (not that thou hast a grudge against thy brother but) that thy brother hath aught against thee” — the brother was the offended one, he is the one to be brought round — “leave there thy gift before the altar, and go thy way, first be reconciled to thy brother, and then come and offer thy gift.” Plainly it means that he should do something to remove his brother’s displeasure and so bring about a reconciliation. 3. DOCTRINAL PASSAGES: (1) Romans 5.

    Turning now to Romans 5, how stands the matter? Paul has been speaking of the blessed results of justification; one of these results is the shedding abroad of the love of God in the heart. Then he dwells upon the manifestation of that love in the death of Christ, a love that was displayed to the loveless, and he argues that if in our sinful and unloving state we were embraced by the love of God, a fortiori that love will not be less now that it has already begun to take effect. If He loved us when we were under His condemnation sufficiently to give His Son to die for our salvation, much more shall His love bestow upon us the blessings secured by that death. “Much more then, being now justified by his blood, shall we be saved from the wrath of God through him” ( Romans 5:9). (a) The Fact of Divine Wrath:

    It is well to note, then, that there is “wrath” on the part of God against sin and sinners. One of the key-thoughts of the apostle in this epistle is that “the wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men” ( Romans 1:18), and the coming day of judgment is “the day of wrath and revelation of the righteous judgment of God” ( Romans 2:5). And because of this stern fact, the gospel is a revelation not only of love, but specifically “a righteousness of God” ( Romans 1:17). And he shows that the essence of the gospel is found in the propitiatory death of the Lord Jesus Christ ( Romans 3:24,25,26), through whom alone can men who have been “brought under the judgment of God” ( Romans 3:19) find justification, salvation, deliverance from the wrath of God ( Romans 4:25; 5:1-6). Of course it is not necessary to add that the wrath of God is not to be thought of as having any unworthy or capricious element in it — it is the settled opposition of His holy nature against sin. (b) Reconciliation, Godward, as Well as Manward:

    The apostle proceeds ( Romans 5:10): “For if, while we were enemies, we were reconciled to God through the death of his Son, much more, being reconciled, shall we be saved by his life.” Now if, as many maintain, it is only the reconciliation on the manward side that is meant, that the manifested love led to the sinner laying aside his enmity, it would entirely reverse the apostle’s argument. He is not arguing that if we have begun to love God we may reckon upon His doing so and so for us, but because He has done so much, we may expect Him to do more. The verse is parallel to the preceding, and the being reconciled is on the same plane as being justified; the being justified was God’s action, and so is the reconciling.

    Justification delivers from “the wrath of God”; reconciliation takes effect upon enemies. (c) The Meaning of the Word “Enemies”:

    The word “enemies” is important. By those who take the manward aspect of reconciliation as the only one, it is held that the word must be taken actively — those who hate God. But the passive meaning, “hatred of God,” seems far the preferable, and is indeed demanded by the context.

    Paul uses the verb echthroi, “enemies,” in Romans 11:28, in antithesis to “beloved” of God, and that is the consistent sense here. The enemies are those who are the objects of the wrath of the previous verse. And when we were thus hated of God, the objects of His just displeasure on account of our sin, “we were reconciled to God by the death of his Son.” God laid aside His enmity, and in the propitiatory death of Christ showed Himself willing to receive us into His favor. (d) The Manward Side:

    By this propitiation, therefore, the barrier was removed, and, God having assumed a gracious attitude toward the sinner, it is possible for the sinner now, influenced by His love, to come into a friendly relationship with God.

    And so in the second phrase, the two meanings, the Godward and the manward, may coalesce: “being reconciled, we shall be saved by his life.”

    The reconciliation becomes mutual, for there is no kind of doubt that sinners are enemies to God in the active sense, and require to lay aside their hostility, and so be reconciled to Him. But the first step is with God, and the reconciliation which took place in the death of His Son could only be the Godward reconciliation, since at that time men were still uninfluenced by His love. But, perhaps, just because that first reconciliation is brought about through the divine love which provides the propitiation, the apostle avoids saying “God is reconciled,” but uses the more indirect form of speech. The manward aspect is emphasized in the next verse, although the Godward is not lost sight of: “We also rejoice in God through our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom we have now received the reconciliation” ( Romans 5:11). It is therefore something that comes from God and does not proceed from man. God is the first mover; He makes the reconciliation as already indicated, and then the fruit of it is imputed to the believing sinner, and the very fact that our receiving the reconciliation, or being brought into a state of reconciliation; follows the being reconciled of Romans 5:10, shows that the other is divine reconciliation as the basis of the human. (2) 2 Corinthians 5:18-20. (a) The Godward Aspect Primary:

    In the same way the great passage in 2 Corinthians 5:18-20 cannot be understood apart from the conception that there is a reconciliation on the divine side. There is unquestionably reference to the human side of the matter as well, but, as in Romans, the Godward aspect is primary and dominating: “All things are of God, who reconciled us to himself through Christ, and gave unto us the ministry of reconciliation.” It might be possible to argue from the King James Version that this describes the process going on under gospel influences, men being brought into gracious relations with God, but the aorist of the Greek rightly rendered by the Revised Version (British and American), “who reconciled us to himself,” points back to the historic time when the transaction took place. It cannot be simply the surrender of the sinner to God that is meant, though that comes as a consequence; it is a work that proceeds from God, is accomplished by God, and because of the accomplishment of that work it is possible for a ministry of reconciliation to be entrusted to men. To make this mean the human aspect of the reconciliation, it would be necessary unduly to confine it to the reconciliation of Paul and his fellow-workers, though even then it would be a straining of language, for there is the other historic act described, “and gave unto us the ministry of reconciliation.”

    The plain meaning is that through Jesus Christ, God established the basis of agreement, removed the barrier to the sinner’s approach to Himself, accomplished the work of propitiation, and, having done so, He entrusts His servants with the ministry of reconciliation, a ministry which, basing itself upon the great propitiatory, reconciling work of Christ, is directed toward men, seeking to remove their enmity, to influence them in their turn to be reconciled with God. This is more clearly set forth in the verse which follows, which in explaining the ministry of reconciliation says: “To wit, that God was in Christ reconciling the world unto himself, not reckoning unto them their trespasses.” Here there can be no question that the historic Incarnation is meant, and the reconciling of the world can be nothing other than the objective work of atonement culminating in the cross. And in that transaction there can be no thought of the sinner laying aside his hostility to God; it is God in Christ so dealing with sin that the doom lying upon the guilty is canceled, the wrath is averted, propitiation is made. (b) The Manward Side also Prominent:

    God, in a word, enters into gracious relations with a world of sinners, becomes reconciled to man. This being done, gracious influences can be brought to bear upon man, the chief of which is the consideration of this stupendous fact of grace, that God has in Christ dealt with the question of sin. This is the substance of the “word of reconciliation” which is preached by the apostle. So he continues, “We are ambassadors therefore on behalf of Christ, as though God were entreating by us: we beseech you on behalf of Christ, be ye reconciled to God.” Here is the human side. The great matter now is to get the sinner to lay aside his enmity, to respond to the gracious overtures of the gospel, to come into harmony with God. But that is only possible because the reconciliation in the Godward aspect has already been accomplished. If the first reconciliation, “the reconciliation of the world unto himself,” had been the laying aside of human enmity, there could now be no point in the exhortation, “Be ye reconciled to God.” (3) Ephesians 2:16.

    The two passages where the compound word occurs are in complete harmony with this interpretation. Ephesians 2:16: “And might reconcile them both (Jew and Gentile) in one body unto God through the cross, having slain the enmity thereby,” is the outcome of Christ “making peace” (2:15), and the reconciling work is effected through the cross, reconciliation both Godward and manward, and, having made peace, it is possible for Christ to come and preach peace to them that are far off — far off even though the reconciling work of the cross has been accomplished. (4) Colossians 1:20-22.

    So in Colossians 1:20, “And through him to reconcile all things unto himself, having made peace through the blood of his cross; through him, I say, whether things upon the earth, or things in the heavens.” Here the thought of the apostle trembles away into infinity, and there seems a parallel to the thought of Hebrews 9:23, that according to the typical teaching even “the things in the heavens” in some way stood in need of cleansing. May it be that the work of Christ in some sense affected the angelic intelligence, making it possible for harmony to be restored between redeemed sinners and the perfect creation of God? In any case, the reconciling all things unto Himself is not the laying aside of the creaturely hostility, but the determining of the divine attitude. Then comes the specific reference to the human side, “And you, being in time past alienated and enemies in your mind in your evil works, yet now hath he reconciled in the body of his flesh through death”; there, as in Romans, the two phases coalescing, God appearing gracious through the work of Christ, sinners coming into gracious relation with Him. “Having made peace through the blood of his cross,” the ground of peace has been established. Christ has done something by His death which makes it possible to offer peace to men. God has laid aside His holy opposition to the sinner, and shows Himself willing to bring men into peace with Himself. He has found satisfaction in that great work of His Son, has been reconciled, and now calls upon men to be reconciled to Him — to receive the reconciliation. See ATONEMENT; PROPITIATION; WRATH.

    LITERATURE. See the works on New Testament Theology of Weiss, Schmid, Stevens, etc.; Denney, Death of Christ; articles on “Reconciliation” in Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible (five volumes), Hastings, Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels, etc.

    Archibald M’Caig RECORD <rek’-ord > , <rek’-ord > : (1) The English word, where it occurs in the Old Testament and the New Testament in the sense of testimony, is translated in the Revised Version (British and American) “witness” ( Deuteronomy 30:19; 31:28; John 1:19,32; 8:13,14; Romans 10:2, etc.). See WITNESS . But in Job 16:19 for the King James Version “my record,” the Revised Version (British and American) has “he that voucheth for me.” (2) In Ezra 4:15; 6:2 (dokhran , dikhron ), and Est 6:1 (zikkaron ), the word denotes Persian state chronicles; compare 1 Macc 14:23; Macc 2:1.

    RECORDER <re-kor’-der > ([ ryKiz]m” , mazkir ]; the Revised Version margin “chronicler”): A high functionary in the court of the Jewish kings, part of whose duty seems to have been to chronicle the events of the reign, but who also occupied a position corresponding with that of the modern vizier ( 2 Samuel 8:16; 20:24; 1 Chronicles 18:15, etc.). His high rank is shown by the facts that, with other officers, he represented Hezekiah in speaking with Rabshakeh ( 2 Kings 18:18), and, in the reign of Josiah, superintended the repairs of the temple ( 2 Chronicles 34:8).

    RECOVER <re-kuv’-er > : “Recover” has (1) the transitive meaning of “to retake” or “regain” (anything); and (2) the intransitive sense of “to regain health” or “become well.” In Judith 14:7 it means “restore to consciousness.” In the former sense it is in the Old Testament the translation of [ lx”n; , natsal ], “to snatch away” ( Judges 11:26; 1 Samuel 30:8,22; in Hosea 2:9, the Revised Version (British and American) “pluck away”); also of [ bWv , shubh ] (Qal and Hiphil 1 Samuel 30:19 the King James Version; 2 Samuel 8:3, etc.), and of various other words in single instances.

    In 2 Kings 5:3,6,7,11, “to restore to health” is [ ts”a; , ‘acaph ]. In its intransitive sense “recover” is chiefly the translation of [ hy;j; , chayah ], “to live,” “revive” ( 2 Kings 1:2, etc.; Isaiah 38:9,21). “Recover” appears only twice in the King James Version of the New Testament; Mark 16:18 (for kalos hexousin) and 2 Timothy 2:26 (from ananepho , the Revised Version margin “Greek: `return to soberness’ “); but the Revised Version (British and American) has “recover” for “do well” in John 11:12 (sothesetai ; margin “Greek: `be saved’”). “Recovering” (of sight) (anablepsis ) occurs in Luke 4:18. W. L. Walker RED See COLORS, (10).

    RED DRAGON See REVELATION OF JOHN.

    RED HEIFER See HEIFER, RED.

    RED HORSE See HORSE, RED; REVELATION OF JOHN.

    RED SEA ([ tWsAµy” , yam-cuph ] ( Exodus 10:19 and often), but in many passages it is simply [ µY;h” , hayam ], “the sea”’ Septuagint with 2 or exceptions renders it by [hJ ejruqra< qa>lassa, he eruthra thalassa ], “the Red Sea”; Latin geographers Mare Rubrum): 1. NAME:

    The Hebrew name yam-cuph has given rise to much controversy. Yam is the general word for sea, and when standing alone may refer to the Mediterranean, the Dead Sea, the Red Sea, or the Sea of Galilee. In several places it designates the river Nile or Euphrates. Cuph means a rush or seaweed such as abounds in the lower portions of the Nile and the upper portions of the Red Sea. It was in the cuph on the brink of the river that the ark of Moses was hidden ( Exodus 2:3,5). But as this word does not in itself mean red, and as that is not the color of the bulrush, authorities are much divided as to the reason for this designation. Some have supposed that it was called red from the appearance of the mountains on the western coast, others from the red color given to the water by the presence of zoophytes, or red coral, or some species of seaweed. Others still, with considerable probability, suppose that the name originated in the red or copper color of the inhabitants of the bordering Arabian peninsula. But the name yam-cuph , though applied to the whole sea, was especially used with reference to the northern part, which is alone mentioned in the Bible, and to the two gulfs (Suez and Aqabah) which border the Sinaitic Peninsula, especially the Gulf of Suez. 2. PECULARITIES:

    The Red Sea has a length of 1,350 miles and an extreme breadth of miles. It is remarkable that while it has no rivers flowing into it and the evaporation from its surface is enormous, it is not much salter than the ocean, from which it is inferred that there must be a constant influx of water from the Indian Ocean through the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, together with an outflow of the more saline water beneath the surface. The deepest portion measures 1,200 fathoms. Owing to the lower land levels which prevailed in recent geological times, the Gulf of Suez formerly extended across the lowland which separates it from the Bitter Lakes, a distance of 15 or 20 miles now traversed by the Suez Canal, which encountered no elevation more than 30 ft. above tide. In early historic times the Gulf ended at Ismailia at the head of Lake Timsah. North of this the land rises to a height of more than 50 ft. and for a long time furnished a road leading from Africa into Asia. At a somewhat earlier geological (middle and late Tertiary) period the depression of the land was such that this bridge was also submerged, so that the Red Sea and the Mediterranean were connected by a broad expanse of water which overflowed the whole surface of Lower Egypt.

    The evidence of the more recent depression of the land surface in all Lower Egypt is unmistakable. Raised beaches containing shells and corals still living in the Red Sea are found at various levels up to more than 200 ft. above tide. One of the most interesting of these is to be seen near the summit of the “Crow’s Nest,” a half-mile South of the great pyramids, where, near the summit of the eminence, and approximately 200 ft. above tide, on a level with the base of the pyramids, there is a clearly defined recent sea beach composed of water-worn pebbles from 1 inches to 1 or ft. in diameter, the interstices of which are filled with small shells loosely cemented together. These are identified as belonging to a variable form, Alectryonia cucullata Born, which lives at the present time in the Red Sea.

    On the opposite side of the river, on the Mokattam Hills South of Cairo, at an elevation of 220 ft. above tide, similar deposits are found containing numerous shells of recent date, while the rock face is penetrated by numerous borings of lithodomus mollusks (Pholades rugosa Broc.). Other evidences of the recent general depression of the land in this region come from various places on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean. According to Lartet at Ramleh, near Jaffa, a recent beach occurs more than 200 ft. above sea-level containing many shells of Pectunculus violascens Lamk, which is at the present time the most abundant mollusk on the shore of the adjoining Mediterranean. A similar beach has been described by Dr. Post at Lattakia, about 30 miles North of Beirut; while others, according to Hull, occur upon the island of Cyprus. Further evidence of this depression is also seen in the fact that the isthmus between Suez and the Bitter Lakes is covered with recent deposits of Nile mud, holding modern Red Sea shells, showing that, at no very distant date, there was an overflow of the Nile through an eastern branch into this slightly depressed level. The line of this branch of the Nile overflow was in early times used for a canal, which has recently been opened to furnish fresh water to Suez, and the depression is followed by the railroad. According to Dawson, large surfaces of the desert North of Suez, which are now above sea-level, contain buried in the sand “recent marine shells in such a state of preservation that not many centuries may have elapsed since they were in the bottom of the sea” (Egypt and Syria, 67). 3. OLD TESTAMENT REFERENCES:

    The Red Sea is connected with the children of Israel chiefly through the crossing of it recorded in Exodus (see 4, below); but there are a few references to it in later times. Solomon is said ( 1 Kings 9:26) to have built a navy at “Ezion-geber, which is beside Eloth, on the shore of the Red Sea, in the land of Edom.” This is at the head of the Gulf of Aqabah, the eastern branch of the Red Sea. Here his ships were manned by Hiram king of Tyre with “shipmen that had knowledge of the sea” ( 1 Kings 9:27).

    And ( 1 Kings 9:28) “they came to Ophir, and fetched from thence gold.” But Eloth was evidently lost to Israel when Edom successfully revolted in the time of Joram ( 2 Kings 8:20). For a short time, however, it was restored to Judah by Amaziah ( 2 Kings 14:22); but finally, during the reign of Ahaz, the Syrians, or more probably, according to another reading, the Edomites, recovered the place and permanently drove the Jews away. But in 1 Kings 22:48 Jehoshaphat is said to have “made ships of Tarshish to go to Ophir for gold: but they went not; for the ships were broken at Ezion-geber”; while in 2 Chronicles 20:36 Jehoshaphat is said to have joined with Ahaziah “to make ships to go to Tarshish; and they made the ships in Ezion-geber.”

    Unless there is some textual confusion here, “ships of Tarshish:” is simply the name of the style of the ship, like “East Indiaman,” and Tarshish in Chronicles may refer to some place in the East Indies. This is the more likely, since Solomon’s “navy” that went to Tarshish once every 3 years came “bringing gold, and silver, ivory, and apes, and peacocks,” which could hardly have come from any other place than India. See SHIPS AND BOATS, II, 1, (2). 4. PASSAGE THROUGH THE RED SEA BY THE ISRAELITES:

    Until in recent times it was discovered that the Gulf of Suez formerly extended 30 miles northward to the site of the present Ismailia and the ancient Pithom, the scene of the Biblical miracle was placed at Suez, the present head of the Gulf. But there is at Suez no extent of shoal water sufficient for the east wind mentioned in Scripture ( Exodus 14:21) to have opened a passage-way sufficiently wide to have permitted the host to have crossed over in a single night. The bar leading from Suez across, which is now sometimes forded, is too insignificant to have furnished a passage-way as Robinson supposed (BR(3) , I, 56-59). Besides, if the children of Israel were South of the Bitter Lakes when there was no extension of the Gulf North of its present limits, there would have been no need of a miracle to open the water, since there was abundant room for both them and Pharaoh’s army to have gone around the northern end of the Gulf to reach the eastern shore, while South of Suez the water is too deep for the wind anywhere to have opened a passage-way. But with an extension of the waters of the Gulf to the Bitter Lakes and Lake Timsah, rendered probable by the facts cited in the previous paragraph, the narrative at once so perfectly accords with the physical conditions involved as to become not only easily credible, but self-evidencing.

    The children of Israel were at Rameses ( Exodus 12:37) in the land of Goshen, a place which has not been certainly identified, but could not have been far from the modern Zagazig at the head of the Fresh Water Canal leading from the Nile to the Bitter Lakes. One day’s journey eastward along Wady Tumilat, watered by this canal brought them to Succoth, a station probably identical with Thuket, close upon the border line separating Egypt from Asia. Through the discoveries of Naville in this has been identified as Pithom, one of the store-cities built by Pharaoh during the period of Hebrew oppression ( Exodus 1:11). Here Naville uncovered vast store pits for holding grain built during the reign of Rameses II and constructed according to the description given in Exodus 1: the lower portions of brick made with straw, the middle with stubble, and the top of simple clay without even stubble to hold the brick together (see Naville, “The Store-City Pithom and the Route of the Exodus,” Egyptian Exploration Fund, 1885; M. G. Kyle, “A Re-examination of Naville’s Works,” Records of the Past, VIII, 1901, 304-7). The next day’s journey brought them to Etham on the “edge of the wilderness” ( Exodus 13:20; Numbers 33:6), probably in the vicinity of the modern Ismailia at the head of Lake Timsah. From this point the natural road to Palestine would have been along the caravan route on the neck of land referred to above as now about 50 ft. above sea-level. Etham was about 30 miles Southeast of Zoan or Tanis, the headquarters at that time of Pharaoh, from which he was watching the movements of the host. If they should go on the direct road to Palestine, his army could easily execute a flank movement and intercept them in the desert of Etham. But by divine command ( Exodus 14:2) Moses turned southward on the west side of the extension of the Red Sea and camped “before Pihahiroth, between Migdol and the sea, before Baal-zephon” ( Exodus 14:22 Numbers 33:5-7). At this change of course Pharaoh was delighted, seeing that the children of Israel were “entangled in the land” and “the wilderness” had “shut them in.” Instead of issuing a flank movement upon them, Pharaoh’s army now followed them in the rear and “overtook them encamping by the sea, beside Pi-hahiroth,” the location of which is essential to a proper understanding of the narrative which follows.

    In Exodus 14:2, Pi-hahiroth is said to be “between Migdol and the sea, before Baal-zephon.” Now though Migdol originally meant “watch-tower,” it is hardly supposable that this can be its meaning here, otherwise the children of Israel would have been moving directly toward a fortified place.

    Most probably, therefore, Migdol was the tower-like mountain peak marking the northeast corner of Jebel Geneffeh, which runs parallel with the Bitter Lakes, only a short distance from their western border. Baal- zephon may equally well be some of the mountain peaks on the border of the Wilderness of Paran opposite Cheloof, midway between the Bitter Lakes and Suez. In the clear atmosphere of the region this line of mountains is distinctly visible throughout the whole distance from Ismailia to Suez. There would seem to be no objection to this supposition, since all authorities are in disagreement concerning its location. From the significance of the name it would seem to be the seat of some form of Baal worship, naturally a mountain. Brugsch would identify it with Mr. Cassius on the northern shore of Egypt. Naville (see Murray’s Illustrated Bible Dictionary, “Red Sea, Passage of”) would connect it with the hill called Tussum East of Lake Timsah, where there is a shrine at the present day visited every year about July 14 by thousands of pilgrims to celebrate a religious festival; but, as this is a Mohammedan festival, there seems no reason to connect it with any sanctuary of the Canaanites. Dawson favors the general location which we have assigned to Pi-hahiroth, but would place it beside the narrow southern portion of the Bitter Lakes.

    Somewhere in this vicinity would be a most natural place for the children of Israel to halt, and there is no difficulty, such as Naville supposes, to their passing between Jebel Geneffeh and the Bitter Lakes; for the mountain does not come abruptly to the lake, but leaves ample space for the passage of a caravan, while the mountain on one side and the lake on the other would protect them from a flank movement by Pharaoh and limit his army to harassing the rear of the Israelite host. Protected thus, the Israelites found a wide plain over which they could spread their camp, and if we suppose them to be as far South as Cheloof, every condition would be found to suit the narrative which follows. Moses was told by the Lord that if he would order the children of Israel to go forward, the sea would be divided and the children of Israel could cross over on dry ground. And when, in compliance with the divine command, Moses stretched out his hand over the sea, “Yahweh caused the sea to go back by a strong east wind all the night, and made the sea dry land, and the waters were divided.

    And the children of Israel went into the midst of the sea upon the dry ground: and the waters were a wall unto them on their right hand, and on their left. And the Egyptians pursued, and went in after them into the midst of the sea, all Pharaoh’s horses, his chariots, and his horsemen” ( Exodus 14:21-30). But when the children of Israel were safely on the other side the waters returned and overwhelmed the entire host of Pharaoh.

    In the Song of Moses which follows, describing the event, it is said that the waters were piled up by the “blast of thy (God’s) nostrils” ( Exodus 15:8), and again, verse 10, “Thou didst blow with thy wind, the sea covered them.” Thus 3 times the wind is mentioned as the means employed by God in opening the water. The competency of the wind temporarily to remove the water from the passage connecting the Gulf of Suez with the Bitter Lakes, provided it was only a few feet deep, is amply proved by facts of recent observation. Major General Tullock of the British army (Proc.

    Victoria Inst., XXVIII, 267-80) reports having witnessed the driving off of the water from Lake Menzaleh by the wind to such an extent as to lower the level 6 ft., thus leaving small vessels over the shallow water stranded for a while in the muddy bottom. According to the report of the Suez Canal Company, the difference between the highest and the lowest water at Suez is 10 ft. 7 inches, all of which must be due to the effect of the wind, since the tides do not affect the Red Sea. The power of the wind to affect water levels is strikingly witnessed upon Lake Erie in the United States, where according to the report of the Deep Waterways Commission for 1896 (165, 168) it appears that strong wind from the Southwest sometimes lowers the water at Toledo, Ohio, on the western end of the lake to the extent of more than 7 ft., at the same time causing it to rise at Buffalo at the eastern end a similar amount; while a change in the wind during the passage of a single storm reverses the effect, thus sometimes producing a change of level at either end of the lake of 14 ft. in the course of a single day. It would require far less than a tornado to lower the water at Cheloof sufficiently to lay bare the shallow channel which we have supposed at that time to separate Egypt from the Sinaitic Peninsula. See EXODUS, THE.

    Objections: Several objections to this theory, however, have been urged which should not pass without notice. (1) Steep Banks of the Channel:

    Some have said that the children of Israel would have found an insuperable obstacle to their advance in the steep banks on either side of the supposed channel. But there were no steep banks to be encountered. A gentle sag leads down on one side to the center of the depression and a correspondingly gentle rise leads up on the other. (2) Walls Formed by the Water:

    Much has also been made of the statement ( Exodus 14:22) that “the waters were a wall unto them on their right hand, and on their left”; but when we consider the rhetorical use of this word “wall” it presents no difficulty. In Proverbs 18:11 we are told that “The rich man’s wealth is his strong city, And as a high wall in his own imagination.” In Isaiah 26:1 we are told that God will appoint salvation “for walls and bulwarks.”

    Again Nahum (3:8) says of Egypt that her “rampart was the sea (margin “the Nile”), and her wall was of the sea.” The water upon either side of the opening served the purpose of a wall for protection. There was no chance for Pharaoh to intercept them by a flank movement. Nor is there need of paying further attention to the poetical expressions in the Song of Moses, where among other things it is said “that the deeps were congealed in the heart of the sea,” and that the “earth (instead of the water) swallowed them.” (3) The East Winds:

    Again it is objected that an east wind does not come from the right direction to produce the desired result. On the other hand it is an east wind only which could have freed the channel from water. A north wind would have blown the water from the Bitter Lakes southward, and owing to the quantity of water impounded would have increased the depth of the water in the narrow passage from the southern end of Suez. An east wind, however, would have pressed the water out from the channel both ways, and from the contour of the shore lines would be the only wind that could have done so. (4) The Miraculous Set Aside:

    Again, it is objected that this explanation destroys the miraculous character of the event. But it should be noted that little is said in the narrative about the miraculous. On the other hand, it is a straightforward statement of events, leaving their miraculous character to be inferred from their nature.

    On the explanation we have given the transaction it is what Robinson felicitously calls a mediate miracle, that is, a miracle in which the hand of God is seen in the use of natural forces which it would be impossible for man to command. If anyone should say that this was a mere coincidence, that the east wind blew at the precise time that Moses reached the place of crossing, the answer is that such a coincidence could have been brought about only by supernatural agency. There was at that time no weather bureau to foretell the approach of a storm. There are no tides on the Red Sea with regular ebb and flow. It was by a miracle of prophecy that Moses was emboldened to get his host into position to avail themselves of the temporary opportunity at exactly the right time. As to the relation of the divine agency to the event, speculation is useless. The opening of the sea may have been a foreordained event in the course of Nature which God only foreknew, in which case the direct divine agency was limited to those influences upon the human actors that led them to place themselves where they could take advantage of the natural opportunity. Or, there is no a priori difficulty in supposing that the east wind was directly aroused for this occasion; for man himself produces disturbances among the forces of Nature that are as far-reaching in their extent as would be a storm produced by direct divine agency. But in this case the disturbance is at once seen to be beyond the powers of human agency to produce.

    It remains to add an important word concerning the evidential value of this perfect adjustment of the narrative to the physical conditions involved. So perfect is this conformity of the narrative to the obscure physical conditions involved, which only recent investigations have made clear, that the account becomes self-evidencing. It is not within the power of man to invent a story so perfectly in accordance with the vast and complicated conditions involved. The argument is as strong as that for human design when a key is found to fit a Yale lock. This is not a general account which would fit into a variety of circumstances. There is only one place in all the world, and one set of conditions in all history, which would meet the requirements; and here they are all met. This is scientific demonstration.

    No higher proof can be found in the inductive sciences. The story is true. It has not been remodeled by the imagination, either of the original writers or of the transcribers. It is not the product of mythological fancy or of legendary accretion.

    LITERATURE.

    Dawson, Egypt and Syria; Hull, Mt. Seir, Sinai and Western Palestine; Naville, “The Store-City Pithom and the Route of the Exodus,” Egyptian Exploration Fund, 1885; Kyle, “Bricks without Straw at Pithom: A Reexamination of Naville’s Works,” Records of the Past, VIII, 1901, 304-7; Wright, Scientific Confirmations of Old Testament History, 83-117. George Frederick Wright REDEEMER; REDEMPTION <re-dem’-er > , <re-demp’-shun > ([ qr”P; , paraq ], “to tear loose,” “to rescue,” [ hD;P; , padhah ], [ la”G; , ga’al ]; [ajgora>zw, agorazo ], referring to purchase, [lutrou~mai, lutroumai ], from [lu>tron, lutron ], “a ransom”):

    The idea of redemption in the Old Testament takes its start from the thought of property ( Leviticus 25:26; Ruth 4:4 ff). Money is paid according to law to buy back something which must be delivered or rescued ( Numbers 3:51; Nehemiah 5:8). From this start the word “redemption” throughout the Old Testament is used in the general sense of deliverance. God is the Redeemer of Israel in the sense that He is the Deliverer of Israel ( Deuteronomy 9:26; 2 Samuel 7:23; Chronicles 17:21; Isaiah 52:3). The idea of deliverance includes deliverance from all forms of evil lot, from national misfortune ( Isaiah 52:9; 63:9; compare Luke 2:38), or from plague ( Psalm 78:35,52), or from calamity of any sort ( Genesis 48:16; Numbers 25:4,9). Of course, the general thought of the relation of Israel to God was that God had both a claim upon Israel ( Deuteronomy 15:15) and an obligation toward Israel ( 1 Chronicles 17:21; Psalm 25:22). Israel belonged to Him, and it was by His own right that He could move into the life of Israel so as to redeem Israel. On the other hand, obligation was upon Him to redeem Israel.

    In the New Testament the idea of redemption has more a suggestion of ransom. Men are held under the curse of the law ( Galatians 3:13), or of sin itself ( Romans 7:23 f). The Redeemer purchases their deliverance by offering Himself as payment for their redemption ( Ephesians 1:7; Peter 1:18). 1. GRADUAL MORALIZING OF IDEA OF REDEMPTION: observed a gradual moralizing of the meaning of redemption. The same process of moralizing has continued throughout all the Christian ages.

    Starting with the idea of redemption price, conceived almost in material terms, religious thought has advanced to conceptions entirely moral and spiritual. Through the Scriptures, too, the idea of redemption becomes more specffic with the progress of Christian revelation. In the beginning God is the Redeemer from distresses of all kinds. He redeems from calamity and from sorrows. This general idea, of course, persists throughout the revelation and enters largely into our thinking of today, but the growing moral discernment of the Biblical writers comes to attach more and more importance to sin as the chief disturber of man’s welfare.

    We would not minimize the force of the Scriptural idea that God is the Deliverer from all misfortune to which man falls heir, but the Scriptural emphasis moves more and more to deliverance from sin. Paul states this deliverance as a deliverance from the law which brings sin out into expression, but we must not conceive his idea in any artificial fashion. He would have men delivered not only from the law, but also from the consequences of evil doing and from the spirit of evil itself ( Romans 8:2). 2. REDEMPTION AS LIFE IN THE INDIVIDUAL:

    In trying to discern the meaning of redemption from sin, toward which the entire progress of Biblical and Christian thought points, we may well keep in mind the Master’s words that He came that men might have life and might have it more abundantly ( John 10:10). The word “life” seems to be the final New Testament word as a statement of the purpose of Christ.

    God sent His Son to bring men to life. The word “life,”’ however, is indefinite. Life means more at one period of the world’s history than at another. It has the advantage, nevertheless, of always being entirely intelligible in its essential significance. Our aim must be to keep this essential significance in mind and at the same time to provide for an increasing fullness and enlargement of human capacity and endeavor. The aim of redemption can only be to bring men to the fullest use and enjoyment of their powers. This is really the conception implicit even in the earliest statements of redemption. The man redeemed by money payment comes out of the prison to the light of day, or he comes out of slavery into freedom, or he is restored to his home and friends. The man under the law is redeemed from the burden and curse of the law. Paul speaks of his experience under the law as the experience of one chained to a dead body ( Romans 7:24). Of course, relief from such bondage would mean life.

    In the more spiritual passages of the New Testament, the evil in men’s hearts is like a blight which paralyzes their higher activities ( John 8:33-51).

    In all redemption, as conceived of in Christian terms, there is a double element. There is first the deliverance as from a curse. Something binds a man or weights him down: redemption relieves him from this load. On the other hand, there is the positive movement of the soul thus relieved toward larger and fuller life. We have said that the Biblical emphasis is always upon deliverance from sin as the essential in redemption, but this deliverance is so essential that the life cannot progress in any of its normal activities until it is redeemed from evil. Accordingly in the Scriptural thought all manner of blessings follow deliverance. The man who seeks first the Kingdom of God and His righteousness finds all other things added unto him ( Matthew 6:33). Material, intellectual and social blessings follow as matters of course from the redemption of the inner spirit from evil. The aim of redemption, to beget in men’s hearts the will to do right, once fulfilled, leads men to seek successfully along all possible avenues for life. This, of course, does not mean that the redeemed life gives itself up to the cultivation of itself toward higher excellencies. It means that the redeemed life is delivered from every form of selfishness. In the unselfish seeking of life for others the redeemed life finds its own greatest achievement and happiness ( Matthew 16:25). 3. REDEMPTION AS SOCIAL:

    Just as the idea of redemption concerned itself chiefly with the inner spirit; so also it concerns itself with the individual as the object of redemption.

    But as the redemption of the inner spirit leads to freedom in all realms of life, so also the redemption of the individual leads to large social transformations. It is impossible to strike out of the Scriptures the idea of a redeemed humanity. But humanity is not conceived of in general or class terms. The object of redemption is not humanity, or mankind, or the masses. The object of redemption is rather men set in relation to each other as members of a family. But it would do violence to the Scriptural conception to conceive of the individual’s relations in any narrow or restricted fashion (1 Cor 12:12-27).

    An important enlargement of the idea of redemption in our own time has come as men have conceived of the redemption of individuals in their social relationships. Very often men have thought of redemption as a snatching of individuals from the perils of a world in itself absolutely wicked. Even the material environment of men has at times been regarded as containing something inherently evil. The thought of redemption which seems most in line with Scriptural interpretation would seem to be that which brings the material and social forces within reach of individual wills. Paul speaks of the whole creation groaning and travailing in pain waiting for the revelation of the sons of God ( Romans 8:22). This graphic figure sets before us the essentially Christian conception of the redemption of the forces in the midst of which men are placed. Those redeemed for the largest life, by the very force of their life, will seize all powers of this world to make them the servants of divine purposes. The seer saw a great multitude which no man could number, of every kindred and nation and tongue, shouting the joys of salvation ( Revelation 7:9), yet the implication nowhere appears that these were redeemed in any other fashion than by surrendering themselves to the forces of righteousness. 4. REDEMPTION AS PROCESS:

    We have said that the aim of redemption is to bring men to the largest and fullest life. We have also said that “life” is a general term. To keep close to the Scriptural conceptions we would best say that the aim of redemption is to make men like Christ ( Romans 8:9). Otherwise, it might be possible to use the word “life” so as to imply that the riotous exercise of the faculties is what we mean by redemption. The idea of redemption, as a matter of fact, has been thus interpreted in various times in the history of Christian thinking. Life has been looked upon as sheer quantitative exuberance — the lower pleasures of sense being reckoned as about on the same plane with the higher. We can see the moral and spiritual anarchy which would thus be brought about. In Christ’s words to His disciples He once used the expression, “Ye are clean because of the word which I have spoken unto you” ( John 15:3). In this particular context the idea does not seem to be that of an external washing. Christ seems rather to mean that His disciples are cleansed as a vineyard is cleansed by pruning away some of the branches that others may bear fruit. In other words, the redemption of life is to be interpreted so that stress is laid upon the qualitative rather than the quantitative. Christ indeed found place in His instructions and in His own life for the normal and healthy activities of human existence. He was not an ascetic; He went to feasts and to weddings, but His emphasis was always upon life conceived of in the highest terms. We can say then that the aim of redemption is to beget in men life like that in Christ. 5. MORAL IMPLICATIONS IN THE SCRIPTURAL IDEA OF REDEEMER:

    Moreover, redemption must not be conceived of in such fashion as to do away with the need of response upon the part of the individual will. The literal suggestion of ransom has to do with paying a price for a man’s deliverance, whether the man is willing to be delivered or not. Of course, the assumption in the mind of the Biblical writers was that any man in prison or in slavery or in sickness would be overjoyed at being redeemed; but in dealing with men whose lives are set toward sin we cannot always make this assumption. The dreadfulness of sin is largely in the love of sinning which sinning begets. Some thinkers have interpreted redemption to mean almost a seizing of men without regard to their own will. It is very easy to see how this conception arises. A man who himself hates sin may not stop to realize that some other men love sin. Redemption, to mean anything, must touch this inner attitude of will. We cannot then hold to any idea of redemption which brings men under a cleansing process without the assent of their own wills. If we keep ourselves alive to the growing moral discernment which moves through the Scriptures, we must lay stress always upon redemption as a moral process. Not only must we say that the aim of redemption is to make men like Christ, but we must say also that the method of redemption must be the method of Christ, the method of appealing to the moral will. There is no Scriptural warrant for the idea that men are redeemed by fiat. The most we can get from the words of Christ is a statement of the persistence of God in His search for the lost: `(He goeth) after that which is lost, until he finds it’ ( Luke 15:4). Some would interpret these words to mean that the process of redemption continues until every man is brought into the kingdom. We cannot, in the light of the New Testament, limit the redeeming love of God; but we cannot, on the other hand, take passages from figurative expressions in such sense as to limit the freedom of men. The redemption must be conceived of as respecting the moral choices of men. In our thought of the divine search for the control of inner human motive we must not stop short of the idea of men redeemed to the love of righteousness on its own account. This would do away with the plan of redeeming men by merely relieving them of the consequences of their sins. Out of a changed life, of course, there must come changed consequences. But the Scriptural teaching is that the emphasis in redemption is always moral, the turning to life because of what life is.

    Having thus attempted to determine, at least in outline, the content of the Christian idea of redemption, it remains for us to point out some implications as to the work of the Redeemer. Throughout the entire teaching on redemption in the Scriptures, redemption is set before us primarily as God’s own affair ( John 3:16). God redeems His people; He redeems them out of love for them. But the love of God is not to be conceived of as mere indulgence, partiality, or good-humored affection.

    The love of God rests down upon moral foundations. Throughout the Scriptures, therefore, we find implied often, if not always clearly stated, the idea that God is under obligations to redeem His people. The progress of later thinking has expanded this implication with sureness of moral discernment. We have come to see the obligations of power. The more powerful the man the heavier his obligations in the discharge of this power.

    This is a genuinely Christian conception, and this Christian conception we apply to the character of God, feeling confident that we are in line with Scriptural teaching. Hence, we may put the obligations of God somewhat as follows: God is the most obligated being in the universe. If a man is under heavy obligations to use aright the power of controlling the forces already at work in the world, how much heavier must be the obligations on the Creator who started these forces! The obligation becomes appalling to our human thought when we think that creation includes the calling of human beings into existence and endowing them with the unsolicited boon of freedom. Men are not in the world of their own choice. Vast masses of them seem to be here as the outworking of impulses almost blind. The surroundings of men make it very easy for them to sin. The tendencies which at least seem to be innate are too often tragically inclined toward evil. Men seem, of themselves, utterly inadequate for their own redemption. If there is to be redemption it must come from God, and the Christian thought of a moral God would seem to include the obligation on the part of God to redeem those whom He has sent into the world. Christ has made clear forever the absolutely binding nature of moral considerations. If the obligation to redeem men meant everything to Christ, it must also mean everything to the God of Christ. So we feel in line with true Christian thinking in the doctrine that redemption comes first as a discharge of the obligations on the part of God Himself.

    If we look for the common thought in all the Christian statements of God’s part in redemption we find it in this: that in all these statements God is conceived of as doing all that He can do for the redemption of man. If in earlier times men conceived of the human race as under the dominion of Satan, and of Satan as robbed of his due by the deliverance of man and therefore entitled to some compensation, they also conceived of God Himself as paying the ransom to Satan. If they thought of God as a feudal lord whose dignity had been offended by sin, they thought of God as Himself paying the cost due to offended dignity. If their idea was that a substitute for sinners must be furnished, the idea included the thought of God as Himself providing a substitute. If they conceived of the universe as a vast system of moral laws — broken by sin — whose dignity must be upheld, they thought of God Himself as providing the means for maintaining the dignity of the laws. If they conceived of men as saved by a vast moral influence set at work, they thought of this influence as proceeding, not from man, but from God. The common thought in theories of redemption then, so far as concerns God’s part, is that God Himself takes the initiative and does all He can in the discharge of the obligation upon Himself. Each phrasing of the doctrine of redemption is the attempt of an age of Christian thinking to say in its own way that God has done all that He can do for men. 6. UNIQUENESS OF THE SON OF GOD AS REDEEMER:

    It is from this standpoint that we must approach the part played by Christ in redemption. This is not the place for an attempt at formal statement, but some elements of Christian teaching are, at least in outline, at once clear.

    The question is, first, to provide some relation between God and Christ which will make the redemptive work of Christ really effective. Some have thought to find such a statement in the conception that Christ is a prophet.

    They would empty the expression, “Son of God,” of any unique meaning; they would make Christ the Son of God in the same sense that any great prophet could be conceived of as a son of God. Of course, we would not minimize the teaching of the Scripture as to the full humanity of Christ, and yet we may be permitted to voice our belief that the representation of Christ as the Redeemer merely in the same sense in which a prophet is a redeemer does not do justice to the Scripture teaching; and we feel, too, that such a solution of the problem of Christ would be inadequate for the practical task of redemption. If Christ is just a prophet giving us His teaching we rejoice in the teaching, but we are confronted with the problem as to how to make the teaching effective. If it be urged that Christ is a prophet who in Himself realized the moral ideal, we feel constrained to reply that this really puts Christ at a vast distance from us. Such a doctrine of Christ’s person would make Him the supreme religious genius, but the human genius stands apart from the ordinary mass of men. He may gather up into Himself and realize the ideals of men; He may voice the aspirations of men and realize those aspirations; but He may not be able to make men like unto Himself. Shakespeare is a consummate literary genius. He has said once and for all many things which the common man thinks or half thinks. When the common man comes upon a phrase of Shakespeare he feels that Shakespeare has said for all time the things which he would himself have said if he had been able. But the appreciation of Shakespeare does not make the ordinary man like Shakespeare; the appreciation of Christ has not proved successful in itself in making men like unto Christ.

    If, on the contrary, without attempting formal theological construction, we put some real meaning into the idea of Christ as the Son of God and hold fast to a unique relationship between Christ and God which makes Christ the greatest gift that God can give us, we find indeed that Christ is lifted up to essentially divine existence; but we find also that this divinity does not estrange Him from us. Redemption becomes feasible, not merely when we have a revelation of how far up man can go, but when we have also a revelation of how far down God can come. If we can think of God as having in some real way come into the world through His Son Jesus Christ, that revelation makes Christ the Lord who can lead us to redemption.

    Such a conception furnishes the dynamic which we must have in any real process of redemption. We need not only the ideal, but we need power by which to reach the ideal. If we can feel that the universe is under the sway of a moral God, a God who is under obligations to bear the burdens of men, and who willingly assumes these obligations, we really feel that moral life at its fullest and best is the greatest fact in the universe. Moreover, we must be true to the Scriptures and lift the entire conception of redemption beyond the realm of conscience to the realm of the heart. What the conscience of God calls for, the love of God willingly discharges. The Cross of Christ becomes at once the revelation of the righteousness of God and the love of God. Power is thus put back of human conscience and human love to move forward toward redemption ( Romans 8:35-39).

    The aim of the redemption in Christ then is to lift men out of death toward life. The mind is to be quickened by the revelation of the true ideals of human life. The conscience is to be reenforced by the revelation of the moral God who carries on all things in the interests of righteousness. The heart is to be stirred and won by the revelation of the love which sends an only begotten Son to the cross for our redemption. And we must take the work of Christ, not as a solitary incident or a mere historic event, but as a manifestation of the spirit which has been at work from the beginning and works forever. The Lamb was slain from the foundation of the world ( Revelation 13:8); the spirit of God revealed in the cross of Christ is the same yesterday, today and forever. We have in the cross a revelation of holy love which, in a sense, overpowers and at the same time encourages.

    The cross is the revelation of the length to which God is willing to go in redemption rather than set aside one jot or tittle of His moral law. He will not redeem men except on terms which leave them men. He will not overwhelm them in any such manner as to do away with their power of free choice. He will show men His own feeling of holiness and love. In the name of a holy love which they can forever aspire after, but which they can never fully reach, men call to Him for forgiveness and that forgiveness men find forever available.

    It remains to add one further item of Scriptural teaching, namely that redemption is a continuous process. If we may again use the word “life,” which has been the key to this discussion, we may say that the aim of redemption is to make men progressively alive. There are not limits to the development of human powers touched by the redemptive processes of God. The cross is a revelation of divine willingness to bear with men who are forever being redeemed. Of course, we speak of the redeemed man as redeemed once and for all. By this we mean that he is redeemed once and for all in being faced about and started in a right direction, but the progress toward full life may be faster or slower according to the man and the circumstances in the midst of which he is placed. Still the chief fact is the direction in which the man is moving. The revelation of God who aids in redemption is of the God who takes the direction as the chief fact rather than the length of the stride or the rate of the movement. Every man is expected to do his best. If he stumbles he is supposed to find his way to his feet; if he is moving slowly, he must attempt to move faster; if he is moving at a slower rate than he can attain, he must strive after the higher rate, but always the dynamic force is the revelation of the holy love of God.

    The Scriptures honor the prophets in whatever land or time they appear.

    The Scriptures welcome goodness under any and all circumstances. They have a place for a “light that lighteneth every man that cometh into the world,” but they still make it clear that the chief force in the redemption of men is the revelation of holy love in Jesus Christ. The redemption, we repeat, is never conceived of in artificial or mechanical terms. If any man hath not the spirit of Christ he does not belong to Christ ( Romans 8:9).

    The aim of redemption is to beget this spirit, and this spirit is life.

    LITERATURE.

    H. C. Sheldon, Systematic Theology; Clarke, Outline of Christian Theology; Brown, Christian Theology in Outline; Mackintosh, Doctrine of Person of Christ; Bowne, Studies in Christianity; Tymms, The Christian Atonement. Francis J. McConnell REDNESS OF EYES <red’-nes > . See DRUNKENNESS, II.

    REDOUND <re-dound’ > (from re-, “back,” and undare, “to surge as a wave”): To be sent back as a reaction, to overflow; occurs only as the translation of [perisseu>w, perisseuo ], “to be over and above,” “to superabound” (frequent in the New Testament); in 2 Corinthians 4:15, “might through the thanksgiving of many redound to the glory of God,” the Revised Version (British and American) “may cause the thanksgiving to abound.”

    REED <red > : (1) [ Wja; , achu ], translated “reed-grass” ( Genesis 41:2,18; Job 8:11 margin). See FLAG . (2) [ hb,ae , ‘ebheh ], translated “swift,” margin “reed” ( Job 9:26).

    The “ships of reed” are the light skiffs made of plaited reeds used on the Nile; compare “vessels of papyrus” ( Isaiah 18:2). (3) [ µyMig”a\ , ‘aghammim ], translated “reeds,” margin “marshes,” Hebrew “pools” ( Jeremiah 51:32); elsewhere “pools” ( Exodus 7:19; 8:5; Isaiah 14:23, etc.). See POOLS . (4) [ twOr[; , `aroth ]; [a]ci, achi ], translated “meadows,” the King James Version “paper reeds” ( Isaiah 19:7). See MEADOWS . (5) [ hn,q; , qaneh ]; [ka>lamov, kalamos ] (the English “cane” comes from Hebrew via Latin and Greek canna ), “stalk” ( Genesis 41:5,22); “shaft” ( Exodus 37:17, etc.); “reed,” or “reeds” ( Kings 14:15; 2 Kings 18:21; Isaiah 36:6; 42:3; Psalm 68:30, the King James Version “spearman”); “calamus” ( Exodus 30:23; Song 4:14; Ezekiel 27:19); “sweet cane,” margin “calamus” ( Isaiah 43:24; Jeremiah 6:20); “bone” ( Job 31:22); used of the cross-beam of a “balance” ( Isaiah 46:6); “a measuring reed” ( Ezekiel 40:3); “a staff of reed,” i.e. a walking-stick ( Isaiah 36:6; Ezekiel 29:6); the “branches” of a candlestick ( Exodus 37:18). (6) [ka>lamov, kalamos ], “a reed shaken with the wind” ( Matthew 11:7; Luke 7:24); “a bruised reed” ( Matthew 12:20); they put “a reed in his right hand” ( Matthew 27:29,30); “They smote his head with a reed” ( Mark 15:19); “put it on a reed” ( Matthew 27:48; Mark 15:36); “a measuring reed” ( Revelation 11:1; 21:15,16); “a pen” ( 3 John 1:13).

    It is clear that qaneh and its Greek equivalent kalamos mean many things.

    Some refer to different uses to which a reed is put, e.g. a cross-beam of a balance, a walking-stick, a measuring rod, and a pen (see above), but apart from this qaneh is a word used for at least two essentially different things: (1) an ordinary reed, and (2) some sweet-smelling substance. (1) The most common reed in Palestine is the Arundo donax (Natural Order Gramineae), known in Arabic as qacabfarasi, “Persian reed.” It grows in immense quantities in the Jordan valley along the river and its tributaries and at the oases near the Dead Sea, notably around `Ain Feshkhah at the northwest corner. It is a lofty reed, often 20 ft. high, of a beautiful fresh green in summer when all else is dead and dry, and of a fine appearance from a distance in the spring months when it is in full bloom and the beautiful silky panicles crown the top of every reed. The “covert of the reed” ( Job 40:21) shelters a large amount of animal and bird life. This reed will answer to almost all the requirements of the above references. (2) Qaneh is in Jeremiah 6:20 qualified [ bwOFh” hn,q; , qaneh ha- Tobh ], “sweet” or “pleasant cane,” and in Exodus 30:23, [ µvo,b hneq] , qeneh bhosem ], “sweet calamus,” or, better, a “cane of fragrance.” Song 4:14; Isaiah 43:24; Ezekiel 27:19 all apparently refer to the same thing, though in these passages the qaneh is unqualified. It was an ingredient of the holy oil ( Exodus 30:23); it was imported from a distance ( Jeremiah 6:20; Ezekiel 27:19), and it was rare and costly ( Isaiah 43:24). It may have been the “scented calamus” (Axorus calamus) of Pliny (NH, xii.48), or some other aromatic scented reed or flag, or, as some think, some kind of aromatic bark. The sweetness refers to the scent, not the taste. See also BULRUSH; PAPYRUS.

    E. W. G. Masterman REED-GRASS ( Genesis 41:2,18; Job 8:11 margin). See FLAG, (2); REED, (1).

    REED, MEASURING <mezh’-ur-ing > ([ hD; ihih ” hneq] , qeneh ha-middah ]): In Ezekiel’s vision of the temple a “man” (an angel) appears with a “measuring reed” to measure the dimensions of the temple ( Ezekiel 40:3 ff; 42:16 ff). The reed is described as 6 cubits long, “of a cubit and a handbreadth each,” i.e. the cubit used was a handbreadth longer than the common cubit (see CUBIT; WEIGHTS AND MEASURES; TEMPLE ). In the Apocalypse this idea of a measuring reed reappears for measuring the temple ( Revelation 11:1) and the holy city ( Revelation 21:15,16, “a golden reed”). The thought conveyed is exactitude in the dimensions of these edifices, symbolic of the symmetry and perfection of God’s church. James Orr REELAIAH <re-el-a’-ya > , <re-el-i’-a > ([ hy;l][er] , re`elyah ]): One of the 12 chiefs who returned with Zerubbabel ( Ezra 2:2 parallel Nehemiah 7:7). In the passage in Nehemiah the name is Raamiah” ([ hy;m][“r” , ra`amyah ]), and in 1 Esdras 5:8 “Resaias.” Which is the original, it is almost impossible to decide; “Reelaiah” seems preferable.

    REELIAS <re-el’-i-as > (Codex Alexandrinus [ JRee>liav, Rheelias ] (Fritzschel); Codex Vaticanus followed by Swete, [ Borolei>av, Boroleias ]; the King James Version Reelius): One of the “leaders” with Zerubbabel in the return from exile (1 Esdras 5:8, margin “Reelaiah”). It occupies the place of “Bigvai” in Ezra 2:2; Nehemiah 7:7, but in form it must be the equivalent of “Reelaiah” of Ezra and “Raamiah” of Nehemiah. It is perhaps a duplicate of “Resaias.”

    REESAIAS <re-e-sa’-yas > , <re-e-si’-as > : the King James Version; the Revised Version (British and American) RESAIAS (which see).

    REFINER; REFINING <re-fin’-er > , <re-fin’-ing > : Two Hebrew words have been translated “refine”: (1) [ tr”x; , tsaraph ], literally, to “fuse” ( Zechariah 13:9; Isaiah 48:10; Malachi 3:2,3, etc.). The same word is rendered also “tried” ( Psalm 66:10); “melt” ( Jeremiah 6:29 the King James Version); “purge” ( Isaiah 1:25). (2) [ qq”z; , zaqaq ], literally, to “strain” or “sift.” In the case of silver and gold the term probably referred to some washing process in connection with refining, as in Malachi 3:3 both tsaraph and zaqaq are used ( 1 Chronicles 28:18; 29:4; Job 28:1). The same word in Isaiah 25:6 referred to the straining of wine. Greek [puro>w, puroo ], in the passive, literally, “to be ignited,” is translated “refined,” in Revelation 1:15; 3:18.

    The ancient process of refining gold has already been described under METALLURGY (which see). Most of the Bible references are to the refining of silver ( Proverbs 25:4; Zechariah 13:9; Isaiah 48:10).

    The silver used by the ancients was probably obtained by smelting lead sulfide ore, rich in silver (argentiferous galena). After the ore had been reduced to a metallic condition, the lead was separated from the silver by blowing hot air over the surface of the melted metal. The lead was thus changed to lead oxide which, in a powdered condition, was driven away by the air blast. The resulting lead oxide, called in the Bible silver dross, was used for glazing pottery ( Proverbs 26:23), a use to which it is still put by Syrian potters. The description of refining in Ezekiel 22:18-22 may indicate that a flux (compare “as with lye,” Isaiah 1:25 the American Revised Version margin) was sometimes added to the melted metal to dissolve the oxides of copper, lead, tin and iron as they formed, thus leaving the silver pure. Crude processes similar to those described above are used in the Taurus Mountains today.

    FIGURATIVE:

    In the various Bible references the refining of precious metals is used figuratively to illustrate the kind of trial God’s children are called upon to go through. If they are of the right metal the dross will finally be blown away, leaving pure, clear, shining silver. If of base metal they will be like the dross described in Jeremiah 6:29,30. The refiner may blow fiercely, but in vain, for nothing but lead dross appears. James A. Patch REFORM <re-form’ > ([ rs”y; , yacar ]): The word in the Revised Version (British and American) is found only in Leviticus 26:23, in the phrase “ye will not be reformed.” The meaning is, “to be instructed,” or, more fully, “to let one’s self be chastened,” i.e. by God’s discipline to learn the lessons of this chastening.

    The Hebrew word is the same in a similar connection in Jeremiah 6:8, where it is rendered, “Be thou instructed,” and in Jeremiah 31:18, “I was chastised.” Psalm 2:10 (“instructed”); Proverbs 29:19 (“corrected”) use the Hebrew term of admonition by the words of man.

    The King James Version also has “reform” in 2 Esdras 8:12; The Wisdom of Solomon 9:18.

    REFORMATION <ref-or-ma’-shun > : The word is found only in Hebrews 9:10, being the translation of [dio>rqwsiv, diorthosis ], in its only occurrence. This Greek word means etymologically “making straight,” and was used of restoring to the normally straight condition that which is crooked or bent. In this passage it means the rectification of conditions, setting things to rights, and is a description of the Messianic time.

    REFRESH; REFRESHING <re-fresh’ > , <re-fresh’-ing > : “Refresh” occurs a few times in the Old Testament as the translation of [ vp”n; , naphash ], “to take breath,” figurative “to be refreshed” ( Exodus 23:12; 31:17; 2 Samuel 16:14); of [ jw”r; , rawach ], “to have room ( 1 Samuel 16:23; Job 32:20, margin “find relief,” the King James Version margin “may breathe”); of [ d[“s; , ca`adh ], “to support” ( 1 Kings 13:7); and in the New Testament as the translation of [ajnapau>w, anapauo ], “to give rest” (1 Cor 16:18; 2 Corinthians 7:13; Philem 1:7,20; in compound middle, Romans 15:32 the King James Version); also of [ajnayu>cw, anapsucho ], “to invigorate,” “revive” (2 Tim 1:16), and other words. “Refreshing” is in Isaiah 28:12 marge`ah , “rest” or “quiet”; and in Acts 3:19, [ajna>yuxiv, anapsuxis ], “seasons of refreshing,” through the coming of Jesus, the Christ; compare 2 Esdras 11:46 and the King James Version, Sirach 43:22 [iJlaro>w, hilaroo ]). W. L. Walker REFUGE <ref’-uj > : A place of resort and safety. The principal words in the Old Testament are [ hs,j]m” , machceh ] ( Psalm 14:6; 46:1; 62:7,8; Isaiah 4:6, etc.), and [ swOnm; , manoc ] ( 2 Samuel 22:3; Psalm 59:16, etc.), both applied chiefly to God as a “refuge” for His people. For the King James Version “refuge” in Deuteronomy 33:27, the Revised Version (British and American) has “dwelling-place,” and in Psalm 9:9, “high tower.” Conversely, the Revised Version (British and American) has “refuge” for the King James Version “shelter” in Psalm 61:3, and “hope” in Jeremiah 17:17.

    REFUGE, CITIES OF [ fl;q]Mih” yre[; , `are ha-miqlaT ]; [po>leiv tw~n fugadeuthri>wn, poleis ton phugadeuterion ] (compare 1 Macc 10:28), and other forms): 1. LOCATION:

    Six cities, three on each side of the Jordan, were set apart and placed in the hands of the Levites, to serve as places of asylum for such as might shed blood unwittingly. On the East of the Jordan they were Bezer in the lot of Reuben, Ramoth-gilead in the tribe of Gad, and Golan in the territory of Manasseh. On the West of the Jordan they were Hebron in Judah, Shechem in Mt. Ephraim, and Kedesh in Naphtali ( Numbers 35:6,14; Joshua 20:2,7 ff; 21:13,21,27,32,38; Bezer is named in 21:36, but not described as a City of Refuge). An account of these cities is given in separate articles under their names. Deuteronomy 19:2 speaks of three cities thus to be set apart, referring apparently to the land West of the Jordan. 2. PURPOSE:

    From time immemorial in the East, if a man were slain the duty of avenging him has lain as a sacred obligation upon his nearest relative. In districts where more primitive conditions prevail, even to this day, the distinction between intentional and unintentional killing is not too strictly observed, and men are often done to death in revenge for what was the purest accident. To prevent such a thing where possible, and to provide for a right administration of justice, these cities were instituted. Open highways were to be maintained along, which the manslayer might have an unobstructed course to the city gate. 3. REGULATIONS:

    The regulations concerning the Cities of Refuge are found in Numbers 35; Deuteronomy 19:1-13; Joshua 20. Briefly, everything was to be done to facilitate the flight of the manslayer, lest the avenger of blood, i.e. the nearest of kin, should pursue him with hot heart, and, overtaking him, should smite him mortally. Upon reaching the city he was to be received by the elders and his case heard. If this was satisfactory, they gave him asylum until a regular trial could be carried out. They took him, apparently, to the city or district from which he had fled, and there, among those who knew him, witnesses were examined. If it were proved that he was not a willful slayer, that he had no grudge against the person killed, and had shown no sign of purpose to injure him, then he was declared innocent and conducted back to the city in which he had taken refuge, where he must stay until the death of the high priest. Then he was free to return home in safety. Until that event he must on no account go beyond the city boundaries. If he did, the avenger of blood might slay him without blame. On the other hand, if he were found guilty of deliberate murder, there was no more protection for him. He was handed over to the avenger of blood who, with his own hand, took the murderer’s life. Blood-money, i.e. money paid in compensation for the murder, in settlement of the avenger’s claim, was in no circumstances permitted; nor could the refugee be ransomed, so that he might “come again to dwell in the land” until the death of the high priest ( Numbers 35:32).

    A similar right of refuge seems to have been recognized in Israel as attaching to the altar in the temple at Jerusalem ( 1 Kings 1:50; 2:28; compare Exodus 21:12 f). This may be compared with the right of asylum connected with the temples of the heathen. W. Ewing REFUSE <re-fuz’ > : Formerly used with the additional meaning “reject,” and hence, the change from the King James Version to the Revised Version (British and American) in 1 Samuel 16:7; Ezekiel 5:6; 1 Timothy 4:4; 1 Peter 2:7, etc.

    REFUTE <re-fut’ > : Only in Jude 1:22, the American Revised Version margin “And some refute while they dispute with you,” where the Revised Version (British and American) in the text reads “And on some have mercy, who are in doubt.”

    The Greek text of Jude 1:22,23 is very uncertain, being given very differently in the various manuscripts. the Revised Version (British and American) text follows the two oldest manuscripts, Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Vaticanus. Instead of [ejlea~te, eleate ], “have mercy,” the reading [ejlegcete, elegchete ], “refute,” “convict,” has the powerful support of Codex Alexandrinus, Codex Ephraemi, the best cursives, Vulgate, Memphitic, Armenian and Ethiopian versions, and is placed in the text by Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Tregelles (Westcott-Hort in list of “Suspected Readings” says: “Some primitive error probable: perhaps the first eleate an interpolation”). Compare Jude 1:15, where the same Greek word occurs in the same sense (the King James Version “convince,” the Revised Version (British and American) “convict”); compare also 1 Timothy 5:20; Titus 1:9, where the same idea of refuting the sinful occurs. D. Miall Edwards REGEM <re’-gem > ([ µg,r, , reghem ], “friend” (?)): A Calebite, the son of Jahdai ( 1 Chronicles 2:47), mentioned as the eponym of a Calebite family or clan.

    REGEM-MELECH <re’-gem-me’-lek > , <re’-gem-mel’-ek > ([ µg,r, Ël,m, , reghem melekh ]):

    One of a deputation sent to inquire concerning the propriety of continuing the commemoration of the destruction of the temple by holding a fast ( Zechariah 7:2). The text of the passage is in disorder. The name may mean “friend of the king”; hence, some have sought to remove the difficulty by interpreting reghem melekh as a title, not a personal name, reading the clause, “They of Beth-el had sent SHAREZER (q.v. (2) ), the friend of the king.”

    REGENERATION <re-jen-er-a’-shun > , re-:

    I. THE TERM EXPLAINED.

    The theological term “regeneration” is the Latin translation of the Greek expression [palingenesi>a, palingenesia ], occurring twice in the New Testament ( Matthew 19:28; Titus 3:5). The word is usually written [paliggenesi>a, paliggenesia ], in classical Greek. Its meaning is different in the two passages, though an easy transition of thought is evident. 1. First Biblical Sense (Eschatological): In Matthew 19:28 the word refers to the restoration of the world, in which sense it is synonymical to the expressions [ajpokata>stasiv pa>ntwn, apokatastasis panton ], “restoration of all things” ( Acts 3:21; the verb is found in Matthew 17:11, [ajpokatasth>sei pa>nta, apokatastsei panta ], “shall restore all things”), and [ajna>yexiv, anapsuxis ], “refreshing” ( Acts 3:19), which signifies a gradual transition of meaning to the second sense of the word under consideration.

    It is supposed that regeneration in this sense denotes the final stage of development of all creation, by which God’s purposes regarding the same are fully realized, when “all things (are put) in subjection under his feet” (1 Cor 15:27). This is a “regeneration in the proper meaning of the word, for it signifies a renovation of all visible things when the old is passed away, and heaven and earth are become new” (compare Revelation 21:1). To the Jew the regeneration thus prophesied was inseparably connected with the reign of the Messiah.

    We find this word in the same or very similar senses in profane literature. It is used of the renewal of the world in Stoical philosophy. Josephus (Ant., XI, iii, 9) speaks of the anaktesis kai paliggenesia tes patridos , “a new foundation and regeneration of the fatherland,” after the return from the Babylonian captivity. Philo (ed. Mangey, ii.144) uses the word, speaking of the post-diluvial epoch of the earth, as of a new world, and Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (xi.1), of a periodical restoration of all things, laying stress upon the constant recurrence and uniformity of all happenings, which thought the Preacher expressed by “There is no new thing under the sun” ( Ecclesiastes 1:9). In most places, however, where the word occurs in philosophical writings, it is used of the “reincarnation” or “subsequent birth” of the individual, as in the Buddhistic and Pythagorean doctrine of the transmigration of souls (Plut., edition Xylander, ii.998c; Clement of Alexandria, edition Potter, 539) or else of a revival of life (Philo i.159).

    Cicero uses the word in his letters to Atticus (vi.6) metaphorically of his return from exile, as a new lease of life granted to him. See ESCHATOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT, IX. 2. Second Biblical Sense (Spiritual): This sense is undoubtedly included in the full Biblical conception of the former meaning, for it is unthinkable that a regeneration in the eschatological sense can exist without a spiritual regeneration of humanity or the individual. It is, however, quite evident that this latter conception has arisen rather late, from an analysis of the former meaning. It is found in Titus 3:5 which, without absolute certainty as to its meaning, is generally interpreted in agreement with the numerous nouns and verbs which have given the dogmatical setting to the doctrine of regeneration in Christian theology. Clement of Alexandria is the first to differentiate this meaning from the former by the addition of the adjective pneumatike , “spiritual” (compare anapsuxis , Acts 3:20; see REFRESHING ). In this latter sense the word is typically Christian, though the Old Testament contains many adumbrations of the spiritual process expressed thereby.

    II. THE BIBLICAL DOCTRINE OF REGENERATION. 1. In the Old Testament: It is well known that in the earlier portions of the Old Testament, and to a certain degree all through the Old Testament, religion is looked at and spoken of more as a national possession, the benefits of which are largely visible and tangible blessings. The idea of regeneration here occurs therefore — though no technical expression has as yet been coined for the process — in the first meaning of the word elucidated above. Whether the divine promises refer to the Messianic end of times, or are to be realized at an earlier date, they all refer to the nation of Israel as such, and to individuals only as far as they are partakers in the benefits bestowed upon the commonwealth. This is even true where the blessings prophesied are only spiritual, as in Isaiah 60:21,22. The mass of the people of Israel are therefore as yet scarcely aware of the fact that the conditions on which these divine promises are to be attained are more than ceremonial and ritual ones. Soon, however, great disasters, threatening to overthrow the national entity, and finally the captivity and dispersion which caused national functions to be almost, if not altogether, discontinued, assisted in the growth of a sense of individual or personal responsibility before God. The sin of Israel is recognized as the sin of the individual, which can be removed only by individual repentance and cleansing. This is best seen from the stirring appeals of the prophets of the exile, where frequently the necessity of a change of attitude toward Yahweh is preached as a means to such regeneration. This cannot be understood otherwise than as a turning of the individual to the Lord. Here, too, no ceremony or sacrifice is sufficient, but an interposition of divine grace, which is represented under the figure of a washing and sprinkling from all iniquity and sin ( Isaiah 1:18; Jeremiah 13:23). It is not possible now to follow in full the development of this idea of cleansing, but already in Isaiah 52:15 the sprinkling of many nations is mentioned and is soon understood in the sense of the “baptism” which proselytes had to undergo before their reception into the covenant of Israel. It was the symbol of a radical cleansing like that of a “new-born babe,” which was one of the designations of the proselyte (compare Psalm 87:5; see also the tractate Yebhamoth 62a). Would it be surprising that Israel, which had been guilty of many sins of the Gentiles, needed a similar baptism and sprinkling? This is what Ezekiel 36:25 suggests: “I will sprinkle clean water upon you, and ye shall be clean: from all your filthiness, and from all your idols, will I cleanse you.” In other passages the cleansing and refining power of fire is alluded to (e.g. Malachi 3:2), and there is no doubt that John the Baptist found in such passages the ground for his practice of baptizing the Jews who came to him ( John 1:25-28 and parallel’s).

    The turning of Israel to God was necessarily meant to be an inward change of attitude toward Him, in other words, the sprinkling with clean water, as an outward sign, was the emblem of a pure heart. It was Isaiah and Jeremiah who drew attention to this ( Isaiah 57:15; Jeremiah 24:7; 31:33-35; 32:38-40, et passim). Here again reference is made to individuals, not only to the people in general ( Jeremiah 31:34). This promised regeneration, so lovingly offered by Yahweh, is to be the token of a new covenant between God and His people ( Jeremiah 31:31; Ezekiel 11:19-21; 18:31,32; 37:23,24).

    The renewing and cleansing here spoken of is in reality nothing else than what Deuteronomy 30:6 had promised, a circumcision of the heart in contradistinction to the flesh, the token of the former (Abrahamic) covenant (of circumcision, Jeremiah 4:4). As God takes the initiative in making the covenant, the conviction takes root that human sin and depravity can be effectually eliminated only by the act of God Himself renewing and transforming the heart of man ( Hosea 14:4). This we see from the testimony of some of Israel’s best sons and daughters, who also knew that this grace was found in the way of repentance and humiliation before God. The classical expression of this conviction is found in the prayer of David: “Create in me a clean heart, O God; and renew a right (margin “stedfast”) spirit within me. Cast me not away from thy presence; and take not thy holy Spirit from me. Restore unto me the joy of thy salvation; and uphold me with a willing spirit” ( Psalm 51:10-12).

    Jeremiah puts the following words into the mouth of Ephraim: “Turn thou me, and I shall be turned” ( Jeremiah 31:18). Clearer than any passages of the Old Testament, John the Baptist, forerunner of Christ and last flaming torch of the time of the earlier covenant, spoke of the baptism, not of water, but of the Holy Spirit and of fire ( Matthew 3:11; Luke 3:16; John 1:33), leading thus to the realization of Old Testament foreshadowings which became possible by faith in Christ. 2. In the Teaching of Jesus: In the teaching of Jesus the need of regeneration has a prominent place, though nowhere are the reasons given. The Old Testament had succeeded — and even the Gentile conscience agreed with it — in convincing the people of this need. The clearest assertion of it and the explanation of the doctrine of regeneration is found in the conversation of Jesus with Nicodemus (John 3). It is based upon (1) the observation that man, even the most punctilious in the observance of the Law, is dead and therefore unable to “live up” to the demands of God. Only He who gave life at the beginning can give the (spiritual) life necessary to do God’s will. (2) Man has fallen from his virginal and divinely-appointed sphere, the realm of the spirit, the Kingdom of God, living now the perishing earthly life. Only by having a new spiritual nature imparted to him, by being “born anew” ( John 3:3, the Revised Version margin “from above,” Greek anothen ), by being “born of the Spirit” ( John 3:6,8), can he live the spiritual life which God requires of man.

    These words are a New Testament exegesis of Ezekiel’s vision of the dead bones ( Ezekiel 37:1-10). It is the “breath from Yahweh,” the Spirit of God, who alone can give life to the spiritually dead.

    But regeneration, according to Jesus, is more than life, it is also purity. As God is pure and sinless, none but the pure in heart can see God ( Matthew 5:8). This was always recognized as impossible to mere human endeavor. Bildad the Shuhite declared, and his friends, each in his turn, expressed very similar thoughts ( Job 4:17; 14:4): “How then can man be just with God? Or how can he be clean that is born of a woman?

    Behold, even the moon hath no brightness, and the stars are not pure in his sight: how much less man, that is a worm! and the son of man, that is a worm!” ( Job 25:4-6).

    To change this lost condition, to impart this new life, Jesus claims as His God-appointed task: “The Son of man came to seek and to save that which was lost” ( Luke 19:10); “I came that they may have life, and may have it abundantly” ( John 10:10). This life is eternal, imperishable: “I give unto them eternal life; and they shall never perish, and no one shall snatch them out of my hand” ( John 10:28). This life is imparted by Jesus Himself: “It is the spirit that giveth life; the flesh profiteth nothing: the words that I have spoken unto you are spirit, and are life” ( John 6:63).

    This life can be received on the condition of faith in Christ or by coming to Him ( John 14:6). By faith power is received which enables the sinner to overcome sin, to “sin no more” ( John 8:11).

    The parables of Jesus further illustrate this doctrine. The prodigal is declared to have been “dead” and to be “alive again” ( Luke 15:24). The new life from God is compared to a wedding garment in the parable of the Marriage of the King’s Son ( Matthew 22:11). The garment, the gift of the inviting king, had been refused by the unhappy guest, who, in consequence, was `cast out into the outer darkness’ ( Matthew 22:13).

    Finally, this regeneration, this new life, is explained as the knowledge of God and His Christ: “And this is life eternal, that they should know thee the only true God, and him whom thou didst send, even Jesus Christ” ( John 17:3). This seems to be an allusion to the passage in Hosea (4:6): “My people are destroyed for lack of knowledge: because thou hast rejected knowledge, I will also reject thee, that thou shalt be no priest to me.” 3. In Apostolic Teaching: It may be said in general that the teaching of the apostles on the subject of regeneration is a development of the teaching of Jesus on the lines of the adumbrations of the Old Testament. Considering the differences in the personal character of these writers, it is remarkable that such concord of views should exist among them. Paul, indeed, lays more stress on the specific facts of justification and sanctification by faith than on the more comprehensive head of regeneration. Still the need of it is plainly stated by Paul. It is necessary to salvation for all men. “The body is dead because of sin” ( Romans 8:3-11; Ephesians 2:1). The flesh is at enmity with God ( Ephesians 2:15); all mankind is “darkened in their understanding, alienated from the life of God” ( Ephesians 4:18). Similar passages might be multiplied. Paul then distinctly teaches that thus is a new life in store for those who have been spiritually dead. To the Ephesians he writes: “And you did he make alive, when ye were dead through your trespasses and sins” (2:1), and later on: “God, being rich in mercy, .... made us alive together with Christ” (2:4,5). A spiritual resurrection has taken place. This regeneration causes a complete revolution in man. He has thereby passed from under the law of sin and death and has come under “the law of the Spirit of life in Christ Jesus” ( Romans 8:2). The change is so radical that it is possible now to speak of a “new creature” (2 Cor 5:17; Galatians 6:15, margin “new creation”), of a “new man, that after God hath been created in righteousness and holiness of truth” ( Ephesians 4:24), and of “the new man, that is being renewed unto knowledge after the image of him that created him” ( Colossians 3:10). All “old things are passed away; behold, they are become new” (2 Cor 5:17).

    Paul is equally explicit regarding the author of this change. The “Spirit of God,” the “Spirit of Christ” has been given from above to be the source of all new life (Romans 8); by Him we are proved to be the “sons” of God ( Galatians 4:6); we have been adopted into the family of God (huiothesia , Romans 8:15; Galatians 4:5). Thus Paul speaks of the “second Adam,” by whom the life of righteousness is initiated in us; just as the “first Adam” became the leader in transgression, He is “a life-giving spirit” (1 Cor 15:45). Paul himself experienced this change, and henceforth exhibited the powers of the unseen world in his life of service. “It is no longer I that live,” he exclaims, “but Christ liveth in me: and that life which I now live in the flesh I live in faith, the faith which is in the Son of God, who loved me, and gave himself up for me” ( Galatians 2:20).

    Regeneration is to Paul, no less than to Jesus, connected with the conception of purity and knowledge. We have already noted the second New Testament passage in which the word “regeneration” occurs ( Titus 3:5): “According to his mercy he saved us, through the washing (margin “laver”) of regeneration and renewing of the Holy Spirit, which he poured out upon us richly, through Jesus Christ our Saviour.” In Corinthians 12:13 such cleansing is called the baptism of the Spirit in agreement with the oft-repeated promise ( Joel 2:28 (in the Hebrew text 3:1); Matthew 3:11; Mark 1:8; Luke 3:16; Acts 1:5; 11:16).

    There is, of course, in these passages no reference to mere water baptism, any more than in Ezekiel 36:25. Water is but the tertium comparationis.

    As water cleanseth the outer body, so the spirit purifies the inner man (compare 1 Corinthians 6:11; 1 Peter 3:21).

    The doctrine that regeneration redounds in true knowledge of Christ is seen from Ephesians 3:15-19 and 4:17-24, where the darkened understanding and ignorance of natural man are placed in contradistinction to the enlightenment of the new life (see also Colossians 3:10). The church redeemed and regenerated is to be a special “possession,” an “heritage” of the Lord ( Ephesians 1:11,14), and the whole creation is to participate in the final redemption and adoption ( Romans 8:21-23).

    James finds less occasion to touch this subject than the other writers of the New Testament. His Epistle is rather ethical than dogmatical in tone, still his ethics are based on the dogmatical presuppositions which fully agree with the teaching of other apostles. Faith to him is the human response to God’s desire to impart His nature to mankind, and therefore the indispensable means to be employed in securing the full benefits of the new life, i.e. the sin-conquering power (1:2-4), the spiritual enlightenment (1:5) and purity (1:27). There seems, however, to be little doubt that James directly refers to regeneration in the words: “Of his own will he brought us forth by the word of truth, that we should be a kind of firstfruits of his creatures” (1:18). It is supposed by some that these words, being addressed “to the twelve tribes which are of the Dispersion” (1:1), do not refer to individual regeneration, but to an election of Israel as a nation and so to a Christian Israel. In this case the aftermath would be the redemption of the Gentiles. I understand the expression “first-fruits” in the sense in which we have noticed Paul’s final hope in Romans 8:21-32, where the regeneration of the believing people of God (regardless of nationality) is the first stage in the regeneration or restoration of all creation. The “implanted (the Revised Version margin “inborn”) word” ( James 1:21; compare 1 Peter 1:23) stands parallel to the Pauline expression, “law of the Spirit” ( Romans 8:2).

    Peter uses, in his sermon on the day of Pentecost, the words “refreshing” ( Acts 3:19) and “restoration of all things” ( Acts 3:21) of the final completion of God’s plans concerning the whole creation, and accordingly looks here at God’s people as a whole. In a similar sense he says in his Second Epistle, after mentioning “the day of God”: “We look for new heavens and a new earth, wherein dwelleth righteousness” (2 Pet 3:13).

    Still he alludes very plainly to the regeneration of individuals (1 Pet 1:3,13). The idea of a second birth of the believers is clearly suggested in the expression, “newborn babes” (1 Pet 2:2), and in the explicit statement of 1 Peter 1:23: “having been begotten again, not of corruptible seed, but of incorruptible, through the word of God, which liveth and abideth.”

    It is in this sense that the apostle calls God “Father” (1 Pet 1:17) and the believers “children of obedience” (1 Pet 1:14), i.e. obedient children, or children who ought to obey. We have seen above that the agent by which regeneration is wrought, the incorruptible seed of the word of God, finds a parallel in Paul’s and James’s theology. All these expressions go back probably to a word of the Master in John 15:3. We are made partakers of the word by having received the spirit. This spirit (compare the Pauline “lifegiving spirit,” 1 Corinthians 15:45), the “mind” of Christ (1 Pet 4:1), is the power of the resurrected Christ active in the life of the believer.

    Peter refers to the same thought in 1 Peter 3:15,21. By regeneration we become “an elect race, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, a people for God’s own possession” in whom divine virtues, “the excellencies of him who called you” (1 Pet 2:9), are manifested. Here the apostle uses wellknown Old Testament expressions foreshadowing New Testament graces ( Isaiah 61:6; 66:21; Exodus 19:6; Deuteronomy 7:6), but he individualizes the process of regeneration in full agreement with the increased light which the teaching of Jesus has brought. The theology of Peter also points out the contact of regeneration with purity and holiness (1 Pet 1:15,16) and true knowledge (1 Pet 1:14) or obedience (1 Pet 1:14; 3:16). It is not surprising that the idea of purity should invite the Old Testament parallel of “cleansing by water.” The flood washed away the iniquity of the world “in the days of Noah,” when “eight souls were saved through water: which also after a true likeness (the Revised Version margin “in the antitype”) doth now save you, even baptism, not the putting away of the filth of the flesh, but the interrogation (the Revised Version margin “inquiry,” “appeal”) of a good conscience toward God, through the resurrection (-life) of Jesus Christ” (1 Pet 3:20,21).

    The teaching of John is very closely allied with that of Jesus, as we have already seen from the multitude of quotations we had to select from John’s Gospel to illustrate the teaching of the Master. It is especially interesting to note the cases where the apostle didactically elucidates certain of these pronouncements of Jesus. The most remarkable apostolic gloss or commentary on the subject is found in John 7:39. Jesus had spoken of the change which faith in Him (“coming to him”) would cause in the lives of His disciples; how divine energies like “rivers of water” should issue forth from them; and the evangelist continues in explanation: “But this spake he of the Spirit, which they that believed on him were to receive: for the Spirit was not yet given; because Jesus was not yet glorified.” This recognition of a special manifestation of divine power, transcending the experience of Old Testament believers, was based on the declaration of Christ, that He would send “another Comforter (the Revised Version (British and American) “advocate,” “helper,” Greek Parakletos ), that he may be with you for ever, even the Spirit of truth” ( John 14:16,17).

    In his Epistles, John shows that this Spirit bestows the elements of a Godlike character which makes us to be “sons of God,” who before were “children of the devil” ( 1 John 3:10,24; 4:13, etc.). This regeneration is “eternal life” ( 1 John 5:13) and moral similarity with God, the very character of God in man. As “God is love,” the children of God will love ( 1 John 5:2). At the same time it is the life of God in man, also called fellowship with Christ, victorious life which overcomes the world ( John 5:4); it is purity ( 1 John 3:3-6) and knowledge ( 1 John 2:20).

    The subject of regeneration lies outside of the scope of the Epistle to the Hebrews, so that we look in vain for a clear dogmatical statement of it.

    Still the epistle does in no place contradict the dogma, which, on the other hand, underlies many of the statements made. Christ, “the mediator of a better covenant, which hath been enacted upon better promises” (8:6), has made “purification of sins” (1:3). In contradistinction to the first covenant, in which the people approached God by means of outward forms and ordinances, the “new covenant” (8:13) brought an “eternal redemption” (9:12) by means of a divine cleansing (9:14). Christ brings “many sons unto glory” and is “author of their salvation” (2:10). Immature Christians are spoken of (as were the proselytes of the Old Testament) as babies, who were to grow to the stature, character and knowledge of “full-grown men” (5:13,14).

    III. LATER DEVELOPMENT OF THE DOCTRINE.

    Very soon the high spiritual meaning of regeneration was obscured by the development of priestcraft within the Christian church. When the initiation into the church was thought of as accomplished by the mediation of ministers thereto appointed, the ceremonies hereby employed became means to which magic powers were of necessity ascribed. This we see plainly in the view of baptismal regeneration, which, based upon halfunderstood passages of Scripture quoted above, was taught at an early date. While in the post-apostolic days we frequently find traces of a proper appreciation of an underlying spiritual value in baptism (compare Didache vii) many of the expressions used are highly misleading. Thus Gregory Nazianzen (Orations, xi.2) calls baptism the second of the three births a child of God must experience (the first is the natural birth, the third the resurrection). This birth is “of the day, free, delivering from passions, taking away every veil of our nature or birth, i.e. everything hiding the divine image in which we are created, and leading up to the life above” (Ullmann, Gregor v. Nazienz, 323). Cyril of Jerusalem (Cat., xvii, c. 37) ascribes to baptism the power of absolution from sin and the power of endowment with heavenly virtues. According to Augustine baptism is essential to salvation, though the baptism of blood (martyrdom) may take the place of water baptism, as in the case of the thief at the cross (Augustine, Deuteronomy Anima et Eius Origine, i.11, c. 9; ii.14, c. 10; ii.16, c. 12). Leo the Great compares the spirit-filled water of baptism with the spirit-filled womb of the virgin Mary, in which the Holy Spirit engenders a sinless child of God (Serm. xxiv.3; xxv.5; see Hagenbach, Dogmengeschichte, section 137).

    In general this is still the opinion of pronounced sacrmentarians, while evangelical Christianity has gone back to the teaching of the New Testament.

    IV. PRESENT SIGNIFICANCE.

    Although a clear distinction is not always maintained between regeneration and other experiences of the spiritual life, we may summarize our belief in the following theses: (1) Regeneration implies not merely an addition of certain gifts or graces, a strengthening of certain innate good qualities, but a radical change, which revolutionizes our whole being, contradicts and overcomes our old fallen nature, and places our spiritual center of gravity wholly outside of our own powers in the realm of God’s causation. (2) It is the will of God that all men be made partakers of this new life (1 Tim 2:4) and, as it is clearly stated that some fall short of it ( John 5:40), it is plain that the fault thereof lies with man. God requires all men to repent and turn unto Him ( Acts 17:30) before He will or can effect regeneration. Conversion, consisting in repentance and faith in Christ, is therefore the human response to the offer of salvation which God makes. This response gives occasion to and is synchronous with the divine act of renewal (regeneration). The Spirit of God enters into union with the believing, accepting spirit of man. This is fellowship with Christ ( Romans 8:10; 1 Corinthians 6:17; 2 Corinthians 5:17; Colossians 3:3). (3) The process of regeneration is outside of our observation and beyond the scope of psychological analysis. It takes place in the sphere of subconsciousness. Recent psychological investigations have thrown a flood of light on the psychic states which precede, accompany and follow the work of the Holy Spirit. “He handles psychical powers; He works upon psychical energies and states; and this work of regeneration lies somewhere within the psychical field.” The study of religious psychology is of highest value and greatest importance. The facts of Christian experience cannot be changed, nor do they lose in value by the most searching psychological scrutiny.

    Psychological analysis does not eliminate the direct workings of the Holy Spirit. Nor can it disclose its process; the “underlying laboratory where are wrought radical remedial processes and structural changes in the psychical being as portrayed in explicit scriptural utterances: `Create in me a clean heart’ ( Psalm 51:10); `Ye must be born again’ ( John 3:7 the King James Version); `If any man be in Christ, he is a new creature: old things are passed away; behold all things are become new’ (2 Cor 5:17 the King James Version), is in the region of subconsciousness. To look in the region of consciousness for this Person or for His work is fruitless and an effort fraught with endless confusion. Christian psychology thus traces to its deep-lying retreat the divine elaboration of the regenerated life. Here God works in the depths of the soul as silently and securely as if on the remotest world of the stellar universe” (H. E. Warner, Psychology of the Christian Life, 117). (4) Regeneration manifests itself in the conscious soul by its effects on the will, the intelligence and the affections. At the same time regeneration supplies a new life-power of divine origin, which enables the component parts of human nature to fulfill the law of God, to strive for the coming of God’s kingdom, and to accept the teachings of God’s spirit. Thus regenerate man is made conscious of the facts of justification and adoption. The former is a judicial act of God, which frees man from the law of sin and absolves him from the state of enmity against God; the latter an enduement with the Spirit, which is an earnest of his inheritance ( Ephesians 1:14). The Spirit of God, dwelling in man, witnesses to the state of sonship ( Romans 8:2,15,16; Galatians 4:6). (5) Regeneration, being a new birth, is the starting-point of spiritual growth. The regenerated man needs nurture and training. He receives it not merely from outside experiences, but from an immanent power in himself, which is recognized as the power of the life of the indwelling Christ ( Colossians 1:26,27). Apart from the mediate dealings of God with man through word and sacraments, there is therefore an immediate communication of life from God to the regenerate. (6) The truth which is mentioned as the agent by whom regeneration is made possible ( John 8:32; James 1:18; 1 Peter 1:23), is nothing else than the Divine Spirit, not only the spoken or written word of God, which may convince people of right or wrong, but which cannot enable the will of man to forsake the wrong and to do the right, but He who calls Himself the Truth ( John 14:6) and who has become the motive power of regenerated life ( Galatians 2:20). (7) Recent philosophy expressive of the reaction from the mechanical view of bare materialism, and also from the depreciation of personality as seen in socialism, has again brought into prominence the reality and need of personal life. Johannes Muller and Rudolf Eucken among others emphasize that a new life of the spirit, independent of outward conditions, is not only possible, but necessary for the attainment of the highest development. This new life is not a fruit of the free play of the tendencies and powers of natural life, but is in sharp conflict with them.

    Man as he is by nature stands in direct contrast to the demands of the spiritual life. Spiritual life, as Professor Eucken says, can be implanted in man by some superior power only and must constantly be sustained by superior life. It breaks through the order of causes and effects; it severs the continuity of the outer world; it makes impossible a rational joining together of realities; it prohibits a monastic view of the immediate condition of the world. This new life derives its power not from mere Nature; it is a manifestation of divine life within us (Hauptprobleme der Religionsphilosophie, Leipzig, 1912, 17 ff; Der Kampf um einen geistigen Lebensinhalt, Leipzig, 1907; Grundlinien einer neuen Lebensanschauung, Leipzig, 1907; Johannes Muller, Bausteine fur personliche Kultur, 3 volumes, Munchen, 1908). Thus the latest development of idealistic philosophy corroborates in a remarkable way the Christian truth of regeneration. See also CONVERSION.

    LITERATURE New Testament Theologies by Weiss, Beyschlag, Holtzmann, Schlatter, Feine, Stevens, Sheldon, Weinel. Textbooks on Systematic Theology: articles “Bekehrung” by R. Seeberg; “Wiedergeburt” by O. Kirn in Hauck- Herzog RE3; “Regeneration” by J. V. Bartlett in HDB; “Conversion” by J.

    Strachan in ERE; George Jackson, The Fact of Conversion, London, 1908; Newton H. Marshall, Conversion; or, the New Birth, London, 1909; J.

    Herzog, Der Begriff der Bekehrung, Giessen, 1903; P. Feine, Bekehrung im New Testament und in der Gegenwart, Leipzig, 1908; P. Gennrich, Die Lehre yon der Wiedergeburt, Leipzig, 1907. Psychological: W. James, Varieties of Religious Experience, 189-258; G. Stanley Hall, Adolescence, II, 281-362; G. A. Coe, The Spiritual Life, New York, 1900; E. D.

    Starbuck, Psychology of Religion, New York, 1911; G. B. Cutten, Psychological Phenomena of Christianity, London, 1909; H. E. Warner, The Psychology of the Christian Life, New York, 1910; H. W. Clark, The Philosophy of Christian Experience, London, 1906; Harold Begbie, Broken Earthenware, or Twice-Born Men, London, 1909; M. Scott Fletcher, The Psychology of the New Testament, London, 1912. John L. Nuelsen REGENERATION, BAPTISMAL See BAPTISMAL REGENERATION.

    REGION <re’-jun > : A “district,” as in modern English. The word “region” is used by English Versions of the Bible interchangeably with “country,” “coasts,” etc., for various Hebrew and Greek terms, but “region round about” is usually in the King James Version and invariably in the Revised Version (British and American) the translation of [peri>cwrov, perichoros ], “surrounding country.” For a possible technical use of “region” in Acts 16:6 and the Revised Version (British and American) 18:23. See GALATIA.

    REGISTER <rej’-is-ter > . See GENEALOGY; QUIRINIUS.

    REHABIAH <re-ha-bi’-a > ([ hy;b]j”r] , rechabhyah ], [ Why;b]j”r] , rechabhyahu ], “Yah is wide”): Son of Eliezer, and grandson of Moses. Eponym of a Levitical family ( 1 Chronicles 23:17; 24, 21; 26:25).

    REHEARSE <re-hurs’ > ([ µWc , sum ], [ rb”D; , dabhar ], [ dg”n; , naghadh ], [ hn;T; , tanah ]; [ajnagge>llw, anaggello ]): Usually means simply “to relate,” “to tell,” “to declare” ( Exodus 17:14; Judges 5:11; 1 Samuel 8:21; 17:31; Acts 14:27); with “rehearse from the beginning” in Acts 11:4 for [a[rcomai, archomai ], “begin” (so the Revised Version (British and American)). the Revised Version (British and American) has preserved uniformity by translating anaggello by “rehearse” also in Acts 15:4, and has introduced “rehearse” as the translation of [ejxhge>omai, exegeomai ], throughout ( Luke 24:35; Acts 10:8; 15:12,14; 21:19), except in John 1:18 (“declare”). Sirach 19:7, the King James Version has “rehearse” for [deutero>w, deuteroo ], “repeat” (so the Revised Version (British and American)).

    REHOB <re’-hob > ([ bjor] , rechobh ]; [ JRow>b, Rhoob ], [ JRaa>b, Rhaab ]): (1) Etymologically the word means “broad” and might be applied either to a road or a plain. Rehob is given ( Numbers 13:21) as the northern limit of Israel as reached by the spies. This agrees with the position assigned to Beth-rehob in the narrative of the settlement of the Danites ( Judges 18:28). It is mentioned again along with the kingdom of Zobah in connection with the wars of Saul ( 1 Samuel 14:47 Septuagint Lag.), and as having been associated with, Zobah and Maacah against David in the Ammonite war and as having been defeated by him ( 2 Samuel 10:6). Robinson sought to identify it with Hunin, but it hardly suits the references. Buhl (GAP, 240) following Thomson (LB, II, 547) seeks it at Paneas (modern Banias).

    This would suit all the requirements of the capital, Beth-rehob, which might then be the second Rehob, assigned as part of the territory of Sidon to the tribe Asher ( Joshua 19:28,30; Judges 18:28). We must, however, assign to the kingdom of Rehob a territory extending from the settlements of the Danites to the “entering in of Hamath” or to Libo (modern Leboue), i.e. the Great Plain of Coele-Syria bounded by Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon and within the limits indicated. (2) Two separate towns belonging to Asher ( Joshua 19:28; 19:30).

    One of them was given to the Gershonite Levites ( Joshua 21:31), and one is mentioned as remaining in the hands of the Canaanites ( Judges 1:31). (3) Father of Hadadezer, king of Aram Zobah, who was overwhelmed by David at the Euphrates ( 2 Samuel 8:3,12). (4) One of the Levites who sealed Nehemiah’s covenant on the 24th Tishri, 444 BC ( Nehemiah 10:11). W. M. Christie REHOBOAM <re-ho-bo’-am > ([ µ[;Ob]j”r] , rechabh`am ], “the people is enlarged,” or perhaps “Amos is wide” [ JRoboa>m, Rhoboam ]; “Roboam,” Matthew 1:7 the King James Version):

    The son and successor of Solomon, the last king to claim the throne of old Israel and the first king of Judah after the division of the kingdom. He was born circa 978 BC. His mother was Naamah, an Ammonitess. The account of his reign is contained in 1 Kings 14:21-31; 2 Chronicles 10 through 12. The incidents leading to the disruption of the kingdom are told in Kings 11:43 through 12:24; 2 Chronicles 9:31 through 11:4. 1. THE DISRUPTION OF THE KINGDOM:

    Rehoboam was 41 years old ( 2 Chronicles 12:13) when he began to reign Septuagint 1 Kings 12:24a says 16 years). He ascended the throne at Jerusalem immediately upon his father’s death with apparently no opposition. North Israel, however, was dissatisfied, and the people demanded that the king meet them in popular assembly at Shechem, the leading city of Northern Israel. True, Israel was no longer, if ever, an elective monarchy. Nevertheless, the people claimed a constitutional privilege, based perhaps on the transaction of Samuel in the election of Saul ( 1 Samuel 10:25), to be a party to the conditions under which they would serve a new king and he become their ruler: David, in making Solomon his successor, had ignored this wise provision, and the people, having lost such a privilege by default, naturally deemed their negligence the cause of Solomon’s burdensome taxes and forced labor. Consequently, they would be more jealous of their rights for the future, and Rehoboam accordingly would have to accede to their demand. Having come together at Shechem, the people agreed to accept Rehoboam as their king on condition that he would lighten the grievous service and burdensome taxes of his father. Rehoboam asked for three days’ time in which to consider the request. Against the advice of men of riper judgment, who assured him that he might win the people by becoming their servant, he chose the counsel of the younger men, who were of his own age, to rule by sternness rather than by kindness, and returned the people a rough answer, saying: “My father made your yoke heavy, but I will add to your yoke: my father chastised you with whips, but I will chastise you with scorpions” ( 1 Kings 12:14).

    Rehoboam, however, misjudged the temper of the people, as well as his own ability. The people, led by Jeroboam, a leader more able than himself, were ready for rebellion, and so force lost the day where kindness might have won. The threat of the king was met by the Marseillaise of the people: “What portion have we in David? neither have we inheritance in the son of Jesse: to your tents, O Israel: now see to thine own house, David” ( Kings 12:16). Thus the ten tribes dethroned Rehoboam, and elected Jeroboam, their champion and spokesman, their king (see JEROBOAM).

    Rehoboam, believing in his ability to carry out his threat ( 1 Kings 12:14), sent Adoram, his taskmaster, who no doubt had quelled other disturbances, to subdue the populace, which, insulted by indignities and enraged by Rehoboam’s renewed insolence, stoned his messenger to death.

    Realizing, for the first time, the seriousness of the revolt, Rehoboam fled ignominiously back to Jerusalem, king only of Judah and of the adjacent territory of the tribe of Benjamin. The mistake of Rehoboam, was the common mistake of despots. He presumed too much on privilege not earned by service, and on power for which he was not willing to render adequate compensation. 2. UNDERLYING CAUSES OF DISRUPTION:

    It is a mistake, however, to see in the disruption the shattering of a kingdom that had long been a harmonious whole. From the earliest times the confederation of tribes was imperfectly cemented. They seldom united against their common foe. No mention is made of Judah in the list of tribes who fought with Deborah against Sisera. A chain of cities held by the Canaanites, stretching across the country from East to West, kept the North and the South apart. Different physical characteristics produced different types of life in the two sections. Old jealousies repeatedly fanned into new flame intensified the divisions due to natural and artificial causes.

    David labored hard to break down the old antagonisms, but even in his reign Israel rebelled twice. Northern Israel had produced many of the strongest leaders of the nation, and it was not easy for them to submit to a ruler from the Judean dynasty. Solomon, following David’s policy of unification, drew the tribes closely together through the centralization of worship at Jerusalem and through the general splendor of his reign, but he, more than any other, finally widened the gulf between the North and the South, through his unjust discriminations, his heavy taxes, his forced labor and the general extravagances of his reign. The religion of Yahweh was the only bond capable of holding the nation together. The apostasy of Solomon severed this bond. The prophets, with their profound knowledge of religious and political values, saw less danger to the true worship of Yahweh in a divided kingdom than in a united nation ruled over by Rehoboam, who had neither political sagacity nor an adequate conception of the greatness of the religion of Yahweh. Accordingly, Ahijah openly encouraged the revolution, while Shemaiah gave it passive support. 3. SHEMAIAH FORBIDS CIVIL WAR:

    Immediately upon his return to Jerusalem, Rehoboam collected a large army of 180,000 men (reduced to 120,000 in the Septuagint’s Codex Vaticanus), for the purpose of making war against Israel. The expedition, however, was forbidden by Shemaiah the prophet on the ground that they should not fight against their brethren, and that the division of the kingdom was from God. Notwithstanding the prohibition, we are informed that “there was war between Rehoboam and Jeroboam continually” ( 1 Kings 14:30; 2 Chronicles 12:15). 4. REHOBOAM’S PROSPERITY:

    Rehoboam next occupied himself in strengthening the territory which still remained to him by fortifying a number of cities ( 2 Chronicles 11:5-12).

    These cities were on the roads to Egypt, or on the western hills of the Judean Shephelah, and were doubtless fortifled as a protection against Egypt. According to 2 Chronicles 11:13-17, Rehoboam’s prosperity was augmented by an immigration of priests and Levites from Israel, who came to Jerusalem because of their opposition to the idolatrous worship instituted by Jeroboam. All who were loyal to Yahweh in the Northern Kingdom are represented as following the example of the priests and Levites in going to Jerusalem, not simply to sacrifice, but to reside there permanently, thus strengthening Rehoboam’s kingdom. In view of the fact that Rehoboam added to the innovations of his father, erected pillars of Baal in Jerusalem long before they were common in Northern Israel, and that he permitted other heathen abominations and immoralities, it seems that the true worship of Yahweh received little encouragement from the king himself. As a further evidence of his prosperity, Chronicles gives an account of Rehoboam’s family. Evidently he was of luxurious habit and followed his father in the possession of a considerable harem ( Chronicles 11:18-23). He is said to have had 18 wives and 60 concubines, ( 2 Chronicles 11:21; the Septuagint’s Codex Vaticanus and Josephus, Ant, VIII, x, 1 give “30 concubines”). 5. SHISHAK’S INVASION:

    One of the direct results of the disruption of the kingdom was the invasion of Palestine by Shishak, king of Egypt, in the 5th year of Rehoboam.

    Shishak is Sheshonk. I, the first king of the XXIId or Bubastite Dynasty.

    He is the same ruler who granted hospitality to Jeroboam when he was obliged to flee from Solomon ( 1 Kings 11:40). The Septuagint ( Kings 12:24e) informs us that Jeroboam married Ano, the sister of Shishak’s wife, thus becoming brother-in-law to the king of Egypt. It is therefore easy to suppose that Jeroboam, finding himself in straits in holding his own against his rival, Rehoboam, called in the aid of his former protector. The results of this invasion, however, are inscribed on the temple at Karnak in Upper Egypt, where a list of some 180 (Curtis, “Chronicles,” ICC) towns captured by Shishak is given. These belong to Northern Israel as well as Judah, showing that Shishak exacted tribute there as well as in Judah, which seems scarcely reconcilable with the view that he invaded Palestine as Jeroboam’s ally. However, the king of Israel, imploring the aid of Shishak against his rival, thereby made himself vassal to Egypt. This would suffice to make his towns figure at Karnak among the cities subjected in the course of the campaign. The Chronicler saw in Shishak an instrument in the hand of God for the punishment of R. and the people for the national apostasy. According to 2 Chronicles 12:3, Shishak had a force of 1,200 chariots and 60,000 horsemen to which Josephus adds 400,000 foot-soldiers, composed of Lubim, Sukkum and Ethiopians. No resistance appears to have been offered to the advance of the invading army. Not even Jerusalem seems to have stood a siege. The palace and the temple were robbed of all their treasures, including the shields of gold which Solomon had made. For these Rehoboam later substituted shields of brass ( 2 Chronicles 12:9,10). 6. HIS DEATH:

    Rehoboam died at the age of fifty-eight, after having reigned in Jerusalem for 17 years. His son Abijah became his successor. He was buried in Jerusalem. Josephus says that in disposition he was a proud and foolish man, and that he “despised the worship of God, till the people themselves imitated his wicked actions” (Ant., VIII, x, 2). S. K. Mosiman REHOBOTH <re-ho’-both > , <re-ho’-both > ([ twObjor] , rehobhoth ], “broad places”; [ Eujrucwri>a, Euruchoria ]): One of the wells dug by Isaac ( Genesis 26:22). It is probably the Rubuta of the Tell el-Amarna Letters (Petrie, numbers 256, 260; see also The Expository Times, XI, 239 (Konig), (Sayce)), and it is almost certainly identical with the ruin Ruchaibeh , hours Southwest of Beersheba. Robinson (BR, I, 196-97) describes the ruins of the ancient city as thickly covering a “level tract of 10 to 12 acres in extent”; “many of the dwellings had each its cistern, cut in the solid rock”; “once this must have been a city of not less than 12,000 or 15,000 inhabitants. Now it is a perfect field of ruins, a scene of unutterable desolation, across which the passing stranger can with difficulty find his way.” Huntington (Palestine and Its Transformation, 124) describes considerable remains of a suburban population extending both to the North and to the South of this once important place. E. W. G. Masterman REHOBOTH BY THE RIVER ([ rh;N;h” twObjor] , rehobhoth ha-nahar ]; Codex Vaticanus [ JRowbwRhooboth ] ([ JRwbwRhoboth ] in Chronicles) [hJ para< potamo>n, he para potamon ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ JRwbw>q, Rhoboth ]): This city is mentioned only as the residence of Shaul, one of the rulers of Edom ( Genesis 36:37; 1 Chronicles 1:48). There is nothing to guide us with certainty as to the situation of the city. Eusebius (Onomasticon) places it in Idumaea (Gebalene), but no trace of a name resembling this has been found in the district. “The river” usually means the Euphrates. If the city could have been so far from Edom, it might be identified with Rahaba on the West of the river,8 miles South of its confluence with the Khabur.

    Winckler thinks it might possibly be on the boundary between Palestine and Egypt, “the river” being Wady el-`Arish, “the brook of Egypt” (Numbers 5; Joshua 15:4, etc.). W. Ewing REHOBOTH-IR <r.-ur > , <r.-ir > ([ ry[i tnojor] , rehobhoth `ir ], “Rehoboth City”; Septuagint [hJ JRowbwhe Rhohbos ] ([ JRowbwRhooboth ]) [po>liv, polis ], “the city Rhoobos , [Rhooboth ]”): 1. PROBABLY REBIT NINUA:

    The second of the cities built by Asshur (the Revised Version (British and American) by Nimrod) in Assyria ( Genesis 10:11,12). Unlike the other three, the exact equivalent of this name is not found in Assyrian literature Fried. Delitzsch points out (Wo lag das Paradies? 260 f) that rechobhoth is the equivalent of the Assyrian rebite , “streets,” and suggests that the site referred to may be the Rebit Ninua, “streets of Nineveh,” mentioned by Sargon of Assyria in connection with the peopling of Maganubba (Khorsabad or Dur-Sarru-kin; see NINEVEH ); and it was through this tract that Esar-haddon, his grandson, caused the heads of the kings of Kundi and Sidon to be carried in procession when he returned from his expedition to the Mediterranean. 2. OR, POSSIBLY, THE OLD CAPITAL, ASSUR:

    Though the probabilities in favor of Rebit Ninua are great, it is doubtful whether a suburb could have been regarded as a foundation worthy of a primitive ruler, and that a very important city, Assur, the old capital of Assyria, would rather be expected. One of the groups expressing its name is composed of the characters Sag-uru, or, dialectically, Sab-eri, the second element being the original of the Hebrew `ir . As the “center-city,” Assur may have been regarded as the city of broad spaces (rechobhoth ) — its ruins are of considerable extent. The German explorers there have made many important discoveries of temples, temple- towers, palaces and streets, the most picturesque in ancient times being the twin tower-temples of Anu (the sky) and Adad (Hadad). The ruins lie on the Tigris, about 50 miles South of Nineveh. It practically ceased to be the capital about the middle of the 8th century BC. See NINEVEH.

    T. G. Pinches REHUM <re’-hum > ([ µWjr] , rechum ], or [ µjur] , rechum ]): (1) One of the twelve heads of the Jewish community returning from captivity with Zerubbabel ( Ezra 2:2; Nehemiah 7:7 (by a copyist’s error “Nehum”); 12:3; 1 Esdras 5:8, “Roimus”). (2) A Persian officer of high rank (literally, “master of judgment, taste, reason”) who with others wrote a letter against Jerusalem to King Artaxerxes ( Ezra 4:8,9,17,23). (3) Son of Bani, a Levite, one of the wall-builders under Nehemiah ( Nehemiah 3:17). (4) One of the signers of the covenant in Nehemiah 10:25. (5) In Nehemiah 12:3 (omitted in the Septuagint) one Rehum is mentioned with those who went up with Zerubbabel. It is probable that we should read here “Harim” ([ µrij; , charim ] for [ µWjr] , rechum ] of Nehemiah 12:15). W. N. Stearns REI <re’-i > ([ y[ire , re`i ], “friendly”; [ JRhsei>, Rhesei ]): Rei, Shimei and the Gibborim who belonged to David are listed among those who did not join Adonijah in his attempt on the throne ( 1 Kings 1:8). The name is very uncertain. Winckler (Geschichte, II, 247) identifies him with Ira, the Jairite, who was a “priest to David” ( 2 Samuel 20:26 the Revised Version margin); he tries to prove that this Ira (or Jair) was a priest of Bethlehem.

    Stade (GVI, I, 293, note 1) holds that Shimei and Rei were two officers of David’s bodyguard. Josephus (Ant., VII, xiv, 4) has [oJ Daoui>dou fi>lov, ho Daouidou philos ], thus making Shimei a “friend,” the courtier of Samuel 15:37; 16:16, and omitting Rei entirely. This would call for an original reading [ Ël,M,h” [“re , re`h ha-melekh ], or [ Ël,M,h” h[ere , re`eh ha-melekh ], and is too wide a variant from the Massoretic Text. Assuming that Rei belongs in the text, it is safe to conjecture that he was an officer of the royal guard. Horace J. Wolf REIGN <ran > : The Hebrew word [ tWkl]m” , malekhuth ], may be rendered “kinghood,” “royal dignity,” “kingdom,” “government” (“reign”). The verb is [ Ël”m; , malakh ], “to be king” (“to reign as king”), “to become king,” “to accede to the throne,” “to assume royal power publicly” and, generally speaking, “to become powerful.” In the New Testament [hJgemoni>a, hegemonia ], [basilei>a, basileia ], [basileu>ein, basileuein ]. The word is used, either as a noun or as a verb, of Yahweh (God), the Messiah (Christ) and men (kings, etc.); then of such terms as sin, death, grace; of the woman in Revelation and, conditionally, of the Christians; once, ironically, of the Corinthians. “Reign” as a noun referring to the time of reigning occurs in 1 Kings 6:1 (Solomon); 2 Kings 24:12 (Nebuchadnezzar); 1 Chronicles 4:31 (David; compare 1 Chronicles 29:30); 2 Chronicles 36:20 (“until the reign of the kingdom of Persia”); Nehemiah 12:22 (Darius); Est 2:16 (Ahasuerus); Luke 3:1 (Tiberius Caesar). More often occurs the verb “to reign,” malakh , basileuein . It is applied to: (1) Yahweh at the close of the song of Moses ( Exodus 15:18); “Yahweh reigneth” ( 1 Chronicles 16:31; compare Psalm 93:1; 96:10; 99:1; Revelation 19:6); “God reigneth over the nations” ( Psalm 47:8); “Yahweh of hosts will reign in mount Zion” ( Isaiah 24:23; compare Micah 4:7); “Thy God reigneth” ( Isaiah 52:7); “Thou hast taken thy great power and didst reign” ( Revelation 11:17, meaning probably “thou didst assume thy might”); (2) the Messiah (Christ) as a just and righteous king ( Jeremiah 23:5); an eternal king ( Luke 1:33; compare Revelation 11:15); punishing and subduing His enemies ( Luke 19:14,27; Corinthians 15:25). (3) Men (kings, etc.), in regard to the source of their power (“By me (i.e. the wisdom of God), kings reign” ( Proverbs 8:15)); respecting legitimate succession ( 2 Chronicles 23:3); meaning “to have power or dominion” ( Genesis 37:8 and Job 34:30); in regard to an essential characteristic ( Isaiah 32:1); in connection with the covenant of Yahweh with David ( Jeremiah 33:21); then the word is used in 1 Samuel 12:12, where Samuel reminds the children of Israel of their demanding a king of him (compare verse 14); of Saul ( 1 Samuel 13:1; compare 11:12); of Saul’s son Ish-bosheth ( Samuel 2:10); of David ( 2 Samuel 5:4 f; compare 3:21); of Adonijah ( 1 Kings 1:11,24; compare 2:15); of Solomon ( 1 Kings 1:13); quite frequently of the kings of Judah and Israel (in the Books of Kings and Chronicles); of the kings of Edom ( Genesis 36:31); of Jabin, king of Canaan, in Razor ( Judges 4:2); of Abimelech, Jerubbaal’s son, in Jotham’s fable ( Judges 9:8-15); of Hanun, king of the Ammonites ( 2 Samuel 10:1); of Rezon and his men in Damascus ( 1 Kings 11:24); of Hazael and Ben-hadad, kings of Syria ( 2 Kings 8:15 and 13:24); of Esar-haddon, king of Assyria ( Kings 19:37); of Ahasuerus, king of Persia (Est 1:1); of Archelaus ( Matthew 2:22). (4) In the New Testament the term basileuein , “to reign,” is used to illustrate and emphasize the power of sin, death and grace ( Romans 5:14,17,21 and 6:12). Sin, the vitiating mental factor, is to be looked upon as being constantly and resolutely bent on maintaining or regaining its hold upon man, its power being exercised and reinforced by the lusts of the body. Death, the logical outcome of sin, at once testifies to the power of sin and its inherent corruption, while grace is the restoring spiritual factor following up and combating everywhere and always the pernicious influence of sin. It strives to dethrone sin, and to establish itself in man as the only dominating force. (5) In describing the future glorious state of the believers, the New Testament uses the expression of those who endure (in faith; compare 2 Timothy 2:12); of those `purchased unto God with the blood of the Lamb’ ( Revelation 5:10); of those partaking in the first resurrection ( Revelation 20:6); of the servants of God, “they shall reign for ever and ever” ( Revelation 22:5); on the other hand, it teaches us not to anticipate the privileges of heaven, while our Christian life is anything but satisfactory (1 Cor 4:8), and Revelation 17:18 shows us the terrible fate of the woman, the great city (the corrupt church), “which reigneth over the kings of the earth.” See further KING, KINGDOM.

    William Baur REINS <ranz > ([ hy;l]Ki , kilyah ]; [nefro>v, nephros ], words promiscuously translated “heart,” “inward parts,” “kidneys” or “reins.” The latter word, which is derived from Latin “renes” through Old French “reins”, has given place in modern English to the word “kidneys” (see Skeat, Concise Etymological Dictionary of the English Language, 398). the Revised Version (British and American) has, however, retained the older word, at least in the margin, in all passages in which it is found in the King James Version): According to Hebrew psychology the reins are the seat of the deepest emotions and affections of man, which God alone can fully know.

    Thus the Revised Version (British and American) has substituted “heart” for “reins” in the text of Job 19:27; Psalm 7:9; 16:7; 26:2; 73:21; Proverbs 23:16; Jeremiah 11:20; 12:2; 17:10; 20:12; the translation “inward parts” is found but once ( <19D913> Psalm 139:13). In one passage the King James Version has translated the Hebrew halac (“loins”) with “reins” ( Isaiah 11:5), where the Revised Version (British and American) has rightly substituted “waist” (which see). The Greek word nephros (which is etymologically allied to the Middle English nere, Get. Niere; see Skeat, ibid, 231, under the word “Kidney”) is found in 1 Macc 2:24; Revelation 2:23. See KIDNEYS.

    H. L. E. Luering REKEM <re’-kem > ([ µq,r, , rekem ], “friendship”): (1) One of the five kings of Midian slain by the Israelites under Moses ( Numbers 31:8; Joshua 13:21 (Codex Vaticanus [ JRo>bok, Rhobok ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ JRo>kom, Rhokom )). Like his companions, he is called a “king” in Numbers, but a “prince” or “chieftain” in the passage in Josh. The two references are hardly related; both are based on an earlier tradition. (2) Eponym of a Calebite family ( 1 Chronicles 2:43 ([ JRe>kom, Rhekom ]). Probably a town in Southern Judah. A town of this name is given as belonging to Benjamin ( Joshua 18:27). (3) A city of Benjamin, mentioned with Irpeel and Taralah ( Joshua 18:27); the site is unknown. See also RAKEM.

    Horace J. Wolf RELATIONSHIPS, FAMILY <re-la’-shun-ships > :

    The family or domestic relations of the Bible include (1) those of consanguinity or blood relationship, (2) affinity or marriage relationship, and (3) legal convention. Those of consanguinity may be divided into lineal and collateral groups; the former are those of parents and children, grandparents and grandchildren, and ancestors and descendants in general; the latter are those of brothers and sisters, uncles and aunts in relation to nephews and nieces, cousins of various degrees, including mere tribesmen and even remoter kinsfolk. The relations of affinity include besides that of husband and wife or concubine, the relations among rival wives, and their children, those of father-in-law and mother-in-law in relation to son-in-law and daughter-in-law, and those of brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law. The domestic relations based on legal convention are either legal fictions or the results of agreement: among the former we must include those of foster-father or mother and foster-children; among the latter the relations between master and the various classes of servants and slaves held by the ancient Hebrews, those between host and guest, especially where they became covenant brothers, and between the citizen and the stranger who had attached himself to him for his protection.

    I. CONSANGUINITY. 1. In General: Genealogies were carefully kept by the ancient Hebrews (compare those of Genesis, Numbers, Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Matthew, Luke), not only because they formed the basis of a man’s title to his property ( Numbers 27:8-11; exceptional case, 36:1-12), but also because on one’s pedigree depended the right of his family to intermarry with the priestly caste.

    Descent was traced through the father; a man’s closest association was therefore with his father’s family, and he was ordinarily referred to as the son of his father, thus Isaac the son of Abraham ( Genesis 25:19), Joshua the son of Nun, Caleb the son of Jephunneh ( Numbers 14:6).

    Still there are instances of men named for their mothers (Joab the son of Zeruiah), and a man’s relation with his mother’s family was fully recognized in the laws forbidding incest. No lineal relatives were permitted to intermarry ( Leviticus 18:7,10). The relations of ancestors and descendants were considered so close that the ordinary terms of relationship between children and parents are used constantly in relation to grandparents and remoter ancestors. The wishes of a great-grandfather are respected long after his death as the wishes of a father ( Jeremiah 35:16). 2. Parents and Children: The father ([ ba; , ‘abh ]; [path>r, pater ]) was the head of the family (mishpachah ) or household (bayith ), which was a religious ( 1 Samuel 20:6,29; Exodus 12:3; Job 1:5) as well as a social and political unit, consisting usually of a combination of families in the modern sense. As long as polygamy prevailed a family would include at least the several groups of children of the wives and concubines. The Bible represents the Hebrew father as commanding ( Genesis 50:16; Jeremiah 35:6 ff; Proverbs 6:20), instructing ( Proverbs 1:8; 4:1), and rebuking ( Genesis 37:10; Numbers 12:14); at the same time, as loving ( Genesis 25:28; 37:4; 44:20), pitying ( <19A313> Psalm 103:13), and blessing his household ( Genesis 27:41), rejoicing over its triumphs ( Proverbs 10:1; 15:20), or grieving over its misfortunes ( Genesis 37:35). The mother, too ([ µae , ‘em ]; [mh>thr, meter ]), naturally displays love and care ( Genesis 25:28; Proverbs 4:3; Isaiah 49:15; 66:13). To the Hebrew woman childlessness was considered the greatest of misfortunes ( 1 Samuel 1:10 ff, of Hannah; Genesis 30:23, of Rachel). Children were looked upon as a blessing from God ( <19C703> Psalm 127:3) and the defenders of the home ( <19C704> Psalm 127:4,5). In early life a child was more directly under the control of the mother than the father; the mother was its first teacher ( Proverbs 1:8). Thereafter the father was expected to direct the training of the son ([ ˆBe , ben ]; [uiJo>v, huios ], [te>knon, teknon ]) ( Genesis 18:19; Exodus 12:26; 13:8,14,15; Deuteronomy 6:7), while the daughter ([ tB” , bath ]; [quga>thr, thugater ]) probably remained with the mother until her marriage ( Micah 7:6). Both parents are looked upon in the Law as objects of honor ( Exodus 20:12 parallel Deuteronomy 5:16 (the Fifth Commandment); Exodus 21:15; Leviticus 20:9; Deuteronomy 27:16; Proverbs 20:20; Ezekiel 22:7; Micah 7:6), obedience ( Genesis 28:7; Leviticus 19:3; Deuteronomy 21:18 ff; Proverbs 1:8; 30:17) and love ( 1 Kings 19:20; Proverbs 28:24; 30:11). The control of parents was so great as to include the right to sell daughters in marriage, but not, without restrictions, into slavery ( Exodus 21:7-11; compare 22:16 ff; Nehemiah 5:5), and never into a life of shame ( Leviticus 19:29); they could chastise children ( Deuteronomy 8:5; 21:18; Proverbs 13:24; compare Ecclesiasticus 30:1-13), and in the early days even exerted the power of life and death over them (Genesis 22; Judges 11:39; Leviticus 18:21; 20:2-5; 2 Kings 23:10; compare Matthew 15:4).

    This power, at least for sacrificial purposes, was entirely removed by the Law, and changed, even for punishment, in the case of a stubborn, rebellious, gluttonous and disobedient son to a mere right of complaint to the proper authorities ( Deuteronomy 21:18-21), who were to put him to death. Infanticide by exposure, such as was common among other ancient peoples, seems never to have been practiced by the Hebrews. That the children were nevertheless the chattels of the parents seems to be attested from the fact that they could be seized for the debts of the father ( 2 Kings 4:1). The father could annul the vows of his daughter ( Numbers 30:3-5), and damages for wrongs done to her were paid to him, as in English law “for loss of services” ( Deuteronomy 22:29). A widowed or divorced daughter could return to her father ( Genesis 38:11; Leviticus 22:13; Ruth 1:15). At his death the mother would become the actual, if not the legal, head of the household ( 2 Kings 8:1-6, the Shunammite woman; Tobit 1:8, Tobit’s grandmother; compare the position of the mother of Jesus). This was especially true of the queen mother (gebhirah ), whose name is usually given in the accounts of the kings of Judah ( 1 Kings 1:11; 2:19, where a throne at the king’s right hand was set for the king’s mother; 11:26; 14:21,31; 15:2,10,13; 22:42; 2 Kings 8:26; 10:13; 14:2; 15:2,33; 18:2; 21:1,19; 22:1; 23:31,36; 24:8,12,15,18; 2 Chronicles 22:2; Jeremiah 13:18; 22:26; see QUEEN MOTHER). While it is true that the position of the widowed mother depended to some extent on the will of her son ( 1 Kings 2:18 ff), it must be remembered that the sense of filial duty was highly developed among all classes in Palestine ( Joshua 2:13,18; 6:23; Samuel 22:3; 2 Samuel 19:37; 1 Kings 19:20). The rebellion of children marked the acme of social degeneration ( Micah 7:6; Proverbs 30:11); on the other hand the “great day” according to Malachi (4:5 (Hebrew 3:23)) is one of conciliation of parents and children. 3. Brothers and Sisters: The terms “brother” ([ ja; , ‘ach ]; [ajdelfo>v, adelphos ]) and “sister” ([ twOja; , ‘ahoth ]; [ajdelfh>, adelphe ]) apply to children of the same father and mother ( Genesis 4:2), and also to children of one father ( Genesis 20:12) or of one mother ( Genesis 43:7; Leviticus 18:9; 20:17). The brother as well as the father was the natural protector of the honor of his sister; thus, the sons of Jacob speak of Dinah as “our daughter” ( Genesis 34:17). Absalom feels more deeply aggrieved over the crime against Tamar than does David himself ( 2 Samuel 13:21). The brother’s other duties toward a sister were very much like those of a father (Song 8:8). The Law strictly forbids the intermarriage of brother and sister, whether of the same father and mother or not, whether born at home or born abroad, as a “disgraceful thing” (chesedh , a different word from checedh , “kindness” ( Leviticus 18:9,11; 20:17). In earlier times marriage between half-brother and sister was allowable ( Genesis 20:12; compare 2 Samuel 13:13). In fact, we are expressly told that the laws against incest were not obeyed by the Egyptians or the Canaanites ( Leviticus 18:3 ff; 20:23). Brotherly sentiment was highly developed ( Genesis 24:60; Joshua 2:13; Proverbs 17:17; compare Leviticus 25:35; Deuteronomy 15:11 f; 25:3); the dwelling of brothers together in unity is considered good and pleasant ( <19D301> Psalm 133:1). Brothers were ever ready to protect or avenge each other ( Samuel 3:27). Indeed, it is part of the unwritten, common law, recognized though not necessarily approved in the Bible, that the brother or next of kin, the go’el , is expected to avenge a death ( Numbers 35:19 ff; Deuteronomy 19:6; Joshua 20:3; 2 Samuel 14:11), and no punishment is meted out to prevent such self-help, unless it occurs in a refuge-city. A brother was also expected to ransom a captive or slave ( Leviticus 25:48; Psalm 49:7). Half-brothers were of course not so near as brothers of the full blood (compare Joseph and his brothers), and it is not surprising to find the sons of a wife despising and driving out the son of a harlot ( Judges 11:1, Jephthah). The words “brother” and “sister” are used frequently of more distant relationships (see below) and figuratively of a friend. 4. Uncles, Aunts, Cousins, Kinsmen: The Hebrew [ dwOD, dodh ] ( Leviticus 10:4, “uncles”; Numbers 36:11, “cousins”; 1 Samuel 14:50), coming from a primitive caressing word, possibly indicating “dandle” “fondle” “love” means both “uncle” and “beloved.” It is used of the father’s and also of the mother’s brother, and the corresponding feminine form ([ hd;wOD, dodhah ) is used of the father’s sister ( Exodus 6:20; compare Numbers 26:59) and even of the father’s brother’s wife ( Leviticus 18:14; 20:20). Intermarriage between nephew and aunt (i.e. father’s sister, mother’s sister, or father’s brother’s wife, or, in general, uncle’s wife) was prohibited ( Leviticus 18:12,13,14; 20:19,20), though nothing is said of intermarriage between uncle and niece nor between cousins (compare Numbers 36:11). On the relations between uncle and nephew compare the Bible accounts of Jacob and Laban, Abraham and Lot, David and Joab, etc. In a more general sense the word dodh is used of kinsmen, Amos 6:10 (where the dodh , “even he that burneth him” (mecarepho , perhaps “maternal uncle”; the Jewish Encyclopedia, under the word “Cremation”), takes charge of a dead body); ben dodh is used of cousin (compare ben ‘ahi ‘immo , brother of his mother,” etc.) and bath dodh of a female cousin. For other relations of this and remoter degrees the word for brother is loosely used (e.g. of nephews, Genesis 13:8; 14:14, etc.; of tribesmen, Leviticus 21:10; and of more distant relatives, Deuteronomy 2:4,8; 23:7).

    II. AFFINITY. 1. Husband and Wife: The husband ([ vyai , ‘ish ]; compare [ l[“B” , ba`al ], Hosea 2:16; [ajnh>r, aner ]), though in a sense leaving father and mother for his wife ([ hC;ai , ‘ishshah ]; [gunh>, gune ) ( Genesis 2:24), under normal conditions remained a member of his father’s family. If such passages as Genesis 2:24; 21:10; 24:5,67; 30:3; 31:31; Judges 4:17 ff; 5:24 ff; 8:19; 9:3, indicate the existence in pre-Biblical times of a matriarchate, the allusions are at least too vague to justify the predication of its persistence in Biblical times. The wife was “taken” by her husband, or “given” by her father or, in the case of a servant, by her master or mistress ( Genesis 2:22; 16:3; 34:9,21), and although the contract was between the men (Genesis 29; 34:16; Exodus 22:16; Deuteronomy 22:29; Ruth 4:10) or the parents ( Genesis 21:21; 24), it is probable that the consent of the girl was usually asked ( Genesis 24:58). Love between the young people was given due consideration (as in the case of Samson, Shechem, Jacob and Rachel ( Genesis 29:18), David and Michal ( 1 Samuel 18:20)); at least it developed among married people, so that Hosea could compare the attitude of husband toward wife to that of Yahweh toward Israel. As a matter of legal right, it is probable that throughout the Orient long before the events narrated in the Book of Esther, every man did “bear rule in his own house” (Est 1:22). In fact a precedent for the Persian decree has been traced as far back as the first human pair ( Genesis 3:16). Nevertheless, we find many instances in which the wife seems to take the lead in the affairs of the household, as in the case of Samson’s parents ( Judges 13:23), of the Shunammite woman (2 Kings 4), of Jael ( Judges 4:18 ff; 5:24 ff), of Achsah ( Joshua 15:18 f; Judges 1:12 f), and in less pleasant matters of Jezebel ( 1 Kings 18:4; 21), Sapphira ( Acts 5:2), and Zeresh (Est 5:14), who were at least consulted in the affairs of their several households. Abraham is even commanded by the voice of God, “In all that Sarah saith unto thee, hearken unto her voice” ( Genesis 21:12). That most women were not so fortunate is probably best attested by the fact that at least in the earlier times the best of them had to resort to stratagem to accomplish their purposes (as in the cases of Rebekah ( Genesis 27:6 ff), Rachel ( Genesis 31:34), Leah ( Genesis 30:16) and Abigail ( 1 Samuel 25:18 ff), and even to get information as to their husband’s affairs (Sarah, Genesis 18:10; Rebekah, Genesis 27:5)). Perhaps their humbler sisters in later days accomplished their ends by being so contentious as to attract the notice of two proverb-collectors ( Proverbs 21:9; 25:24). Though we have no instance of the exercise of the right of life and death over the wife by the husband, and though it is clear that the Hebrew husband had no power of sale (compare Exodus 21:8), it is frequently asserted on the basis of the one-sided divorce doctrine of the Old Testament ( Deuteronomy 24:1), and on the basis of analogy with other ancient laws, as well as because the wife is spoken of in conjunction with property ( Exodus 20:17) and because the husband exercised the right to annul the wife’s vows ( Numbers 30:6), that the wife occupied in the ordinary Hebrew home a very subordinate position. It must not be forgotten, however, that the husband owed duties to the wife ( Exodus 21:10). It must also be borne in mind that great divergence existed at different times and places, and in different stations of society. Most of our Old Testament evidence pertains to the wealthier classes. The two extremes of the women that are “at ease in Zion” ( Isaiah 32:9-20; compare Amos 4:1 ff; 6:1 ff) and the busy “good wife” described in Proverbs 31:10 ff are hardly exceeded in the most complex society today. The latter probably gives the fairer as well as the more wholesome picture of the functions of the wife in the home, and it is significant that her husband as well as her sons are expected to call her blessed ( Proverbs 31:28).

    It is difficult to estimate the extent to which polygamy and concubinage were practiced in ancient Palestine, but it is clear that the former practice was discouraged even among kings ( Deuteronomy 17:17), and the latter, an outgrowth of slavery, was not held in high repute (compare Deuteronomy 21:10-14). The position of a less-favored wife ( Deuteronomy 21:15, “hated”) was naturally unpleasant, and her relations with other wives of her husband decidedly bitter — they were called each other’s [tsaroth], literally, “vexers” (the Revised Version (British and American) “rivals,” Leviticus 18:18; 1 Samuel 1:6, the King James Version “adversary”; compare Ecclesiasticus 37:11) — even when they were sisters (as in the case of Rachel and Leah, Genesis 30:1). Hence, the Law forbade the marrying of two sisters ( Leviticus 18:18). On the other hand so strong was the desire of a Hebrew mother for children that the childless wife welcomed the children of a maidservant born to her husband as her own ( Genesis 30:1-12, etc.). 2. Father-in-Law, etc.: In normal Hebrew society, for reasons already explained, the relations of a family with the husband’s parents ([ µj; , cham ], from [ twOmj; , chamoth ]) were closer than those with the wife’s parents ([ ˆtejo , chothen ], feminine [ tn,t,jo , chotheneth ]; [penqero>v, pentheros ], [penqera>, penthera ]. Where under special conditions a man remained with his wife’s tribe after marriage, as in the case of Jacob, serving out his mohar, or Moses fleeing from the wrath of the Egyptians, or the sons of Elimelech sojourning in the land of Moab because of the famine in Palestine, his identity with his own tribe was not destroyed, and at the first opportunity the natural impulse was to return to his own country. The bride, on the other hand, leaving her people, would become a member of her husband’s family, with all the rights and duties of a daughter ( Micah 7:6). Thus Judah can order Tamar burned for violation of the obligations of a widow ( Genesis 38:24). No doubt the position of the daughter-in-law varied in the Hebrew home between the extremes of those who vexed their parents-in-law untothe death ( Genesis 26:35; 27:46; 28:8) and the one who said to her mother-in-law, “Yahweh do so to me .... if aught but death part thee and me” ( Ruth 1:17). Parents-in-law and children-in-law were considered too closely related to intermarry ( Leviticus 18:15; 20:12,14). 3. Brother-in-Law, etc.: A woman’s brother acting in loco parentis might perform all the offices of a father-in-law and possibly be called chothen ( Genesis 24:50,55; 34:11 ff). Naturally, brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law would be considered too closely related to intermarry ( Leviticus 18:16,18; 20:21). Nevertheless the husband’s brother ([ µb;y; , yabham ]) was expected to marry the childless widow to establish the name of the deceased on his inheritance ( Deuteronomy 25:5-10). This custom dated back to Canaanitic practice ( Genesis 38:8), and from the connection between marrying the childless widow and the redemption of land may be called a part of the land law of Palestine ( Ruth 4:1-12; compare Jeremiah 32:6 ff). In practice the Levirate was probably considered more in the nature of a moral duty than a privilege ( Deuteronomy 25:7; Ruth 4:6), and devolved not only on the brother, but on other members of a deceased husband’s family in the order of the nearness of their relationship to him ( Ruth 3:12). In the Hebrew family brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law would form part of the same household. In this relation as in others we find both ideal friendship (David and Jonathan, 1 Samuel 18:3; 2 Samuel 1:26) and petty jealousies (in the matter of Moses’ wife, Numbers 12:1).

    III. OTHER DOMESTIC RELATIONS. 1. Foster-father: The Hebrew [ ˆmeao , ‘omen ], feminine [ tn,m,ao , ‘omeneth ] (participle of ‘aman ), literally, “nourishing,” is translated “nursing father” ( Numbers 11:12; Isaiah 49:23), nursing mother” ( Isaiah 49:23), “nurse” ( Ruth 4:16; 2 Samuel 4:4), or simply as the equivalent of “bringing up” ( 2 Kings 10:1,5; Est 2:7). In the case of Esther and of Ahab’s children, and possibly in the other instances referred to, the relation of foster-parents is suggested. The foster-children under such conditions obeyed the words of the foster-father as the words of a father (Est 2:20).

    Michal is spoken of as the mother of Merab’s two children ( 2 Samuel 21:8) because she reared them (Sanhedhrin 19b). Adoption in the Roman sense was, however, hardly to be expected in a polygamous society where the childless father could remarry. Nevertheless, Jacob adopts Manasseh and Ephraim ( Genesis 48:5), and thereby makes them the fathers of tribes. According to Josephus, while Abraham was childless he adopted Lot (Ant., I, vii, 1), and the daughter of Pharaoh adopted Moses (Ant., II, ix, 7; compare Exodus 2:10). In New Testament times the notion of adoption was so familiar that Paul uses the word figuratively of conversion ([uiJoqesi>a, huiothesia ], Romans 8:15; 9:4; Galatians 4:5; Ephesians 1:5). 2. Master and Servants: The “family” as the word is used of ancient peoples included dependents.

    The Hebrew mishpachah is connected with the word shiphchah , “maidservant,” as the Latin familia is connected with famulus, “servant.”

    For a discussion of the various classes of servants and slaves, Hebrew and foreign, male and female, see SLAVERY. 3. Host and Guest: When Lot protested against betraying his visitors to the men of Sodom, forasmuch as they had come under the shadow of his roof, and he even preferred to give his daughters to the mob rather than fail in his duties as a host ( Genesis 19:8), he was acting on the ancient principle of guestfriendship (compare Greek xenia ), which bound host and guest by sacred ties. In the light of this principle the act of Jael, who receives Sisera as a guest, and then betrays him, becomes startling and capable of explanation only on the basis of the intense hatred existing at the time, and justifiable, if at all, only on theory that all is fair in war ( Judges 4:18-21; 5:24-27).

    The nomads of ancient times and even the post-exilic Hebrews, like the Arabs of today, were bound by a temporary covenant whenever there was “salt between them,” that is, in the relation of host and guest ( Ezra 4:14; compare the expression “covenant of salt,” 2 Chronicles 13:5; Numbers 18:19). In the early Christian church breaking bread together served as a sort of a berith ‘ahim , or covenant of brothers. In large households such as those of a king, those that ate at the table were members of the household ( 2 Samuel 9:11, compared to sons; compare also 2 Samuel 9:7,10,13; 19:28; 1 Kings 2:7; 4:27; 18:19). See HOSPITALITY. 4. The Dependent Stranger: The ger or stranger (as indicated by the expression “thy stranger” ( Exodus 20:10; Leviticus 25:6; Deuteronomy 5:14; 29:11; 31:12; compare Deuteronomy 1:16), Hebrew gero , literally, “his stranger”) attached himself to an influential Hebrew for protection. Thus we read of a “sojourner of the priest’s” ( Leviticus 22:10, toschabh ; compare 25:6) who was in many respects a dependent, but still to be distinguished from a servant ( Leviticus 22:11). The Mosaic Law commands that such strangers be treated with consideration ( Exodus 12:49; 20:10; 22:21 ff; 23:9; Leviticus 19:33; Deuteronomy 1:16; 10:18; 14:21, etc.; <19E609> Psalm 146:9) and even with love ( Deuteronomy 16:14; Leviticus 19:34). See STRANGER.

    Nathan Isaacs and Ella Davis Isaacs RELEASE <re-les’ > : (1) The forgiveness of a debt ([ hF;miv] , shemiTTah ] ( Deuteronomy 15:1,2,9; 31:10; see JUBILEE YEAR)), with verb shamaT , “to release,” Deuteronomy 31:2,3. (2) To exempt from taxation or military service ([ hj;n;h\ , hanachah ], “release,” “rest” (Est 2:18)). Some would render “granted a holiday.” (3) To set a prisoner or slave at liberty ([ajpolu>w, apoluo ], “to let go free” ( Matthew 27:15 parallel John 19:10), etc.).

    RELIGION <re-lij’-un > : “Religion” and “religious” in Elizabethan English were used frequently to denote the outward expression of worship. This is the force of [qrhskei>a, threskeia ], translated “religion” in Acts 26:5; James 1:26,27 (with adjective threskos , “religious”), while the same noun in Colossians 2:18 is rendered “worshipping” (“cult” would give the exact meaning). And in the same external sense “religion” is used by the King James Version for [latrei>a, latreia ], “worship” (so the Revised Version (British and American)), in I Macc 1:43; 2:19,22. Otherwise “Jews’ religion” (or “religion of the Jews”) appears in 2 Macc 8:1; 14:38 (the Revised Version (British and American) bis ); Galatians 1:13,14 ([ jIoudai`smo>v, Ioudaismos ], “Judaism”); and “an alien religion” in 2 Macc 6:24 ([ajllofulismo>v, allophulismos ], “that belonging to another tribe”).

    The neglect of the external force of “religion” has led to much reckless misquoting of James 1:26,27. Compare Acts 17:22. See SUPERSTITION.

    Burton Scott Easton RELIGION, COMPARATIVE See COMPARATIVE RELIGION.

    RELIGION, SCIENCE OF See COMPARATIVE RELIGION.

    REMAINDER <re-man’-der > ([ rt”y; , yathar ], “to be left,” [ tyriaev] , she’erith ], “remnant”): In 2 Samuel 14:7 “residue” would have been clearer (compare Psalm 76:10), but the changes of the Revised Version (British and American) in Leviticus 6:16; 7:16,17 are pointless (contrast Exodus 29:34).

    REMALIAH <rem-a-li’-a > ([ Why;l]m”r] , remalyahu ], “whom Yahweh has adorned”):

    The father of Pekah ( 2 Kings 15:25 ff; Isaiah 7:4 ff; 8:6). The contemptuous allusion to Pekah as “the son of Remaliah” in Isaiah 7:4 (similarly “the son of Kish,” 1 Samuel 10:11) may be a slur on Remaliah’s humble origin.

    REMEMBER; REMEMBRANCE <re-mem’-ber > , <re-mem’-brans > : “Remember” is mostly the translation, in the Old Testament, of [ rk”z; , zakhar ], and in the New Testament of [mna>omai, mnaomai ( Matthew 5:23; 26:75; John 2:17, etc.), and of [mnhmoneu>w, mnemoneuo ] ( Matthew 16:9; Mark 8:18; Luke 17:32, etc.), and “remembrance” the translation of derivatives of these (zekher , anamnesis , etc.). There are a few other words. “To remember” is used of God in remembering persons ( Genesis 8:1; 19:29, etc.), His covenant ( Genesis 9:15; Exodus 2:24; Ezekiel 16:60, etc.), in answering prayer ( Judges 16:28; Nehemiah 13:14,22; Psalm 20:3, etc.), and in other ways. Men are exhorted to “remember” God’s dealings with them, His commandments ( Deuteronomy 8:2,18; Judges 8:34; 1 Chronicles 16:12, etc.), the Sabbath ( Exodus 20:8), etc. A specially solemn command is that relating to the Lord’s Supper in Luke 22:19; 1 Corinthians 11:24,25, “This do in remembrance of me.” “Remembrancer” (writer of chronicles) occurs in the King James Version margin of 2 Samuel 8:16; 20:24; 1 Kings 4:3; 1 Chronicles 18:15 (text “recorder,” the Revised Version margin “chronicler”). In Isaiah 62:6, the Revised Version (British and American) reads, “ye that are Yahweh’s remembrancers.” the Revised Version (British and American) has frequent changes on the King James Version text, as “have marked” ( 1 Samuel 15:2); “make mention of” ( Psalm 20:7; 77:11; Song 1:4); “remember” for “be ye mindful of” ( 1 Chronicles 16:15); “memorial” for “remembrance” ( Isaiah 57:8); in the American Standard Revised Version, “to his holy memorial name” ( Psalm 30:4; 97:12, the English Revised Version “to his holy name,” margin “Hebrew `memorial’ “); in 2 Timothy 1:5, “having been reminded of” for the King James Version “call to remembrance,” etc. W. L. Walker REMETH <re’-meth > , <rem’-eth > ([ tm,r, , remeth ]; Codex Vaticanus [ JRemma>v, Rhemmas ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ JRama>q, Rhamath ]): A place in the territory of Issachar named with En-gannim ( Joshua 19:21). It is probably identical with Ramoth of 1 Chronicles 6:73, and Jarmuth of Joshua 21:29. It is represented today by the village er-Rameh, situated on a hill which rises abruptly from the green plain about 11 miles Southwest of Jenin (Engannim). While the southern boundary of Issachar was, roughly, the southern edge of the plain of Esdraelon, the possessions of the tribes seem sometimes to have overlapped. See JARMUTH; RAMOTH.

    REMISSION OF SINS <re-mish’-un > ([a]fesiv, aphesis ], [pa>resiv, paresis ]): The two Greek words, of which the latter occurs only in Romans 3:25, were translated by the same English word in the King James Version. In the Revised Version (British and American), paresis is translation “passing over.” It is contrasted with the other term as pretermission with remission. Remission is exemption from the consequences of an offense, forgiveness; pretermission is the suspension of the penalty (Philippi, Ellicott, Trench (Synonyms, XXXIII), Weiss; compare Acts 17:30). Cremer (Lexicon of N T Gr) regards the meaning of the two words as identical, except that the one refers to the Old Testament and the other to the New Testament. Sins are remitted when the offender is treated as though the offense had never been committed. Remission is restricted to the penalty, while forgiveness refers more particularly to the person, although it may be used also of the sin itself. Remission also is used of offenses against God’s law; forgiveness, against either divine or human law. See ABSOLUTION; FORGIVENESS.

    H. E. Jacobs REMMON <rem’-on > ([ ˆwOMri , rimmon ], Joshua 19:7). See RIMMON.

    REMMON-METHOAR <rem’-on-meth’-o-ar > , <rem’-on-me-tho’-ar > ([ ra;toM]h” ˆwOMri , rimmon ha-metho’-ar ] ( Joshua 19:13)). See RIMMON, (3).

    REMNANT <rem’-nant > : Remnant is the translation of [ rt,y, , yether ], “what is left over” ( Deuteronomy 3:11; 28:54; Joshua 12:4, etc.); of [ ra;v] , she’- ar ], “the rest” ( Ezra 3:8 the King James Version; Isaiah 10:20,21,22; 11:16, etc.; Zeph 1:4); more frequently of [ tyriaev] , she’- erith ], “residue,” etc. ( 2 Kings 19:4,31; 2 Chronicles 34:9; Ezra 9:14; Isaiah 14:30, etc.). As the translation of the last-mentioned two words, “remnant” has a special significance in the prophecies of Isaiah, as denoting “a holy seed,” or spiritual kernel, of the nation which should survive impending judgment and become the germ of the people of God, being blessed of God and made a blessing (compare Micah 2:12; 4:7; 5:7,8; 7:18; also Zeph 2:7; 3:13; Haggai 1:12,14; Zechariah 8:6; Joel 2:32). Paul, in Romans 9:27, quotes from Isaiah 10:22 f, “the remnant (kataleimma , “what is left over”] shall be saved”; compare also Romans 11:5 (where the word is leimma ) with 2 Kings 19:4.

    Several other Hebrew words are less frequently translated “remnant”: ‘ahar , “after”; yathar , “to be left over,” etc.; in the New Testament (the King James Version) we have also loipos , “left,” “remaining” ( Matthew 22:6; Revelation 11:13, etc.).

    For “remnant” the Revised Version (British and American) has “overhanging part” ( Exodus 26:12), “rest” ( Leviticus 14:18, etc.); on the other hand gives “remnant” for “posterity” ( Genesis 45:7), for “rest” ( Joshua 10:20; 1 Chronicles 4:43; Isaiah 10:19), for “residue” ( Haggai 2:2; Zechariah 8:11), etc. W. L. Walker REMPHAN <rem’-fan > . See REPHAN.

    RENDING OF GARMENTS <ren’-ding > . See BURIAL, IV; DRESS.

    RENEW <re-nu’ > : The word is used in various senses: (1) of material things, e.g. <19A430> Psalm 104:30; here it means to give a new appearance, to refresh, to restore the face of the earth; (2) in 1 Samuel 11:14, to establish more firmly the kingdom by reinstalling King Saul; (3) in 2 Chronicles 15:8, to rebuild or repair the broken altar; (4) in Lamentations 5:21, “renew our days,” restore the favors of former days; (5) in Isaiah 41:1, `let them gather together, or marshal their strongest arguments for answer’; (6) in <19A305> Psalm 103:5; Isaiah 40:31, it refers to the restoring of spiritual strength; (7) in the New Testament it invariably refers to spiritual renewal, e.g. Romans 12:2; 2 Corinthians 4:16; Ephesians 4:23; Colossians 3:10; Titus 3:5; Hebrews 6:6; all derivatives of [kaino>v, kainos ], “new.” G. H. Gerberding REPAIR <re-par’ > ([ hs,j]m” , machceh ], “refuge”): In Joel 3:16, for the King James Version The Lord will be the hope of his people” the King James Version margin renders “place of repair,” or, “harbour” = haven of repair. the Revised Version (British and American) gives “refuge.” Other words are [ qz”j; , chazaq ], “to strengthen,” “harden,” “fix” ( 2 Kings 12:5 and often; Nehemiah 3); [ ap;r; , rapha’ ] “to heal” ( 1 Kings 18:30); [ dm”[; , `amadh ], “to cause to stand still” ( Ezra 9:9); [ hy;j; , chayah ], “to revive” ( 1 Chronicles 11:8); [ rg”s; , caghar ], “to close up” ( Kings 11:27).

    In the Revised Version (British and American) Apocrypha for [uJporra>ptw, huporrapto ], “to patch up” (Sirach 50:1); [ejpiskeua>zw, episkeuazo ], “to get ready” (1 Macc 12:37). In 1 Macc 14:34 occurs “reparation” (modern English “repairs”) for [ejpano>rqwsiv, epanorthosis ], “straightening up.” M. O. Evans REPENTANCE <re-pen’-tans > :

    To get an accurate idea of the precise New Testament meaning of this highly important word it is necessary to consider its approximate synonyms in the original Hebrew and Greek The psychological elements of repentance should be considered in the light of the general teaching of Scripture.

    I. OLD TESTAMENT TERMS. 1. To Repent — “to Pant,” “to Sigh”: The Hebrew word [ µj”n; , naham ], is an onomatopoetic term which implies difficulty in breathing, hence, “to pant,” “to sigh,” “to groan.”

    Naturally it came to signify “to lament” or “to grieve,” and when the emotion was produced by the desire of good for others, it merged into compassion and sympathy, and when incited by a consideration of one’s own character and deeds it means “to rue,” “to repent.” To adapt language to our understanding, God is represented as repenting when delayed penalties are at last to be inflicted, or when threatened evils have been averted by genuine reformation ( Genesis 6:6; Jon 3:10). This word is translated “repent” about 40 times in the Old Testament, and in nearly all cases it refers to God. The principal idea is not personal relation to sin, either in its experience of grief or in turning from an evil course. Yet the results of sin are manifest in its use. God’s heart is grieved at man’s iniquity, and in love He bestows His grace, or in justice He terminates His mercy. It indicates the aroused emotions of God which prompt Him to a different course of dealing with the people. Similarly when used with reference to man, only in this case the consciousness of personal transgression is evident. This distinction in the application of the word is intended by such declarations as God “is not a man, that he should repent” ( 1 Samuel 15:29; Job 42:6; Jeremiah 8:6). 2. To Repent — “to Turn” or “Return”: The term [ bWv , shubh ], is most generally employed to express the Scriptural idea of genuine repentance. It is used extensively by the prophets, and makes prominent the idea of a radical change in one’s attitude toward sin and God. It implies a conscious, moral separation, and a personal decision to forsake sin and to enter into fellowship with God. It is employed extensively with reference to man’s turning away from sin to righteousness ( Deuteronomy 4:30; Nehemiah 1:9; Psalm 7:12; Jeremiah 3:14). It quite often refers to God in His relation to man ( Exodus 32:12; Joshua 7:26). It is employed to indicate the thorough spiritual change which God alone can effect ( Psalm 85:4).

    When the term is translated by “return” it has reference either to man, to God, or to God and man ( 1 Samuel 7:3; Psalm 90:13 (both terms, nacham and shubh ; Isaiah 21:12; 55:7). Both terms are also sometimes employed when the twofold idea of grief and altered relation is expressed, and are translated by “repent” and “return” ( Ezekiel 14:6; Hosea 12:6; Jon 3:8).

    II. NEW TESTAMENT TERMS. 1. Repent — “to Care,” “Be Concerned”: The term [metame>lomai, metamelomai ], literally signifies to have a feeling or care, concern or regret; like nacham , it expresses the emotional aspect of repentance. The feeling indicated by the word may issue in genuine repentance, or it may degenerate into mere remorse ( Matthew 21:29,32; 27:3). Judas repented only in the sense of regret, remorse, and not in the sense of the abandonment of sin. The word is used with reference to Paul’s feeling concerning a certain course of conduct, and with reference to God in His attitude toward His purposes of grace (2 Cor 7:8 the King James Version; Hebrews 7:21). 2. Repent — “to Change the Mind”: The word [metanoe>w, metanoeo ], expresses the true New Testament idea of the spiritual change implied in a sinner’s return to God. The term signifies “to have another mind,” to change the opinion or purpose with regard to sin. It is equivalent to the Old Testament word “turn.” Thus, it is employed by John the Baptist, Jesus, and the apostles ( Matthew 3:2; Mark 1:15; Acts 2:38). The idea expressed by the word is intimately associated with different aspects of spiritual transformation and of Christian life, with the process in which the agency of man is prominent, as faith ( Acts 20:21), and as conversion ( Acts 3:19); also with those experiences and blessings of which God alone is the author, as remission and forgiveness of sin ( Luke 24:47; Acts 5:31). It is sometimes conjoined with baptism, which as an overt public act proclaims a changed relation to sin and God ( Mark 1:4; Luke 3:3; Acts 13:24; 19:4).

    As a vital experience, repentance is to manifest its reality by producing good fruits appropriate to the new spiritual life ( Matthew 3:8). 3. Repent — “to Turn Over,” “to Turn Upon,” “to Turn Unto”: The word [ejpistre>fw, epistrepho ], is used to bring out more clearly the distinct change wrought in repentance. It is employed quite frequently in Acts to express the positive side of a change involved in New Testament repentance, or to indicate the return to God of which the turning from sin is the negative aspect. The two conceptions are inseparable and complementary. The word is used to express the spiritual transition from sin to God ( Acts 9:35; 1 Thessalonians 1:9); to strengthen the idea of faith ( Acts 11:21); and to complete and emphasize the change required by New Testament repentance ( Acts 26:20).

    There is great difficulty in expressing the true idea of a change of thought with reference to sin when we translate the New Testament “repentance” into other languages. The Latin version renders it “exercise penitence” (poenitentiam agere). But “penitence” etymologically signifies pain, grief, distress, rather than a change of thought and purpose. Thus Latin Christianity has been corrupted by the pernicious error of presenting grief over sin rather than abandonment of sin as the primary idea of New Testament repentance. It was easy to make the transition from penitence to penance, consequently the Romanists represent Jesus and the apostles as urging people to do penance (poenitentiam agite). The English word “repent” is derived from the Latin repoenitere, and inherits the fault of the Latin, making grief the principal idea and keeping it in the background, if not altogether out of sight, the fundamental New Testament conception of a change of mind with reference to sin. But the exhortations of the ancient prophets, of Jesus, and of the apostles show that the change of mind is the dominant idea of the words employed, while the accompanying grief and consequent reformation enter into one’s experience from the very nature of the case.

    III. THE PSYCHOLOGICAL ELEMENTS. 1. The Intellectual Element: Repentance is that change of a sinner’s mind which leads him to turn from his evil ways and live. The change wrought in repentance is so deep and radical as to affect the whole spiritual nature and to involve the entire personality. The intellect must function, the emotions must be aroused, and the will must act. Psychology shows repentance to be profound, personal and all-pervasive. The intellectual element is manifest from the nature of man as an intelligent being, and from the demands of God who desires only rational service. Man must apprehend sin as unutterably heinous, the divine law as perfect and inexorable, and himself as coming short or falling below the requirements of a holy God ( Job 42:5,6; Psalm 51:3; Romans 3:20). 2. The Emotional Element: There may be a knowledge of sin without turning from it as an awful thing which dishonors God and ruins man. The change of view may lead only to a dread of punishment and not to the hatred and abandonment of sin ( Exodus 9:27; Numbers 22:34; Joshua 7:20; 1 Samuel 15:24; Matthew 27:4). An emotional element is necessarily involved in repentance. While feeling is not the equivalent of repentance, it nevertheless may be a powerful impulse to a genuine turning from sin. A penitent cannot from the nature of the case be stolid and indifferent. The emotional attitude must be altered if New Testament repentance be experienced. There is a type of grief that issues in repentance and another which plunges into remorse. There is a godly sorrow and also a sorrow of the world. The former brings life; the latter, death ( Matthew 27:3; Luke 18:23; 2 Corinthians 7:9,10). There must be a consciousness of sin in its effect on man and in its relation to God before there can be a hearty turning away from unrighteousness. The feeling naturally accompanying repentance implies a conviction of personal sin and sinfulness and an earnest appeal to God to forgive according to His mercy ( Psalm 51:1,2,10-14). 3. The Volitional Element: The most prominent element in the psychology of repentance is the voluntary, or volitional. This aspect of the penitent’s experience is expressed in the Old Testament by “turn”, or “return,” and in the New Testament by “repent” or “turn.” The words employed in the Hebrew and Greek place chief emphasis on the will, the change of mind, or of purpose, because a complete and sincere turning to God involves both the apprehension of the nature of sin and the consciousness of personal guilt ( Jeremiah 25:5; Mark 1:15; Acts 2:38; 2 Corinthians 7:9,10).

    The demand for repentance implies free will and individual responsibility.

    That men are called upon to repent there can be no doubt, and that God is represented as taking the initiative in repentance is equally clear. The solution of the problem belongs to the spiritual sphere. The psychical phenomena have their origin in the mysterious relations of the human and the divine personalities. There can be no external substitute for the internal change. Sackcloth for the body and remorse for the soul are not to be confused with a determined abandonment of sin and return to God. Not material sacrifice, but a spiritual change, is the inexorable demand of God in both dispensations ( Psalm 51:17; Isaiah 1:11; Jeremiah 6:20; Hosea 6:6).

    Repentance is only a condition of salvation and not its meritorious ground.

    The motives for repentance are chiefly found in the goodness of God, in divine love, in the pleading desire to have sinners saved, in the inevitable consequences of sin, in the universal demands of the gospel, and in the hope of spiritual life and membership in the kingdom of heaven ( Ezekiel 33:11; Mark 1:15; Luke 13:1-5; John 3:16; Acts 17:30; Romans 2:4; 1 Timothy 2:4). The first four beatitudes ( Matthew 5:3-6) form a heavenly ladder by which penitent souls pass from the dominion of Satan into the Kingdom of God. A consciousness of spiritual poverty dethroning pride, a sense of personal unworthiness producing grief, a willingness to surrender to God in genuine humility, and a strong spiritual desire developing into hunger and thirst, enter into the experience of one who wholly abandons sin and heartily turns to Him who grants repentance unto life.

    LITERATURE.

    Various theological works and commentaries Note especially Strong, Systematic Theology, III, 832-36; Broadus on Matthew 3:2, American Comm.; article “Busse” (Penance). Hauck-Herzog, Realencyklopadie fur protestantische Theologie und Kirche. Byron H. Dement REPETITIONS <rep-e-tish’-unz > : In Matthew 6:7 only, “Use not vain repetitions,” for [battaloge>w, battalogeo ] (so Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Vaticanus), a word found nowhere else and spelled variously in the manuscripts, battologeo in Codices K, L, M; etc., batologeo in Codices F G, blattologeo in Codex Bezae (probably influenced by the Latin blatero, “talk idly”); presumably connected with [battari>zw, battarizo ], “stammer,” and perhaps formed under the influence of the Aramaic beta’, “speak carelessly,” or baTel , “useless.” Whether, however battalogeo means the constant repetition of the same phrase or the mechanical recitation of a long series of obscure or meaningless formulas (if, indeed, a distinction between the acts was thought of) cannot be determined. Either practice is abundantly evidenced as a “heathen” custom of the day, and either can be classed as “much speaking.” See PRAYER.

    Burton Scott Easton REPHAEL <re’-fa-el > , <ref’-a-el > ([ laep;r] , repha’el ], “God has healed”; [ JRafah>l, Rhaphael ]): The eponym of a family of gatekeepers ( 1 Chronicles 26:7). The name occurs in Tobit and Enoch (“Raphael”); it probably belongs to a group of late formations. See Gray, HPN, 225, 311.

    REPHAH <re’-fa > ([ jp”r, , rephach ] (the form is corrupt); [ JRa>fh, Rhaphe ]): The eponym of an Ephraimite family ( 1 Chronicles 7:25).

    REPHAIAH <re-fa’-ya > , <re-fi’-a > ([ hy;p;r] , rephayah ], probably “Yah is healing”; Septuagint [ JRafaia>(v)Rhaphaia(s)) ] : (1) In David’s family, Septuagint also Rhaphal ( 1 Chronicles 3:21). (2) A captain of Simeon ( 1 Chronicles 4:42). (3) A grandson of Issachar, Septuagint also Rhaphara ( 1 Chronicles 7:2). (4) A descendant of Saul ( 1 Chronicles 9:43; in 8:37 called “Raphah” ([ hp;r; , raphah ]); Septuagint also Raphai ). (5) One of the repairers of the wall under Nehemiah ( Nehemiah 3:9).

    REPHAIM <ref’-a-im > , <re-fa’-im > ([ µyaip;r] , repha’-im ], from [ ap;r; , rapha’ ], “a terrible one “hence “giant,” in 1 Chronicles 20:4, [ ap;r;h; ydeyliy] , yelidhe ha-rapha’ ], “sons of the giant”; the King James Version, Rephaims): A race of aboriginal or early inhabitants East of the Jordan in Ashterothkarnaim ( Genesis 14:5) and in the valley of Rephaim Southwest of Jerusalem ( Joshua 15:8). They associated with other giant races, as the Emim and Anakim ( Deuteronomy 2:10,11) and the Zamzummim ( Deuteronomy 2:20). It is probable that they were all of the same stock, being given different names by the different tribes who came in contact with them. The same Hebrew word is rendered “the dead,” or “the shades” in various passages ( Job 26:5 margin; Psalm 88:10 margin; Proverbs 2:18 margin; 9:18 margin; 21:16 margin; Isaiah 14:9 margin; 26:14,19 margin). In these instances the word is derived from [ hp,r; , rapheh ], “weak,” “powerless,” “a shadow” or “shade.” H. Porter REPHAIM, VALE OF ([ µyaip;r] qm,[e , `emeq repha’-im ]; [koilam, koilas Rhaphaeim ], [koilanwn, koilas ton Titanon ]): This was a fertile vale ( Isaiah 17:5), to the Southwest of Jerusalem ( Joshua 15:8; 18:16; the King James Version “Valley of the Giants”), on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Here David repeatedly defeated the invading Philistines ( 2 Samuel 5:18,22; 23:13; 1 Chronicles 11:15; 14:9). It is located by Josephus between Jerusalem and Bethlehem (Ant., VII, iv, i; xii, 4). It corresponds to the modern el-Biqa`, which falls away to the Southwest from the lip of the valley of Hinnom. The name in ancient times may perhaps have covered a larger area, including practically all the land between Jerusalem and Bethlehem, where the head-waters of Nahr Ruben are collected. W. Ewing REPHAN <re’-fan > : A name for Chiun, the planet Saturn. See ASTROLOGY, 7; CHIUN.

    REPHIDIM <ref’-i-dim > ([ µydiypir] , rephidhim ], “rests”; [ JRafidi>n, Rhaphidin ]): A station in the Wanderings, between the wilderness of Sin and the wilderness of Sinai ( Exodus 17:1,8; 19:2; Numbers 33:14). The host expected to find water here; to their distress the streams were dry, and water was miraculously provided. Palmer (Desert of the Exodus, 158 ff) states cogent reasons for identifying Rephidim with Wady Feiran. It is the most fertile part of the peninsula, well watered, with a palm grove stretching for miles along the valley. Palmer speaks of passing through the palm grove as a “most delightful” walk; “the tall, graceful trees afforded a delicious shade, fresh water ran at our feet, and, above all, bulbuls flitted from branch to branch uttering their sweet notes.” His camp was pitched at “the mouth of Wady `Aleyat, a large open space completely surrounded by steep, shelving mountains of gneiss, the fantastic cleavage of which added greatly to the beauty of the scene. Palms and tamarisks were dotted all around, and on every knoll and mountain slope were ruined houses, churches, and walls, the relics of the ancient monastic city of Paran. Behind our tents rose the majestic mass of Serbal, and beneath the rocky wall opposite ran a purling brook, only a few inches in depth, but still sufficiently cool, clear, and refreshing.”

    Such a place as this the Amalekites would naturally wish to preserve for themselves against an invading people. For these desert dwellers, indeed, the possession of this watered vale may well have been a matter of life and death.

    If this identification is correct, then Jebel Tachuneh, “Mount of the mill,” a height that rises on the North of the valley, may have been the hill from which Moses, with Aaron and Hur, viewed the battle. W. Ewing REPROBATE <rep’-ro-bat > : This word occurs in the English Bible in the following passages: Jeremiah 6:30 (the Revised Version (British and American) “refuse”); Romans 1:28; 2 Corinthians 13:5,6,7; 2 Timothy 3:8; Titus 1:16. In all these cases the Greek has [ajdo>kimov, adokimos ]. The same Greek word, however, is found with other renderings in Isaiah 1:22 (“dross”); Proverbs 25:4 (“dross”); 1 Corinthians 9:27 (“castaway,” the Revised Version (British and American) “rejected”). The primary meaning of adokimos is “not-received,” “not-acknowledged.” This is applied to precious metals or money, in the sense of “not-current,” to which, however, the connotation “not-genuine” easily attaches itself. It is also applied to persons who do not or ought not to receive honor or recognition. This purely negative conception frequently passes over into the positive one of that which is or ought to be rejected, either by God or men. Of the above passages 1 Corinthians 9:27 uses the word in this meaning. Probably Romans 1:28, “God gave them up unto a reprobate mind” must be explained on the same principle: the nous of the idolatrous heathen is permitted by God to fall into such extreme forms of evil as to meet with the universal rejection and reprobation of men. Wettstein’s interpretation, “an unfit mind,” i.e. incapable of properly performing its function of moral discrimination, has no linguistic warrant, and obliterates the wordplay between “they refused to have God in their knowledge (ouk edokimasan ),” and “God gave them up to a reprobate (= unacknowledged, adokimos ) mind.” Even Titus 1:16, “unto every good work reprobate,” affords no instance of the meaning unfit, but belongs to the following rubric.

    The close phonetic resemblance and etymological affinity of dokimos to the verb dokimazo , “to try,” “test,” has caused the notion of “being tested,” “tried,” and its opposite of “being found wanting in the test” to associate itself more or less distinctly with the adjectives dokimos and adokimos .

    Thus the more complex meaning results of that which is acknowledged or rejected, because it has approved or not approved itself in testing. This connotation is present in 2 Corinthians 13:5,6,7; 2 Timothy 3:8; Titus 1:16; Hebrews 6:8. In the first two of these passages the word is used of Christians who ostensibly were in the true faith, but either hypothetically or actually are represented as having failed to meet the test. “Reprobate unto every good work” ( Titus 1:16) are they who by their life have disappointed the expectation of good works. The “reprobate (rejected) land” of Hebrews 6:8 is land that by bearing thorns and thistles has failed to meet the test of the husband man. It should be noticed, however, that adokimos , even in these cases, always retains the meaning of rejection because of failure in trial; compare in the last-named passage: “rejected and nigh unto cursing.”

    LITERATURE.

    Cremer, Biblisch-theologisches Worterbuch der neutestamentlichen Gracitat (10) , 356-57. Geerhardus Vos REPROOF; REPROVE <re-proof’ > , <re-proov’ > : “Reprove” in Elizabethan English had a variety of meanings (“reject” “disprove” “convince,” “rebuke”), with “put to the proof” (see 2 Timothy 4:2 the Revised Version margin) as the force common to all, although in modern English the word means only “rebuke” (with a connotation of deliberateness). the King James Version uses the word chiefly (and the Revised Version (British and American) exclusively, except in 2 Esdras 12:32; 14:13; 2 Macc 4:33) for [ jk”y; , yakhach ], and [ejle>gcw, elegcho ], words that have very much the same ambiguities of meaning. Hence, a fairly easy rendition into English was possible, but the result included all the ambiguities of the original, and to modern readers such a passage as “But your reproof, what doth it reprove? Do ye think to reprove words” ( Job 6:25,26 the American Standard Revised Version) is virtually incomprehensible. The meaning is, approximately: “What do your rebukes prove? Are you quibbling about words?” In John 16:8 no single word in modern English will translate elegcho , and “reprove” (the King James Version), “convince” (King James Version margin), and “convict” (Revised Version) are all unsatisfactory. The sense is: “The Spirit will teach men the true meaning of these three words: sin, righteousness, judgment.” Burton Scott Easton REPTILE <rep’-til > , <-til > : Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) in Micah 7:17 has reptilis for zohale , “crawling things,” the American Standard Revised Version “worms of the earth,” the King James Version margin “creeping things.” See LEVIATHAN; LIZARD; SERPENT; TORTOISE.

    REPUTATION <rep-u-ta’-shun > : the King James Version uses “reputation” where modern English would use “repute,” as connoting prominence rather than moral character. Hence, the Revised Version’s change to “repute” in Galatians 2:2 (for [doke>w, dokeo ], “seem,” perhaps with a slightly sarcastic touch). The Revised Version’s alteration of “reputation” into “have in honor” ( Acts 5:34; Philippians 2:29) is to secure uniformity of translation for the derivatives of [timh>, time ], “honor,” but the Revised Version (British and American) retains “reputation” in Susanna, verse 64.

    The King James Version’s “made himself of no reputation” in Philippians 2:7 is a gloss. See KENOSIS . On Ecclesiastes 10:1 see the commentaries.

    REQUIRE <re-kwir’ > : “Require” meant originally “seek after,” whence “ask,” and so (as in modern English) “demand.” All meanings are common in the King James Version (e.g. 1 Samuel 21:8; Ecclesiastes 3:15; Ezra 8:22; 1 Corinthians 4:2), and the Revised Version (British and American) has made little change.

    REREWARD <rer’-word > . See REARWARD.

    RESAIAS <re-sa’-yas > , <re-si’-as > ([ JRhsai>av, Rhesaias ]; the King James Version Reesaias): One of the “leaders” with Zerubbabel in the return (1 Esdras 5:8) = “Reelaiah” in Ezra 2:2, “Raamiah” in Nehemiah 7:7. The name is apparently duplicated in 1 Esdras 5:8 in the form “Reelias.”

    RESEN <re’-sen > ([ ˆs,r, , recen ]; Septuagint [ Da>sen, Dasen ], [ Da>sem, Dasem ]): 1. THE NAME AND ITS NATIVE EQUIVALENT:

    The Greek forms show that the Septuagint translators had d for r but the reading of the Massoretic Text is to be preferred. Resen — the last of the four cities mentioned in Genesis 10:11,12 as having been founded by Nimrod (the King James Version by Asshur) — probably represents the Assyrian pronunciation of the place-name Res-eni , “fountainhead.” The only town so named in the inscriptions is one of 18 mentioned by Sennacherib in the Bavian inscription as places from which he dug canals connecting with the river Khosr — in fact, it was one of the sources of Nineveh’s water supply. It probably lay too far North, however, to be the city here intended. Naturally the name “Resen” could exist in any place where there was a spring. 2. POSSIBLY THE MODERN SELAMIYEH:

    As the Biblical text requires a site lying between Nineveh and Calah (Kouyunjik and Nimroud ), it is generally thought to be represented by the ruins at Selamiyeh, about 3 miles North of the latter city. It is noteworthy that Xenophon (Anab. iii.4) mentions a “great” city called Larissa as occupying this position, and Bochart has suggested that it is the same place. He supposes that when the inhabitants were asked to what city the ruins belonged, they answered la Resen, “to Resen,” which was reproduced by the Greeks as Larissa. Xenophon describes its walls as being 25 ft. wide, 100 ft. high, and 2 parasangs in circuit. Except for the stone plinth ft. high, they were of brick. He speaks of a stone-built pyramid near the city — possibly the temple-tower at Nimroud. See CALAH; NINEVEH, 10.

    T. G. Pinches RESERVOIR <rez’-er-vwor > , <-vwar > ([ hw;q]mi , miqwah ]; the King James Version ditch ( Isaiah 22:11)). See DITCH; CISTERN; POOL.

    RESH <resh > , <rash > ( r ): The 20th letter of the Hebrew alphabet; transliterated in this Encyclopedia as “r”. It came also to be used for the number 200.

    For name, etc., see ALPHABET .

    RESHEPH <re’-shef > ([ tv,r, , resheph ], “flame” or “fire-bolt”): Personal name found in Phoenician as a divine name. In the Old Testament the name of a descendant of Ephraim, the eponym of an Ephraimite family or clan ( Chronicles 7:25).

    RESIDUE <rez’-i-du > . See REMNANT.

    RESPECT OF PERSONS <re-spekt’ > : The phrase [ µynip; ac;n; , nasa’ phanim ], means literally, “lift up the face,” and, among other translations, is rendered indifferently “accept” or “respect the person” in the King James Version (contrast Proverbs 18:5 and 24:23). As applied to a (prostrate) suppliant, the phrase means “receive him with favor,” and is so used in 1 Samuel 25:35; Malachi 1:8,9 (compare Genesis 19:21, etc.). By a shift in force the phrase came to mean “accept the person instead of the cause” or “show partiality” ( Job 13:8,10 the American Standard Revised Version), and is so used commonly. A literal translation into Greek gave [lamba>nw pro>swpon, lambano prosopon ] (Sirach 35:13 (32:16); Luke 20:21; Galatians 2:6), with the noun [proswpolhmyi>a, prosopolempsia ], “face-taking” ( Romans 2:11; Ephesians 6:9; Colossians 3:25; James 2:1), rendered uniformly “respect of persons” in English Versions of the Bible. A noun [proswpolh>mpthv, prosopolemptes ], “respecter of persons,” and a verb [proswpolhmpte>w, prosopolempteo ], are found Acts 10:34; James 2:9. God’s judgment rests solely on the character of the man and will be influenced by no worldly ( Ephesians 6:9) or national ( Romans 2:11) considerations. See also ACCEPT.

    Burton Scott Easton REST ([ j”Wn , nuach ], [ hj;Wnm] , menuchah ], “cessation from motion,” “peace,” “quiet,” etc.; [ajna>pausiv, anapausis , [kata>pausiv, katapausis ]): “Rest” in the above sense is of frequent occurrence, and is the translation of several words with various applications and shades of meaning, chiefly of the words given above. It is applied to God as ceasing from the work of creating on the 7th day ( Genesis 2:2 f) ; as having His place of rest in the midst of His people in the temple ( 1 Chronicles 28:2; <19D208> Psalm 132:8,14); as resting in His love among His people (Zeph 3:17, the Revised Version margin “Hebrew, `be silent’ “). The 7th day was to be one of rest ( Exodus 16:23; 31:15; see SABBATH); the land also was to have its rest in the 7th year ( Leviticus 25:4 f). Yahweh promised His people rest in the land He should give them; this they looked forward to and enjoyed ( Deuteronomy 12:9; Joshua 11:23). “To rest on” often means to come upon to abide, as of the Spirit of Yahweh ( Numbers 11:25 f; Isaiah 11:2), of wisdom ( Proverbs 14:33), of anger ( Ecclesiastes 7:9). There is again the “rest” of the grave ( Job 3:13,17,18; Isaiah 57:2; Daniel 12:13). Rest is sometimes equivalent to trust, reliance ( 2 Chronicles 14:11, the Revised Version (British and American) “rely”). Hence, rest in Yahweh ( Psalm 37:7, etc.); “rest” in the spiritual sense is not, however, prominent in the Old Testament. In the New Testament Christ’s great offer is rest to the soul ( Matthew 11:28). In Hebrews 4:1 ff, it is argued from God’s having promised His people a “rest” — a promise not realized in Canaan (4:8) — that there remains for the people of God “a Sabbath rest” (sabbatismos , 4:9). For “rest” the Revised Version (British and American) has “solemn rest” ( Exodus 16:23; 31:15, etc.), “resting-place” ( <19D208> Psalm 132:8,14; Isaiah 11:10), “peace” ( Acts 9:31), “relief” (2 Cor 2:13; 7:5), etc. See also REMNANT.

    W. L. Walker RESTITUTION; RESTORATION <res-ti-tu’-shun > . See PUNISHMENTS.

    RESTORATION <res-to-ra’-shun > : The idea of a restoration of the world had its origin in the preaching of the Old Testament prophets. Their faith in the unique position and mission of Israel as the chosen people of God inspired in them the conviction that the destruction of the nation would eventually be followed by a restoration under conditions that would insure the realization of the original divine purpose. When the restoration came and passed without fulfillment of this hope, the Messianic era was projected into the future. By the time of Jesus the conception became more or less spiritualized, and the anticipation of a new order in which the consequences of sin would no longer appear was a prominent feature of the Messianic conception. In the teaching of Jesus and the apostles such a restoration is taken for granted as a matter of course.

    In Matthew 17:11 (compare Mark 9:12), the moral and spiritual regeneration preached by John the Baptist is described as a restoration and viewed as a fulfillment of Malachi 4:6. It is “to be observed, however, that the work of John could be characterized as restoration only in the sense of an inception of the regeneration that was to be completed by Jesus. In Matthew 19:28 Jesus speaks of a regeneration ([palingenesi>a, palingenesia ]) of the world in terms that ascribe to the saints a state of special felicity. Perhaps the most pointed expression of the idea of restoration as a special event or crisis is found in the address of Peter ( Acts 3:21), where the restoration is described as an [ajpokata>stasiv pa>ntwn, apokatastasis panton ], and is viewed as a fulfillment of prophecy.

    In all the passages cited the restoration is assumed as a matter with which the hearers are familiar, and consequently its nature is not unfolded. The evidence is, therefore, too limited to justify any attempt to outline its special features. Under such circumstances there is grave danger of reading into the language of the Scriptures one’s own conception of what the restoration is to embody. We are probably expressing the full warrant of the Scripture when we say that the reconstruction mentioned in these passages contemplates the restoration of man, under the reign of Christ, to a life in which the consequences of sin are no longer present, and that this reconstruction is to include in some measure a regeneration of both the physical and the spiritual world.

    Whether the benefits of the restoration are to accrue to all men is also left undefined in the Scriptures. In the passages already cited only the disciples of Christ appear in the field of vision. Certain sayings of Jesus are sometimes regarded as favorable to the more inclusive view. In John 12:32 Jesus speaks of drawing all men to Himself, but here, as in John 3:14,15, it is to be observed that while Christ’s sacrifice includes all men in its scope, its benefits will doubtless accrue to those only who respond willingly to His drawing power. The saying of Caiaphas ( John 11:52) is irrelevant, for the phrase, “the children of God that are scattered abroad,” probably refers only to the worthy Jews of the dispersion. Neither can the statements of Paul ( Romans 11:32; 1 Corinthians 15:22; Ephesians 1:9,10; Colossians 1:20; 1 Timothy 2:4; 4:10; Titus 2:11) be pressed in favor of the restorationist view. They affirm only that God’s plan makes provision for the redemption of all, and that His saving will is universal. But men have wills of their own, and whether they share in the benefits of the salvation provided depends on their availing themselves of its privileges. The doctrine of the restoration of all can hardly be deduced from the New Testament. See also PUNISHMENT, EVERLASTING.

    Russell Benjamin Miller RESURRECTION <rez-u-rek’-shun > (in the New Testament [ajna>stasiv, anastasis ], with verbs [ajni>sthmi, anistemi ], “stand up,” and [ejgei>rw, egeiro ], “raise.”

    There is no technical term in the Old Testament, but in Isaiah 26:19 are found the verbs [ hy;j; , chayah ], “live,” [ µWq , kum ] “rise,” [ 6yqi , kic ] “awake”).

    I. ISRAEL AND IMMORTALITY. 1. Nationalism: It is very remarkable that a doctrine of life after death as an essential part of religion was of very late development in Israel, although this doctrine, often highly elaborated, was commonly held among the surrounding nations. The chief cause of this lateness was that Israel’s religion centered predominantly in the ideal of a holy nation. Consequently the individual was a secondary object of consideration, and the future of the man who died before the national promises were fulfilled either was merged in the future of his descendants or else was disregarded altogether. 2. Speculation: Much speculation about life after death evidently existed, but it was not in direct connection with the nation’s religion. Therefore, the Old Testament data are scanty and point, as might be expected, to non-homogeneous concepts. Still, certain ideas are clear. The living individual was composed of “flesh” and nephesh , or ruach (a trichotomy appears to be post-Biblical, despite 1 Thessalonians 5:23; see PSYCHOLOGY ). In the individual nephesh and ruach seem to be fairly synonymous words, meaning primarily “breath,” as the animating principle of the flesh (so for the lower animals in <19A429> Psalm 104:29,30). But nephesh came to be used to denote the “inner man” or “self” ( Deuteronomy 12:20, etc.; see HEART ), and so in English Versions of the Bible is usually rendered “soul.” But there are only a very few cases where nephesh is used for the seat of the personality after death ( Psalm 30:3; compare 16:10; 38:17; Job 33:18, etc.), and nearly all of such passages seem quite late. Indeed, in some 13 cases the nephesh of a dead man is unmistakably his corpse ( Leviticus 19:28; Numbers 5:2; Haggai 2:13, etc.). It seems the question of what survives death was hardly raised; whatever existed then was thought of as something quite new. On the one hand the dead man could be called a “god” ( 1 Samuel 28:13), a term perhaps related to ancestor-worship.

    But more commonly the dead are thought of as “shades,” repha’im ( Job 26:5 margin, etc.), weak copies of the original man in all regards ( Ezekiel 32:25). But, whatever existence such “shades” might have, they had passed out of relation to Yahweh, whom the “dead praise not” ( <19B517> Psalm 115:17,18; Isaiah 38:18,19), and there was no religious interest in them. 3. Religious Danger: Indeed, any interest taken in them was likely to be anti-religious, as connected with necromancy, etc. ( Deuteronomy 14:1; 26:14; Isaiah 8:19; <19A628> Psalm 106:28, etc.; see SORCERY), or as connected with foreign religions. Here, probably, the very fact that the surrounding nations taught immortality was a strong reason for Israel’s refusing to consider it. That Egypt held an elaborate doctrine of individual judgment at death, or that Persia taught the resurrection of the body, would actually tend to render these doctrines suspicious, and it was not until the danger of syncretism seemed past that such beliefs could be considered on their own merits.

    Hence, it is not surprising that the prophets virtually disregard the idea or that Ecclesiastes denies any immortality doctrine categorically. 4. Belief in Immortality: Nonetheless, with a fuller knowledge of God, wider experience, and deeper reflection, the doctrine was bound to come. But it came slowly.

    Individualism reaches explicit statement in Ezekiel 14; 18; 33 (compare Deuteronomy 24:16; Jeremiah 31:29,30), but the national point of view still made the rewards and punishments of the individual matters of this world only ( Ezekiel 14:14; Psalm 37, etc.), a doctrine that had surprising vitality and that is found as late as Sirach (1:13; 11:26). But as this does not square with the facts of life (Job), a doctrine of immortality, already hinted at (II, 1, below), was inevitable. It appears in full force in the post-Maccabean period, but why just then is hard to say; perhaps because it was then that there had been witnessed the spectacle of martyrdoms on a large scale (1 Macc 1:60-64). 5. Resurrection: Resurrection of the body was the form immortality took, in accord with the religious premises. As the saint was to find his happiness in the nation, he must be restored to the nation; and the older views did not point toward pure soul-immortality. The “shades” led a wretched existence at the best; and Paul himself shudders at the thought of “nakedness” (2 Cor 5:3). The nephesh and ruach were uncertain quantities, and even the New Testament has no consistent terminology for the immortal part of man (“soul,” Revelation 6:9; 20:4; “spirit,” Hebrews 12:23; 1 Peter 3:19; Paul avoids any term in 1 Corinthians 15, and in 2 Corinthians 5 says: “I”). In the Talmud a common view is that the old bodies will receive new souls (Ber. R. 2 7; 6 7; Vayy. R. 12 2; 15 1, etc.; compare Sib Or 4:187). 6. Greek Concepts: Where direct Greek influence, however, can be predicated, pure soulimmortality is found (compare The Wisdom of Solomon 8:19,20; 9:15 (but Wisd’s true teaching is very uncertain); Enoch 102:4 through 105; 108; Slavonic Enoch; 4 Macc; Josephus, and especially Philo). According to Josephus (BJ, II, viii, 11) the Essenes held this doctrine, but as Josephus graecizes the Pharisaic resurrection into Pythagorean soul-migration (II, viii, 14; contrast Ant, XVIII, i, 3), his evidence is doubtful. Note, moreover, how Luke 6:9; 9:25; 12:4,5 has re-worded Mark 3:4; 8:36; Matthew 10:28 for Greek readers. In a vague way even Palestinian Judaism had something of the same concepts (2 Esdras 7:88; 2 Corinthians 4:16; 12:2), while it is commonly held that the souls in the intermediate state can enjoy happiness, a statement first appearing in Enoch 22 (Jubilees 23:31 is hardly serious).

    II. RESURRECTION IN THE OLD TESTAMENT AND INTERMEDIATE LITERATURE. 1. The Old Testament: For the reasons given above, references in the Old Testament to the resurrection doctrine are few. Probably it is to be found in Psalm 17:15; 16:11; 49:15; 73:24, and in each case with increased probability, but for exact discussions the student must consult the commentaries. Of course no exact dating of these Psalm passages is possible. With still higher probability the doctrine is expressed in Job 14:13-15; 19:25-29, but again alternative explanations are just possible, and, again, Job is a notoriously hard book to date (see JOB, BOOK OF). The two certain passages are Isaiah 26:19 margin and Daniel 12:2. In the former (to be dated about 332 (?)) it is promised that the “dew of light” shall fall on the earth and so the (righteous) dead shall revive. But this resurrection is confined to Palestine and does not include the unrighteous. For Daniel 12:2 see below. 2. The Righteous: Indeed, resurrection for the righteous only was thought of much more naturally than a general resurrection. And still more naturally a resurrection of martyrs was thought of, such simply receiving back what they had given up for God. So in Enoch 90:33 (prior to 107 BC) and 2 Macc 7:9,11,23; 14:46 (only martyrs are mentioned in 2 Macc); compare Revelation 20:4. But of course the idea once given could not be restricted to martyrs only, and the intermediate literature contains so many references to the resurrection of the righteous as to debar citation. Early passages are Enoch 91:10 (perhaps pre-Maccabean); Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, Test.

    Judah 25:4 (before 107). A very curious passage is Enoch 25:6, where the risen saints merely live longer than did their fathers, i.e. resurrection does not imply immortality. This passage seems to be unique. 3. The Unrighteous: For a resurrection of unrighteous men ( Daniel 12:2; Enoch 22:11; Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, Test. Benj. 10:7,8, Armenian text — in none of these cases a general resurrection), a motive is given in Enoch 22:13: for such men the mere condition of Sheol is not punishment enough.

    For a general resurrection the motive is always the final judgment, so that all human history may be summed up in one supreme act. The idea is not very common, and Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, Test. Benj. 10:7,8 (Greek text); Baruch 50:2; Enoch 51:1; Sib Or 4:178-90; Life of Adam (Greek) 10, and 2 Esdras 5:45; 7:32; 14:35 about account for all the unequivocal passages. It is not found in the earliest part of the Talmud, Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, Test. Benj. 10:7,8 (Greek) has two resurrections. 4. Complete Denial: Finally, much of the literature knows no immortality at all. Eccl, Sirach and 1 Maccabees are the most familiar examples, but there are many others. It is especially interesting that the very spiritual author of 2 Esdras did not think it worth while to modify the categorical denial in the source used in 13:20. Of course, the Jewish party that persisted most in a denial of any resurrection was the Sadducees ( Matthew 22:23 and parallel’s; Acts 23:8), with an extreme conservatism often found among aristocrats.

    III. TEACHING OF CHRIST. 1. Mark 12:18-27: The question is discussed explicitly in the familiar passage Mark 12:18-27 parallel Matthew 22:23-33 parallel Luke 20:27-38. The Sadducees assumed that resurrection implies simply a resuscitation to a resumption of human functions, including the physical side of marriage.

    Their error lay in the low idea of God. For the Scriptures teach a God whose ability and willingness to care for His creatures are so unlimited that the destiny He has prepared for them is caricatured if conceived in any terms but the absolutely highest. Hence, there follows not only the truth of the resurrection, but a resurrection to a state as far above the sexual sphere as that of the angels. (The possibility of mutual recognition by husband and wife is irrelevant, nor is it even said that the resurrection bodies are asexual) Luke (20:36) adds the explanation that, as there are to be no deaths, marriage (in its relation to births) will not exist. It may be thought that Christ’s argument would support equally well the immortality of the soul only, and, as a matter of fact, the same argument is used for the latter doctrine in 4 Macc 7:18,19; 16:25. But in Jerusalem and under the given circumstances this is quite impossible. And, moreover, it would seem that any such dualism would be a violation of Christ’s teaching as to God’s care. 2. In General: However, the argument seems to touch only the resurrection of the righteous, especially in the form given in Luke (compare Luke 14:14). (But that Luke thought of so limiting the resurrection is disproved by Acts 24:15.) Similarly in Matthew 8:11 parallel Luke 13:28; Mark 13:27 parallel Matthew 24:31. But, as a feature in the Judgment, the resurrection of all men is taught. Then the men of sodom, Tyre, Nineveh appear ( Matthew 11:22,24; 12:41,42 parallel Luke 10:14; 11:32), and those cast into Gehenna are represented as having a body ( Mark 9:43-47; Matthew 5:29,30; 10:28; 18:8,9). And at the great final assize ( Matthew 25:31-46) all men appear. In the Fourth Gospel a similar distinction is made ( John 6:39,40,44,54; 11:25), the resurrection of the righteous, based on their union with God through Christ and heir present possession of this union, and (in John 5:28,29) the general resurrection to judgment. Whether these passages imply two resurrections or emphasize only the extreme difference in conditions at the one cannot be determined.

    The passages in 4 Maccabees referred to above read: “They who care for piety with their whole heart, they alone are able to conquer the impulses of the flesh, believing that like our patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, they do not die to God but live to God” (7:18,19); and “They knew that dying for God they would live to God, even as Abraham and Isaac and Jacob and all the patriarchs” (16:25). It is distinctly possible that our Lord’s words rnay have been known to the author of 4 Maccabees, although the possibility that Christ approved and broadened the tenets of some spiritually-minded few is not to be disregarded. More possible is it that 4 Maccabees influenced Luke’s Greek phraseology. See MACCABEES, BOOK OF, IV.

    IV. THE APOSTOLIC DOCTRINE. 1. References: For the apostles, Christ’s victory over death took the resurrection doctrine out of the realm of speculative eschatology. Henceforth, it is a fact of experience, basic for Christianity. Direct references in the New Testament are found in Acts 4:2; 17:18,32; 23:6; 24:15,21; Romans 4:17; 5:17; 6:5,8; 8:11; 11:15; 1 Corinthians 6:14; 15; 2 Corinthians 1:9; 4:14; 5:1-10; Philippians 3:10,11,21; Colossians 1:18; 1 Thessalonians 4:13-18; 2 Timothy 2:18; Hebrews 6:2; 11:19,35; Revelation 20:4,5 (martyrs only); 20:12,13. Of these only Acts 24:15; Revelation 20:12,13, refer to a general resurrection with absolute unambiguity, but the doctrine is certainly contained in others and in <550401> Timothy 4:1 besides. 2. Pauline Doctrine: A theology of the resurrection is given fully by Paul. Basic is the conception of the union of the believer with Christ, so that our resurrection follows from His (especially Romans 6:5-11; Philippians 3:10,11).

    Every deliverance from danger is a foretaste of the resurrection (2 Cor 4:10,11). Indeed so certain is it, that it may be spoken of as accomplished ( Ephesians 2:6). From another standpoint, the resurrection is simply part of God’s general redemption of Nature at the consummation ( Romans 8:11,18-25). As the believer then passes into a condition of glory, his body must be altered for the new conditions (1 Cor 15:50; Philippians 3:21); it becomes a “spiritual” body, belonging to the realm of the spirit (not “spiritual” in opposition to “material”). Nature shows us how different “bodies” can be — from the “body” of the sun to the bodies of the lowest animals the kind depends merely on the creative will of God (1 Cor 15:38-41). Nor is the idea of a change in the body of the same thing unfamiliar: look at the difference in the “body” of a grain of wheat at its sowing and after it is grown! (1 Cor 15:37). Just so, I am “sown” or sent into the world (probably not “buried”) with one kind of body, but my resurrection will see me with a body adapted to my life with Christ and God (1 Cor 15:42-44). If I am still alive at the Parousia, this new body shall be clothed upon my present body (1 Cor 15:53,54; 2 Corinthians 5:2-4) otherwise I shall be raised in it (1 Cor 15:52). This body exists already in the heavens (2 Cor 5:1,2), and when it is clothed upon me the natural functions of the present body will be abolished (1 Cor 6:13). Yet a motive for refraining from impurity is to keep undefiled the body that is to rise (1 Cor 6:13,14). 3. Continuity: The relation of the matter in the present body to that in the resurrection body was a question Paul never raised. In 1 Corinthians 6:13,14 it appears that he thought of the body as something more than the sum of its organs, for the organs perish, but the body is raised. Nor does he discuss the eventual fate of the dead body. The imagery of 1 Thessalonians 4:16,17; 1 Corinthians 15:52 is that of leaving the graves, and in the case of Christ’s resurrection, the type of ours, that which was buried was that which was raised (1 Cor 15:4). Perhaps the thought is that the touch of the resurrection body destroys all things in the old body that are unadapted to the new state; perhaps there is an idea that the essence of the old body is what we might call “non-material,” so that decay simply anticipates the work the resurrection will do. At all events, such reflections are “beyond what is written.” 4. 2 Corinthians 5: A partial parallel to the idea of the resurrection body being already in heaven is found in Slavonic Enoch 22:8,9, where the soul receives clothing laid up for it (compare Ascension of Isaiah 7:22,23 and possibly Revelation 6:11). But Christ also speaks of a reward being already in heaven ( Matthew 5:12). A more important question is the time of the clothing in 2 Corinthians 5:1-5. A group of scholars (Heinrici, Schmiedel, Holtzmann, Clemen, Charles, etc.) consider that Paul has here changed his views from those of 1 Corinthians; that he now considers the resurrection body to be assumed immediately at death, and they translate 2 Corinthians 5:2,3 “ `we groan (at the burdens of life), longing to be clothed upon with our habitation which is from heaven’: because, when we shall be clothed with it, we shall have no more nakedness to experience” (Weizsacker’s translation of the New Testament). But 2 Corinthians would have been a most awkward place to announce a change of views, for it was written in part as a defense against inconsistency (1:17, etc.). The willingness to be absent from the body (5:8) loses all its point if another and better body is to be given at once. The grammatical reasons for the interpretation above (best stated by Heinrici) are very weak. And the translation given reads into the verse something that simply is not there.

    Consequently it is far better to follow the older interpretation of Meyer (B.

    Weiss, Bousset, Lietzmann, Bachmann, Menzies, etc.; Bachmann is especially good) and the obvious sense of the passage: Paul dreads being left naked by death, but finds immediate consolation at the thought of being with Christ, and eventual consolation at the thought of the body to be received at the Parousia . (In Philippians 1:21-24 this dread is overcome.)

    Of a resurrection of the wicked, Paul has little to say. The doctrine seems clearly stated in 2 Corinthians 5:10 (and in 2 Timothy 4:1, unless the Pauline authorship of 2 Timothy is denied). But Paul is willing to treat the fate of the unrighteous with silence.

    V. SUMMARY. 1. New Testament Data: The points in the New Testament doctrine of the resurrection of the righteous, then, seem to be these: The personality of the believer survives after death and is with Christ. But it is lacking in something that will be supplied at the consummation, when a body will be given in which there is nothing to hinder perfect intercourse with God. The connection of this body with the present body is not discussed, except for saying that some connection exists, with the necessity of a transformation for those alive at the end. In this state nothing remains that is inconsistent with the height to which man is raised, and in particular sexual relations ( Mark 12:25) and the processes of nutrition (1 Cor 6:13) cease. For this end the whole power of God is available. And it is insured by the perfect trust the believer may put in God and by the resurrection of Christ, with whom the believer has become intimately united. The unrighteous are raised for the final vindication of God’s dealings in history. Two resurrections are found in Revelation 20:5,13 and quite possibly in 1 Thessalonians 4:16; Corinthians 15:23,24. Hence, the phrase first resurrection. See LAST JUDGMENT. 2. Interpretation: Into the “blanks” of this scheme the believer is naturally entitled to insert such matter as may seem to him best compatible with his other concepts of Christianity and of philosophy. As is so often the case with passages in the Bible, the student marvels at the way the sacred writers were restrained from committing Christianity to metaphysical schemes that growth in human knowledge might afterward show to be false. But theologian must take care to distinguish between the revealed facts and the interpretation given them in any system that he constructs to make the doctrine conform to the ideas of his own time or circle — a distinction too often forgotten in the past and sometimes with lamentable results. Especially is it well to remember that such a phrase as “a purely spiritual immortality” rests on a metaphysical dualism that is today obsolete, and that such a phrase is hardly less naive than the expectation that the resurrection body will contain identically the material of the present body. We are still quite in the dark as to the relations of what we call “soul” and “body,” and so, naturally, it is quite impossible to dogmatize. A. Meyer in his RGG article (“Auferstehung, dogmatisch”) has some interesting suggestions. For an idealistic metaphysic, where soul and body are only two forms of God’s thought, the resurrection offers no difficulties. If the body be regarded as the web of forces that proceed from the soul, the resurrection would take the form of the return of those forces to their center at the consummation.

    If “body” be considered to embrace the totality of effects that proceed from the individual, at the end the individual will find in these effects the exact expression of himself (Fechner’s theory). Or resurrection may be considered as the end of evolution — the reunion in God of all that has been differentiated and so evolved and enriched. Such lines must be followed cautiously, but may be found to lead to results of great value.

    In recent years the attention of scholars has been directed to the problem of how far the teachings of other religions assisted the Jews in attaining a resurrection doctrine. Practically only the Persian system comes into question, and here the facts seem to be these: A belief among the Persians in the resurrection of the body is attested for the pre-Christian period by the fragments of Theopompus (4th century BC), preserved by Diogenes Laertius and Aeneas of Gaza. That this doctrine was taught by Zoroaster himself is not capable of exact proof, but is probable. But on the precise details we are in great uncertainty. In the Avesta the doctrine is not found in the oldest part (the Gathas), but is mentioned in the 19th Yasht, a document that has certainly undergone post-Christian redaction of an extent that is not determinable. The fullest Persian source is the Bundahesh (30) , written in the 9th Christian century. It certainly contains much very ancient matter, but the age of any given passage in it is always a problem.

    Consequently the sources must be used with great caution. It may be noted that late Judaism certainly was affected to some degree by the Persian religion (see Tob, especially), but there are so many native Jewish elements that were leading to a resurrection doctrine that familiarity with the Persian belief could have been an assistance only. Especially is it to be noted that the great acceptance of the doctrine lies in the post-Maccabean period, when direct Persian influence is hardly to be thought of. See ZOROASTRIANISM.

    LITERATURE.

    The older works suffer from a defective understanding of the presuppositions, but Salmond, Christian Doctrine of Immortality, is always useful. Brown, The Christian Hope, 1912, is excellent and contains a full bibliography. Charles, Eschatology, and article “Eschatology” in Encyclopedia Biblica are invaluable, but must be used critically by the thorough student, for the opinions are often individualistic. Wotherspoon’s article “Resurrection” in DCG is good; Bernard’s in HDB is not so good.

    On 1 Corinthians, Findlay or (better) Edwards; on 2 Corinthians, Menzies.

    In German the New Testament Theologies of Weiss, Holtzmann, Feine; Schaeder’s “Auferstehung” in PRE3. On 1 Cor, Heinrici and J. Weiss in Meyer (editions 8 and 9); on 2 Corinthians, Bachmann in the Zahn series.

    On both Corinthian epistles Bousset in the Schriften des New Testament of J. Weiss (the work of an expert in eschatology), and Lietzmann in his Handbuch. See BODY; ESCHATOLOGY (OLD TESTAMENT AND NEW TESTAMENT); FLESH; SOUL; SPIRIT.

    Burton Scott Easton RESURRECTION, GOSPEL OF THE See APOCRYPHAL GOSPELS.

    RESURRECTION OF JESUS CHRIST, THE The Resurrection has always been felt to be vital in connection with Christianity. As a consequence, opponents have almost always concentrated their attacks, and Christians have centered their defense, upon it. It is therefore of the utmost importance to give attention to the subject, as it appears in the New Testament. There are several converging lines of evidence, and none can be overlooked. Each must have its place and weight. The issues at stake are so serious that nothing must be omitted. 1. FIRST PROOF: THE LIFE OF JESUS:

    The first proof is the life of Jesus Christ Himself. It is always a disappointment when a life which commenced well finishes badly. We have this feeling even in fiction; instinct demands that a story should end well.

    Much more is this true of Jesus Christ. A perfect life characterized by divine claims ends in its prime in a cruel and shameful death. Is that a fitting close? Surely death could not end everything after such a noble career. The Gospels give the resurrection as the completion of the picture of Jesus Christ. There is no real doubt that Christ anticipated His own resurrection. At first He used only vague terms, such as, “Destroy this Temple, and in three days I will raise it up.” But later on He spoke plainly, and whenever He mentioned His death, He added, “The Son of man .... must be raised the third day.” These references are too numerous to be overlooked, and, in spite of difficulties of detail, they are, in any proper treatment of the Gospels, an integral part of the claim made for Himself by Jesus Christ ( Matthew 12:38-40; 16:21; 17:9,23; 20:19; 27:63; Mark 8:31; 9:9,31; 10:34; 14:58; Luke 9:22; 18:33; John 2:19-21). His veracity is at stake if He did not rise. Surely the word of such a One must be given due credence. We are therefore compelled to face the fact that the resurrection of which the Gospels speak is the resurrection of no ordinary man, but of Jesus — that is of One whose life and character had been unique, and for whose shameful death no proper explanation was conceivable (Denhey, Jesus and the Gospel, 122 f). Is it possible that, in view of His perfect truthfulness of word and deed, there should be such an anti-climax as is involved in a denial of His assurance that He would rise again (C.H. Robinson, Studies in the Resurrection, 30)? Consider, too, the death of Christ in the light of His perfect life. If that death was the close of a life so beautiful, so remarkable, so Godlike, we are faced with an insoluble mystery — the permanent triumph of wrong over right, and the impossibility of believing in truth or justice in the world (C.H. Robinson, op. cit., 36). So the resurrection is not to be regarded as an isolated event, a fact in the history of Christ separated from all else. It must be taken in close connection with what precedes. The true solution of the problem is to be found in that estimate of Christ which “most entirely fits in with the totality of the facts” (Orr, The Resurrection of Jesus,14). 2. SECOND PROOF: THE EMPTY GRAVE:

    Another line of proof is the fact of the empty grave and the disappearance of the body. That Jesus died and was buried, and that on the third morning the tomb was empty, is not now seriously challenged. The theory of a swoon and a recovery in the tomb is impossible, and to it Strauss “practically gives its deathblow” (Orr, op. cit., 43). At Christ’s burial a stone was rolled before the tomb, the tomb was sealed, and a guard was placed before it. Yet on the third morning the body had disappeared, and the tomb was empty. There are only two alternatives. His body must have been taken out of the grave by human hands or else by superhuman power.

    If the hands were human, they must have been those of His friends or of His foes. If His friends had wished to take out His body, the question at once arises whether they could have done so in the face of the stone, the seal and the guard. If His foes had contemplated this action, the question arises whether they would seriously have considered it. It is extremely improbable that any effort should have been made to remove the body out of the reach of the disciples. Why should His enemies do the very thing that would be most likely to spread the report of His resurrection? As Chrysostom said, “If the body had been stolen, they could not have stolen it naked, because of the delay in stripping it of the burial clothes and the trouble caused by the drugs adhering to it” (quoted in Day, Evidence for the Resurrection, 35). Besides, the position of the grave-clothes proves the impossibility of the theft of the body (see Greek of John 20:6,7; 11:44; Grimley, Temple of Humanity,69,70; Latham, The Risen Master; The Expository Times, XIII, 293 f; XIV, 510). How, too, is it possible to account for the failure of the Jews to disprove the resurrection? Not more than seven weeks afterward Peter preached in that city the fact that Jesus had been raised. What would have been easier or more conclusive than for the Jews to have produced the dead body and silenced Peter forever? “The silence of the Jews is as significant as the speech of the Christians” (Fairbairn, Studies in the Life of Christ, 357).

    The fact of the empty tomb with the disappearance of the body remains a problem to be faced. It is now admitted that the evidence for the empty tomb is adequate, and that it was part of the primitive belief (Foundations, 134, 154). It is important to realize the force of this admission, because it is a testimony to Paul’s use of the term “third day” (see below) and to the Christian observance of the first day of the week. And yet in spite of this we are told that a belief in the empty tomb is impossible. By some writers the idea of resurrection is interpreted to mean the revival of Christ’s spiritual influence on the disciples, which had been brought to a close by His death. It is thought that the essential idea and value of Christ’s resurrection can be conserved, even while the belief in His bodily rising from the grave is surrendered (Orr, The Resurrection of Jesus,23). But how can we believe in the resurrection while we regard the basis of the primitive belief in it as a mistake, not to say a fraud? The disciples found the tomb empty, and on the strength of this they believed He had risen.

    How can the belief be true if the foundation be false? Besides, the various forms of the vision-theory are now gradually but surely being regarded as inadequate and impossible. They involve the change of almost every fact in the Gospel history, and the invention of new scenes and conditions of which the Gospels know nothing (Orr, op. cit., 222). It has never been satisfactorily shown why the disciples should have had this abundant experience of visions; nor why they should have had it so soon after the death of Christ and within a strictly limited period; nor why it suddenly ceased. The disciples were familiar with the apparition of a spirit, like Samuel’s, and with the resuscitation of a body, like Lazarus’, but what they had not experienced or imagined was the fact of a spiritual body, the combination of body and spirit in an entirely novel way. So the old theory of a vision is now virtually set aside, and for it is substituted theory of a real spiritual manifestation of the risen Christ. The question at once arises whether this is not prompted by an unconscious but real desire to get rid of anything like a physical resurrection. Whatever may be true of unbelievers, this is an impossible position for those who believe Christ is alive.

    Even though we may be ready to admit the reality of telepathic communication, it is impossible to argue that this is equivalent to the idea of resurrection. Psychical research has not proceeded far enough as yet to warrant arguments being built on it, though in any case it is difficult, if not impossible, to obtain material from this quarter which will answer to the conditions of the physical resurrection recorded in the New Testament. “The survival of the soul is not resurrection.” “Whoever heard of a spirit being buried?” (Orr, The Resurrection of Jesus, 229).

    In view of the records of the Gospels and the general testimony of the New Testament, it is impossible to be “agnostic” as to what happened at the grave of Jesus, even though we are quite sure that He who died now lives and reigns. It is sometimes said that faith is not bound up with, holding a particular view of the relations of Christ’s present glory with the body that was once in Joseph’s tomb, that faithis to be exercised in the exalted Lord, and that belief in a resuscitation of the human body is no vital part of it. It is no doubt true that faith today is to be exercised solely in the exalted and glorified Lord, but faith must ultimately rest on fact, and it is difficult to understand how Christian faith can really be “agnostic” with regard to the facts about the empty tomb and the risen body, which are so prominent in the New Testament, and which form an essential part of the apostolic witness. The attempt to set faith and historical evidence in opposition to each other, which is so marked a characteristic of much modern thought will never satisfy general Christian intelligence, and if there is to be any real belief in the historical character of the New Testament, it is impossible to be “agnostic” about facts that are writ so large on the face of the records.

    When once the evidence for the empty tomb is allowed to be adequate, the impossibility of any other explanation than that indicated in the New Testament is at once seen. The evidence must be accounted for and adequately explained. And so we come again to the insuperable barrier of the empty tomb, which, together with the apostolic witness, stands impregnable against all the attacks of visional and apparitional theories. It is becoming more evident that these theories are entirely inadequate to account for the records in the Gospels, as well as for the place and power of those Gospels in the early church and in all subsequent ages. The force of the evidence for the empty grave and the disappearance of the body is clearly seen by the explanations suggested by various modern writers (those of Oscar Holtzmann, K. Lake, and A. Meyer can be seen in Orr, The Resurrection of Jesus, chapter viii, and that of Reville in C. H. Robinson, Studies in the Resurrection of Christ,69; see also the article by Streeter in Foundations). Not one of them is tenable without doing violence to the Gospel story, and also without putting forth new theories which are not only improbable in themselves, but are without a shred of real historical or literary evidence. The one outstanding fact which baffles all these writers is the empty grave.

    Others suggest that resurrection means a real objective appearance of the risen Christ without implying any physical reanimation, that the “resurrection of Christ was an objective reality, but was not a physical resuscitation” (C. H. Robinson, Studies in the Resurrection of Christ,12).

    But the difficulty here is as to the meaning of the term “resurrection.” If it means a return from the dead, a rising again (re-), must there not have been some identity between that which was put in the tomb and the “objective reality” which appeared to the disciples? Wherein lies the essential difference between an objective vision and an objective appearance? If we believe the apostolic testimony to the empty tomb, why may we not accept their evidence to the actual resurrection? They evidently recognized their Master, and this recognition must have been due to some familiarity with His bodily appearance. No difficulty of conceiving of the resurrection of mankind hereafter must be allowed to set aside the plain facts of the record about Christ. It is, of course, quite clear that the resurrection body of Jesus was not exactly the same as when it was put in the tomb, but it is equally clear that there was definite identity as well as definite dissimilarity, and both elements must be faced and accounted for. There need be no insuperable difficulty if we believe that in the very nature of things Christ’s resurrection must be unique, and, since the life and work of Jesus Christ transcend our experience (as they certainly should do), we must not expect to bring them within the limitations of natural law and human history. How the resurrection body was sustained is a problem quite outside our ken, though the reference to “flesh and bones,” compared with Paul’s words about “flesh and blood” not being able to enter the kingdom of God, may suggest that while the resurrection body was not constituted upon a natural basis through blood, yet that it possessed “all things appertaining to the perfection of man’s nature” (Church of England Article IV). We may not be able to solve the problem, but we must hold fast to all the facts, and these may be summed up by saying that the body was the same though different, different though the same. The true description of the resurrection seems to be that “it was an objective reality, but, that it was not merely a physical resuscitation.” We are therefore brought back to a consideration of the facts recorded in the Gospels as to the empty tomb and the disappearance of the body, and we only ask for an explanation which will take into consideration all the facts recorded, and will do no violence to any part of the evidence. To predicate a new resurrection body in which Christ appeared to His disciples does not explain how in three days’ time the body which had been placed in the tomb was disposed of.

    Does not this theory demand a new miracle of its own (Kennett, Interpreter, V, 271)? 3. THIRD PROOF: TRANSFORMATION OF THE DISCIPLES:

    The next line of proof to be considered is the transformation of the disciples caused by the resurrection. They had seen their Master die, and through that death they lost all hope. Yet hope returned three days after.

    On the day of the crucifixion they were filled with sadness; on the first day of the week with gladness. At the crucifixion they were hopeless; on the first day of the week their hearts glowed with certainty. When the message of the resurrection first came they were incredulous and hard to be convinced, but when once they became assured they never doubted again.

    What could account for the astonishing change in these men in so short a time? The mere removal of the body from the grave could never have transformed their spirits and characters. Three days are not enough for a legend to spring up which should so affect them. Time is needed for a process of legendary growth. There is nothing more striking in the history of primitive Christianity than this marvelous change wrought in the disciples by a belief in the resurrection of their Master. It is a psychological fact that demands a full explanation. The disciples were prepared to believe in the appearance of a spirit, but they never contemplated the possibility of a resurrection (see Mark 16:11). Men do not imagine what they do not believe, and the women’s intention to embalm a corpse shows they did not expect His resurrection. Besides, a hallucination involving five hundred people at once, and repeated several times during forty days, is unthinkable. 4. FOURTH PROOF: EXISTENCE OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH:

    From this fact of the transformation of personal life in so incredibly short a space of time, we proceed to the next line of proof, the existence of the primitive church. “There is no doubt that the church of the apostles believed in the resurrection of their Lord” (Burkitt, The Gospel History and Its Transmission, 74).

    It is now admitted on all hands that the church of Christ came into existence as the result of a belief in the resurrection of Christ. When we consider its commencement, as recorded in the Book of the Acts of the Apostles, we see two simple and incontrovertible facts: (1) the Christian society was gathered together by preaching; (2) the substance of the preaching was the resurrection of Jesus Christ.

    Jesus Christ was put to death on a cross, and would therefore be rejected by Jews as accursed of God ( Deuteronomy 21:23). Yet multitudes of Jews were led to worship Him ( Acts 2:41), and a great company of priests to obey Him ( Acts 6:7). The only explanation of these facts is God’s act of resurrection ( Acts 2:36), for nothing short of it could have led to the Jewish acceptance of Jesus Christ as their Messiah. The apostolic church is thus a result of a belief in the resurrection of Jesus Christ. The early chapters of Acts bear the marks of primitive documents, and their evidence is unmistakable. It is impossible to allege that the early church did not know its own history, that myths and legends quickly grew up and were eagerly received, and that the writers of the Gospels had no conscience for principle, but manipulated their material at will, for any modern church could easily give an account of its history for the past fifty years or more (Orr, The Resurrection of Jesus, 144). And it is simply absurd to think that the earliest church had no such capability. In reality there was nothing vague or intangible about the testimony borne by the apostles and other members of the church. “As the church is too holy for a foundation of rottenness, so she is too real for a foundation of mist” (Archbishop Alexander, The Great Question,10). 5. FIFTH PROOF: THE WITNESS OF PAUL:

    One man in the apostolic church must, however, be singled out as a special witness to the resurrection. The conversion and work of Saul of Tarsus is our next line of proof. Attention is first called to the evidence of his life and writings to the resurrection of Jesus Christ. Some years ago an article appeared (E. Medley, The Expositor, V, iv, 359). inquiring as to the conception of Christ which would be suggested to a heathen inquirer by a perusal of Paul’s earliest extant writing, 1 Thessalonians. One point at least would stand out clearly — that Jesus Christ was killed (2:15; 4:14) and was raised from the dead (4:14). As this Epistle is usually dated about AD — that is, only about 22 years after the resurrection — and as the same Epistle plainly attributes to Jesus Christ the functions of God in relation to men (1:1,6; 2:14; 3:11), we can readily see the force of this testimony to the resurrection. Then a few years later, in an epistle which is universally accepted as one of Paul’s, we have a much fuller reference to the event. In the well-known chapter (1 Cor 15) where he is concerned to prove (not Christ’s resurrection, but) the resurrection of Christians, he naturally adduces Christ’s resurrection as his greatest evidence, and so gives a list of the various appearances of Christ, ending with one to himself, which he puts on an exact level with the others: “Last of all he was seen of me also.” Now it is essential to give special attention to the nature and particularity of this testimony. “I delivered unto you first of all that which also I received: that Christ died for our sins according to the scriptures; and that he was buried; and that he hath been raised on the third day according to the scriptures” (1 Cor 15:3 f). This, as it has often been pointed out, is our earliest authority for the appearances of Christ after the resurrection, and dates from within 30 years of the event itself. But there is much more than this: “He affirms that within 5 years of the crucifixion of Jesus he was taught that `Christ died for our sins according to the Scriptures; and that he was buried, and that he rose again the third day according to the Scriptures’ “ (Kennett, Interpreter, V, 267). And if we seek to appreciate the full bearing of this act and testimony we have a right to draw the same conclusion: “That within a very few years of the time of the crucifixion of Jesus, the evidence for the resurrection of Jesus was, in the mind of at least one man of education, absolutely irrefutable” (Kennett, op. cit., V, 267).

    Besides, we find this narrative includes one small but significant statement which at once recalls a very definite feature of the Gospel tradition — the mention of “the third day.” A reference to the passage in the Gospels where Jesus Christ spoke of His resurrection will show how prominent and persistent was this note of time. Why, then, should Paul have introduced it in his statement? Was it part of the teaching which he had “received”?

    What is the significance of this plain emphasis on the date of the resurrection? Is it not that it bears absolute testimony to the empty tomb?

    From all this it may be argued that Paul believed the story of the empty tomb at a date when the recollection was fresh, when he could examine it for himself, when he could make the fullest possible inquiry of others, and when the fears and opposition of enemies would have made it impossible for the adherents of Jesus Christ to make any statement that was not absolutely true. “Surely common sense requires us to believe that that for which he so suffered was in his eyes established beyond the possibility of doubt” (Kennett, op. cit., V, 271).

    In view, therefore, of Paul’s personal testimony to his own conversion, his interviews with those who had seen Jesus Christ on earth before and after His resurrection, and the prominence given to the resurrection in the apostle’s own teaching, we may challenge attention afresh to this evidence for the resurrection. It is well known that Lord Lyttelton and his friend Gilbert West left Oxford University at the close of one academic year, each determining to give attention respectively during the long vacation to the conversion of Paul and the resurrection of Christ, in order to prove the baselessness of both. They met again in the autumn and compared experiences. Lord Lyttelton had become convinced of the truth of Paul’s conversion, and Gilbert West was convinced of the resurrection of Jesus Christ. If, therefore, Paul’s 25 years of suffering and service for Christ were a reality, his conversion was true, for everything he did began with that sudden change. And if his conversion was true, Jesus Christ rose from the dead, for everything Paul was and did he attributed to the sight of the risen Christ. 6. SIXTH PROOF: THE GOSPEL RECORD:

    The next line of proof of the resurrection is the record in the Gospels of the appearances of the risen Christ, and it is the last in order to be considered.

    By some writers it is put first, but this is in forgetfulness of the dates when the Gospels were written. The resurrection was believed in by the Christian church for a number of years before our Gospels were written, and it is therefore impossible for these records to be our primary and most important evidence. We must get behind them if we are to appreciate fully the force and variety of the evidence. It is for this reason that, following the proper logical order, we have reserved to the last our consideration of the appearances of the risen Christ as given in the Gospels. The point is one of great importance (Denney, Jesus and the Gospel, 111).

    Now, with this made clear, we proceed to consider the evidence afforded by the records of the post-resurrection appearances of Christ. Modern criticism of the Gospels during recent years has tended to adopt the view that Mark is the earliest, and that Matthew and Luke are dependent on it.

    This is said to be “the one solid result” (W. C. Allen, “St. Matthew,” International Critical Commentary, Preface, vii; Burkitt, The Gospel History, 37) of the literary criticism of the Gospels. If this is so, the question of the records of the resurrection becomes involved in the difficult problem about the supposed lost ending of Mark, which, according to modern criticism, would thus close without any record of an appearance of the risen Christ. On this point, however, two things may be said at the present juncture: (1) There are some indications that the entire question of the criticism of the Gospels is to be reopened (Ramsay, Luke the Physician, chapter ii; see also Orr, The Resurrection of Jesus,63 ff). (2) Even if the current theory be accepted, it would not seriously weaken the intrinsic force of the evidence for the resurrection, because, after all, Mark does not invent or “doctor” his material, but embodies the common apostolic tradition of his time (Orr, The Resurrection of Jesus,62).

    We may, therefore, meanwhile examine the record of the appearances without finding them essentially affected by any particular theory of the origin and relations of the Gospels. There are two sets of appearances, one in Jerusalem and the other in Galilee, and their number, and the amplitude and weight of their testimony should be carefully estimated. While we are precluded by our space from examining each appearance minutely, and indeed it is unnecessary for our purpose to do so, it is impossible to avoid calling attention to two of them. No one can read the story of the walk to Emmaus (Luke 24), or of the visit of Peter and John to the tomb (John 20), without observing the striking marks of reality and personal testimony in the accounts. As to the former incident: “It carries with it, as great literary critics have pointed out, the deepest inward evidences of its own literal truthfulness. For it so narrates the intercourse of `a risen God’ with commonplace men as to set natural and supernatural side by side in perfect harmony. And to do this has always been the difficulty, the despair of imagination. The alternative has been put reasonably thus: Luke was either a greater poet, a more creative genius, than Shakespeare, or — he did not create the record. He had an advantage over Shakespeare. The ghost in Hamlet was an effort of laborious imagination. The risen Christ on the road was a fact supreme, and the Evangelist did but tell it as it was” (Bishop Moule, Meditations for the Church’s Year, 108). Other writers whose attitude to the Gospel records is very different bear the same testimony to the impression of truth and reality made upon them by the Emmaus narrative (A. Meyer and K. Lake, quoted in Orr, The Resurrection of Jesus, 176 f).

    It is well known that there are difficulties connected with the number and order of these appearances, but they are probably due largely to the summary character of the story, and certainly are not sufficient to invalidate the uniform testimony to the two facts: (1) the empty grave, (2) the appearances of Christ on the third day. These are the main facts of the combined witness (Orr, op. cit., 212).

    The very difficulties which have been observed in the Gospels for nearly nineteen centuries are a testimony to a conviction of the truth of the narratives on the part of the whole Christian church. The church has not been afraid to leave these records as they are because of the facts that they embody and express. If there had been no difficulties men might have said that everything had been artificially arranged, whereas the differences bear testimony to the reality of the event recorded. The fact that we possess these two sets of appearances — one in Jerusalem and one in Galilee — is really an argument in favor of their credibility, for if it had been recorded that Christ appeared in Galilee only, or Jerusalem only, it is not unlikely that the account might have been rejected for lack of support. It is well known that records of eyewitnesses often vary in details, while there is no question as to the events themselves. The various books recording the story of the Indian mutiny, or the surrender of Napoleon III at Sedan are cases in point, and Sir William Ramsay has shown the entire compatibility of certainty as to the main fact with great uncertainty as to precise details (Ramsay, Paul the Traveler, 29). We believe, therefore, that a careful examination of these appearances will afford evidence of a chain of circumstances extending from the empty grave to the day of the ascension. 7. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION:

    When we examine carefully all these converging lines of evidence and endeavor to give weight to all the facts of the case, it seems impossible to escape from the problem of a physical miracle. That the prima facie view of the evidence afforded by the New Testament suggests a miracle and that the apostles really believed in a true physical resurrection are surely beyond all question. And yet very much of present-day thought refuses to accept the miraculous. The scientific doctrine of the uniformity and continuity of Nature bars the way, so that from the outset it is concluded that miracles are impossible. We are either not allowed to believe (see Orr, The Resurrection of Jesus,44), or else we are told that we are not required to believe (C. H. Robinson, Studies in the Resurrection of Christ, chapter ii), margin, the reanimation of a dead body. If we take this view, “there is no need, really, for investigation of evidence: the question is decided before the evidence is looked at” (Orr, op. cit., 46).

    We challenge the tenableness of this position. It proves too much. We are not at all concerned by the charge of believing in the abnormal or unusual.

    New things have happened from the beginning of the present natural order, and the Christian faith teaches that Christ Himself was a “new thing,” and that His coming as “God manifest in the flesh” was something absolutely unique. If we are not allowed to believe in any divine intervention which we may call supernatural or miraculous, it is impossible to account for the Person of Christ at all. “A Sinless Personality would be a miracle in time.”

    Arising out of this, Christianity itself was unique, inaugurating a new era in human affairs. No Christian, therefore, can have any difficulty in accepting the abnormal, the unusual, the miraculous. If it be said that no amount of evidence can establish a fact which is miraculous, we have still to account for the moral miracles which are really involved and associated with the resurrection, especially the deception of the disciples, who could have found out the truth of the case; a deception, too, that has proved so great a blessing to the world. Surely to those who hold a true theistic view of the world this a priori view is impossible. Are we to refuse to allow to God at least as much liberty as we possess ourselves? Is it really thinkable that God has less spontaneity of action than we have? We may like or dislike, give or withhold, will or not will, but the course of Nature must flow on unbrokenly. Surely God cannot be conceived of as having given such a constitution to the universe as limits His power to intervene if necessary and for sufficient purpose with the work of His own hands. Not only are all things of Him, but all things are through Him, and to Him. The resurrection means the presence of miracle, and “there is no evading the issue with which this confronts us” (Orr, The Resurrection of Jesus,53). Unless, therefore, we are prepared to accept the possibility of the miraculous, all explanation of the New Testament evidence is a pure waste of time.

    Of recent years attempts have been made to account for the resurrection by means of ideas derived from Babylonian and other Eastern sources. It is argued that mythology provides the key to the problem, that not only analogy but derivation is to be found. But apart from the remarkable variety of conclusions of Babylonian archaeologists there is nothing in the way of historical proof worthy of the name. The whole idea is arbitrary and baseless, and prejudiced by the attitude to the supernatural. There is literally no link of connection between these oriental cults and the Jewish and Christian beliefs in the resurrection.

    And so we return to a consideration of the various lines of proof. Taking them singly, they must be admitted to be strong, but taking them altogether, the argument is cumulative and sufficient. Every effect must have its adequate cause, and the only proper explanation of Christianity today is the resurrection of Christ. Thomas Arnold of Rugby, no ordinary judge of historical evidence, said that the resurrection was the “bestattested fact in human history.” Christianity welcomes all possible sifting, testing, and use by those who honestly desire to arrive at the truth, and if they will give proper attention to all the facts and factors involved, we believe they will come to the conclusion expressed years ago by the Archbishop of Armagh, that the resurrection is the rock from which all the hammers of criticism have never chipped a single fragment (The Great Question,24). 8. THEOLOGY OF THE RESURRECTION:

    The theology of the resurrection is very important and calls for special attention. Indeed, the prominence given to it in the New Testament affords a strong confirmation of the fact itself, for it seems incredible that such varied and important truths should not rest on historic fact. The doctrine may briefly be summarized: (1) evidential: the resurrection is the proof of the atoning character of the death of Christ, and of His Deity and divine exaltation ( Romans 1:4); (2) evangelistic: the primitive gospel included testimony to the resurrection as one of its characteristic features, thereby proving to the hearers the assurance of the divine redemption (1 Cor 15:1-4; Romans 4:25); (3) spiritual: the resurrection is regarded as the source and standard of the holiness of the believer. Every aspect of the Christian life from the beginning to the end is somehow associated therewith (Romans 6); (4) eschatological: the resurrection is the guaranty and model of the believer’s resurrection (1 Cor 15). As the bodies of the saints arose ( Matthew 27:52), so ours are to be quickened ( Romans 8:11), and made like Christ’s glorified body ( Philippians 3:21), thereby becoming spiritual bodies (1 Cor 15:44), that is, bodies ruled by their spirits and yet bodies. These points offer only the barest outline of the fullness of New Testament teaching concerning the doctrine of the resurrection of Christ.

    LITERATURE.

    Orr, The Resurrection of Jesus, 1908; W. J. Sparrow Simpson, The Resurrection and Modern Thought; Westcott, The Historic Faith and The Gospel of the Resurrection. Very full literary references in Bowen, The Resurrection in the New Testament, 1911, which, although negative in its own conclusions, contains a valuable refutation of many negative arguments. W. H. Griffith Thomas RETAIN <re-tan’ > : Several Hebrew words are thus translated: [ qz”j; , chazaq ], “to hold fast” ( Judges 7:8; 19:4; Job 2:9 the King James Version (the Revised Version (British and American) “hold fast”); Micah 7:18); [ rx”[; , `atsar ], “to shut up” (only in Daniel 10:8,16; 11:6); [ Ëm”T; , tamakh ], “to hold” ( Proverbs 3:18; 4:4; 11:16 the King James Version (the Revised Version (British and American) “obtain”)); in one case kala’ ( Ecclesiastes 8:8). In the New Testament [krate>w, krateo ], is used in John 20:23 of the “retaining” of sins by the apostles (see RETENTION OF SINS); in Romans 1:28, the Revised Version (British and American) has “refused to have,” margin “Greek, `did not approve,’ “ for the King James Version “did not like to retain” (echo ); and in Philem 1:13, substitutes “fain have kept” for “retained” (katecho ). Sirach 41:16 has “retain” for diaphulasso , “keep.”

    RETALIATION <re-tal-i-a’-shun > , <re- > . See LAW THE NEW TESTAMENT; PUNISHMENTS; RETRIBUTION.

    RETENTION OF SINS <re-ten’-shun > , ([krate>w, krateo ], “to lay fast hold of” ( John 20:23)):

    The opposite of “the remission of sins.” Where there was no evidence of repentance and faith, the community of believers were unauthorized to give assurance of forgiveness, and, therefore, could only warn that the guilt of sin was retained, and that the sinner remained beneath God’s judgment.

    While such retention has its place in connection with all preaching of the gospel, since the offers of grace are conditional, it is especially exercised, like the absolution, in the personal dealing of a pastor with a communicant, preparatory to the reception of the Lord’s Supper. As the absolution is properly an assurance of individual forgiveness, so the retention is an assurance of individual non-forgiveness. That the retention is exercised by the ministry, not as an order, but as the representatives of the congregation of believers to which Christ gave the power of the keys, is shown by Alford, Greek Testament, on above passage. See also Melanchthon, Appendix to the “Schmalkald Articles.” H. E. Jacobs RETRIBUTION <ret-ri-bu’-shun > : 1. NEW TESTAMENT TERMS:

    The word as applied to the divine administration is not used in Scripture, but undoubtedly the idea is commonly enough expressed. The words which come nearest to it are [ojrgh>, orge ], and [qumo>v, thumos ] wrath attributed to God; [ejkdike>w, ekdikeo ], [ejkdi>khsiv, ekdikesis ], [e]kdikov, ekdikos ], and [di>kh, dike ], all giving the idea of vengeance; [ko>lasiv, kolasis ], and [timwri>a, timoria ], “punishment”; besides [kri>nw, krino ], and its derivatives, words expressive of judgment. 2. A REVELATION OF WRATH AS WELL AS GRACE:

    Romans 2 is full of the thought of retribution. The apostle, in 2:5,6, comes very near to using the word itself, and gives indeed a good description of the thing: the day of wrath and revelation of the righteous judgment of God, “who will render to every man according to his works.” It is well in approaching the subject to remind ourselves that there is undoubtedly, as the apostle says, a Revelation of wrath. We are so accustomed to think of the gracious revelation which the gospel brings us, and to approach the subject of the doom of the impenitent under the influence of the kindly sentiments engendered thereby, and with a view of God’s gracious character as revealed in salvation, that we are apt to overlook somewhat the sterner facts of sin, and to misconceive the divine attitude toward the impenitent sinner. It is certainly well that we should let the grace of the gospel have full influence upon all our thinking, but we must beware of being too fully engrossed with one phase of the divine character. It is an infirmity of human nature that we find it difficult to let two seemingly conflicting conceptions find a place in our thought. We are apt to surrender ourselves to the sway of one or the other of them according to the pressure of the moment. 3. WITNESS OF NATURAL THEOLOGY:

    Putting ourselves back into the position of those who have only the light of natural theology, we find that all deductions from the perfections of God, as revealed in His works, combined with a consideration of man’s sin and want of harmony with the Holy One, lead to the conclusion announced by the apostle: “The wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men” ( Romans 1:18). Wrath implies punishment, punishment is decreed, punishment is denounced. The word of God but confirms the verdict which conscience forecasts. Nature teaches that punishment, retribution, must follow sin. Within the sphere of physical law this is clearly exemplified. No breach of the so-called laws of Nature is tolerated. Strictly speaking, the laws of Nature cannot be broken, but let a man fail to keep in harmony with them, and the natural consequences will be trouble, punishment, retribution. Harmony with law is blessing; collision with law is loss. Thus law in Nature “worketh wrath” to the neglecters of it. Punishment necessarily results. So we may well expect that in the higher sphere, God’s moral laws cannot be neglected or violated with impunity, and Scripture fully justifies the expectation and shows that sin must be punished. All things considered, the fact of punishment for sinners need not surprise; the fact of pardon is the surprising thing. The surprise of pardon has ceased to surprise us because we are so familiar with the thought. We know the “how” of it because of the revelation of grace. Grace, however, saves on certain conditions, and there is no such thing known in Scripture as indiscriminate, necessary, universal grace. It is only from the Bible that we know of the salvation by grace. That same revelation shows that the grace does not come to all, in the sense of saving all; though, of course, it may be considered as presented to all. Those who are not touched and saved by grace remain shut up in their sins. They are, and must be, in the nature of the case, left to the consequences of their sins, with the added guilt of rejecting the offered grace. “Except ye believe that I am he,” said Incarnate Grace, “ye shall die in your sins” ( John 8:24). 4. RETRIBUTION THE NATURAL CONSEQUENCE OF SIN:

    Another conclusion we may draw from the general Scriptural representation is that the future retribution is one aspect of the natural consequence of sin, yet it is also in another aspect the positive infliction of divine wrath. It is shown to be the natural outcome of sin in such passages as “Whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap” ( Galatians 6:7); “He that soweth unto his own flesh shall of the flesh reap corruption” ( Galatians 6:8). It is not without suggestiveness that the Hebrew word `awon means both iniquity and punishment, and when Cain said “My punishment is greater than I can bear” ( Genesis 4:13), he really said “My iniquity is greater than I can bear”; his iniquity became his punishment. A due consideration of this thought goes a long way toward meeting many of the objections brought against the doctrine of future punishment. 5. ALSO THE POSITIVE INFLICTION OF DIVINE WRATH:

    The other statement, however, remains true and must be emphasized, that there is an actual infliction of divine wrath. All the great statements about the divine judgment imply this, and while it is wrong not to take account of the natural working out of sin in its terrible consequences, it is equally wrong, perhaps more so, to refuse to recognize this positive divine infliction of punishment. This, indeed, is the outstanding feature of retribution as it assumes form in Scripture. Even the natural consequences of sin, rightly viewed, are part of the divine infliction, since God, in the nature of things, has conjoined sin and its consequences, and part of the positive infliction is the judicial shutting up of the sinner to the consequences of his sin. So in the case of Cain, his iniquity became his punishment, inasmuch as God sentenced him to bear the consequences of that iniquity. On the other hand, we might say that even the terribly positive outpourings of God’s wrath upon the sinner are the natural consequences of sin, since sin in its very nature calls down the divine displeasure. Indeed, these two phases of future punishment are so very closely connected that a right view of the matter compels us to keep both before us, and no full explanation of the punishment is possible when either phase is ignored. 6. INSTANCES OF THE USE OF ORGE AND THUMOS:

    The terms in Scripture applied to the doom of sinners all imply divine displeasure, punitive action, retribution. The two outstanding Greek words for “wrath,” orge and thumos , are both freely applied to God. Orge indicates settled displeasure, whereas thumos is rather the blazing out of the anger. The former is, as we should expect, more frequently applied to God, and, of course, all that is capricious and reprehensible in human wrath must be eliminated from the word as used of God. It indicates the settled opposition of His holy nature against sin. It was an affection found in the sinless Saviour Himself, for “he looked round about on them with anger” ( Mark 3:5). In the Baptist’s warning “to flee from the wrath to come” ( Matthew 3:7; Luke 3:7), it is unquestionably the wrath of God that is meant, the manifestation of that being further described as the burning of the chaff with unquenchable fire ( Matthew 3:12). In John 3:36 it is said of the unbeliever that “the wrath of God” abideth on him. In Romans it is used at least 9 times in reference to God, first in Romans 1:18, the great passage we have already quoted about “the wrath of God revealed from heaven.” The connection is a suggestive one and is often overlooked.

    In the passage Paul has quite a chain of reasons; he is ready to preach the gospel at Rome for he is not ashamed of the gospel; he is not ashamed of the gospel for it is the power of God unto salvation; it is the “power of God” for therein is revealed the righteousness of God by faith; and this salvation by faith is a necessity “for the wrath of God is revealed,” etc.

    Thus the divine wrath on account of sin is the dark background of the gospel message. Had there been no such just wrath upon men, there had been no need for the divine salvation. The despising of God’s goodness by the impenitent means a treasuring up of “wrath in the day of wrath and revelation of the righteous judgment of God” ( Romans 2:3-5). God “visiteth with wrath” ( Romans 3:5).

    In Romans 4:15 the apostle shows that “the law worketh wrath” (i.e. brings down the divine displeasure), while in 5:9 he shows that believers are saved from wrath — undoubted wrath of God. The other two instances are in 9:22. Men are “by nature children of wrath” ( Ephesians 2:3); surely not “wrathful children,” but liable to the wrath of God, and because of evil deeds cometh “the wrath of God upon the sons of disobedience” ( Ephesians 5:6; Colossians 3:6). Christ “delivereth us from the wrath to come” (1 Thess 1:10); wrath has come upon the opposing Jews (1 Thess 2:16); but believers are not appointed unto wrath (1 Thess 5:9). With all these specific passages in view, to say nothing of the general teaching of the apostle on the question of coming judgment and punishment, it is utterly impossible to eliminate the idea of the divine displeasure against sinners, and His consequent retributive action toward them. Even Ritschl, who absolutely denies the great principle of retribution, of positive displeasure, admits that Paul teaches it; hence, the only way for him out of the difficulty is to reject Paul’s teaching as unauthoritative. Other references to the “wrath of God” are in Hebrews 3:11; 4:3; and passages in the Apocalypse — Revelation 6:16 f; 11:18; 14:10; 16:19; 19:15. Two of these refer to the “wrath of the Lamb,” one of the most terrible phrases in the whole of the New Testament. Thumos is only used in the Apocalypse concerning God ( Revelation 14:10-19; 15:1-7; 16:1-19; 19:15). In each case it refers to the manifestation, the blazing forth of the wrath; in the last two passages it is used in combination with orge , and is rendered “fierceness,” the fierceness of His wrath. 7. INSTANCES OF USE OF GREEK WORDS FOR “VENGEANCE”: Ekdikeo , which means to avenge, is twice used of God ( Revelation 6:10; 19:2); and ekdikesis , “vengeance,” 6 times Luke 18:7 ff; Romans 12:19; 2 Thessalonians 1:8; Hebrews 10:30). In the first two instances it is used by Jesus concerning the divine action; ekdikos , “avenger,” occurs once in application to God (1 Thess 4:6); dike , “judgment” or “vengeance” is twice used of God (2 Thess 1:9; Jude 1:7). The use of these terms shows that the punishment inflicted on sinful men is strictly punishment of the vindicatory sort, the vindication of outraged justice, the infliction of deserved penalty. Very significant is the passage in 2 Thessalonians 1:6, “It is a righteous thing with God to recompense affliction to them that afflict you.” There is no question of bettering the offender. 8. WORDS MEANING “CHASTISEMENT” NOT USED OF THE IMPENITENT:

    It is very remarkable that the terms in Greek which would carry the meaning of punishment for the good of the offender are never used in the New Testament of the infliction which comes upon the impenitent; these are paideia and paideuo , and they are frequently used of the “chastisement” of believers, but not of the impenitent. It is often claimed that the word kolasis used in Matthew 25:46 carries the meaning of chastisement for the improvement of the offender, but although Aristotle, in comparing it with timoria , may seem to suggest that it is meant for the improvement of the offender (what he really says is that it is tou paschontos heneka , “on account of the one suffering it,” “has the punished one in view,” whereas timoria is tou poiountos , “on account of the one inflicting” “that he may be satisfied”), the usage even in classical Greek is predominantly against making the supposed distinction. Both words are used interchangeably by the leading classical authors, including Aristotle himself, and kolasis is continually employed where no thought of betterment can be in question, while all admit that in Hellenistic Greek the distinction is not maintained, and in any case timoria is also used of the punishment of the sinner ( Hebrews 10:29). 9. JUDGMENT IMPLIES RETRIBUTION:

    All the representations of the coming day of judgment tell of the fact of retribution, and Christ Himself distinctly asserts it. Apart from His great eschatological discourses, concerning which criticism still hesitates and stammers, we have the solemn close of the Sermon on the Mount, and the pregnant statement of Matthew 16:27, “The Son of man shall come in the glory of his Father with his angels; and then shall he render unto every man according to his deeds,” and all the apostolic teaching upon the solemn theme is but the unfolding of the same great thought. 10. MORAL SENSE DEMANDS VINDICATION OF GOD’S RIGHTEOUSNESS:

    The conception of God as a perfect moral governor demands that His righteousness shall be fully vindicated. Looking at the course of history as it unfolds itself before us, we cannot fail to be struck with the anomalies which are presented. Righteousness does not always triumph, goodness is often put to shame, wickedness appears to be profitable, and wicked men often prosper while good men are under a cloud. Sometimes signal divine interpositions proclaim that God is indeed on the side of righteousness, but too often it seems as if He were unmindful, and men are tempted to ask the old question, “How doth God know? And is there knowledge in the Most High?” ( Psalm 73:11), while the righteous say in their distress, “Yahweh, how long shall the wicked, how long shall the wicked triumph?” ( Psalm 94:3). The moral sense cries out for some divine vindication, and the Scriptures, in harmony with this feeling, indicate that the final judgment will bring such vindication. 11. SCRIPTURE INDICATES CERTAINTY OF VINDICATION:

    In the Old Testament it is frequently presented as the solution of the baffling problems which beset the ethical sphere, as for instance in that fine utterance of religious philosophy in Psalm 73; the Psalmist has before him all the puzzling elements of the problem; the prosperity, the insolent and aggressive prosperity of the wicked, the non-success, the oppression, the misery of the righteous; he is well-nigh overwhelmed by the contemplation, and nearly loses his footing on the eternal verities, until he carries the whole problem into the light of God’s presence and revelation, and then he understands that the end will bring the true solution.

    So too the somber ruminations of the Preacher upon the contradictions arid anomalies and mysteries of human life, “under the sun,” close in the reflection which throws its searchlight upon all the blackness: “This is the end of the matter: .... Fear God, and keep his commandments; for this is the whole duty of man. For God will bring every work into judgment, with every hidden thing, whether it be good, or whether it be evil” ( Ecclesiastes 12:13 f). In the light of the same truth, the apostles labored, believing that when the Lord comes He “will both bring to light the hidden things of darkness, and make manifest the counsels of the hearts” (1 Cor 4:5). The more fully the subject is considered, the more we must feel that for the vindication of righteousness, the justification of the divine procedure, the rectification of wrongs, the explanation of mysteries, the reward and triumph of the righteous and the confession and punishment of the wicked, a great final, retributive judgment is Scriptural, reasonable, necessary.

    LITERATURE. See the articles on PUNISHMENT, EVERLASTING; JUDGMENT; SHEOL, etc., and the works cited there.

    Archibald M’Caig REU <re’-u > , <roo > ([ W[r] , re`u ], [ JRagau>, Rhagau ]): A son of Peleg, a descendant of Shem ( Genesis 11:18 ff; 1 Chronicles 1:25; Luke 3:35).

    REUBEN <roo’-ben > , <ru’-ben > ([ ˆbeWar] , re’ubhen ]; [ JRoubh>n, Rhouben ]): The eldest son of Jacob, born to him by Leah in Paddan-aram ( Genesis 29:32). 1. JACOB’S OLDEST SON:

    This verse seems to suggest two derivations of the name. As it stands in Massoretic Text it means “behold a son”; but the reason given for so calling him is “The Lord hath looked upon my affliction,” which in Hebrew is [ra’ah be`onyi], literally, “He hath seen my affliction.” Of his boyhood we have only the story of the mandrakes ( Genesis 30:14). As the firstborn he should really have been leader among his father’s sons. His birthright was forfeited by a deed of peculiar infamy ( Genesis 35:22), and as far as we know his tribe never took the lead in Israel. It is named first, indeed, in Numbers 1:5,20, but thereafter it falls to the fourth place, Judah taking the first ( Numbers 2:10, etc.). To Reuben’s intervention Joseph owed his escape from the fate proposed by his other brethren ( Genesis 37:29). Some have thought Reuben designed to set him free, from a desire to rehabilitate himself with his father. But there is no need to deny to Reuben certain noble and chivalrous qualities. Jacob seems to have appreciated these, and, perhaps, therefore all the more deeply lamented the lapse that spoiled his life ( Genesis 49:3 f). It was Reuben who felt that their perils and anxieties in Egypt were a fit recompense for the unbrotherly conduct ( Genesis 42:22). To assure his father of Benjamin’s safe return from Egypt, whither Joseph required him to be taken, Reuben was ready to pledge his own two sons ( Genesis 42:37). Four sons born to him in Canaan went down with Reuben at the descent of Israel into Egypt ( Genesis 46:8 f).

    The incidents recorded are regarded by a certain school of Old Testament scholars as the vague and fragmentary traditions of the tribe, wrought into the form of a biography of the supposed ancestor of the tribe. This interpretation raises more difficulties than it solves, and depends for coherence upon too many assumptions and conjectures. The narrative as it stands is quite intelligible and self-consistent. There is no good reason to doubt that, as far as it goes, it is an authentic record of the life of Jacob’s son. 2. TRIBAL HISTORY:

    At the first census in the wilderness Reuben numbered 46,500 men of war ( Numbers 1:21); at the second they had fallen to 43,730; see NUMBERS. The standard of the camp of Reuben was on the south side of the tabernacle; and with him were Simeon and Gad; the total number of fighting men in this division being 151,450. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan says that the standard was a deer, with the legend “Hear O Israel, the Lord thy God is one Lord.” On the march this division took the second place ( Numbers 2:10 ff). The prince of the tribe was Elizur ben Shedeur, whose oblation is described in Numbers 7:30 ff. The Reubenite among the spies was Shammua ben Zaccur (13:4). It is possible that the conspiracy against Moses, organized by the Reubenites Dathan and Abiram, with the assistance of Korah the Levite (Numbers 16), was an attempt on the part of the tribe to assert its rights as representing the firstborn. It is significant that the children of Korah did not perish (26:11).

    May not the influence of this incident on Moses’ mind be traced in his “blessing,” wishing for the continuance of the tribe, indeed, but not in great strength ( Deuteronomy 33:6)? This was a true forecast of the tribal history.

    When the high plateau East of the Dead Sea and the Jordan fell into the hands of the Israelite invaders, these spacious pastoral uplands irresistibly attracted the great flock-masters of Reuben and Gad, two tribes destined to be neighbors during succeeding centuries. At their earnest request Moses allowed them their tribal possessions here subject to one condition, which they loyally accepted. They should not “sit here,” and so discourage their brethren who went to war beyond the Jordan. They should provide for the security of their cattle, fortify cities to protect their little ones and their wives from the inhabitants of the land, and their men of war should go before the host in the campaign of conquest until the children of Israel should have inherited every man his inheritance ( Numbers 32:1-27). Of the actual part they took in that warfare there is no record, but perhaps “the stone of Bohan the son of Reuben” ( Joshua 15:6; 18:17) marked some memorable deed of valor by a member of the tribe. At the end of the campaign the men of Reuben, having earned the gratitude of the western tribes, enriched by their share of the spoils of the enemy, returned with honor to their new home. Along with their brethren of Gad they felt the dangers attaching to their position of isolation, cut off from the rest of their people by the great cleft of the Jordan valley. They reared therefore the massive altar of Ed in the valley, so that in the very throat of that instrument of severance there might be a perpetual witness to themselves and to their children of the essential unity of Israel. The western tribes misunderstood the action and, dreading religious schism, gathered in force to stamp it out. Explanations followed which were entirely satisfactory, and a threatening danger was averted (Joshua 22). But the instincts of the eastern tribes were right, as subsequent history was to prove. The Jordan valley was but one of many causes of sundering. The whole circumstances and conditions of life on the East differed widely from those on the West of the river, pastoral pursuits and life in the open being contrasted with agricultural and city life.

    The land given by Moses to the tribe of Reuben reached from the Arnon, Wady el-Mojib, in the South, to the border of Gad in the North. In Numbers 32:34 cities of Gad are named which lay far South, Aroer being on the very lip of the Arnon; but these are probably to be taken as an enclave in the territory of Reuben. From Joshua 13:15 ff it is clear that the northern border ran from some point North of the Dead Sea in a direction East-Northeast, passing to the North of Heshbon. The Dead Sea formed the western boundary, and it marched with the desert on the East.

    No doubt many districts changed hands in the course of the history. At the invasion of Tiglath-pileser, e.g., we read that Aroer was in the hands of the Reubenites, “and eastward .... even unto the entrance of the wilderness from the river Euphrates” ( 1 Chronicles 5:8 f). Bezer the city of refuge lay in Reuben’s territory ( Joshua 20:8, etc.). A general description of the country will be found under MOAB; while the cities of Reuben are dealt with in separate articles.

    Reuben and Gad, occupying contiguous districts, and even, as we have seen, to some extent overlapping, are closely associated in the history.

    Neither took part in the glorious struggle against Sisera ( Judges 5:15 ff). Already apparently the sundering influences were taking effect. They are not excepted, however, from “all the tribes of Israel” who sent contingents for the war against Benjamin ( Judges 20:10; 21:5), and the reference in Judges 5:15 seems to show that Reuben might have done great things had he been disposed. The tribe therefore was still powerful, but perhaps absorbed by anxieties as to its relations with neighboring peoples. In guarding their numerous flocks against attack from the South, and sudden incursions from the desert, a warlike spirit and martial prowess were developed. They were “valiant men, men able to bear buckler and sword, and to shoot with bow, and skillful in war” ( 1 Chronicles 5:18).

    They overwhelmed the Hagrites with Jetur and Naphish and Nodab, and greatly enriched themselves with the spoil. In recording the raid the Chronicler pays a compliment to their religious loyalty: “They cried to God in the battle, and he was entreated of them, because they put their trust in him” ( 1 Chronicles 5:19 ff). Along with Gad and Manasseh they sent a contingent of 120,000 men “with all manner of instruments of war for the battle, .... men of war, that could order the battle array,” men who “came with a perfect heart to Hebron, to make David king” ( 1 Chronicles 12:37 f). Among David’s mighty men was Adina, “a chief of the Reubenites, and thirty with him” ( 1 Chronicles 11:42). In the 40th year of David’s reign overseers were set over the Reubenites “for every matter pertaining to God, and for the affairs of the king” ( 1 Chronicles 26:32).

    Perhaps in spite of the help given to David the Reubenites had never quite got over their old loyalty to the house of Saul. At any rate, when disruption came they joined the Northern Kingdom ( 1 Kings 11:31).

    The subsequent history of the tribe is left in much obscurity. Exposed as they were to hostile influences of Moab and the East, and cut off from fellowship with their brethren in worship, in their isolation they probably found the descent into idolatry all too easy, and the once powerful tribe sank into comparative insignificance. Of the immediate causes of this decline we have no knowledge. Moab established its authority over the land that had belonged to Reuben; and Mesha, in his inscription (M S), while he speaks of Gad, does not think Reuben worthy of mention. They had probably become largely absorbed in the northern tribe. They are named as suffering in the invasion of Hazael during the reign of Jehu ( Kings 10:32 f). That “they trespassed against the God of their fathers, and played the harlot after the gods of the peoples of the land” is given as the reason for the fate that befell them at the hands of Pul, king of Assyria, who carried them away, “and brought them unto Halah, and Habor, and Hara, and to the river of Gozan” ( 1 Chronicles 5:25 f).

    The resemblance of Reuben’s case to that of Simeon is striking, for Simeon also appears to have been practically absorbed in the tribe of Judah. The prestige that should have been Reuben’s in virtue of his birthright is said to have passed to Joseph ( 1 Chronicles 5:1). And the place of Reuben and Simeon in Israel is taken by the sons of Joseph, a fact referred to in the blessing of Jacob ( Genesis 48:5).

    Ezekiel finds a place for Reuben in his picture of restored Israel (48:6). He appears also — in this case preceded by Judah only — in Revelation 7:5. W. Ewing REUBENITES <roo’-ben-its > ([ ynibeWar]h; , ha-re’ubheni ]; [dh~moi JRoubh>n, demoi Rhouben ]): Members of the tribe of Reuben ( Numbers 26:7, etc.).

    Adina, one of David’s mighty men, was a Reubenite ( 1 Chronicles 11:42).

    REUEL <roo’-el > ([ laeW[r] , re`u’el ], “God is his friend”; the Septuagint [ JRagouh>l, Rhagouel ]): (1) In the genealogical system Reuel is both a son of Esau by Basemath ( Genesis 36:4,10,13,17; 1 Chronicles 1:35,37) and the father of the father-in-law of Moses, Hobab ( Numbers 10:29). In the account of the marriage of Zipporah to Moses ( Exodus 2:16-21) Jethro seems to be called Reuel (compare HOBAB). The various names of Jethro perplexed the Talmudists, too; some held that his real name was “Hobab,” and that Reuel was his father. Reuel is probably a clan name (Gray, “Nu,” ICC), and Hobab is a member of the clan (“son”) of Reuel ( Numbers 10:29, the King James Version reads “Raguel”). (2) The father of Eliasaph, the prince of Gad ( Numbers 2:14), called (by some copyist’s mistake) “Deuel” in Numbers 1:14; 7:42,47; 10:20. The Septuagint has uniformly Rhagouel. (3) A Benjamite ( 1 Chronicles 9:8). Horace J. Wolf REUMAH <roo’-ma > ([ hm;War] , re’umah ]): The concubine of Nahor ( Genesis 22:24).

    REVELATION <rev-e-la’-shun > :

    I. THE NATURE OF REVELATION. 1. The Religion of the Bible the Only Supernatural Religion: The religion of the Bible is a frankly supernatural religion. By this is not meant merely that, according to it, all men, as creatures, live, move and have their being in God. It is meant that, according to it, God has intervened extraordinarily, in the course of the sinful world’s development, for the salvation of men otherwise lost. In Eden the Lord God had been present with sinless man in such a sense as to form a distinct element in his social environment ( Genesis 3:8). This intimate association was broken up by the Fall. But God did not therefore withdraw Himself from concernment with men. Rather, He began at once a series of interventions in human history by means of which man might be rescued from his sin and, despite it, brought to the end destined for him. These interventions involved the segregation of a people for Himself, by whom God should be known, and whose distinction should be that God should be “nigh unto them” as He was not to other nations ( Deuteronomy 4:7; <19E518> Psalm 145:18). But this people was not permitted to imagine that it owed its segregation to anything in itself fitted to attract or determine the Divine preference; no consciousness was more poignant in Israel than that Yahweh had chosen it, not it Him, and that Yahweh’s choice of it rested solely on His gracious will. Nor was this people permitted to imagine that it was for its own sake alone that it had been singled out to be the sole recipient of the knowledge of Yahweh; it was made clear from the beginning that God’s mysteriously gracious dealing with it had as its ultimate end the blessing of the whole world ( Genesis 12:2,3; 17:4,5,6,16; 18:18; 22:18; compare Romans 4:13), the bringing together again of the divided families of the earth under the glorious reign of Yahweh, and the reversal of the curse under which the whole world lay for its sin ( Genesis 12:3). Meanwhile, however, Yahweh was known only in Israel. To Israel God showed His word and made known His statutes and judgments, and after this fashion He dealt with no other nation; and therefore none other knew His judgments ( <19E719> Psalm 147:19 f).

    Accordingly, when the hope of Israel (who was also the desire of all nations) came, His own lips unhesitatingly declared that the salvation He brought, though of universal application, was “from the Jews” ( John 4:22). And the nations to which this salvation had not been made known are declared by the chief agent in its proclamation to them to be, meanwhile, “far off,” “having no hope” and “without God in the world” ( Ephesians 2:12), because they were aliens from the commonwealth of Israel and strangers from the covenant of the promise.

    The religion of the Bible, thus announces itself, not as the product of men’s search after God, if haply they may feel after Him and find Him, but as the creation in men of the gracious God, forming a people for Himself, that they may show forth His praise. In other words, the religion of the Bible presents itself as distinctively a revealed religion. Or rather, to speak more exactly, it announces itself as the revealed religion, as the only revealed religion; and sets itself as such over against all other religions, which are represented as all products, in a sense in which it is not, of the art and device of man.

    It is not, however, implied in this exclusive claim to revelation — which is made by the religion of the Bible in all the stages of its history — that the living God, who made the heaven and the earth and the sea and all that in them is, has left Himself without witness among the peoples of the world ( Acts 14:17). It is asserted indeed, that in the process of His redemptive work, God suffered for a season all the nations to walk in their own ways; but it is added that to none of them has He failed to do good, and to give from heaven rains and fruitful seasons, filling their hearts with food and gladness. And not only is He represented as thus constantly showing Himself in His providence not far from any one of them, thus wooing them to seek Him if haply they might feel after Him and find Him ( Acts 17:27), but as from the foundation of the world openly manifesting Himself to them in the works of His hands, in which His everlasting power and divinity are clearly seen ( Romans 1:20). That men at large have not retained Him in their knowledge, or served Him as they ought, is not due therefore to failure on His part to keep open the way to knowledge of Him, but to the darkening of their senseless hearts by sin and to the vanity of their sin-deflected reasonings ( Romans 1:21 ff), by means of which they have supplanted the truth of God by a lie and have come to worship and serve the creature rather than the ever-blessed Creator. It is, indeed, precisely because in their sin they have thus held down the truth in unrighteousness and have refused to have God in their knowledge (so it is intimated); and because, moreover, in their sin, the revelation God gives of Himself in His works of creation and providence no longer suffices for men’s needs, that God has intervened supernaturally in the course of history to form a people for Himself, through whom at length all the world should be blessed. 2. General and Special Revelation: It is quite obvious that there are brought before us in these several representations two species or stages of revelation, which should be discriminated to avoid confusion. There is the revelation which God continuously makes to all men: by it His power and divinity are made known. And there is the revelation which He makes exclusively to His chosen people: through it His saving grace is made known. Both species or stages of revelation are insisted upon throughout the Scriptures. They are, for example, brought significantly together in such a declaration as we find in Psalm 19: “The heavens declare the glory of God .... their line is gone out through all the earth” (19:1,4); “The law of Yahweh is perfect, restoring the soul” (19:7). The Psalmist takes his beginning here from the praise of the glory of God, the Creator of all that is, which has been written upon the very heavens, that none may fail to see it. From this he rises, however, quickly to the more full-throated praise of the mercy of Yahweh, the covenant God, who has visited His people with saving instruction.

    Upon this higher revelation there is finally based a prayer for salvation from sin, which ends in a great threefold acclamation, instinct with adoring gratitude: “O Yahweh, my rock, and my redeemer” (19:14). “The heavens,” comments Lord Bacon, “indeed tell of the glory of God, but not of His will according to which the poet prays to be pardoned and sanctified.” In so commenting, Lord Bacon touches the exact point of distinction between the two species or stages of revelation. The one is adapted to man as man; the other to man as sinner; and since man, on becoming sinner, has not ceased to be man, but has only acquired new needs requiring additional provisions to bring him to the end of his existence, so the revelation directed to man as sinner does not supersede that given to man as man, but supplements it with these new provisions for his attainment, in his new condition of blindness, helplessness and guilt induced by sin, of the end of his being.

    These two species or stages of revelation have been commonly distinguished from one another by the distinctive names of natural and supernatural revelation, or general and special revelation, or natural and soteriological revelation. Each of these modes of discriminating them has its particular fitness and describes a real difference between the two in nature, reach or purpose. The one is communicated through the media of natural phenomena, occurring in the course of nature or of history; the other implies an intervention in the natural course of things and is not merely in source but in mode supernatural. The one is addressed generally to all intelligent creatures, and is therefore accessible to all men; the other is addressed to a special class of sinners, to whom God would make known His salvation. The one has in view to meet and supply the natural need of creatures for knowledge of their God; the other to rescue broken and deformed sinners from their sin and its consequences. But, though thus distinguished from one another, it is important that the two species or stages of revelation should not be set in opposition to one another, or the closeness of their mutual relations or the constancy of their interaction be obscured. They constitute together a unitary whole, and each is incomplete without the other. In its most general idea, revelation is rooted in creation and the relations with His intelligent creatures into which God has brought Himself by giving them being. Its object is to realize the end of man’s creation, to be attained only through knowledge of God and perfect and unbroken communion with Him. On the entrance of sin into the world, destroying this communion with God and obscuring the knowledge of Him derived from nature, another mode of revelation was necessitated, having also another content, adapted to the new relation to God and the new conditions of intellect, heart and will brought about by sin. It must not be supposed, however, that this new mode of revelation was an ex post facto expedient, introduced to meet an unforeseen contingency. The actual course of human development was in the nature of the case the expected and the intended course of human development, for which man was created; and revelation, therefore, in its double form was the divine purpose for man from the beginning, and constitutes a unitary provision for the realization of the end of his creation in the actual circumstances in which he exists. We may distinguish in this unitary revelation the two elements by the cooperation of which the effect is produced; but we should bear in mind that only by their cooperation is the effect produced. Without special revelation, general revelation would be for sinful men incomplete and ineffective, and could issue, as in point of fact it has issued wherever it alone has been accessible, only in leaving them without excuse ( Romans 1:20). Without general revelation, special revelation would lack that basis in the fundamental knowledge of God as the mighty and wise, righteous and good maker and ruler of all things, apart from which the further revelation of this great God’s interventions in the world for the salvation of sinners could not be either intelligible, credible or operative. (1) Revelation in Eden.

    Only in Eden has general revelation been adequate to the needs of man.

    Not being a sinner, man in Eden had no need of that grace of God itself by which sinners are restored to communion with Him, or of the special revelation of this grace of God to sinners to enable them to live with God.

    And not being a sinner, man in Eden, as he contemplated the works of God, saw God in the unclouded mirror of his mind with a clarity of vision, and lived with Him in the untroubled depths of his heart with a trustful intimacy of association, inconceivable to sinners. Nevertheless, the revelation of God in Eden was not merely “natural.” Not only does the prohibition of the forbidden fruit involve a positive commandment ( Genesis 2:16), but the whole history implies an immediacy of intercourse with God which cannot easily be set to the credit of the picturesque art of the narrative, or be fully accounted for by the vividness of the perception of God in His works proper to sinless creatures. The impression is strong that what is meant to be conveyed to us is that man dwelt with God in Eden, and enjoyed with Him immediate and not merely mediate communion. In that case, we may understand that if man had not fallen, he would have continued to enjoy immediate intercourse with God, and that the cessation of this immediate intercourse is due to sin. It is not then the supernaturalness of special revelation which is rooted in sin, but, if we may be allowed the expression, the specialness of supernatural revelation. Had man not fallen, heaven would have continued to lie about him through all his history, as it lay about his infancy; every man would have enjoyed direct vision of God and immediate speech with Him. Man having fallen, the cherubim and the flame of a sword, turning every way, keep the path; and God breaks His way in a round-about fashion into man’s darkened heart to reveal there His redemptive love. By slow steps and gradual stages He at once works out His saving purpose and molds the world for its reception, choosing a people for Himself and training it through long and weary ages, until at last when the fullness of time has come, He bares His arm and sends out the proclamation of His great salvation to all the earth. (2) Revelation among the Heathen.

    Certainly, from the gate of Eden onward, God’s general revelation ceased to be, in the strict sense, supernatural. It is, of course, not meant that God deserted His world and left it to fester in its iniquity. His providence still ruled over all, leading steadily onward to the goal for which man had been created, and of the attainment of which in God’s own good time and way the very continuance of men’s existence, under God’s providential government, was a pledge. And His Spirit still everywhere wrought upon the hearts of men, stirring up all their powers (though created in the image of God, marred and impaired by sin) to their best activities, and to such splendid effect in every department of human achievement as to command the admiration of all ages, and in the highest region of all, that of conduct, to call out from an apostle the encomium that though they had no law they did by nature (observe the word “nature”) the things of the law. All this, however, remains within the limits of Nature, that is to say, within the sphere of operation of divinely-directed and assisted second causes. It illustrates merely the heights to which the powers of man may attain under the guidance of providence and the influences of what we have learned to call God’s “common grace.” Nowhere, throughout the whole ethnic domain, are the conceptions of God and His ways put within the reach of man, through God’s revelation of Himself in the works of creation and providence, transcended; nowhere is the slightest knowledge betrayed of anything concerning God and His purposes, which could be known only by its being supernaturally told to men. Of the entire body of “saving truth,” for example, which is the burden of what we call “special revelation,” the whole heathen world remained in total ignorance. And even its hold on the general truths of religion, not being vitalized by supernatural enforcements, grew weak, and its knowledge of the very nature of God decayed, until it ran out to the dreadful issue which Paul sketches for us in that inspired philosophy of religion which he incorporates in the latter part of the first chapter of the Epistle to the Romans.

    Behind even the ethnic development, there lay, of course, the supernatural intercourse of man with God which had obtained before the entrance of sin into the world, and the supernatural revelations at the gate of Eden ( Genesis 3:8), and at the second origin of the human race, the Flood ( Genesis 8:21,22; 9:1-17). How long the tradition of this primitive revelation lingered in nooks and corners of the heathen world, conditioning and vitalizing the natural revelation of God always accessible, we have no means of estimating. Neither is it easy to measure the effect of God’s special revelation of Himself to His people upon men outside the bounds of, indeed, but coming into contact with, this chosen people, or sharing with them a common natural inheritance. Lot and Ishmael and Esau can scarcely have been wholly ignorant of the word of God which came to Abraham and Isaac and Jacob; nor could the Egyptians from whose hands God wrested His people with a mighty arm fail to learn something of Yahweh, any more than the mixed multitudes who witnessed the ministry of Christ could fail to infer something from His gracious walk and mighty works. It is natural to infer that no nation which was intimately associated with Israel’s life could remain entirely unaffected by Israel’s revelation. But whatever impressions were thus conveyed reached apparently individuals only: the heathen which surrounded Israel, even those most closely affiliated with Israel, remained heathen; they had no revelation. In the sporadic instances when God visited an alien with a supernatural communication — such as the dreams sent to Abimelech (Genesis 20) and to Pharaoh (Genesis 40; 41) and to Nebuchadnezzar ( Daniel 2:1 ff) and to the soldier in the camp of Midian ( Judges 7:13) — it was in the interests, not of the heathen world, but of the chosen people that they were sent; and these instances derive their significance wholly from this fact.

    There remain, no doubt, the mysterious figure of Melchizedek, perhaps also of Jethro, and the strange apparition of Balaam, who also, however, appear in the sacred narrative only in connection with the history of God’s dealings with His people and in their interest. Their unexplained appearance cannot in any event avail to modify the general fact that the life of the heathen peoples lay outside the supernatural revelation of God. The heathen were suffered to walk in their own ways ( Acts 14:16).

    II. THE PROCESS OF REVELATION.

    Meanwhile, however, God had not forgotten them, but was preparing salvation for them also through the supernatural revelation of His grace that He was making to His people. According to the Biblical representation, in the midst of and working confluently with the revelation which He has always been giving of Himself on the plane of Nature, God was making also from the very fall of man a further revelation of Himself on the plane of grace. In contrast with His general, natural revelation, in which all men by virtue of their very nature as men share, this special, supernatural revelation was granted at first only to individuals, then progressively to a family, a tribe, a nation, a race, until, when the fullness of time was come, it was made the possession of the whole world. It may be difficult to obtain from Scripture a clear account of why God chose thus to give this revelation of His grace only progressively; or, to be more explicit, through the process of a historical development. Such is, however, the ordinary mode of the Divine working: it is so that God made the worlds, it is so that He creates the human race itself, the recipient of this revelation, it is so that He builds up His kingdom in the world and in the individual soul, which only gradually comes whether to the knowledge of God or to the fruition of His salvation. As to the fact, the Scriptures are explicit, tracing for us, or rather embodying in their own growth, the record of the steady advance of this gracious revelation through definite stages from its first faint beginnings to its glorious completion in Jesus Christ. 1. Place of Revelation among the Redemptive Acts of God: So express is its relation to the development of the kingdom of God itself, or rather to that great series of divine operations which are directed to the building up of the kingdom of God in the world, that it is sometimes confounded with them or thought of as simply their reflection in the contemplating mind of man. Thus it is not infrequently said that revelation, meaning this special redemptive revelation, has been communicated in deeds, not in words; and it is occasionally elaborately argued that the sole manner in which God has revealed Himself as the Saviour of sinners is just by performing those mighty acts by which sinners are saved. This is not, however, the Biblical representation. Revelation is, of course, often made through the instrumentality of deeds; and the series of His great redemptive acts by which He saves the world constitutes the pre-eminent revelation of the grace of God — so far as these redemptive acts are open to observation and are perceived in their significance. But revelation, after all, is the correlate of understanding and has as its proximate end just the production of knowledge, though not, of course, knowledge for its own sake, but for the sake of salvation. The series of the redemptive acts of God, accordingly, can properly be designated “revelation” only when and so far as they are contemplated as adapted and designed to produce knowledge of God and His purpose and methods of grace. No bare series of unexplained acts can be thought, however, adapted to produce knowledge, especially if these acts be, as in this case, of a highly transcendental character. Nor can this particular series of acts be thought to have as its main design the production of knowledge; its main design is rather to save man. No doubt the production of knowledge of the divine grace is one of the means by which this main design of the redemptive acts of God is attained. But this only renders it the more necessary that the proximate result of producing knowledge should not fail; and it is doubtless for this reason that the series of redemptive acts of God has not been left to explain itself, but the explanatory word has been added to it.

    Revelation thus appears, however, not as the mere reflection of the redeeming acts of God in the minds of men, but as a factor in the redeeming work of God, a component part of the series of His redeeming acts, without which that series would be incomplete and so far inoperative for its main end. Thus, the Scriptures represent it, not confounding revelation with the series of the redemptive acts of God, but placing it among the redemptive acts of God and giving it a function as a substantive element in the operations by which the merciful God saves sinful men. It is therefore not made even a mere constant accompaniment of the redemptive acts of God, giving their explanation that they may be understood. It occupies a far more independent place among them than this, and as frequently precedes them to prepare their way as it accompanies or follows them to interpret their meaning. It is, in one word, itself a redemptive act of God and by no means the least important in the series of His redemptive acts.

    This might, indeed, have been inferred from its very nature, and from the nature of the salvation which was being worked out by these redemptive acts of God. One of the most grievous of the effects of sin is the deformation of the image of God reflected in the human mind, and there can be no recovery from sin which does not bring with it the correction of this deformation and the reflection in the soul of man of the whole glory of the Lord God Almighty. Man is an intelligent being; his superiority over the brute is found, among other things, precisely in the direction of all his life by his intelligence; and his blessedness is rooted in the true knowledge of his God — for this is life eternal, that we should know the only true God and Him whom He has sent. Dealing with man as an intelligent being, God the Lord has saved him by means of a revelation, by which he has been brought into an evermore and more adequate knowledge of God, and been led ever more and more to do his part in working out his own salvation with fear and trembling as he perceived with ever more and more clearness how God is working it out for him through mighty deeds of grace. 2. Stages of Material Development: This is not the place to trace, even in outline, from the material point of view, the development of God’s redemptive revelation from its first beginnings, in the promise given to Abraham — or rather in what has been called the Protevangelium at the gate of Eden — to its completion in the advent and work of Christ and the teaching of His apostles; a steadily advancing development, which, as it lies spread out to view in the pages of Scripture, takes to those who look at it from the consummation backward, the appearance of the shadow cast athwart preceding ages by the great figure of Christ. Even from the formal point of view, however, there has been pointed out a progressive advance in the method of revelation, consonant with its advance in content, or rather with the advancing stages of the building up of the kingdom of God, to subserve which is the whole object of revelation. Three distinct steps in revelation have been discriminated from this point of view. They are distinguished precisely by the increasing independence of revelation of the deeds constituting the series of the redemptive acts of God, in which, nevertheless, all revelation is a substantial element. Discriminations like this must not be taken too absolutely; and in the present instance the chronological sequence cannot be pressed. But, with much interlacing, three generally successive stages of revelation may be recognized, producing periods at least characteristically of what we may somewhat conventionally call theophany, prophecy and inspiration. What may be somewhat indefinitely marked off as the Patriarchal age is characteristically “the period of Outward Manifestations, and Symbols, and Theophanies”: during it “God spoke to men through their senses, in physical phenomena, as the burning bush, the cloudy pillar, or in sensuous forms, as men, angels, etc. ..... In the Prophetic age, on the contrary, the prevailing mode of revelation was by means of inward prophetic inspiration”: God spoke to men characteristically by the movements of the Holy Spirit in their hearts. “Prevailingly, at any rate from Samuel downwards, the supernatural revelation was a revelation in the hearts of the foremost thinkers of the people, or, as we call it, prophetic inspiration, without the aid of external sensuous symbols of God” (A.B.

    Davidson, Old Testament Prophecy, 1903, p. 148; compare pp. 12-14, ff). This internal method of revelation reaches its culmination in the New Testament period, which is preeminently the age of the Spirit. What is especially characteristic of this age is revelation through the medium of the written word, what may be called apostolic as distinguished from prophetic inspiration. The revealing Spirit speaks through chosen men as His organs, but through these organs in such a fashion that the most intimate processes of their souls become the instruments by means of which He speaks His mind. Thus, at all events there are brought clearly before us three wellmarked modes of revelation, which we may perhaps designate respectively, not with perfect discrimination, it is true, but not misleadingly, (1) external manifestation, (2) internal suggestion, and (3) concursive operation.

    III. THE MODES OF REVELATION. 1. Modes of Revelation: Theophany may be taken as the typical form of “external manifestation”; but by its side may be ranged all of those mighty works by which God makes Himself known, including express miracles, no doubt, but along with them every supernatural intervention in the affairs of men, by means of which a better understanding is communicated of what God is or what are His purposes of grace to a sinful race. Under “internal suggestion” may be subsumed all the characteristic phenomena of what is most properly spoken of as “prophecy”: visions and dreams, which, according to a fundamental passage ( Numbers 12:6), constitute the typical forms of prophecy, and with them the whole “prophetic word,” which shares its essential characteristic with visions and dreams, since it comes not by the will of man but from God. By “concursive operation” may be meant that form of revelation illustrated in an inspired psalm or epistle or history, in which no human activity — not even the control of the will — is superseded, but the Holy Spirit works in, with and through them all in such a manner as to communicate to the product qualities distinctly superhuman.

    There is no age in the history of the religion of the Bible, from that of Moses to that of Christ and His apostles, in which all these modes of revelation do not find place. One or another may seem particularly characteristic of this age or of that; but they all occur in every age. And they occur side by side, broadly speaking, on the same level. No discrimination is drawn between them in point of worthiness as modes of revelation, and much less in point of purity in the revelations communicated through them. The circumstance that God spoke to Moses, not by dream or vision but mouth to mouth, is, indeed, adverted to ( Numbers 12:8) as a proof of the peculiar favor shown to Moses and even of the superior dignity of Moses above other organs of revelation:

    God admitted him to an intimacy of intercourse which He did not accord to others. But though Moses was thus distinguished above all others in the dealings of God with him, no distinction is drawn between the revelations given through him and those given through other organs of revelation in point either of Divinity or of authority. And beyond this we have no Scriptural warrant to go on in contrasting one mode of revelation with another. Dreams may seem to us little fitted to serve as vehicles of divine communications. But there is no suggestion in Scripture that revelations through dreams stand on a lower plane than any others; and we should not fail to remember that the essential characteristics of revelations through dreams are shared by all forms of revelation in which (whether we should call them visions or not) the images or ideas which fill, or pass in procession through, the consciousness are determined by some other power than the recipient’s own will. It may seem natural to suppose that revelations rise in rank in proportion to the fullness of the engagement of the mental activity of the recipient in their reception. But we should bear in mind that the intellectual or spiritual quality of a revelation is not derived from the recipient but from its Divine Giver. The fundamental fact in all revelation is that it is from God. This is what gives unity to the whole process of revelation, given though it may be in divers portions and in divers manners and distributed though it may be through the ages in accordance with the mere will of God, or as it may have suited His developing purpose — this and its unitary end, which is ever the building up of the kingdom of God. In whatever diversity of forms, by means of whatever variety of modes, in whatever distinguishable stages it is given, it is ever the revelation of the One God, and it is ever the one consistently developing redemptive revelation of God. 2. Equal Supernaturalness of the Several Modes: On a prima facie view it may indeed seem likely that a difference in the quality of their supernaturalness would inevitably obtain between revelations given through such divergent modes. The completely supernatural character of revelations given in theophanies is obvious. He who will not allow that God speaks to man, to make known His gracious purposes toward him, has no other recourse here than to pronounce the stories legendary. The objectivity of the mode of communication which is adopted is intense, and it is thrown up to observation with the greatest emphasis. Into the natural life of man God intrudes in a purely supernatural manner, bearing a purely supernatural communication. In these communications we are given accordingly just a series of “naked messages of God.” But not even in the Patriarchal age were all revelations given in theophanies or objective appearances. There were dreams, and visions, and revelations without explicit intimation in the narrative of how they were communicated. And when we pass on in the history, we do not, indeed, leave behind us theophanies and objective appearances. It is not only made the very characteristic of Moses, the greatest figure in the whole history of revelation except only that of Christ, that he knew God face to face ( Deuteronomy 34:10), and God spoke to him mouth to mouth, even manifestly, and not in dark speeches ( Numbers 12:8); but throughout the whole history of revelation down to the appearance of Jesus to Paul on the road to Damascus, God has shown Himself visibly to His servants whenever it has seemed good to Him to do so and has spoken with them in objective speech. Nevertheless, it is expressly made the characteristic of the Prophetic age that God makes Himself known to His servants “in a vision,” “in a dream” ( Numbers 12:6). And although, throughout its entire duration, God, in fulfillment of His promise ( Deuteronomy 18:18), put His words in the mouths of His prophets and gave them His commandments to speak, yet it would seem inherent in the very employment of men as instruments of revelation that the words of God given through them are spoken by human mouths; and the purity of their supernaturalness may seem so far obscured. And when it is not merely the mouths of men with which God thus serves Himself in the delivery of His messages, but their minds and hearts as well — the play of their religious feelings, or the processes of their logical reasoning, or the tenacity of their memories, as, say, in a psalm or in an epistle, or a history — the supernatural element in the communication may easily seem to retire still farther into the background. It can scarcely be a matter of surprise, therefore, that question has been raised as to the relation of the natural and the supernatural in such revelations, and, in many current manners of thinking and speaking of them, the completeness of their supernaturalness has been limited and curtailed in the interests of the natural instrumentalities employed. The plausibility of such reasoning renders it the more necessary that we should observe the unvarying emphasis which the Scriptures place upon the absolute supernaturalness of revelation in all its modes alike. In the view of the Scriptures, the completely supernatural character of revelation is in no way lessened by the circumstance that it has been given through the instrumentality of men. They affirm, indeed, with the greatest possible emphasis that the Divine word delivered through men is the pure word of God, diluted with no human admixture whatever. 3. The Prophet God’s Mouthpiece: We have already been led to note that even on the occasion when Moses is exalted above all other organs of revelation ( Numbers 12:6 ff), in point of dignity and favor, no suggestion whatever is made of any inferiority, in either the directness or the purity of their supernaturalness, attaching to other organs of revelation. There might never afterward arise a prophet in Israel like unto Moses, whom the Lord knew face to face ( Deuteronomy 34:10). But each of the whole series of prophets raised up by Yahweh that the people might always know His will was to be like Moses in speaking to the people only what Yahweh commanded them ( Deuteronomy 18:15,18,20). In this great promise, securing to Israel the succession of prophets, there is also included a declaration of precisely how Yahweh would communicate His messages not so much to them as through them. “I will raise them up a prophet from among their brethren, like unto thee,” we read ( Deuteronomy 18:18), “and I will put my words in his mouth, and he shall speak unto them all that I shall command him.” The process of revelation through the prophets was a process by which Yahweh put His words in the mouths of the prophets, and the prophets spoke precisely these words and no others. So the prophets themselves ever asserted. “Then Yahweh put forth his hand, and touched my mouth,” explains Jeremiah in his account of how he received his prophecies, “and Yahweh said unto me, Behold, I have put my words in thy mouth” ( Jeremiah 1:9; compare 5:14; Isaiah 51:16; 59:21; Numbers 22:35; 23:5,12,16). Accordingly, the words “with which” they spoke were not their own but the Lord’s: “And he said unto me,” records Ezekiel, “Son of man, go, get thee unto the house of Israel, and speak with my words unto them” ( Ezekiel 3:4). It is a process of nothing other than “dictation” which is thus described ( 2 Samuel 14:3,19), though, of course, the question may remain open of the exact processes by which this dictation is accomplished. The fundamental passage which brings the central fact before us in the most vivid manner is, no doubt, the account of the commissioning of Moses and Aaron given in Exodus 4:10-17; 7:1- 7. Here, in the most express words, Yahweh declares that He who made the mouth can be with it to teach it what to speak, and announces the precise function of a prophet to be that he is “a mouth of God,” who speaks not his own but God’s words. Accordingly, the Hebrew name for “prophet” (nabhi’ ), whatever may be its etymology, means throughout the Scriptures just “spokesman,” though not “spokesman” in general, but Spokesman by way of eminence, that is, God’s spokesman; and the characteristic formula by which a prophetic declaration is announced is: “The word of Yahweh came to me,” or the brief “saith Yahweh” ([ hwhy µaun] , ne’um Yahweh ]). In no case does a prophet put his words forward as his own words. That he is a prophet at all is due not to choice on his own part, but to a call of God, obeyed often with reluctance; and he prophesies or forbears to prophesy, not according to his own will but as the Lord opens and shuts his mouth ( Ezekiel 3:26 f) and creates for him the fruit of the lips ( Isaiah 57:19; compare 6:7; 50:4). In contrast with the false prophets, he strenuously asserts that he does not speak out of his own heart (“heart” in Biblical language includes the whole inner man), but all that he proclaims is the pure word of Yahweh. 4. Visionary Form of Prophecy: The fundamental passage does not quite leave the matter, however, with this general declaration. It describes the characteristic manner in which Yahweh communicates His messages to His prophets as through the medium of visions and dreams. Neither visions in the technical sense of that word, nor dreams, appear, however, to have been the customary mode of revelation to the prophets, the record of whose revelations has come down to us. But, on the other hand, there are numerous indications in the record that the universal mode of revelation to them was one which was in some sense a vision, and can be classed only in the category distinctively so called.

    The whole nomenclature of prophecy presupposes, indeed, its vision-form.

    Prophecy is distinctively a word, and what is delivered by the prophets is proclaimed as the “word of Yahweh.” That it should be announced by the formula, “Thus saith the Lord,” is, therefore, only what we expect; and we are prepared for such a description of its process as: “The Lord Yahweh .... wakeneth mine ear to hear,” He “hath opened mine ear” ( Isaiah 50:4,5). But this is not the way of speaking of their messages which is most usual in the prophets. Rather is the whole body of prophecy cursorily presented as a thing seen. Isaiah places at the head of his book: “The vision of Isaiah .... which he saw” (compare Isaiah 29:10,11; Obidiah 1:1); and then proceeds to set at the head of subordinate sections the remarkable words, “The word that Isaiah .... saw” (2:1); “the burden (margin “oracle”) .... which Isaiah .... did see” (13:1). Similarly there stand at the head of other prophecies: “the words of Amos .... which he saw” ( Amos 1:1); “the word of Yahweh that came to Micah .... which he saw” ( Micah 1:1); “the oracle which Habakkuk the prophet did see” ( Habakkuk 1:1 margin); and elsewhere such language occurs as this: “the word that Yahweh hath showed me” ( Jeremiah 38:21); “the prophets have seen .... oracles” ( Lamentations 2:14); “the word of Yahweh came .... and I looked, and, behold” ( Ezekiel 1:3,4); “Woe unto the foolish prophets, that follow their own spirit, and have seen nothing” ( Ezekiel 13:3); “I .... will look forth to see what he will speak with me,.... Yahweh .... said, Write the vision” ( Habakkuk 2:1 f). It is an inadequate explanation of such language to suppose it merely a relic of a time when vision was more predominantly the form of revelation. There is no proof that vision in the technical sense ever was more predominantly the form of revelation than in the days of the great writing prophets; and such language as we have quoted too obviously represents the living point of view of the prophets to admit of the supposition that it was merely conventional on their lips. The prophets, in a word, represent the divine communications which they received as given to them in some sense in visions.

    It is possible, no doubt, to exaggerate the significance of this. It is an exaggeration, for example, to insist that therefore all the divine communications made to the prophets must have come to them in external appearances and objective speech, addressed to and received by means of the bodily eye and ear. This would be to break down the distinction between manifestation and revelation, and to assimilate the mode of prophetic revelation to that granted to Moses, though these are expressly distinguished ( Numbers 12:6-8). It is also an exaggeration to insist that therefore the prophetic state must be conceived as that of strict ecstasy, involving the complete abeyance of all mental life on the part of the prophet (amentia), and possibly also accompanying physical effects. It is quite clear from the records which the prophets themselves give us of their revelations that their intelligence was alert in all stages of their reception of them. The purpose of both these extreme views is the good one of doing full justice to the objectivity of the revelations vouchsafed to the prophets.

    If these revelations took place entirely externally to the prophet, who merely stood off and contemplated them, or if they were implanted in the prophets by a process so violent as not only to supersede their mental activity but, for the time being, to annihilate it, it would be quite clear that they came from a source other than the prophets’ own minds. It is undoubtedly the fundamental contention of the prophets that the revelations given through them are not their own but wholly God’s. The significant language we have just quoted from Ezekiel 13:3: “Woe unto the foolish prophets, that follow their own spirit, and have seen nothing,” is a typical utterance of their sense of the complete objectivity of their messages. What distinguishes the false prophets is precisely that they “prophesy out of their own heart” ( Ezekiel 13:2-17), or, to draw the antithesis sharply, that “they speak a vision of their own heart, and not out of the mouth of Yahweh” ( Jeremiah 23:16,26; 14:14). But these extreme views fail to do justice, the one to the equally important fact that the word of God, given through the prophets, comes as the pure and unmixed word of God not merely to, but from, the prophets; and the other to the equally obvious fact that the intelligence of the prophets is alert throughout the whole process of the reception and delivery of the revelation made through them. See INSPIRATION; PROPHECY.

    That which gives to prophecy as a mode of revelation its place in the category of visions, strictly so called, and dreams is that it shares with them the distinguishing characteristic which determines the class. In them all alike the movements of the mind are determined by something extraneous to the subject’s will, or rather, since we are speaking of supernaturally given dreams and visions, extraneous to the totality of the subject’s own psychoses. A power not himself takes possession of his consciousness and determines it according to its will. That power, in the case of the prophets, was fully recognized and energetically asserted to be Yahweh Himself or, to be more specific, the Spirit of Yahweh ( 1 Samuel 10:6,10; Nehemiah 9:30; Zechariah 7:12; Joel 2:28,29). The prophets were therefore `men of the Spirit’ ( Hosea 9:7). What constituted them prophets was that the Spirit was put upon them ( Isaiah 42:1) or poured out on them ( Joel 2:28,29), and they were consequently filled with the Spirit ( Micah 3:8), or, in another but equivalent locution, that “the hand” of the Lord, or “the power of the hand” of the Lord, was upon them ( 2 Kings 3:15; Ezekiel 1:3; 3:14,22; 33:22; 37:1; 40:1), that is to say, they were under the divine control. This control is represented as complete and compelling, so that, under it, the prophet becomes not the “mover,” but the “moved” in the formation of his message. The apostle Peter very purely reflects the prophetic consciousness in his well-known declaration: `No prophecy of scripture comes of private interpretation; for prophecy was never brought by the will of man; but it was as borne by the Holy Spirit that men spoke from God’ (2 Pet 1:20,21). 5. “Passivity” of Prophets: What this language of Peter emphasizes — and what is emphasized in the whole account which the prophets give of their own consciousness — is, to speak plainly, the passivity of the prophets with respect to the revelation given through them. This is the significance of the phrase: `it was as borne by the Holy Spirit that men spoke from God.’ To be “borne” ([fe>rein, pherein ]) is not the same as to be led ([a]gein, agein ]), much less to be guided or directed ([oJdhgei~n, hodegein ]): he that is “borne” contributes nothing to the movement induced, but is the object to be moved. The term “passivity” is, perhaps, however, liable to some misapprehension, and should not be overstrained. It is not intended to deny that the intelligence of the prophets was active in the reception of their message; it was by means of their active intelligence that their message was received: their intelligence was the instrument of revelation. It is intended to deny only that their intelligence was active in the production of their message: that it was creatively as distinguished from receptively active. For reception itself is a kind of activity. What the prophets are solicitous that their readers shall understand is that they are in no sense coauthors with God of their messages. Their messages are given them, given them entire, and given them precisely as they are given out by them. God speaks through them: they are not merely His messengers, but “His mouth.” But at the same time their intelligence is active in the reception, retention and announcing of their messages, contributing nothing to them but presenting fit instruments for the communication of them — instruments capable of understanding, responding profoundly to and zealously proclaiming them.

    There is, no doubt, a not unnatural hesitancy abroad in thinking of the prophets as exhibiting only such merely receptive activities. In the interests of their personalities, we are asked not to represent God as dealing mechanically with them, pouring His revelations into their souls to be simply received as in so many buckets, or violently wresting their minds from their own proper action that He may do His own thinking with them.

    Must we not rather suppose, we are asked, that all revelations must be “psychologically mediated,” must be given “after the mode of moral mediation,” and must be made first of all their recipients’ “own spiritual possession”? And is not, in point of fact, the personality of each prophet clearly traceable in his message, and that to such an extent as to compel us to recognize him as in a true sense its real author? The plausibility of such questionings should not be permitted to obscure the fact that the mode of the communication of the prophetic messages which is suggested by them is directly contradicted by the prophets’ own representations of their relations to the revealing Spirit. In the prophets’ own view they were just instruments through whom God gave revelations which came from them, not as their own product, but as the pure word of Yahweh. Neither should the plausibility of such questionings blind us to their speciousness. They exploit subordinate considerations, which are not without their validity in their own place and under their own limiting conditions, as if they were the determining or even the sole considerations in the case, and in neglect of the really determining considerations. God is Himself the author of the instruments He employs for the communication of His messages to men and has framed them into precisely the instruments He desired for the exact communication of His message. There is just ground for the expectation that He will use all the instruments He employs according to their natures; intelligent beings therefore as intelligent beings, moral agents as moral agents. But there is no just ground for asserting that God is incapable of employing the intelligent beings He has Himself created and formed to His will, to proclaim His messages purely as He gives them to them; or of making truly the possession of rational minds conceptions which they have themselves had no part in creating. And there is no ground for imagining that God is unable to frame His own message in the language of the organs of His revelation without its thereby ceasing to be, because expressed in a fashion natural to these organs, therefore purely His message. One would suppose it to lie in the very nature of the case that if the Lord makes any revelation to men, He would do it in the language of men; or, to individualize more explicitly, in the language of the man He employs as the organ of His revelation; and that naturally means, not the language of his nation or circle merely, but his own particular language, inclusive of all that gives individuality to his self-expression. We may speak of this, if we will, as “the accommodation of the revealing God to the several prophetic individualities.” But we should avoid thinking of it externally and therefore mechanically, as if the revealing Spirit artificially phrased the message which He gives through each prophet in the particular forms of speech proper to the individuality of each, so as to create the illusion that the message comes out of the heart of the prophet himself. Precisely what the prophets affirm is that their messages do not come out of their own hearts and do not represent the workings of their own spirits. Nor is there any illusion in the phenomenon we are contemplating; and it is a much more intimate, and, we may add, a much more interesting phenomenon than an external “accommodation” of speech to individual habitudes. It includes, on the one hand, the “accommodation” of the prophet, through his total preparation, to the speech in which the revelation to be given through him is to be clothed; and on the other involves little more than the consistent carrying into detail of the broad principle that God uses the instruments He employs in accordance with their natures.

    No doubt, on adequate occasion, the very stones might cry out by the power of God, and dumb beasts speak, and mysterious voices sound forth from the void; and there have not been lacking instances in which men have been compelled by the same power to speak what they would not, and in languages whose very sounds were strange to their ears. But ordinarily when God the Lord would speak to men He avails Himself of the services of a human tongue with which to speak, and He employs this tongue according to its nature as a tongue and according to the particular nature of the tongue which He employs. It is vain to say that the message delivered through the instrumentality of this tongue is conditioned at least in its form by the tongue by which it is spoken, if not, indeed, limited, curtailed, in some degree determined even in its matter, by it. Not only was it God the Lord who made the tongue, and who made this particular tongue with all its peculiarities, not without regard to the message He would deliver through it; but His control of it is perfect and complete, and it is as absurd to say that He cannot speak His message by it purely without that message suffering change from the peculiarities of its tone and modes of enunciation, as it would be to say that no new truth can be announced in any language because the elements of speech by the combination of which the truth in question is announced are already in existence with their fixed range of connotation. The marks of the several individualities imprinted on the messages of the prophets, in other words, are only a part of the general fact that these messages are couched in human language, and in no way beyond that general fact affect their purity as direct communications from God. 6. Revelation by Inspiration: A new set of problems is raised by the mode of revelation which we have called “concursive operation.” This mode of revelation differs from prophecy, properly so called, precisely by the employment in it, as is not done in prophecy, of the total personality of the organ of revelation, as a factor. It has been common to speak of the mode of the Spirit’s action in this form of revelation, therefore, as an assistance, a superintendence, a direction, a control, the meaning being that the effect aimed at — the discovery and enunciation of divine truth — is attained through the action of the human powers — historical research, logical reasoning, ethical thought, religious aspiration — acting not by themselves, however, but under the prevailing assistance, superintendence, direction, control of the Divine Spirit. This manner of speaking has the advantage of setting this mode of revelation sharply in contrast with prophetic revelation, as involving merely a determining, and not, as in prophetic revelation, a supercessive action of the revealing Spirit. We are warned, however, against pressing this discrimination too far by the inclusion of the whole body of Scripture in such passages as 2 Peter 1:20 f in the category of prophecy, and the assignment of their origin not to a mere “leading” but to the “bearing” of the Holy Spirit. In any event such terms as assistance, superintendence, direction, control, inadequately express the nature of the Spirit’s action in revelation by “concursive operation.” The Spirit is not to be conceived as standing outside of the human powers employed for the effect in view, ready to supplement any inadequacies they may show and to supply any defects they may manifest, but as working confluently in, with and by them, elevating them, directing them, controlling them, energizing them, so that, as His instruments, they rise above themselves and under His inspiration do His work and reach His aim. The product, therefore, which is attained by their means is His product through them. It is this fact which gives to the process the right to be called actively, and to the product the right to be called passively, a revelation. Although the circumstance that what is done is done by and through the action of human powers keeps the product in form and quality in a true sense human, yet the confluent operation of the Holy Spirit throughout the whole process raises the result above what could by any possibility be achieved by mere human powers and constitutes it expressly a supernatural product. The human traits are traceable throughout its whole extent, but at bottom it is a divine gift, and the language of Paul is the most proper mode of speech that could be applied to it: “Which things also we speak, not in words which man’s wisdom teacheth, but which the Spirit teacheth” (1 Cor 2:13); “The things which I write unto you .... are the commandment of the Lord” (1 Cor 14:37). See INSPIRATION. 7. Complete Revelation of God in Christ: It is supposed that all the forms of special or redemptive revelation which underlie and give its content to the religion of the Bible may without violence be subsumed under one or another of these three modes — external manifestation, internal suggestion, and concursive operation. All, that is, except the culminating revelation, not through, but in, Jesus Christ.

    As in His person, in which dwells all the fullness of the Godhead bodily, He rises above all classification and is sui generis; so the revelation accumulated in Him stands outside all the divers portions and divers manners in which otherwise revelation has been given and sums up in itself all that has been or can be made known of God and of His redemption. He does not so much make a revelation of God as Himself is the revelation of God; He does not merely disclose God’s purpose of redemption, He is unto us wisdom from God, and righteousness and sanctification and redemption. The theophanies are but faint shadows in comparison with His manifestation of God in the flesh. The prophets could prophesy only as the Spirit of Christ which was in them testified, revealing to them as to servants one or another of the secrets of the Lord Yahweh; from Him as His Son, Yahweh has no secrets, but whatsoever the Father knows that the Son knows also. Whatever truth men have been made partakers of by the Spirit of truth is His (for all things whatsoever the Father hath are His) and is taken by the Spirit of truth and declared to men that He may be glorified.

    Nevertheless, though all revelation is thus summed up in Him, we should not fail to note very carefully that it would also be all sealed up in Him — so little is revelation conveyed by fact alone, without the word — had it not been thus taken by the Spirit of truth and declared unto men. The entirety of the New Testament is but the explanatory word accompanying and giving its effect to the fact of Christ. And when this fact was in all its meaning made the possession of men, revelation was completed and in that sense ceased. Jesus Christ is no less the end of revelation than He is the end of the law.

    IV. BIBLICAL TERMINOLOGY. 1. The Ordinary Forms: There is not much additional to be learned concerning the nature and processes of revelation, from the terms currently employed in Scripture to express the idea. These terms are ordinarily the common words for disclosing, making known, making manifest, applied with more or less heightened significance to supernatural acts or effects in kind. In the English Bible (the King James Version) the verb “reveal” occurs about times, of which 22 are in the Old Testament and 29 in the New Testament.

    In the Old Testament the word is always the rendering of a Hebrew term [ hl;G; , galah ], or its Aramaic equivalent [ hl;G] , gelah ], the root meaning of which appears to be “nakedness.” When applied to revelation, it seems to hint at the removal of obstacles to perception or the uncovering of objects to perception. In the New Testament the word “reveal” is always (with the single exception of Luke 2:35) the rendering of a Greek term [ajpokalu>ptw, apokalupto ] (but in 2 Thessalonians 1:7; 1 Peter 4:13 the corresponding noun [ajpoka>luyiv, apokalupsis ]), which has a very similar basal significance with its Hebrew parallel. As this Hebrew word formed no substantive in this sense, the noun “revelation” does not occur in the English Old Testament, the idea being expressed, however, by other Hebrew terms variously rendered. It occurs in the English New Testament, on the other hand, about a dozen times, and always as the rendering of the substantive corresponding to the verb rendered “reveal” (apokalupsis ). On the face of the English Bible, the terms “reveal,” “revelation” bear therefore uniformly the general sense of “disclose,” “disclosure.” The idea is found in the Bible, however, much more frequently than the terms “reveal” “revelation” in English Versions of the Bible. Indeed, the Hebrew and Greek terms exclusively so rendered occur more frequently in this sense than in this rendering in the English Bible.

    And by their side there stand various other terms which express in one way or another the general conception.

    In the New Testament the verb [fanero>w, phaneroo ], with the general sense of making manifest, manifesting, is the most common of these. It differs from apokalupto as the more general and external term from the more special and inward. Other terms also are occasionally used: [ejpifa>neia, epiphaneia ], “manifestation” (2 Thess 2:8; 1 Timothy 6:14; 2 Timothy 1:10; 4:1; Titus 2:13; compare [ejpifai>nw, epiphaino ], Titus 2:11; 3:4); [deiknu>w, deiknuo ] ( Revelation 1:1; 17:1; 22:1,6,8; compare Acts 9:16; 1 Timothy 4:15); [ejxhge>omai, exegomai ] ( John 1:18), of which, however, only one perhaps — [crhmati>zw, chrematizo ] ( Matthew 2:12,22; Luke 2:20; Acts 10:22; Hebrews 8:5; 11:7; 12:25); [crhmatismo>v, chrematismos ] ( Romans 11:4) — calls for particular notice as in a special way, according to its usage, expressing the idea of a divine communication.

    In the Old Testament, the common Hebrew verb for “seeing” ([ ha;r; , ra’ah ]) is used in its appropriate stems, with God as the subject, for “appearing,” “showing”: “the Lord appeared unto .... “; “the word which the Lord showed me.” And from this verb not only is an active substantive formed which supplied the more ancient designation of the official organ of revelation: [ ha,ro , ro’eh ], “seer”; but also objective substantives, [ ha;r]m” , mar’ah ], and [ ha,r]m” , mar’eh ], which were used to designate the thing seen in a revelation — the “vision.” By the side of these terms there were others in use, derived from a root which supplies to the Aramaic its common word for “seeing,” but in Hebrew has a somewhat more pregnant meaning, [ hz;j; , chazah ]. Its active derivative, [ hz,jo , chozeh ], was a designation of a prophet which remained in occasional use, alternating with the more customary [ aybin; , nabhi’ ], long after [ ha,Or , ro’eh ], had become practically obsolete; and its passive derivatives chazon , chizzayon , chazuth , machazeh provided the ordinary terms for the substance of the revelation or “vision.” The distinction between the two sets of terms, derived respectively from ra’ah and chazah , while not to be unduly pressed, seems to lie in the direction that the former suggests external manifestations and the latter internal revelations. The ro’eh is he to whom divine manifestations, the chozeh he to whom divine communications, have been vouchsafed; the mar’eh is an appearance, the chazon and its companions a vision. It may be of interest to observe that mar’ah is the term employed in Numbers 12:6, while it is chazon which commonly occurs in the headings of the written prophecies to indicate their revelatory character. From this it may possibly be inferred that in the former passage it is the mode, in the latter the contents of the revelation that is emphasized. Perhaps a like distinction may be traced between the chazon of Daniel 8:15 and the mar’eh of the next verse. The ordinary verb for “knowing,” [ [d”y; , yadha` ], expressing in its causative stems the idea of making known, informing, is also very naturally employed, with God as its subject, in the sense of revealing, and that, in accordance with the natural sense of the word, with a tendency to pregnancy of implication, of revealing effectively, of not merely uncovering to observation, but making to know. Accordingly, it is paralleled riot merely with [ hl;G; , galah ] ( Psalm 98:2: `The Lord hath made known his salvation; his righteousness hath he displayed in the sight of the nation’), but also with such terms as [ dm”l; , lamadh ] ( Psalm 25:4: `Make known to me thy ways, O Lord: teach me thy paths’). This verb yadha` forms no substantive in the sense of “revelation” (compare [ t[“D” , da`ath ], Numbers 24:16; Psalm 19:3). 2. “Word of Yahweh” and “Torah”: The most common vehicles of the idea of “revelation” in the Old Testament are, however, two expressions which are yet to be mentioned.

    These are the phrase, “word of Yahweh,” and the term commonly but inadequately rendered in the English Versions of the Bible by “law.” The former (debhar Yahweh , varied to debhar ‘Elohim or debhar ha-’Elohim ; compare ne’um Yahweh , massa’ Yahweh ) occurs scores of times and is at once the simplest and the most colorless designation of a divine communication. By the latter (torah ), the proper meaning of which is “instruction,” a strong implication of authoritativeness is conveyed; and, in this sense, it becomes what may be called the technical designation of a specifically divine communication. The two are not infrequently brought together, as in Isaiah 1:10: “Hear the word of Yahweh, ye rulers of Sodom; give ear unto the law (margin “teaching”) of our God, ye people of Gomorrah”; or Isaiah 2:3 margin; Micah 4:2: “For out of Zion shall go forth the law (margin “instruction”), and the word of Yahweh from Jerusalem.” Both terms are used for any divine communication of whatever extent; and both came to be employed to express the entire body of divine revelation, conceived as a unitary whole. In this comprehensive usage, the emphasis of the one came to fall more on the graciousness, and of the other more on the authoritativeness of this body of divine revelation; and both passed into the New Testament with these implications. “The word of God,” or simply “the word,” comes thus to mean in the New Testament just the gospel, “the word of the proclamation of redemption, that is, all that which God has to say to man, and causes to be said” looking to his salvation. It expresses, in a word, precisely what we technically speak of as God’s redemptive revelation. “The law,” on the other hand, means in this New Testament use, just the whole body of the authoritative instruction which God has given men. It expresses, in other words, what we commonly speak of as God’s supernatural revelation. The two things, of course, are the same: God’s authoritative revelation is His gracious revelation; God’s redemptive revelation is His supernatural revelation. The two terms merely look at the one aggregate of revelation from two aspects, and each emphasizes its own aspect of this one aggregated revelation.

    Now, this aggregated revelation lay before the men of the New Testament in a written form, and it was impossible to speak freely of it without consciousness of and at least occasional reference to its written form.

    Accordingly we hear of a Word of God that is written, ( John 15:25; 1 Corinthians 15:54), and the Divine Word is naturally contrasted with mere tradition, as if its written form were of its very idea ( Mark 7:10); indeed, the written body of revelation — with an emphasis on its written form — is designated expressly `the prophetic word’ (2 Pet 1:19). 3. “The Scriptures”: More distinctly still, “the Law” comes to be thought of as a written, not exactly, code, but body of Divinely authoritative instructions. The phrase, “It is written in your law” ( John 10:34; 15:25; Romans 3:19; Corinthians 14:21), acquires the precise sense of, “It is set forth in your authoritative Scriptures, all the content of which is `law,’ that is, divine instruction.” Thus, “the Word of God,” “the Law,” came to mean just the written body of revelation, what we call, and what the New Testament writers called, in the same high sense which we give the term, “the Scriptures.” These “Scriptures” are thus identified with the revelation of God, conceived as a well-defined corpus, and two conceptions rise before us which have had a determining part to play in the history of Christianity — the conception of an authoritative Canon of Scripture, and the conception of this Canon of Scripture as just the Word of God written. The former conception was thrown into prominence in opposition to the Gnostic heresies in the earliest age of the church, and gave rise to a richly varied mode of speech concerning the Scriptures, emphasizing their authority in legal language, which goes back to and rests on the Biblical. usage of “Law.” The latter it was left to the Reformation to do justice to in its struggle against, on the one side, the Romish depression of the Scriptures in favor of the traditions of the church, and on the other side the Enthusiasts’ supercession of them in the interests of the “inner Word.”

    When Tertullian, on the one hand, speaks of the Scriptures as an “Instrument,” a legal document, his terminology has an express warrant in the Scriptures’ own usage of torah, “law,” to designate their entire content.

    And when John Gerhard argues that “between the Word of God and Sacred Scripture, taken in a material sense, there is no real difference,” he is only declaring plainly what is definitely implied in the New Testament use of “the Word of God” with the written revelation in mind. What is important to recognize is that the Scriptures themselves represent the Scriptures as not merely containing here and there the record of revelations — “words of God,” toroth — given by God, but as themselves, in all their extent, a revelation, an authoritative body of gracious instructions from God; or, since they alone, of all the revelations which God may have given, are extant — rather as the Revelation, the only “Word of God” accessible to men, in all their parts “law,” that is, authoritative instruction from God.

    LITERATURE.

    Herman Witsius, “Deuteronomy Prophetis et Prophetia” in Miscell. Sacr., I, Leiden, 1736, 1-318; G. F. Oehler, Theology of the Old Testament, English translation, Edinburgh, 1874, I, part I (and the appropriate sections in other Biblical Theologies); H. Bavinck, Gereformeerde Dogmatiek (2) , I, Kampen, 1906, 290-406 (and the appropriate sections in other dogmatic treatises); H. Voigt, Fundamentaldogmatik, Gotha, 1874, 173 ff; A.

    Kuyper, Encyclopedia of Sacred Theology, English translation, New York, 1898, Division III, Chapter ii; A. E. Krauss, Die Lehre von der Offenbarung, Gotha, 1868; C. F. Fritzsche, Deuteronomy revelationis notione biblica, Leipzig, 1828; E. W. Hengstenberg, The Christology of the O T, ET2, Edinburgh, 1868, IV, Appendix 6, pp. 396-444; E. Konig, Per Offenbarungsbegriff des Altes Testament, Leipzig, 1882; A. B. Davidson, Old Testament Prophecy, 1903; W. J. Beecher, The Prophets and the Promise, New York, 1905; James Orr, The Christian View of God and the World, 1893, as per Index, “Revelation,” and Revelation and Inspiration, London and New York, 1910. Also: T. Christlieb, Modern Doubt and Christian Belief, English translation, New York, 1874; G. P. Fisher, The Nature and Method of Revelation, New York, 1890; C. M. Mead, Supernatural Revelation, 1889; J. Quirmbach, Die Lehre des h. Paulus von der naturlichen Gotteserkenntnis, etc., Freiburg, 1906. Benjamin B. Warfield REVELATION OF JOHN:

    The last book of the New Testament. It professes to be the record of prophetic visions given by Jesus Christ to John, while the latter was a prisoner, “for the word of God and the testimony of Jesus” ( Revelation 1:9), in PATMOS (which see), a small rocky island in the Aegean, about miles West of Ephesus. Its precursor in the Old Testament is the Book of Dnl, with the symbolic visions and mystical numbers of which it stands in close affinity. The peculiar form of the book, its relation to other “apocalyptic” writings, and to the Fourth Gospel, likewise attributed to John, the interpretation of its symbols, with disputed questions of its date, of worship, unity, relations to contemporary history, etc., have made it one of the most difficult books in the New Testament to explain satisfactorily.

    I. TITLE AND GENERAL CHARACTER OF BOOK. 1. Title: “Revelation” answers to [ajpoka>luyiv, apokalupsis ], in Revelation 1:1. The oldest form of the title would seem to be simply, “Apocalypse of John,” the appended words “the divine” ([qeolo>gov, theologos ], i.e. “theologian”) not being older than the 4th century (compare the title given to Gregory of Nazianzus, “Gregory theologian”). The book belongs to the class of works commonly named “apocalyptic,” as containing visions and revelations of the future, frequently in symbolical form (e.g. the Book of Enoch, the Apocalypse of Bar, the Apocalypse of Ezr; see APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE ), but it is doubtful if the word here bears this technical sense. The tendency at present is to group the New Testament Apocalypse with these others, and attribute to it the same kind of origin as theirs, namely, in the unbridled play of religious fantasy, clothing itself in unreal visional form. 2. Uniqueness and Reality of Visions: But there is a wide distinction. These other works are pseudonymous — fictitious; on the face of them products of imagination; betraying that this is their origin in their crude, confused, unedifying character. The Apocalypse bears on it the name of its author — an apostle of Jesus Christ (see below); claims to rest on real visions; rings with the accent of sincerity; is orderly, serious, sublime, purposeful, in its conceptions; deals with the most solemn and momentous of themes. On the modern Nerotheory, to which most recent expositors give adherence, it is a farrago of baseless fantasies, no one of which came true. On its own claim it is a product of true prophecy ( Revelation 1:3; 22:18 f), and has or will have sure fulfillment. Parallels here and there are sought between it and the Book of Enoch or the Apocalypse of Ezra. As a rule the resemblances arise from the fact that these works draw from the same store of the ideas and imagery of the Old Testament. It is there the key is chiefly to be sought to the symbolism of John. The Apocalypse is steeped in the thoughts, the images, even the language of the Old Testament (compare the illustrations in Lightfoot, Galatians, 361, where it is remarked: “The whole book is saturated with illustrations from the Old Testament. It speaks not the language of Paul, but of Isaiah and Ezekiel and Daniel”). These remarks will receive elucidation in what follows.

    II. CANONICITY AND AUTHORITY. 1. Patristic Testimony: The two questions of canonicity and authorship are closely connected.

    Eusebius states that opinion in his day was divided on the book, and he himself wavers between placing it among the disputed books or ranking it with the acknowledged (homologoumena). “Among these,” he says, “if such a view seem correct, we must place the Apocalypse of John” (Historia Ecclesiastica, III, 25). That it was rightly so placed appears from a survey of the evidence. The first to refer to the book expressly is Justin Martyr (circa 140 AD), who speaks of it as the work of “a certain man, whose name was John, one of the apostles of Christ” (Dial, 81). Irenaeus (circa 180 AD) repeatedly and decisively declares that the Apocalypse was written by John, a disciple of the Lord (Adv. Haer., iv.20, 11; 30, 4; v.26, 1; 35, 2, etc.), and comments on the number 666 (v.30, 1). In his case there can be no doubt that the apostle John is meant. Andreas of Cappadocia (5th century) in a Commentary on the Apocalypse states that Papias (circa 130 AD) bore witness to its credibility, and cites a comment by him on Revelation 12:7-9. The book is quoted in the Epistle on the martyrs of Vienne and Lyons (177 AD); had a commentary written on it by Melito of Sardis (circa 170 AD), one of the churches of the Apocalypse (Euseb., HE, IV, 26); was used by Theophilus of Antioch (circa 168 AD) and by Apollonius (circa 210 AD; HE, V, 25) — in these cases being cited as the Apocalypse of John. It is included as John’s in the Canon of Muratori (circa 200 AD). The Johannine authorship (apostolic) is abundantly attested by Tertullian (circa 200 AD; Adv. Mar., iii.14, 24, etc.); by Hippolytus (circa 240 AD), who wrote a work upon it; by Clement of Alexandria (circa 200 AD); by Origen (circa 230 AD), and other writers.

    Doubt about the authorship of the book is first heard of in the obscure sect of the Alogi (end of the 2nd century), who, with Caius, a Roman presbyter (circa 205 AD), attributed it to Cerinthus. More serious was the criticism of Dionysius of Alexandria (circa 250 AD), who, on internal grounds, held that the Fourth Gospel and the Apocalypse could not have come from the same pen (Euseb., HE, VII, 25). He granted, however, that it was the work of a holy and inspired man — another John. The result was that, while “in the Western church,” as Bousset grants, “the Apocalypse was accepted unanimously from the first” (EB, I, 193), a certain doubt attached to it for a time in sections of the Greek and Syrian churches. It is not found in the Peshitta, and a citation from it in Ephraim the Syrian (circa 373) seems not to be genuine. Cyril of Jerusalem (circa 386 AD) omits it from his list, and it is unmentioned by the Antiochian writers (Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret). The Canon attributed to the Council of Laodicea (circa 360 AD) does not name it, but it is doubtful whether this document is not of later date (compare Westcott; also Bousset, Die Offenb. Joh., 28).

    On the other hand, the book is acknowledged by Methodius, Pamphilus, Athanasius, Gregory of Nyssa, Cyril Alex., Epiphanius, etc. 2. Testimony of Book Itself: The testimony to the canonicity, and also to the Johannine authorship, of the Apocalypse is thus exceptionally strong. In full accordance with it is the claim of the book itself. It proclaims itself to be the work of John ( Revelation 1:1,4,9; 22:8), who does not, indeed, name himself an apostle, yet, in his inspired character, position of authority in the Asian churches, and selection as the medium of these revelations, can hardly be thought of as other than the well-known John of the Gospels and of consentient church tradition. The alternative view, first suggested as a possibility by Eusebius, now largely favored by modern writers, is that the John intended is the “presbyter John” of a well-known passage cited by Eusebius from Papias (Historia Ecclesiastica, III, 39). Without entering into the intricate questions connected with this “presbyter John” — whether he was really a distinct person from the apostle (Zahn and others dispute it), or whether, if he was, he resided at Ephesus (see JOHN, GOSPEL OF ) — it is enough here to say that the reason already given, viz: the importance and place of authority of the author of the Apocalypse in the Asian churches, and the emphatic testimony above cited connecting him with the apostle, forbid the attribution of the book to a writer wholly unknown to church tradition, save for this casual reference to him in Papias. Had the assumed presbyter really been the author, he could not have dropped so completely out of the knowledge of the church, and had his place taken all but immediately by the apostle. 3. Objections to Johannine Authorship — Relation to Fourth Gospel: One cause of the hesitancy regarding the Apocalypse in early circles was dislike of its millenarianism; but the chief reason, set forth with much critical skill by Dionysius of Alexandria (Euseb., HE, VII, 25), was the undoubted contrast in character and style between this work and the Fourth Gospel, likewise claiming to be from the pen of John. Two works so diverse in character — the Gospel calm, spiritual, mystical, abounding in characteristic expressions as “life,” “light,” “love,” etc., written in idiomatic Greek; the Apocalypse abrupt, mysterious, material in its imagery, inexact and barbarous in its idioms, sometimes employing solecisms — could not, it was argued, proceed from the same author. Not much, beyond amplification of detail, has been added to the force of the arguments of Dionysius. There were three possibilities — either first, admitting the Johannine authorship of the Apocalypse, to assail the genuineness of the Gospel — this was the method of the school of Baur; or, second, accepting the Gospel, to seek a different author for the Apocalypse — John the presbyter, or another: thus not a few reverent scholars (Bleek, Neander, etc.); or, third, with most moderns, to deny the Johannine authorship of both Gospel and Apocalypse, with a leaning to the “presbyter” as the author of the latter (Harnack, Bousset, Moffatt, etc.). Singularly there has been of late in the advanced school itself a movement in the direction of recognizing that this difficulty of style is less formidable than it looks — that, in fact, beneath the surface difference, there is a strong body of resemblances pointing to a close relationship of Gospel and Apocalypse.

    This had long been argued by the older writers (Godet, Luthardt, Alford, Salmon, etc.), but it is now more freely acknowledged. As instances among many may be noted the use of the term “Logos” ( Revelation 19:13), the image of the “Lamb,” figures like “water of life” words and phrases as “true,” “he that overcometh,” “keep the commandments,” etc. A striking coincidence is the form of quotation of Zechariah 12:10 in John 19:37 and Revelation 1:7. If the Greek in parts shows a certain abruptness and roughness, it is plainly evidenced by the use of the correct constructions in other passages that this is not due to want of knowledge of the language. “The very rules which he breaks in one place he observes in others” (Salmon). There are, besides, subtle affinities in the Greek usage of the two books, and some of the very irregularities complained of are found in the Gospel (for ample details consult Bousset, op. cit.; Godet, Commentary on John, I, 267-70, English translation; Alford, Greek Test., IV, 224-28; Salmon, Introduction to the New Testament, 233-43, 2nd edition; the last-named writer says: “I have produced instances enough to establish decisively that there is the closest possible affinity between the Revelation and the other Johannine books”). Great differences in character and style no doubt still remain. Some, to leave room for these, favor an early date for the Apocalypse (68-69 BC; on this below); the trend of opinion, however, now seems, as will be shown, to be moving back to the traditional date in the reign of Domitian, in which case the Gospel will be the earlier, and the Apocalypse the later work. This, likewise, seems to yield the better explanation. The tremendous experiences of Patmos, bursting through all ordinary and calmer states of consciousness, must have produced startling changes in thought and style of composition. The “rapt seer” will not speak and write like the selfcollected, calmly brooding evangelist.

    III. DATE AND UNITY OF THE BOOK. 1. Traditional Date under Domitian: Eusebius, in summing up the tradition of the Church on this subject, assigns John’s exile to Patmos, and consequently the composition of the Apocalypse, to the latter part of the reign of Domitian (81-96 AD).

    Irenaeus (circa 180 AD) says of the book, “For it was seen, not a long time ago, but almost in our own generation, at the end of the reign of Domitian” (Adv. Haer., v.30, 3). This testimony is confirmed by Clement of Alexandria (who speaks of “the tyrant”), Origen, and later writers.

    Epiphanius (4th century), indeed, puts (Haer., li.12, 233) the exile to Patmos in the reign of Claudius (41-54 AD); but as, in the same sentence, he speaks of the apostle as 90 years of age, it is plain there is a strange blunder in the name of the emperor. The former date answers to the conditions of the book (decadence of the churches; widespread and severe persecution), and to the predilection of Domitian for this mode of banishment (compare Tacitus, History i.2; Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica, III, 18). 2. The Nero-Theory: This, accordingly, may be regarded as the traditional date of composition of the Apocalypse, though good writers, influenced partly by the desire to give time for the later composition of the Gospel, have signified a preference for an earlier date (e.g. Westcott, Salmon). It is by no means to be assumed, however, that the Apocalypse is the earlier production. The tendency of recent criticism, it will be seen immediately, is to revert to the traditional date (Bousset, etc.); but for a decade or two, through the prevalence of what may be called the “Nero-theory” of the book, the pendulum swung strongly in favor of its composition shortly after the death of Nero, and before the destruction of Jerusalem (held to be shown to be still standing by Revelation 11), i.e. about 68-69 AD. This date was even held to be demonstrated beyond all question. Reuss may be taken as an example. According to him (Christian Theology of the Apostolic Age, I, 369 ff, English translation), apart from the ridiculous preconceptions of theologians, the Apocalypse is “the most simple, most transparent book that prophet ever penned.” “There is no other apostolical writing the chronology of which can be more exactly fixed.” “It was written before the destruction of Jerusalem, under the emperor Galba — that is to say, in the second half of the year 68 of our era.” He proceeds to discuss “the irrefutable proofs” of this. The proof, in brief, is found in the beast (not introduced till Revelation 13) with seven heads, one of which has been mortally wounded, but is for the present healed ( Revelation 13:3). “This is the Roman empire, with its first 7 emperors, one of whom is killed, but is to live again as Antichrist” (compare Revelation 17:10 f). The key to the whole book is said to be given in Revelation 13:18, where the number of the beast is declared to be 666. Applying the method of numerical values (the Jewish Gematria), this number is found to correspond with the name “Nero Caesar” in Hebrew letters (omitting the yodh, the Hebrew letter “y”). Nero then is the 5th head that is to live again; an interpretation confirmed by rumors prevalent at that time that Nero was not really dead, but only hidden, and was soon to return to claim his throne. As if to make assurance doubly sure, it is found that by dropping the final “n” in “Neron,” the number becomes 616 — a number which Irenaeus in his comments on the subject (v.30,1) tells us was actually found in some ancient copies. The meaning therefore is thought to be clear.

    Writing under the emperor Galba, the 6th emperor (reckoning from Augustus), the author anticipates, after a short reign of a 7th emperor ( Revelation 17:10), the return of the Antichrist Nero — an 8th, but of the 7, with whom is to come the end. Jerusalem is to be miraculously preserved (Revelation 11), but Rome is to perish. This is to happen within the space of 3 1/2 years. “The final catastrophe, which was to destroy the city and empire, was to take place in three years and a half. .... The writer knows .... that Rome will in three years and a half perish finally, never to rise again.” It does not matter for this theory that not one of the things predicted happened — that every anticipation was falsified. Nero did not return; Jerusalem was not saved; Rome did not perish; 3 1/2 years did not see the end of all things. Yet the Christian-church, though the failure of every one of these predictions had been decisively demonstrated, received the book as of divine inspiration, apparently without the least idea that such things had been intended (see the form of theory in Renan, with a keen criticism in Salmon’s Introduction to the New Testament, lecture xiv). 3. Composite Hypotheses — Babylonian Theory: What is to be said with reference to this “Nero-theory” belongs to subsequent sections: meanwhile it is to be observed that, while portions of theory are retained, significant changes have since taken place in the view entertained of the book as a whole, and with this of the date to be assigned to it. First, after 1882, came a flood of disintegrating hypotheses, based on the idea that the Apocalypse was not a unity, but was either a working up of one or more Jewish apocalypses by Christian hands, or at least incorporated fragments of such apocalypses (Uslter, Vischer, Weizsacker, Weyland, Pfieiderer, Spitta, etc.). Harnack lent his influential support to the form of this theory advocated by Vischer, and for a time the idea had vogue. Very soon, however, it fell into discredit through its own excesses (for details on the different views, see Bousset, or Moffatt’s Introduction to the New Testament, 489 ff), and through increasing appreciation of the internal evidence for the unity of the book. Gunkel, in his Schopfung und Chaos (1895), started another line of criticism in his derivation of the conceptions of the book, not from Jewish apocalypse, but from Babylonian mythology. He assailed with sharp criticism the “contemporary history” school of interpretation (the “Nero-theory” above), and declared its “bankruptcy.” The number of the beast, with him, found its solution, not in Nero, but in the Hebrew name for the primeval chaos. This theory, too, has failed in general acceptance, though elements in it are adopted by most recent interpreters. The modified view most in favor now is that the Apocalypse is, indeed, the work of a Christian writer of the end of the 1st century, but embodies certain sections borrowed from Jewish apocalypse (as Revelation 7:1-8, the 144,000; Revelation 11, measuring of the temple and the two witnesses; especially Revelation 12, the woman and red dragon — this, in turn, reminiscent of Babylonian mythology). These supposed Jewish sections are, however, without real support in anything that is known, and the symbolism admits as easily of a Christian interpretation as any other part of the book. We are left, therefore, as before, with the book as a unity, and the tide of opinion flows back to the age of Domitian as the time of its origin. Moffatt (connecting it mistakenly, as it seems to us, with Domitian’s emphasis on the imperial cult, but giving also other reasons) goes so far as to say that “any earlier date for the book is hardly possible” (Expository Greek Testament, V, 317). The list of authorities for the Domitianie date may be seen in Moffatt, Introduction, 508.

    IV. PLAN AND ANALYSIS OF THE BOOK. 1. General Scope: The method of the book may thus be indicated. After an introduction, and letters to the seven churches (Revelation 1 through 3), the properly prophetic part of the book commences with a vision of heaven (Revelation 4; 5), following upon which are two series of visions of the future, parallel, it would appear, to each other — the first, the 7 seals, and under the 7th seal, the 7 trumpets (Revelation 6 through 11, with interludes in Revelation 7 and again in 10; 11:1-12); the second, the woman and her child (Revelation 12), the 2 beasts (Revelation 13), and, after new interludes (Revelation 14), the bowls and 7 last plagues (Revelation 15; 16). The expansion of the last judgments is given in separate pictures (the scarlet woman, doom of Babylon, Har-Magedon, Revelation 17 through 19); then come the closing scenes of the millennium, the last apostasy, resurrection and judgment (Revelation 20), followed by the new heavens and new earth, with the descending new Jerusalem (Revelation 21; 22). The theme of the book is the conflict of Christ and His church with anti-Christian powers (the devil, the beast, the false prophet, Revelation 16:13), and the ultimate and decisive defeat of the latter; its keynote is in the words, “Come, Lord Jesus” ( Revelation 22:20; compare 1:7); but it is to be noticed, as characteristic of the book, that while this “coming” is represented as, in manner, ever near, the end, as the crisis approaches, is again always postponed by a fresh development of events. Thus, under the 6th seal, the end seems reached ( Revelation 6:12-17), but a pause ensues (Revelation 7), and on the opening of the seventh seal, a new series begins with the trumpets ( Revelation 8:2 ff). Similarly, at the sounding of the 6th trumpet, the end seems at hand ( Revelation 9:12-21), but a new pause is introduced before the last sounding takes place ( Revelation 11:15 ff). Then is announced the final victory, but as yet only in summary. A new series of visions begins, opening into large perspectives, till, after fresh interludes, and the pouring out of 6 of the bowls of judgment, Har-Magedon itself is reached; but though, at the outpouring of the 7th bowl, it is proclaimed, “It is done” ( Revelation 16:17), the end is again held over till these final judgments are shown in detail. At length, surely, in Revelation 19, with the appearance of the white horseman — “The Word of God” (19:13) — and the decisive overthrow of all his adversaries (19:18-21), the climax is touched; but just then, to our surprise, intervenes the announcement of the binding of Satan for 1,000 years, and the reign of Jesus and His saints upon the earth (the interpretation is not here discussed), followed by a fresh apostasy, and the general resurrection and judgment (Revelation 20). Precise time-measures evidently fail in dealing with a book so constructed: the 3 1/2 years of the Nero-interpreters sink into insignificance in its crowded panorama of events. The symbolic numbers that chiefly rule in the book are “seven,” the number of completeness (7 spirits, seals, trumpets, bowls, heads of beasts); “ten,” the number of worldly power (10 horns); “four,” the earthly number (4 living creatures, corners of earth, winds, etc.); 3 1/2 years — 42 months — “time, and times, and half a time” ( Revelation 12:14) = 1,260 days, the period, borrowed from Daniel (7:25; 12:7), of anti-Christian ascendancy. 2. Detailed Analysis: The following is a more detailed analysis:

    I. INTRODUCTION 1. Title and Address ( Revelation 1:1-8) 2. Vision of Jesus and Message to the Seven Churches of the Province of Asia ( Revelation 1:9-20) 3. The Letters to the Seven Churches (Revelation 2; 3) (1) Ephesus ( Revelation 2:1-7) (2) Smyrna ( Revelation 2:8-11) (3) Pergamos ( Revelation 2:12-17) (4) Thyatira ( Revelation 2:18-29) (5) Sardis ( Revelation 3:1-6) (6) Philadelphia ( Revelation 3:7-13) (7) Laodicea ( Revelation 3:14-22) II. THE THINGS TO COME.FIRST SERIES OF VISIONS:THE SEALS AND TRUMPETS 1. The Vision of Heaven (1) Adoration of the Creator (Revelation 4) (2) The 7-Sealed Book; Adoration of God and the Lamb (Revelation 5) 2. Opening of Six Seals (Revelation 6) (1) The White Horse ( Revelation 6:1,2) (2) The Red Horse ( Revelation 6:3,4) (3) The Black Horse ( Revelation 6:5,6) (4) The Pale Horse ( Revelation 6:7,8) (5) Souls under the Altar ( Revelation 6:9-11) (6) The Wrath of the Lamb ( Revelation 6:12-17) 3. Interludes (Revelation 7) (1) Sealing of 144,000 on Earth ( Revelation 7:1-8) (2) Triumphant Multitude in Heaven ( Revelation 7:9-17) 4. Opening of Seventh Seal: under This Seven Trumpets, of Which Six Now Sounded (Revelation 8; 9) (1) Hail and Fire on Earth ( Revelation 8:7) (2) Burning Mountain in Sea ( Revelation 8:8,9) (3) Burning Star on Rivers and Fountains ( Revelation 8:10,11) (4) One-third Sun, Moon, and Stars Darkened ( Revelation 8:12). “Woe” — Trumpets ( Revelation 8:13) (5) The Fallen Star-Locusts ( Revelation 9:1-11) (6) Angels Loosed from Euphrates — the Horseman ( Revelation 9:12-21) 5. Interludes — (1) Angel with Little Book (Revelation 10) (2) Measuring of Temple and Altar — the Two Witnesses ( Revelation 11:1-13) 6. Seventh Trumpet Sounded — Final Victory ( Revelation 11:14-19) III. SECOND SERIES OF VISIONS:THE WOMAN AND THE RED DRAGON; THE TWO BEASTS;THE BOWLS AND LAST PLAGUES 1. The Woman and Child; the Red Dragon and His Persecutions (Revelation 12) 2. The Beast from the Sea, Seven-headed, Ten-horned ( Revelation 13:1-10); the Two-horned Beast ( Revelation 13:11-18) 3. Interludes (Revelation 14) (1) The Lamb on Mt. Zion; the 144,000 ( Revelation 14:1-5) (2) The Angel with “an Eternal Gospel” ( Revelation 14:6,7) (3) Second Angel — (Anticipatory) Proclamation of Fall of Babylon ( Revelation 14:8) (4) Third Angel — Doom of Worshippers of the Beast ( Revelation 14:9-12) (5) Blessedness of the Dead in the Lord ( Revelation 14:13) (6) The Son of Man and the Great Vintage ( Revelation 14:14-20) 4. The Seven Last Plagues — the Angels and Their Bowls: the Preparation in heaven (Revelation 15) — the Outpouring (Revelation 16) (1) On Earth ( Revelation 16:2) (2) On Sea ( Revelation 16:3) (3) On Rivers and Fountains ( Revelation 16:4-7) (4) On Sun ( Revelation 16:8,9) (5) On Seat of Beast ( Revelation 16:10,11) (6) On Euphrates — Har-Magedon ( Revelation 16:12-16) (7) In the Air — Victory and Fall of Babylon ( Revelation 16:17-21) IV. EXPANSION OF LAST JUDGMENTS (Revelation 17 through 19) 1. The Scarlet Woman on Beast — Her Judgment (Revelation 17) 2. Doom of Babylon and Lament over Her (Revelation 18) 3. Interlude — Announcement of Marriage of the Lamb ( Revelation 19:1-10) 4. Rider on White Horse (“The Word of God”) and His Armies — Last Battle and Doom of Beast, False Prophet, and Their Followers ( Revelation 19:11-21) V.THE MILLENNIUM —NEW HEAVENS AND NEW EARTH (Revelation through 22) 1. Satan Bound; First Resurrection and Reign of Saints for 1,000 Years ( Revelation 20:1-6) 2. Loosing of Satan and Final Conflict — Doom of Adversaries and of the Devil ( Revelation 20:7-10) 3 . General Resurrection and Last Judgment ( Revelation 20:11-15) 4. New Heavens and New Earth (1) The New Jerusalem from Heaven ( Revelation 21:1-9) (2) Description of the City ( Revelation 21:10-27) (3) Blessedness of Its Citizens ( Revelation 22:1-7) (4) Epilogue ( Revelation 22:8-21) V. PRINCIPLES OF INTERPRETATION. 1. General Scheme of Interpretation: As a book intended for the consolation of the church under present and future afflictions, the Apocalypse is meant by its author to be understood ( Revelation 1:3; 22:7). He must have been aware, however, that, while its general scope might be apprehended, mystery must rest upon many of its symbols, till the time of their actual fulfillment. The book relates to “things which must shortly come to pass” ( Revelation 1:1) — in their beginnings at least — and the divers interpretations since put upon its prophecies are the best evidence of the difficulties attaching to them.

    Schemes of interpretation have generally been grouped into praeterist (the prophecies being regarded as already fulfilled), futurist (the fulfillment being thrown wholly into the future), and the historical (the fulfillment being looked for in the continuous history of the church from John’s day till the end). (1) The older praeterist view may be taken as represented by Moses Stuart, who finds the fulfillment of Revelation 6-11 in the destruction of Jerusalem (Commentary, 520 ff), and of Revelation 13-19 in the reign of Nero (690 ff). Even he, however, has to interpret the chapter on the last things of the future. (2) The futurist view connects the whole with the times of the second advent and the millennium. The beast is an individual who shall then appear as Antichrist. This rejects the plain intimations of the book that the events predicted lay, in their beginnings at least, immediately in the future of the writer. (3) The historical view connects the various symbols with definite occurrences — as the invasions which overthrew the Roman Empire (the first 4 trumpets), the Saracens (first woe-trumpet), the Turks (second woe-trumpet), the papacy (the beast, Revelation 13; the scarlet woman, Revelation 17), etc. A day-year principle is applied to the periods (1,260 days — 1,260 years). As representatives of this view may be mentioned Mode, Vitringa, Sir Isaac Newton, Elliott in Horae Apocalypticae, A. Barnes. 2. The Newer Theories: These older schemes are largely put out of date by the newer theories, already alluded to, in which the Apocalypse is explained out of contemporary conditions, the legend of the returning Nero, Jewish apocalypse, and Babylonian mythology. These are praeterist theories also, but differ from the older in that in them all real prophecy is denied. A mainstay of such theories is the declaration of the book that the events announced are close at hand ( Revelation 1:1,3; 22:20). When, however, it is remembered that, on any view, this nearness includes a period of 1,000 years before the judgment and descent of the new Jerusalem, it will be felt that it will not do to give these expressions too restricted a temporal significance. The horizon is wider. The coming of Christ is ever near — ever approaching — yet it is not to be tied down to “times and seasons”; it is more of the nature of a process and has anticipatory exemplifications in many crises and providential events forecasting the end (see above). The “coming,” e.g. to the church at Ephesus ( Revelation 2:5), or to the church at Pergamos ( Revelation 9:16) — contingent events — can hardly exhaust the full meaning of the Parousia. The Nero-theory demands a date at latest under Galba, but that date we have seen to be generally abandoned. Those who place it under Vespasian (omitting three short reigns) sacrifice the advantage of dating the book before the destruction of Jerusalem, and have to fall back on a supposititious Jewish fragment in Revelation 11, which those who incorporated it must have known had never been fulfilled. The attempt to give a “contemporary historical” interpretation to the symbols of the successive churches, as Gunkel has acutely shown, completely breaks down in practice, while Gunkel’s own attempt at a Babylonian explanation will be judged by most to be overstrained. “Dragon” in the Old Testament and elsewhere may be associated with widespread oriental ideas, but the definite symbolism of the Apocalypse in Revelation 12 has no provable connection with Babylonian myths. There is the widest disagreement in theories of “composite” origin (from Jewish apocalypse). What seems simple and demonstrable to one has no plausibility to others. A form of “Nero Caesar,” indeed, yields the mystic 666, but so do 1,000 other names — almost any name, with proper manipulation (compare Salmon, lecture xiv). Lastly, the returning-Nero legend yields no satisfactory explanation of the language in Revelation 13:3,12,14; 17:11. The theory is that these words allude to the belief that Nero would return from the dead and become Antichrist (see above).

    Tacitus attests that there were vague rumors that Nero had not really died (Hist. ii.8), and later a pretender arose in Parthia taking advantage of this feeling (Suet. Nero. 57). The idea of Nero returning from the dead is categorically stated in Sib Or 5:363-70 (circa 120 AD); compare Sib Or 4:119-22 (circa 80 AD). Augustine mentions the idea (City of God, xx.19, 3), but without connection with the Apocalypse. By Domitian’s time, however, it was perfectly certain that Nero had not returned, and there was no longer, on this interpretation, any appositeness in speaking of a “head” the “deathstroke” of which was healed ( Revelation 13:3), which became the “eighth head” of Revelation 17:11 — if, indeed, the apostle could be conceived capable of being influenced by such vagaries. The events predicted lay, evidently, still in the future. It may be added that neither Irenaeus, nor any early interpreter, seems to have heard of the connection of 666 with “Nero.” Ireneus himself suggests the solution Lateinos (compare Salmon, ut supra). 3. The Book a True Prophecy: It is not proposed here to attempt the lines of a positive interpretation. If it is once recognized that the Apocalypse is a book of true prophecy, that its symbols stand for something real, and that its perspective is not to be limited to a brief period like 3 1/2 years, the way is opened, not, indeed, for a reading into it of a series of precise historical occurrences, but still for doing justice to the truth which lies at the basis of the historical interpretation, namely, that there are here prefigured the great crises in the age-long conflict of Christ and His church with pagan and anti-Christian adversaries. Events and tendencies may be grouped, or under different forms may relate to the same subject (e.g. the 144,000 sealed on earth — a spiritual Israel — in Revelation 7:1-8, and the triumphant multitude in heaven, 7:9-17); successions of events may be foreshortened; different pictures may overlap; but, shining through the symbols, great truths and facts which have historical realization appear. There is no need for supposing that, in a drama of this range, the “heads” of the beast of Revelation 13 and 17 (behind whom is the Dragon-enemy, Satan, of Revelation 12) stand, in contrariety to the analogy of Daniel, for seven individual emperors, and that “the image of the beast,” which has life given to it and “speaks” ( Revelation 13:14,15), is the statue of the emperor; or that such tremendous events as the fall of the Roman Empire, or the rise of the papacy — with which, however, must be combined all ecclesiastical anti-Christianism — or the false prophecy of later intellectual anti- Christianism have no place in the symbolism of the book. Sane, reverent thought will suggest many lines of correspondence with the course of God’s providence, which may serve to illuminate its dark places. More than this need not be said here.

    VI. THEOLOGY OF THE BOOK.

    On this it is hardly necessary to dwell, for expositors are now well agreed that in its great doctrines of God, Christ, man, sin, redemption, the teaching of the Apocalypse does not vary essentially from the great types in the Epistles. The assonances with John’s mode of thinking have already been alluded to. It is granted by all writers that the Christology is as high as anywhere in the New Testament. “It ought unhesitatingly to be acknowledged,” says Reuss, “that Christ is placed in the Apocalypse on a paragraph with God” (op. cit., I, 397-98; compare Revelation 1:4,17; 2:8; 15:12-14; 22:13, etc.). Not less striking are the correspondences with the teaching of Paul and of Peter on redemption through the blood of Christ ( Revelation 1:5; 5:9; 7:14; 14:4, etc.). The perverted conception of the school of Baur that we have in the book an anti-Pauline manifesto (thus also Pfieiderer; compare Hibbert Lectures, 178), is now practically dead (see the criticism of it by Reuss, op. cit., I, 308-12). The point in which its eschatology differs from that of the rest of the New Testament is in its introduction of the millennium before the final resurrection and judgment. This enlarges, but does not necessarily contradict, the earlier stage of thought.

    LITERATURE.

    Moses Stuart, Commentary on Apocalypse; Alford, Greek Testament, IV, “The Revelation”; S. Davidson, Introduction to the New Testament (3rd edition), 176 ff; G. Salmon, Introduction to the New Testament (2nd edition), lects xiii, xiv; Elliott, Horae Apocalypticae, with literature there mentioned; Farrar, Early Days of Christianity, chapter xxviii; Milligan, Discussions on the Apocalypse; H. Gunkel, Schopfung und Chaos; W.

    Bousset, Die Offenbarung Johannis, and article “Apocalypse” in EB, I; C.

    Anderson Scott, “Revelation” in Century Bible; J. Moffatt, Introduction to Literature of the New Testament (with notices of literature); also “Revelation” in Expositor’s Bible; Trench, Epistles to the Seven Churches; W. M. Rarnsay, Letters to the Seven Churches; H. B. Swete, The Apocalypse of John. James Orr REVELLINGS <rev’-el-ingz > ([kw~mov, komos ]): The word is found both in the King James Version and in the Revised Version (British and American) in The Wisdom of Solomon 14:23 (the Revised Version (British and American) “revels,” orgiastic heathen worship is in point); 2 Macc 6:4; Galatians 5:21; 1 Peter 4:3. In Galatians 5:21 it is classed with fornication, uncleanness, lasciviousness, etc., as one of the works of the flesh. In Peter 4:3 it is spoken of the Gentiles and is classcd with drunkenness and carousings and such like. In Romans 13:13 the Revised Version has “revelling” instead of the King James Version “rioting,” and in 2 Peter 2:13, “revel” replaces “riot.” Similarly in Amos 6:7, “revelry” replaces “banquet.” The obvious meaning of the word is excessive and boisterous intemperance and lustful indulgence. G. H. Gerberding REVENGE; REVENGER <re-venj’ > , <re-venj’-er > : The same Hebrew and Greek words are used to express the idea of “to avenge” and “to revenge” ([ µq”n; , naqam ], or derivative; [ejkdike>w, ekdikeo ], or derivative). In English these words are synonymous in that they are both used to express the infliction of punishment upon the wrongdoer, but “to take revenge” may also imply a spiteful, wrong or malignant spirit. In the latter case, the Revised Version (British and American) preserves “revenge” (compare Jeremiah 20:10; Ezekiel 25:15; 25:17 is an anthropomorphism), but, wherever it is synonymous with “avenge,” this word is used (compare Numbers 31:2,3; Psalm 79:10; Nah 1:2; Judith 13:20; Romans 13:4; Corinthians 7:11; 10:6 the Revised Version (British and American); the King James Version has “revenge” in all these cases). In Deuteronomy 32:42, the King James Version “revenge” is a wrong translation. Read with the Revised Version (British and American) “from the head of the leaders of the enemy” or the Revised Version margin “the hairy head of the enemy.”

    Compare AVENGE, AVENGER; BLOOD; GOEL . A. L. Breslich REVENUE <rev’-e-nu > : (1) [ µtoPa” , appethom ], “revenue or income” ( Ezra 4:13 the King James Version); (2) [ ha;WbT] , tebhu’ah ], “increase,” “revenue” ( Proverbs 8:19; 15:6; Isaiah 23:3; Jeremiah 12:13); [pro>sodov, prosodos ], “income” (2 Macc 3:3; 4:8 (the Revised Version (British and American) “fund”); 9:16).

    REVERENCE <rev’-er-ens > : In the Old Testament, “reverence” occurs as the translation of two Hebrew words, yare’ and shachah . The root idea of the former is “fear.” It is used to express the attitude toward God Himself, as in Psalm 89:7 the King James Version; or toward His sanctuary, as in Leviticus 19:30; 26:2. So the group of ideas there would be “fear,” “awe,” “reverence.” The root idea of the second is “falling down,” as prostration of the body. It is used to express the bearing toward another who is considered superior, as in 2 Samuel 9:6 the King James Version; 1 Kings 1:31 the King James Version; Est 3:2,5. The group of ideas here, therefore, is “honor,” “obeisance,” “reverence.”

    In the New Testament “reverence” occurs as the translation of three Greek words, aidos , phobeomai , and entrepomai . In the first, the idea is “modesty” ( Hebrews 12:28; compare 1 Timothy 2:9). In the second, “fear” ( Ephesians 5:33 the King James Version), though here it is used to set forth the attitude of proper subjection on the part of a wife toward her husband (compare 1 Peter 3:2,5). In the third, the idea is that of the “self-valuation of inferiority,” and so sets forth an attitude toward another of doing him honor ( Matthew 21:37; Mark 12:6; Luke 20:13; Hebrews 12:9).

    In the Apocrypha entrepomai occurs in The Wisdom of Solomon 2:10; Sirach 4:22. In addition, proskuneo , “make obeisance,” occurs in Judith 10:23; 14:7; thaumazo , “wonder,” Sirach 7:29, and aischunomai , “be ashamed,” Baruch 4:15. “Reverend” occurs in the Old Testament in <19B109> Psalm 111:9, of the name of God (yare’ ), and in the Apocrypha in 2 Macc 15:12, “a man reverend (aidemon , “modest”) in bearing,” and in the New Testament the Revised Version (British and American) has “reverent in demeanor” (hieroprepes ) in Titus 2:3 and “reverend” in Philippians 4:8 margin (semnos ). E. J. Forrester REVILE <re-vil’ > . See CRIMES; PUNISHMENTS.

    REVIVE; REVIVING <re-viv’ > , <reviv’-ing > : revive is the translation of [ hy;j; , chayah ], “to live,” “cause to live,” used of restoration to life ( Genesis 45:27; Judges 15:19, etc.); of rebuilding ( Nehemiah 4:2); of restoration to well-being ( Psalm 85:6 (the Revised Version (British and American) “quicken”); <19D807> Psalm 138:7; Isaiah 57:15; Hosea 6:2; 14:7); of Yahweh’s gracious work for His people ( Habakkuk 3:2, “revive thy work in the midst of the years,” etc.); “reviving” is the translation of [ hy;j]mi , michydh ] “preservation” or “means of life” ( Ezra 9:8,9). “Revive” occurs in the New Testament as the translation of [ajnaza>w, anazao ], “to live again” ( Romans 7:9, and 14:9, the King James Version “Christ both died, and rose, and revived,” the Revised Version (British and American) (omitting “and rose”) “Christ died and lived again” zao ).

    In 1 Macc 13:7 the Revised Version (British and American) we have “And the spirit of the people revived,” [ajnazwpure>w, anazopureo ], “to stir or kindle up as a fire,” the same word as in 2 Timothy 1:6, the Revised Version (British and American) “stir up the gift of God, which is in thee,” margin “Greek: `stir into flame.’” In view of the frequent modern use of “revive” and “revival,” it is worthy of notice that it is to Timothy himself the exhortation is addressed. We too often merely pray for “revivals,” forgetting that it is for us to “stir into flame” the gift of the Spirit which we have already received of God. It is ours from Him, but we let it lie dormant, as a slumbering ember merely. W. L. Walker REWARD <re-word’ > : In modern English (except when influenced by the Biblical forms) a “reward” is something given in recognition of a good act. In English Versions of the Bible, however, “reward” is used quite generally for anything given, and the term covers the recompense of evil ( Psalm 91:8), wages (1 Tim 5:18 the King James Version), bribes ( Micah 7:3), and gifts ( Jeremiah 40:5 the King James Version). The Revised Version (British and American) has specialized the meaning in a number of cases ( Psalm 94:2; Ezekiel 16:34; Jeremiah 40:5, etc.), but not systematically.

    REZEPH <re’-zef > ([ tx,r, , retseph ]; 1. FORMS OF THE NAME:

    Codex Vaticanus [ JRa>feiv, Rhapheis ]; [ JRa>fev, Rhaphes ]; Codex Alexandrinus [thfeq, ten Rhapheth ] ( 2 Kings 19:12), B Q margin [ JRa>feq, Rhapheth ] Codex Sinaiticus Q [ JRa>fev, Rhafes ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ JRa>feiv, Rhapheis ] ( Isaiah 37:12); Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) Roseph ( 2 Kings 19:12), Reseph ( Isaiah 37:12)): One of the places referred to by Sennacherib’s Rabshakeh when delivering that king’s message to Hezekigh demanding the surrender of Jerusalem. The names which precede are Gozan and Haran; and “the children of Eden that were Telassar” follows. 2. NOW CALLED RUCAFA:

    It is now represented by Rucafa, East of Tipsah and Northeast of Hamath, and is regarded as the ([ JRhsa>fa, Rhesapha ]) of Ptolemy (v.15). It was for some time under Assyrian dominion, and appears in a geographical list (2 R 53, 37a) preceded by Arrapba (Arrapachitis) and Halabbu (Halah), and followed by Tamnunu, uder the form of Rasappa (elsewhere Racapi). 3. ITS ASSYRIAN GOVERNORS:

    From the Eponym Canons, Ninip-kibsi-ucur was, it appears, prefect in BC, Uras-eres from 804 to 775 BC, Sin-sallimanni in 747, and Belemuranni in 737 BC. Judging from their names, all these were Assyrians, but a seemingly native governor, Abda’u (or Abda’i), possibly later than the foregoina, is mentioned in a list of officials (K. 9921). Yabutu was sanu (deputy-governor?) of Rezeph in 673 BC. Its mention in the Assyrian geographical lists implies that Rezeph was an important trade-center in Old Testament times. T. G. Pinches REZIA <re-zi’-a > . See RIZIA.

    REZIN <re’-zin > ([ ˆyxir] , retsin ]; [ JRaassw>n, Rhaasson ]): The last of the kings of Syria who reigned in Damascus ( 2 Kings 15:37; 16:5-10; Isaiah 7:1; 8:4-7). Alona with Pekah, the son of Remaliah, who reigned 20 years over Israel in Samaria, he joined in the Syro-Ephraimitic war aaainst Ahaz, the king of Judah. Together they laid siege to Jerusalem, but were unsuccessful in the effort to take it ( 2 Kings 16:5; Isaiah 7:1). It was to calm the fears, and to restore the fainting spirits of the men of Judah, that Isaiah was commissioned by the Lord to assure them that the schemes of “these two tails of smoking firebrands” ( Isaiah 7:4) were destined to miscarry. It was then, too, that the sign was aiven of the vigin who should conceive, and bear a son, and should call his name Immanuel. Rezin had to content himself on this campaign to the South with the capture of Elath from the men of Judah and its restoration to the men of Edom, from whom it had been taken and made a seaport by Solomon ( 2 Kings 16:6, where it is agareed that “Syria” and “Syrians” should be read “Edom” and “Edomites,” which in the Hebrew script are easy to be mistaken for one another, and are in fact often mistaken). Rezin, however, had a more formidable enemy to encounter on his return to Damascus. Ahaz, like kings of Judah before and after him, placed his reliance more on the arm of flesh than on the true King of his people, and appealed to Tiglath-pileser III, of Assyria, for help. Ahaz deliberately sacrificed the independence of his country in the terms of his offer of submission to the Assyrian: “I am thy servant and thy son” ( 2 Kings 16:7). Tiglath-pileser had already carried his arms to the West and ravaged the northern border of Israel; and now he crossed the Euphrates and hastened to Damascus, slaying Rezin and carrying his people captive to Kir ( 2 Kings 16:9). In the copious Annals of Tialath-pileser, Rezin figures with the designation Racunu(ni), but the tablet recording his death, found and read by Sir Henry Rawlinson, has been irrecoverably lost, and only the fact of its existence and loss remains (Schrader, COT, I, 252, 257). With the death of Rezin the kingdom of Damascus and Syria came to an end.

    Rezin, Sons of: Mentioned among the Nethinim ( Ezra 2:48), who returned to Jerusalem with Zerubbabel from captivity (compare Nehemiah 7:50).

    LITERATURE.

    Schrader, COT, as above; Driver, Authority, 99 ff, T. Nicol.

    REZON <re’-zon > ([ ˆwOzr] , rezon ]; [ JRa>zwn, Rhazon ]): Son of Eliadah, and a subject of Hadadezer, king of Zobah ( 1 Kings 11:23). The name appears to be given as [ ˆwOyz]j, , chezyon ]; [ JAzei>n, Hazein ] ( 1 Kings 15:18; see HEZION ), where he is the father of Tabrimmon, whose son Ben-hadad I is known through his leaaue with Asa, king of Judah. When David conquered Zobah, Rezon renounced his allegiance to Hadadezer and became powerful as an independent chief, capturing Damascus and setting up as king. Along with Hadad, the noted Edomite patriot, he became a thorn in the side of Solomon, the one making himself obnoxious in the South, the other in the North, of the kingdom of Israel, both being animated with a bitter hatred of the common foe. It is said of Rezon that he “reigned over Syria” ( 1 Kings 11:25), and if the surmise adopted by many scholars is correct that he is the same as Hezion ( 1 Kings 15:18), then he was really the founder of the dynasty of Syrian kings so well known in the history of this period of Israel; and the line would run: Rezon, Tabrimmon, Ben-hadad I, and Ben-hadad II.

    LITERATURE.

    Burney on 1 Kings 11:23 and 15:18 in Notes on Hebrew Text of Books of Kings; Winckler, Alttest. Untersuchunaen, 60 ff. T. Nicol.

    RHEGIUM <re-ji-um > : This city ( JRh>gion, Rhegion ] ( Acts 28:13), the modern Reggio di Calabria) was a town situated on the east side of the Sicilian Straits, about 6 miles South of a point opposite Messana (Messina).

    Originally a colony of Chalcidian Greeks, the place enjoyed great prosperity in the 5th century BC, but was captured and destroyed by Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, in 387 BC, when all the surviving inhabitants were sold into slavery (Diodorus xiv. 106-8, 111, 112). The city never entirely recovered from this blow, althouah it was partially restored by the younaer Dionysius. On the occasion of the invasion of Italy by Pyrrhus, the people of Rhegium had recourse to an alliance with Rome (280 BC) and received 4,000 Campanian troops within their walls, who turned out to be very unruly guests. For, in imitation of a similar band of mercenaries across the strait in Messana, they massacred the male inhabitants and reduced the women to slavery (Polybius i.7; Orosius iv.3).

    They were not punished by the Romans until 270 BC, when the town was restored to those of its former inhabitants who still survived. The people of Rhegium were faithful to their alliance with Rome during the Second Punic War (Livy xxiii.30; xxiv. 1; xxvi.12; xxix.6). At the time of the Social War they were incorporated with the Roman state, Rhegium becoming a municipality (Cicero Verr. v.60; Pro Archia, 3).

    The ship in which Paul sailed from Melita to Puteoli encountered unfavorable winds after leaving Syracuse, and reached Rhegium by means of tacking. It waited at Rhegium a day for a south wind which bore it to Puteoli ( Acts 28:13), about 180 miles distant, where it probably arrived in about 26 hours. George H. Allen RHESA <re’-sa > ([ JRhsa>, Rhesa ]): A son of Zerubbabel in the genealogy of Jesus according to Luke ( Luke 3:27).

    RHINOCEROS <ri-nos’-er-os: > This word is found in the King James Version margin to Isaiah 34:7 (“rhinocerots”) for [ µymiaer] , re’emim ], the King James Version “unicorns,” the Revised Version (British and American) “wildoxen.”

    The word is quite inappropriate to the passage, which refers to the land of Edom. The one-horned rhinoceros, Rhinoceros unicornis , is confined to India. Other rhinoceroses are found in India and in equatorial Africa, but it is hardly to be presumed that these animals were meant by the Hebrew writers. See UNICORN.

    RHODA <ro’-da > ([ JRo>dh, Rhode ], “rose”): A maid in the house of Mary the mother of John Mark. She came to answer when Peter knocked at Mary’s door after his miraculous release from prison. On recognizing his voice, she so forgot herself with joy that she neglected to open the door, but ran in to tell the others the glad news. They would not believe her, thinking she was mad; and when she persisted in her statement they said it must be his angel.

    The Jewish belief was that each man had a guardian angel assigned to him.

    Peter continued knocking, and was ultimately admitted ( Acts 12:12 ff). S. F. Hunter RHODES <rodz > ([ JRo>dov, Rhodos ]): An island (and city) in the Aegean Sea, West of Caria, rough and rocky in parts, but well watered and productive, though at present not extensively cultivated. Almost one-third of the island is now covered with trees in spite of earlier deforestation. The highest mountains attain an altitude of nearly 4,000 ft. The older names were Ophiusa, Asteria, Trinacria, Corymbia. The capital in antiquity was Rhodes, at the northeastern extremity, a strongly fortitled city provided with a double harbor. Near the entrance of the harbor stood one of the seven wonders of the ancient world — a colossal bronze statue dedicated to Helios. Tiffs colossus, made by Chares about 290 BC, at a cost of talents ($300,000 in 1915), towered to the height of 104 ft.

    In the popular mind — both before and after Shakespeare represented Caesar as bestriding the world like a colossus — this gigantic figure is conceived as an image of a human being of monstrous size with leas spread wide apart, at the entrance of the inner harbor, so huge that the largest ship with sails spread could move in under it; but the account on which this conception is based seems to have no foundation.

    The statue was destroyed in 223 BC by an earthquake. It was restored by the Romans. In 672 AD the Saracens sold the ruins to a Jew. The quantity of metal was so areat that it would fill the cars of a modern freight train (900 camel loads).

    The most ancient cities of Rhodes were Ialysus, Ochyroma, and Lindus.

    The oldest inhabitants were immigrants from Crete. Later came the Carians. But no real advance in civilization was made before the immigration of the Dorians under Tlepolemus, one of the Heraclidae, and (after the Trojan war) Aethaemanes. Lindus, Ialysus and Camirus formed with Cos, Cnidus and Halicarnassus the so-called Dorian Hexapolis (Six Cities), the center of which was the temple of the Triopian Apollo on the coast of Caria. Rhodes now founded many colonies — in Spain (Rhode), in Italy (Parthenope, Salapia, Sirus, Sybaris), in Sicily (Gela), in Asia Minor (Soli), in Cilicia (Gaaae), and in Lycia (Corydalla). The island attained no political greatness until the three chief cities formed a confederation and rounded the new capital (Rhodes) in 408 BC. In the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, Rhodes sided with the Athenians, but, after 19 years of loyalty to Athens, went over to the Spartans (412 BC). In 394, when Conon appeared with his fleet before the city, the island fell into the hands of the Athenians again. A garrison was stationed at Rhodes by Alexander the Great. After his death this garrison was driven out by the Rhodians. It is at this time that the really great period of the island’s history begins. The inhabitants bravely defended their capital against Demetrius Poliorcetes in 304 BC — the same Demetrius who two years before had won a naval victory and had coins stamped with a “Victory” that is the counterpart of the “Winaed Victory” which commands the unbounded admiration of the modern world — and extended their dominion over a strip of the Carian coast, as well as over several of the neiahboring islands, and for the first time in the history of the world established an international maritime and commercial law. The arts and sciences now began to flourish in the fair island in the southeastern Aegean. Aeschines, the famous orator of Athens, fled to Rhodes after his defeat by Demosthenes, and rounded a school of oratory, which was attended by many Romans. Rhodes became the faithful ally of Rome after the defeat of Antiochus in 189 BC. As a reward for her loyalty she received Caria. In 168, however, only a small portion of this territory remained under Rhodian sway (Peraea, or the Chersonesus). In BC the island was devastated by Cassius. Later it was made a part of the Roman province of Asia (44 AD). Strabo says that he knows no city so splendid in harbor, walls and streets. When the Roman power declined, Rhodes fell into the hands of Caliph Moawijah, but later was taken by the Greeks, from whom at a later date the Genoese wrested the island. In John Cantacuzenus attempted to recover Rhodes, but in vain. Finally, however, success crowned the efforts of the Greeks under Theodoros Protosebastos. In 1310 the Knights of John, who had been driven from Palestine, made Rhodes their home. After the subjuaation of the island by Sultan Soliman in 1522 the Knights of John removed to Malta, and Rhodes has remained uninterruptedly a possession of the Sublime Porte down to the recent war between Turkey and the Balkan allies, forming, with the other islands, the province of the “Islands of the White Sea” (Archipelago).

    It has a Christian governor whose seat, though mostly at Rhodes, is sometimes at Chios. The population of the island has greatly diminished by emigration. In 1890 the total number of inhabitants was 30,000 (20,000 Greeks, 7,000 Mohammedans, 1,500 Jews). The chief products of Rhodes are wheat, oil, wine, figs and tropical fruits. A very important industry is the exportation of sponges. The purity of the air and the mildness of the climate make Rhodes a most delightful place to live in during the fall, winter and early spring. The city, built in the shape of an amphitheater, has a magnificent view toward the sea. It contains several churches made out of old mosques. The once famous harbor is now almost filled with sand.

    The inhabitants number nearly 12,000 (all Turks and Jews). Rhodes is mentioned in the New Testament only as a point where Paul touched on his voyage southward from the Hellespont to Caesarea ( Acts 21:1); but in 1 Macc 15:23 we are informed that it was one of the states to which the Romans sent letters in behalf of the Jews.

    LITERATURE.

    Berg, Die Insel Rhodes (Braunschweig, 1860-62): Schneiderwirth, Geschichte der Insel Rhodes (Heiligenstadt, 1868); Guerin, L’ile de Rhodes, 2nd edition, Paris, 1880; Biliotti and Cottrel, L’ile de Rhodes (Paris, 1881); Torr, Rhodes in Ancient Times (Cambridge, 1885) and Rhodes in Modern Times (1887). J. E. Harry RHODOCUS <rod’-o-kus > ([ JRo>dokov, Rhodokos ]): A Jewish traitor who disclosed the plans of Judas to Antiochus (Eupator) (2 Macc 13:21) 162 BC. Of his fate nothing more is known.

    RIB ([ [l;xe , tsela `], [ h[;l]x” , tsal`ah ]; Aramaic [ [l”[\ , `ala` ]): The Hebrew words designate the “side,” “flank,” thence the “ribs.” They are found thus translated only in connection with the creation of Eve: “He (Yahweh) took one of his (Adam’s) ribs, and closed up the flesh instead thereof: and the rib, which Yahweh God had taken from the man, made he (margin “builded he into”) a woman” ( Genesis 2:21,22). The Aramaic word is only found in Daniel 7:5.

    Twice the Revised Version (British and American) uses the word “rib” in a figurative sense of two beams or rafters built in to the ark of the covenant and the altar of incense, on which the golden rings were fastened, which served to carry ark and altar by means of staves ( Exodus 30:4; 37:27).

    A curious mistranslation has crept into the King James Version, which here follows Jewish commentators or etymologists, in four passages in 2 Samuel (2:23; 3:27; 4:6; 20:10), where the “fifth rib” is mentioned as the place of the body under which spears or swords are thrust, so as to cause lethal wounds. The Hebrew word chomesh , which indeed means “fifth,” is here a noun, derived from a root meaning “to be staunch,” “stalwart,” “stout” “fleshy,” “obese” (compare [ vmuj; , chamush ], “armed,” “equipped soldier”; Arabic el khamis (el chamis ), “the army,” which, however, Arabic lexicographers explain as meaning “fivefold,” namely, vanguard, right and left wing, center and rear guard). The word is to be translated “abdomen,” “belly.” the Revised Version (British and American) renders correctly “into the body.” H. L. E. Luering RIBAI <ri’-ba-i > , <ri’-bi > ([ yb”yri , ribhay ]; Septuagint [ JReiba>, Rheiba ], with variants): A Benjamite, the father of ITTAI (which see), one of David’s “mighty men” ( 2 Samuel 23:29 parallel 1 Chronicles 11:31).

    RIBBAND <rib’-and > , <rib’-an > ([ lytiP; , pathil ] ( Numbers 15:38 the King James Version)). See COLOR, (2); CORD, (4).

    RIBLAH <rib’-la > ([ hl;b]ri , ribhlah ]; [ JReblaqa>, Rheblatha ], with variants): (1) Riblah in the land of Hamath first appears in history in 608 BC.

    Here Pharaoh-necoh, after defeating Josiah at Megiddo and destroying Kadytis or Kadesh on the Orontes, fixed his headquarters, and while in camp he deposed Jehoahaz and cast him into chains, fixed the tribute of Judah, and appointed Jehoiakim king ( 2 Kings 23:31-35). In BC Nebuchadnezzar, at war with Egypt and the Syrian states, also established his headquarters at Riblah, and from it he directed the subjugation of Jerusalem. When it fell, Zedekiah was carried prisoner to Riblah, and there, after his sons and his nobles had been slain in his presence, his eyes were put out, and he was taken as a prisoner to Babylon ( 2 Kings 25:6,20; Jeremiah 39:5-7; 52:8-11). Riblah then disappears from history, but the site exists today in the village of Ribleh, 35 miles Northeast of Baalbek, and the situation is the finest that could have been chosen by the Egyptian or Babylonian kings for their headquarters in Syria. An army camped there had abundance of water in the control of the copious springs that go to form the Orontes.

    The Egyptians coming from the South had behind them the command of the rich corn and forage lands of Coele-Syria, while the Babylonian army from the North was equally fortunate in the rich plains extending to Hamath and the Euphrates. Lebanon, close by, with its forests, its hunting grounds and its snows, ministered to the needs and luxuries of the leaders. Riblah commanded the great trade and war route between Egypt and Mesopotamia, and, besides, it was at the dividing-point of many minor routes. It was in a position to attack with facility Phoenicia, Damascus or Palestine, or to defend itself against attack from those places, while a few miles to the South the mountains on each side close in forming a pass where a mighty host might easily be resisted by a few. In every way Riblah was the strategical point between North and South Syria. Riblah should probably be read for Diblah in Ezekiel 6:14, while in Numbers 34:11 it does not really appear. See (2) . (2) A place named as on the ideal eastern boundary of Israel in Numbers 34:11, but omitted in Ezekiel 47:15-18. The Massoretic Text reads “Hariblah”; but the Septuagint probably preserves the true vocalization, according to which we should translate “to Harbel.” It is said to be to the east of `Ain, and that, as the designation of a district, can only mean Merj `Ayun, so that we should seek it in the neighborhood of Hermon, one of whose spurs Furrer found to be named Jebel `Arbel. W. M. Christie RICHES <rich’-ez > , <rich’-iz > : Used to render the following Hebrew and Greek words: (1) `Osher , which should, perhaps, be considered the most general word, as it is the most often used ( Genesis 31:16; Ecclesiastes 4:8; Jeremiah 9:23). It looks at riches simply as riches, without regard to any particular feature. Alongside this would go the Greek [plou~tov, ploutos ] ( Matthew 13:22; Ephesians 2:7). (2) Chocen ( Proverbs 27:24; Jeremiah 20:5), nekhacim and rekhush ( Genesis 36:7; Daniel 11:13,14 the King James Version) look at riches as things accumulated, collected, amassed. (3) Hon looks upon riches as earnings, the fruit of toil ( <19B914> Psalm 119:14; Proverbs 8:18; Ezekiel 27:27). (4) Hamon regards riches in the aspect of being much, this coming from the original idea of noise, through the idea of a multitude as making the noise, the idea of many, or much, being in multitude ( Psalm 37:16 the King James Version). (5) Chayil regards riches as power ( Psalm 62:19; Isaiah 8:4; 10:14). (6) Yithrah means “running over,” and so presents riches as abundance ( Jeremiah 48:36 the King James Version). Along with this may be placed shua` , which has the idea of breadth, and so of abundance ( Job 36:19 the King James Version). (7) Qinyan regards riches as a creation, something made ( <19A424> Psalm 104:24; compare margin); (8) ([crh~ma, chrema ]) looks at riches as useful ( Mark 10:23 f parallel). Like the New Testament, the Apoe uses only ploutos and chrema .

    Material riches are regarded by the Scriptures as neither good nor bad in themselves, but only according as they are properly or improperly used.

    They are transitory ( Proverbs 27:24); they are not to be trusted in ( Mark 10:23; Luke 18:24; 1 Timothy 6:17); they are not to be gloried in ( Jeremiah 9:23); the heart is not to be set on them ( Psalm 62:10); but they are made by God ( <19A424> Psalm 104:24), and come from God ( 1 Chronicles 29:12); and they are the crown of the wise ( Proverbs 14:24). Material riches are used to body forth for us the most precious and glorious realities of the spiritual realm. See, e.g., Romans 9:23; 11:33; Ephesians 2:7; Philippians 4:19; Colossians 1:27. Compare MAMMON; TREASURE; WEALTH . E. J. Forrester RID; RIDDANCE <rid > , <rid’-ans > : “Rid” originally meant “rescue” (the King James Version Genesis 37:22; Exodus 6:6; Psalm 82:4; 144:7,11), whence the meaning “remove” or “clean out” ( Leviticus 26:6 the King James Version, with “riddance” in Leviticus 23:22; Zeph 1:18). The word occurs in the American Standard Revised Version and in the English Revised Version in Exodus 6:6.

    RIDDLE <rid’-’-l > ([ hd;yji , chidhah ]; [ai]nigma, ainigma ]). See GAMES.

    RIE <ri > “Rye” (King James Version, Exodus 9:32; Isaiah 28:25). See SPELT.

    RIGHT <rit > ([ rv;y; , yashar ], [ fP;v]mi , mishpaT ]; [di>kaiov, dikaios ], [eujqu>v, euthus ]): Many Hebrew words are translated “right,” with different shades of meaning. Of these the two noted are the most important: yashar , with the sense of being straight, direct, as “right in the sight” of Yahweh ( Exodus 15:26; Deuteronomy 12:25, etc.), in one’s own eyes ( Judges 17:6), “right words” ( Job 6:25 the King James Version, yosher), “right paths” ( Proverbs 4:11 the King James Version); and mishpaT “judgment” “cause” etc., a forensic term, as “Shall not the Judge of all the earth do right?” ( Genesis 18:25). In Job 34:17, the Revised Version (British and American) has “justice” (34:6, “right”), etc. The word tsedheq , tsedhaqah , ordinarily translated “righteousness,” are in a few cases rendered “right” ( 2 Samuel 19:28; Nehemiah 2:20; Psalm 9:4; 17:1; 119:75; Ezekiel 18:5, etc.). In the New Testament the chief word is dikaios , primarily “even,” “equal” ( Matthew 20:4; Luke 12:57, etc.); more generally the word is rendered “just” and “righteous.” Euthus , used by Septuagint for yashar ( 1 Samuel 12:23; Hosea 14:9), occurs a few times ( Acts 8:21; 13:10; 2 Peter 2:15); so orthos, “straight,” “upright” ( Luke 10:28). “Right-hand” or “side” represents Hebrew yamin and kindred forms ( Genesis 48:13,14,17; Exodus 15:6, etc.); the Greek, in this sense, is dexios ( Matthew 6:3; 20:21, etc.).

    Revised Version, among other changes, has “right” for the King James Version “judgment” in Job 27:2; 34:5, and for “right” in the King James Version substitutes “straight” in Ezra 8:21, “skillful” in Ecclesiastes 4:4, margin “successful,” etc. In John 1:12 the Revised Version (British and American) reads, “the right to become children of God” for the King James Version “the power” (exousia ); in Matthew 20:7,15 “right” is omitted, with the larger part of the verse. In 2 Timothy 2:15 “rightly dividing” (orthotomeo ) is changed to “handling aright” with margin “holding a straight course in the word of truth. Or, rightly dividing the word of truth.” W. L. Walker RIGHTEOUSNESS <ri’-chus-nes > ([ qyDix” , tsaddiq ], adjective, “righteous,” or occasionally “just” [ qd,x, , tsedheq ], noun, occasionally = “righteousness,” occasionally = “justice”; [di>kaiov, dikaios ], adjective, [dikaiosu>nh, dikaiosune ], noun, from [di>kh, dike ], whose first meaning seems to have been “custom”; the general use suggested conformity to a standard: righteousness, “the state of him who is such as he ought to be” (Thayer)): 1. DOUBLE ASPECT OF RIGHTEOUSNESS: CHANGING AND PERMANENT:

    In Christian thought the idea of righteousness contains both a permanent and a changing element. The fixed element is the will to do right; the changing factor is the conception of what may be right at different times and under different circumstances. Throughout the entire course of Christian revelation we discern the emphasis on the first factor. To be sure, in the days of later Pharisaism righteousness came to be so much a matter of externals that the inner intent was often lost sight of altogether ( Matthew 23:23); but, on the whole and in the main, Christian thought in all ages has recognized as the central element in righteousness the intention to be and do right. This common spirit binds together the first worshippers of God and the latest. Present-day conceptions of what is right differ by vast distances from the conceptions of the earlier Hebrews, but the intentions of the first worshippers are as discernible as are those of the doers of righteousness in the present day. 2. SOCIAL CUSTOMS AND RIGHTEOUSNESS:

    There seems but little reason to doubt that the content of the idea of righteousness was determined in the first instance by the customs of social groups. There are some, of course, who would have us believe that what we experience as inner moral sanction is nothing but the fear of consequences which come through disobeying the will of the social group, or the feeling of pleasure which results as we know we have acted in accordance with the social demands. At least some thinkers would have us believe that this is all there was in moral feeling in the beginning. If a social group was to survive it must lay upon its individual members the heaviest exactions. Back of the performance of religious rites was the fear of the group that the god of the group would be displeased if certain honors were not rendered to him. Merely to escape the penalties of an angry deity the group demanded ceremonial religious observances. From the basis of fear thus wrought into the individuals of the group have come all our loftier movements toward righteousness.

    It is not necessary to deny the measure of truth there may be in this account. To point out its inadequacy, however, a better statement would be that from the beginning the social group utilized the native moral feeling of the individual for the defense of the group. The moral feeling, by which we mean a sense of the difference between right and wrong, would seem to be a part of the native furnishing of the mind. It is very likely that in the beginning this moral feeling was directed toward the performance of the rites which the group looked upon as important. See ALMS.

    As we read the earlier parts of the Old Testament we are struck by the fact that much of the early Hebrew morality was of this group kind. The righteous man was the man who performed the rites which had been handed down from the beginning ( Deuteronomy 6:25). The meaning of some of these rites is lost in obscurity, but from a very early period the characteristic of Hebrew righteousness is that it moves in the direction of what we should call today the enlargement of humanity. There seemed to be at work, not merely the forces which make for the preservation of the group, not merely the desire to please the God of the Hebrews for the sake of the material favors which He might render the Hebrews, but the factors which make for the betterment of humanity as such. As we examine the laws of the Hebrews, even at so late a time as the completion of the formal Codes, we are indeed struck by traces of primitive survivals ( Numbers 5:11-31). There are some injunctions whose purpose we cannot well understand. But, on the other hand, the vast mass of the legislation had to do with really human considerations. There are rules concerning Sanitation (Leviticus 13), both as it touches the life of the group and of the individual; laws whose mastery begets emphasis, not merely upon external consequences, but upon the inner result in the life of the individual ( Psalm 51:3); and prohibitions which would indicate that morality, at least in its plainer decencies, had come to be valued on its own account. If we were to seek for some clue to the development of the moral life of the Hebrews we might well find it in this emphasis upon the growing demands of human life as such. A suggestive writer has pointed out that the apparently meaningless commandment, “Thou shalt not boil a kid in its mother’s milk” ( Exodus 23:19), has back of it a real human purpose, that there are some things which in themselves are revolting apart from any external consequences (see also Leviticus 18). 3. CHANGING CONCEPTION OF CHARACTER OF GOD:

    OBLIGATIONS OF POWER:

    An index of the growth of the moral life of the people is to be found in the changing conception of the character of God. We need not enter into the question as to just where on the moral plane the idea of the God of the Hebrews started, but from the very beginning we see clearly that the Hebrews believed in their God as one passionately devoted to the right ( Genesis 18:25). It may well be that at the start the God of the Hebrews was largely a God of War, but it is to be noticed that His enmity was against the peoples who had little regard for the larger human considerations. It has often been pointed out that one proof of the inspiration of the Scriptures is to be found in their moral superiority to the Scriptures of the peoples around about the Hebrews. If the Hebrew writers used material which was common property of Chaldeans, Babylonians, and other peoples, they nevertheless used these materials with a moral difference. They breathed into them a moral life which forever separates them from the Scriptures of other peoples. The marvel also of Hebrew history is that in the midst of revoltingly immoral surroundings the Hebrews grew to such ideals of human worth. The source of these ideals is to be found in their thougth of God. Of course, in moral progress there is a reciprocal effect; the thought of God affects the thought of human life and the thought of human life affects the thought of God; but the Hebrews no sooner came to a fresh moral insight than they made their moral discovery a part of the character of God. From the beginning, we repeat, the God of the Hebrews was a God directed in His moral wrath against all manner of abominations, aberrations and abnormalities. The purpose of God, according to the Hebrews, was to make a people “separated” in the sense that they were to be free from anything which would detract from a full moral life ( Leviticus 20:22).

    We can trace the more important steps in the growth of the Hebrew ideal.

    First, there was an increasingly clear discernment that certain things are to be ruled out at once as immoral. The primitive decencies upon which individual and social life depended were discerned at an early period (compare passages in Leviticus cited above). Along with this it must be admitted there was a slower approach to some ideals which we today consider important, the ideals of the marriage relations for example ( Deuteronomy 24:1,2). Then there was a growing sense of what constitutes moral obligation in the discharge of responsibilities upon the part of men toward their fellows ( Isaiah 5:8,23). There was increasing realization also of what God, as a moral Being, is obligated to do. The hope of salvation of nations and individuals rests at once upon the righteousness of God.

    By the time of Isaiah the righteousness of God has come to include the obligations of power ( Isaiah 63:1). God will save His people, not merely because He has promised to save them, but because He must save them ( Isaiah 42:6). The must is moral. If the people of Israel show themselves unworthy, God must punish them; but if a remnant, even a small remnant, show themselves faithful, God must show His favor toward them. Moral worth is not conceived of as something that is to be paid for by external rewards, but if God is moral He must not treat the righteous and the unrighteous alike. This conception of what God must do as an obligated Being influences profoundly the Hebrew interpretation of the entire course of history ( Isaiah 10:20,21).

    Upon this ideal of moral obligation there grows later the thought of the virtue of vicarious suffering (Isaiah 53). The sufferings of the good man and of God for those who do not in themselves deserve such sufferings (for them) are a mark of a still higher righteousness (see HOSEA, BOOK OF).

    The movement of the Scriptures is all the way from the thought of a God who gives battle for the right to the thought of a God who receives in Himself the heaviest shocks of that battle that others may have opportunity for moral life.

    These various lines of moral development come, of course, to their crown in the New Testament in the life and death of Christ as set before us in the Gospels and interpreted by the apostles. Jesus stated certain moral axioms so clearly that the world never will escape their power. He said some things once and for all, and He did some things once and for all; that is to say, in His life and death He set on high the righteousness of God as at once moral obligation and self-sacrificing love ( John 3:16) and with such effectiveness that the world has not escaped and cannot escape this righteous influence ( John 12:32). Moreover, the course of apostolic and subsequent history has shown that Christ put a winning and compelling power into the idea of righteousness that it would otherwise have lacked ( Romans 8:31,32). 4. RIGHTEOUSNESS AS INNER:

    The ideas at work throughout the course of Hebrew and Christian history are, of course, at work today. Christianity deepens the sense of obligation to do right. It makes the moral spirit essential. Then it utilizes every force working for the increase of human happiness to set on high the meaning of righteousness. Jesus spoke of Himself as “life,” and declared that He came that men might have life and have it more abundantly ( John 10:10). The keeping of the commandments plays, of course, a large part in the unfolding of the life of the righteous Christian, but the keeping of the commandments is not to be conceived of in artificial or mechanical fashion ( Luke 10:25-37). With the passage of the centuries some commandments once conceived of as essential drop into the secondary place, and other commandments take the controlling position. In Christian development increasing place is given for certain swift insights of the moral spirit. We believe that some things are righteous because they at once appeal to us as righteous. Again, some other things seem righteous because their consequences are beneficial, both for society and for the individual.

    Whatever makes for the largest life is in the direction of righteousness. In interpreting life, however, we must remember the essentially Christian conception that man does not live through outer consequences alone. In all thought of consequences the chief place has to be given to inner consequences. By the surrender of outward happiness and outward success a man may attain inner success. The spirit of the cross is still the path to the highest righteousness. 5. RIGHTEOUSNESS AS SOCIAL:

    The distinctive note in emphasis upon righteousness in our own day is the stress laid upon social service. This does not mean that Christianity is to lose sight of the worth of the individual in himself. We have come pretty clearly to see that the individual is the only moral end in himself.

    Righteousness is to have as its aim the upbuilding of individual lives. The commandments of the righteous life are not for the sake of society as a thing in itself. Society is nothing apart from the individuals that compose it; but we are coming to see that individuals have larger relationships than we had once imagined and greater responsibilities than we had dreamed of.

    The influence of the individual touches others at more points than we had formerly realized. We have at times condemned the system of things as being responsible for much human misery which we now see can be traced to the agency of individuals. The employer, the day-laborer, the professional man, the public servant, all these have large responsibilities for the life of those around. The unrighteous individual has a power of contaminating other individuals, and his deadliness we have just begun to understand. All this is receiving new emphasis in our present-day preaching of righteousness. While our social relations are not ends in themselves, they are mighty means for reaching individuals in large numbers. The Christian conception of redeemed humanity is not that of society as an organism existing on its own account, but that of individuals knit very closely together in their social relationships and touching one another for good in these relationships (1 Cor 1:2; Revelation 7:9,10). If we were to try to point out the line in which the Christian doctrine of righteousness is to move more and more through the years, we should have to emphasize this element of obligation to society. This does not mean that a new gospel is to supersede the old or even place itself alongside the old. It does mean that the righteousness of God and the teaching of Christ and the cross, which are as ever the center of Christianity, are to find fresh force in the thought of the righteousness of the Christian as binding itself, not merely by commandments to do the will of God in society, but by the inner spirit to live the life of God out into society. 6. RIGHTEOUSNESS AS EXPANDING IN CONTENT WITH GROWTH IN IDEALS OF HUMAN WORTH:

    In all our thought of righteousness it must be borne in mind that there is nothing in Christian revelation which will tell us what righteousness calls for in every particular circumstance. The differences between earlier and later practical standards of conduct and the differences between differing standards in different circumstances have led to much confusion in the realm of Christian thinking. We can keep our bearing, however, by remembering the double element in righteousness which we mentioned in the beginning; on the one hand, the will to do right, and, on the other, the difficulty of determining in a particular circumstance just what the right is.

    The larger Christian conceptions always have an element of fluidity, or, rather, an element of expansiveness. For example, it is clearly a Christian obligation to treat all men with a spirit of good will or with a spirit of Christian love. But what does love call for in a particular case? We can only answer the question by saying that love seeks for whatever is best, both for him who receives and for him who gives. This may lead to one course of conduct in one situation and to quite a different course in another. We must, however, keep before us always the aim of the largest life for all persons whom we can reach. Christian righteousness today is even more insistent upon material things, such as sanitary arrangements, than was the Code of Moses. The obligation to use the latest knowledge for the hygienic welfare is just as binding now as then, but “the latest knowledge” is a changing term. Material progress, education, spiritual instruction, are all influences which really make for full life.

    Not only is present-day righteousness social and growing; it is also concerned, to a large degree, with the thought of the world which now is.

    Righteousness has too often been conceived of merely as the means of preparing for the life of some future Kingdom of Heaven. Present-day emphasis has not ceased to think of the life beyond this, but the life beyond this can best be met and faced by those who have been in the full sense righteous in the life that now is. There is here no break in true Christian continuity. The seers who have understood Christianity best always have insisted that to the fullest degree the present world must be redeemed by the life-giving forces of Christianity. We still insist that all idea of earthly righteousness takes its start from heavenly righteousness, or, rather, that the righteousness of man is to be based upon his conception of the righteousness of God. Present-day thinking concerns itself largely with the idea of the Immanence of God. God is in this present world. This does not mean that there may not be other worlds, or are not other worlds, and that God is not also in those worlds; but the immediate revelation of God to us is in our present world. Our present world then must be the sphere in which the righteousness of God and of man is to be set forth. God is conscience, and God is love. The present sphere is to be used for the manifestation of His holy love. The chief channel through which that holy love is to manifest itself is the conscience and love of the Christian believer.

    But even these terms are not to be used in the abstract. There is an abstract conscientiousness which leads to barren living: the life gets out of touch with things that are real. There is an experience of love which exhausts itself in well-wishing. Both conscience and love are to be kept close to the earth by emphasis upon the actual realities of the world in which we live.

    LITERATURE.

    G. B. Stevens, The Christian Doctrine of Salvation; A. E. Garvie, Handbook of Christian Apologetics; Borden P. Bowne, Principles of Ethics; Newman Smyth, Christian Ethics; A. B. Bruce, The Kingdom of God; W. N. Clarke, The Ideal of Jesus; H. C. King, The Ethics of Jesus. Francis J. McConnell RIMMON (1) <rim’-on > : (1) The rock Rimmon ([ ˆwOMri [l”s, , cela` rimmon ]; [hJ pe>tra JRemmw>n, he petra Rhemmon ]): The place of refuge of the surviving Benjamites of Gibeah (Jeba`) who “turned and fled toward the wilderness unto the rock of Rimmon, and abode in the rock of Rimmon four months” ( Judges 20:45,47; 21:13). Robinson’s identification (RB, I, 440) has been very generally accepted. He found a conical and very prominent hill some 6 miles North-Northeast of Jeba` upon which stands a village called Rummon. This site was known to Eusebius and Jerome (OS 146 6; 287 98), who describe it as Roman miles from Jerusalem. Another view, which would locate the place of refuge of the Benjamites in the Mugharet el jai , a large cavern on the south of the Wady Suweinit , near Jeba`, is strongly advocated by Rawnsley and Birch (see PEF, III, 137-48). The latter connects this again with 1 Samuel 14:2, where Saul, accompanied by his 600, “abode in the uttermost part of Gibeah” under the pomegranate tree (Rimmon). (2) ([ ˆwOMri , rimmon ]; [ jEremmw>n, Eremmon ], or [ JRemmw>q, Rhemmoth ]): A city in the Negeb, near the border of Edom, ascribed to Judah ( Joshua 15:32) and to Simeon ( Joshua 19:7; Chronicles 4:32, the King James Version “Remmon”). In Zechariah 14:10 it is mentioned as the extreme South of Judah — “from Geba to Rimmon, South of Jerusalem.” In the earlier references Rimmon occurs in close association with `Ain (a spring), and in Nehemiah 11:29, what is apparently the same place, `Ain Rimmon , is called En-rimmon (which see). (3) ([ ˆwOMri , rimmon ] ( Joshua 19:13), [ hn;wOMri , rimmonah ], in some Hebrew manuscripts [ hn;m]Di , dimah ] (see DIMNAH) ( Joshua 21:35), and [ wOnwOMri , rimmono ] ( 1 Chronicles 6:77)): In the King James Version we have “Remmon-methoar” in Joshua 19:13, but the Revised Version (British and American) translates the latter as “which stretcheth.” This was a city on the border of Zebulun ( Joshua 19:13) allotted to the Levites ( Joshua 21:35, “Dimnah”; 1 Chronicles 6:77). The site is now the little village of Rummaneh on a low ridge South of the western end of the marshy plain el Battauf in Galilee; there are many rock-cut tombs and cisterns. It is about miles North of el Mesh-hed, usually considered to be the site of Gathhepher.

    See PEF, I, 363, Sh VI. E. W. G. Masterman RIMMON (2) ([ ˆwOMri , rimmon ], “pomegranate”; see RIMMON-PEREZ ): (1) A Syrian god. Naaman the Syrian leper after being cured is troubled over the fact that he will still have to bow down in the house of the Syrian god, Rimmon, when his master goes into the house to worship leaning on his hand ( 2 Kings 5:18). Elisha answers him ambiguously: “Go in peace.” Judging from Naaman’s position and this incident, Rimmon must have been one of the leading gods of the Syrians worshipped in Damascus. He has been identified with Rammanu, the Assyrian god of wind, rain and storm. The name appears in the Syrian personal names HADADRIMMON and TABRIMMON (which see) and its meaning is dubious (ramamu, “to thunder” (?)) (2) A Benjamite of Beeroth, whose sons Baanah and Rechab assassinated Ish-bosheth ( 2 Samuel 4:2,5,9). Nathan Isaacs RIMMON-PEREZ <rim-mon-pe’-rez > ([ 6r,P, ˆMori , rimmon perets ]; the King James Version Rimmon-parez): A desert camp of the Israelites ( Numbers 33:19 f), unidentified. Gesenius translates rimmon as “pomegranate,” the place deriving its name from the abundance of pomegranates. But Conder derives it from ramam , “to be high,” and translates it “cloven height.” See WANDERINGS OF ISRAEL.

    RIMMON, ROCK OF See RIMMON, (1).

    RIMMONAH; RIMMONO <rim-mo’-na > , <rimmo’-no > . See RIMMON, (3).

    RING (Anglo-Saxon, Hring, “ring”): The word renders (the American Standard Revised Version) two Hebrew words (in the King James Version and the English Revised Version three) and two Greek words. [ t[“B”f” , Tabba`ath ], the principal Hebrew word, is from [ [b”f; , Tabha` ], “sink,” either because the ring is something “cast” or molded, or, more probably, since the principal use of the ring was as a seal, because it “sank” into the wax or clay that received the impression. In Exodus, Tabba`ath , “ring,” is a detail of furniture or equipment, as the rings of the ark through which the staves were thrust ( Exodus 25:12, etc.), rings for curtains, in the high priest’s ephod ( Exodus 28:28; 39:21), etc. Its other use was perhaps the original, to describe the article of personal adornment worn on the finger, apparently in the Old Testament always a signet-ring, and as such an indispensable article of masculine attire. Such a ring Pharaoh gave Joseph as a symbol of authority ( Genesis 41:42); and Ahasuerus gave Haman (Est 3:10); with it the royal missive was sealed (Est 3:12; 8:8 twice,10). It was also a feminine ornament in Isaiah’s list of the fashionable feminine paraphernalia, “the rings and the nose-jewels” (quite likely rings also) ( Isaiah 3:21). Either as ornaments or for their intrinsic value, or both, rings were used as gifts for sacred purposes from both men and women: “brooches, and ear-rings, and signet-rings” (margin “nose-rings”) ( Exodus 35:22); “bracelets, rings (the American Standard Revised Version “signet-rings”), ear-rings” ( Numbers 31:50 the King James Version). [ µt;wOj , chotham ], “signet,” mentioned in Genesis 38:18,25; Exodus 28:11,21,36; Exodus 39:6,14,30; Jeremiah 22:24; Haggai 2:23, etc., was probably usually a seal ring, but in Genesis and elsewhere the seal may have been swung on wire, and suspended by a cord from the neck. It was not only an identification, but served as a stamp for signature. [ lyliG; , galil ], “circle” (compare “Galilee,” “Circle” of the Gentiles), rendered “ring” in Est 1:6; Song 5:14, may rather mean “cylinder” or “rod” of metal. Earring (which see) in the King James Version is from totally different words: [ µz,n, , nezem ], whose etymology is unknown, [ lygi[; , aghil ], “round,” or [ vj”l” , lachash ], “amulet”; so the Revised Version (British and American). The “rings” of the wheels in Ezekiel 1:18 (the King James Version) are [ bG” , gabh ], “curved,” and mean “rims” (American Standard Revised Version), “felloes.” Egyptians especially wore a great profusion of rings, principally of silver or gold, engraved with scarabaei, or other devices. In the New Testament the ring, [daktu>liov, daktulios ], “finger-ring,” is a token of means, position, standing: “put a ring on his hand” ( Luke 15:22). Perhaps also it included the right to give orders in his father’s name. To be [crusodaku>liov, chrusodaktulios ], “golden-ringed,” perhaps with more than one, indicated wealth and social rank: “a man with a gold ring” ( James 2:2). See also EARRING; SIGNET; SEAL.

    Philip Wendell Crannell RINGLEADER <ring’-led-er > : In Acts 24:5 the translation of [prwtosta>thv, protostates ], “one who stands first.” Not an opprobrious word in the Greek.

    RINGSTREAKED <ring’-strekt > (the King James Version and the English Revised Version ringstraked): Genesis 30:35,39,40; 31:8 (twice),10,12 for [ dqo[; , `aqodh ]. In the context of Genesis 30:35, etc., `aqodh certainly denotes defective coloring of some sort, but the exact meaning of the word is uncertain. The translation “ringstreaked” (“marked with circular bands”) comes from connecting the word with the Hebrew root `-q-d, “to bind” ( Genesis 22:9), but this connection is dubious.

    RINNAH <rin’-a > ([ hN;ri , rinnah ], “praise to God”; Septuagint: Codex Vaticanus [ jAna>, Ana ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ JRannw>n, Rhannon ]): A Judahite, according to Massoretic Text a son of Shimon ( 1 Chronicles 4:20). But the Septuagint makes him a son of Hanan (Codex Vaticanus Phana ; Codex Alexandrinus Anan ) by reading “ben” in the next name (Ben-hanan) as “son of.”

    RIOT <ri’-ut > : Properly, “unrestrained behavior” of any sort, but in modern English usually connoting mob action, although such phrases as a “riotous banquet” are still in common use. the King James Version uses the word in the first sense, and it is retained by the Revised Version (British and American) in Luke 15:13; Titus 1:6; 1 Peter 4:4 for [ajsw>twv, asotos ], [ajswti>a, asotia ], “having no hope of safety,” “profligate].” In Proverbs 23:20; 28:7 the Revised Version (British and American) has preferred “gluttonous,” “glutton,” in Romans 13:13, “revelling,” and in 2 Peter 2:13, “revel.” Burton Scott Easton RIPHATH <ri’-fath > ([ tp”yri , riphath ]): A son of Gomer, the eldest son of Japhet ( Genesis 10:3; 1 Chronicles 1:6, where Massoretic Text and the Revised Version (British and American) read DIPHATH (which see)).

    Josephus (Ant., I, vi, 1) identifies the Ripheans with the Paphlagonians, through whose country on the Black Sea ran the river “Rhebas” (Pliny, NH, vi.4).

    RISING <riz’-ing > ([ taec] , se’eth ], “a tumor,” “swelling” ( Leviticus 13:2,10, etc.)). See LEPROSY.

    RISSAH <ris’-a > ([ hS;ri , riccah ], “dew”): A camp of the Israelites in the wilderness wanderings between Libnah and Kehelathah ( Numbers 33:21 f). See WANDERINGS OF ISRAEL.

    RITHMAH <rith’-ma > ([ hm;t]ri , rithmah ], “broom”): A desert camp of the Israelites ( Numbers 33:18,19). The name refers to the white desert broom. See WANDERINGS OF ISRAEL.

    RIVER <riv’-er > : (1) The usual word is [ rh;n; , nahar ] (Aramaic [ rh”n] , nehar ] ( Ezra 4:10, etc.)), used of the rivers of Eden ( Genesis 2:10-14), often of the Euphrates ( Genesis 15:18, etc.), of Abana and Pharpar ( Kings 5:12), the river of Gozan ( 2 Kings 17:6), the river Chebar ( Ezekiel 1:1), the rivers (canals?) of Babylon ( <19D701> Psalm 137:1), the rivers of Ethiopia ( Isaiah 18:1; Zeph 3:10). Compare nahr , the common Arabic word for “river.” (2) [ rwOay] , ye’or ], according to BDB from Egyptian iotr , ‘io’r , “watercourse,” often of the Nile ( Exodus 1:22, etc.). In Isaiah 19:6, for [ rwOxm; yreaoy] , ye’ore matsor ], the King James Version “brooks of defense,” the Revised Version (British and American) has “streams of Egypt.” In Isaiah 19:7,8, for ye’or , the King James Version “brooks,” and Zechariah 10:11, the King James Version “river,” the Revised Version (British and American) has “Nile.” In Job 28:10, the King James Version “He cutteth out rivers among the rocks,” the Revised Version (British and American) has “channels,” the Revised Version margin “passages.” (3) There are nearly 100 references to [ lj”n” , nachal ]. In about half of these the King James Version has “brook” and in about half “river.” the Revised Version (British and American) has more often “brook” or “valley.” But the Revised Version (British and American) has river in “whatsoever hath fins and scales in the waters, in the seas, and in the rivers” ( Leviticus 11:9); “the river Jabbok” ( Deuteronomy 2:37; Joshua 12:2); the stream issuing from the temple ( Ezekiel 47:5-12). the Revised Version (British and American) has “brook of Egypt,” i.e. el-`Arish ( Numbers 34:5; Joshua 15:47; 1 Kings 8:65; 2 Kings 24:7; 2 Chronicles 7:8; Amos 6:14, “of the Arabah”); “brook (the King James Version “river”) of Kanah” ( Joshua 16:8); “valley (the King James Version “river”) of the Arnon” ( Deuteronomy 2:24). English Versions of the Bible has “valley”: of Gerar ( Genesis 26:17), of Zered ( Numbers 21:12), but “brook Zered” ( Deuteronomy 2:13), of Eschol ( Numbers 32:9), of Sorek ( Judges 16:4), of Shittim ( Joel 3:18). English Versions of the Bible has “brook”: Besor ( 1 Samuel 30:10), Kidron ( Samuel 15:23), Gaash, ( 2 Samuel 23:30), Cherith ( 1 Kings 17:3); also the feminine [ hl;j\n” , nachalah ], “brook (the King James Version “river”) of Egypt” ( Ezekiel 47:19; 48:28). The torrentvalley (wady) is often meant. (4) [ gl,P, , pelegh ], with feminine [ hG;l”P] , pelaggah ], the King James Version “river,” is in the Revised Version (British and American) translated “stream,” except English Versions of the Bible “river of God” ( Psalm 65:9); “streams of water” ( Psalm 1:3; Proverbs 5:16; Isaiah 32:2; Lamentations 3:48); “streams of honey” ( Job 20:17); “streams of oil” ( Job 29:6). (5) [ qypia; , ‘aphiq ], the King James Version “river,” except English Versions of the Bible “water brooks” ( Psalm 42:1), is in the Revised Version (British and American) “watercourses” ( Ezekiel 6:3; 31:12; 32:6; 34:13; 35:8; 36:4,6), “water-brooks” (Song 5:12; Joel 1:20). (6) [ lb”Wy , yubhal ], English Versions of the Bible “river” ( Jeremiah 17:8). [ lb;au , ‘ubhal ], and [ lb;Wa , ‘ubhal ], English Versions of the Bible “river” ( Daniel 8:2,3,6). (7) [potamo>v, potamos ]: of the Jordan ( Mark 1:5); Euphrates ( Revelation 9:14); “rivers of living water” ( John 7:38); “river of water of life” ( Revelation 22:1). So always in Greek for “river” in the Revised Version (British and American) Apocrypha (1 Esdras 4:23, etc.). See BROOK; STREAM; VALLEY.

    Alfred Ely Day RIVER OF EGYPT See BROOK OF EGYPT.

    RIVER, THE (GREAT) See EUPHRATES.

    RIVERS OF EDEN See EDEN (1).

    RIZIA <riz’-i-a > ([ ay;x]ri , ritsya’ ]): An Asherite ( 1 Chronicles 7:39).

    RIZPAH <riz’-pa > ([ hP;x]ri , ritspah ], “hot stone”; Josephus, [ JRaisfa>, Rhaispha ]): In 2 Samuel 3:7 the subject of a coarse slander. 2 Samuel 21 contains the pathetic story of Rizpah’s faithful watch over the bodies of her dead sons Mephibosheth and Armoni (21:10,11). Did this story suggest Tennyson’s “Rizpah”? A three years’ famine had made David anxious, and in seeking a reason for the affliction he concluded that it lay in Saul’s unavenged conduct to the Gibeonites (21:2). To appease Yahweh he gave up to the Gibeonites the two sons of Saul, Mephibosheth and Armoni, as well as Saul’s 5 grandsons (whether by Michal or Merab; see MERAB ).

    These seven were hanged at Gibeah. Rizpah watched 5 months over their exposed bodies, but meanwhile the famine did not abate. Word was brought to David of Rizpah’s act (21:10,11), and it is possible that her action suggested to David his next step in expiation. At any rate, he remembered the uncared-for bones of Jonathan and Saul lying in ignominy at Jabesh-gilead, whither they had been carried by stealth after the Philistines had kept them hung in the streets of Beth-shan for some time.

    The bones were recovered and apparently mingled with the bones Rizpah had guarded, and they were together buried in the family grave at Zelah.

    We are told that then “God was entreated for the land” (21:14). Henry Wallace ROAD (INROAD) <rod > the King James Version ( 1 Samuel 27:10; compare 23:27). See RAID.

    ROAD (WAY) See ROMAN EMPIRE AND CHRISTIANITY, II, 6; WAY.

    ROAST See FOOD.

    ROBBER; ROBBERY <rob’-er > , <rob’-er-i > : “Robber” represents no particular Hebrew word in the Old Testament, but in the Apocrypha and the New Testament is always a translation of [lhsth>v, lestes ] (see THIEF). In the King James Version Job 5:5; 18:9, “robber” stands for the doubtful word [ µyMx” , tsammim ], the Revised Version (British and American) “hungry” in JObidiah 5:5 and “snare” in 18:9. The meaning is uncertain, and perhaps tseme’im , “thirsty,” should be read in both places. Psalm 62:10, “Become not vain in robbery,” means “put not your trust in riches dishonestly gained.” RV’s changes of the King James Version in Proverbs 21:7; Daniel 11:14; Nab 3:1 are obvious. In Philippians 2:6 the King James Version reads “thought it not robbery to be equal with God.” the English Revised Version has “a prize,” while the English Revised Version margin and the American Standard Revised Version read “a thing to be grasped,” the American Standard Revised Version rewording “counted not the being on an equality with God a thing to be grasped.” The Greek here is [aJrpagmo>v, harpagmos ], a word derived from harpazo , “to ravish away,” “carry off,” “plunder” (compare “harpy”). Properly speaking, the termination -mos should give the derived noun an active sense, “the act of plundering,” whence the King James Version’s “robbery.” The verse would then mean “who thought that being on an equality with God did not consist in grasping,” and this translation gives good sense in the context and has some excellent scholarly support. But a passive significance is frequently found despite a -mos termination, giving to harpagmos the sense of “thing grasped,” as in the Revised Version (British and American).

    Usually English commentators take “grasped” as meaning “clung to” — “did not think equality with God should be clung to tenaciously” — but “to cling to” seems unknown as a translation of harpazo . Hence, render “a thing to be grasped at” — did not seek equality with God by selfish methods but by humbling himself.” It is to be noticed, naturally, that Paul is thinking of “equality with God” simply in the sense of “receiving explicit adoration from men” ( Philippians 2:10,11), and that the metaphysical relation of the Son to the Father is not at all in point. See also GRASP.

    Burton Scott Easton ROBBERS OF TEMPLES ([iJero>suloi, hierosuloi ], “guilty of sacrilege”): A term used by the town clerk of Ephesus ( Acts 19:37, the King James Version “robbers of churches”). As the temple of Diana (Artemas) had a great treasurechamber, the offense might not be unknown among them; compare Romans 2:22.

    In 2 Macc 4:42 the King James Version the epithet “church-robber” (the Revised Version (British and American) “author of the sacrilege”) is applied to LYSIMACHUS (which see).

    ROBE <rob > . See DRESS, 1, (3).

    ROBOAM <ro-bo’-am > ([ JRoboa>m, Rhoboam ]). the King James Version; Greek form of “Rehoboam” (thus the Revised Version (British and American)) ( Matthew 1:7); successor of Solomon.

    ROCK <rok > ( (1) [ [l”s, , cela` ]; (2) [ rWx , tsur ] (3) [ vymiL;j” , challamish ], “flint”; compare Arabic khalanbus , “flint”; (4) [ µypiKe , kephim ] ( Job 30:6;” Jeremiah 4:29); compare [ Khfa~v, Kephas ], “Cephas” = [ Pe>trov, Petros ], “Peter” ( John 1:42 the King James Version and the Revised Version margin); (5) [pe>tra, petra ]): 1. NAMES: Tsur and cela` are the words most often found, and there is no welldefined distinction between them. They are frequently coupled together in the parallelism which is characteristic of the Hebrew writers: e.g. “Be thou to me a strong rock ( tsur), A house of defense to save me.

    For thou art my rock ( tsela) and my fortress” ( Psalm 31:2,3). “He clave rocks ( tsur) in the wilderness, And gave them drink abundantly as out of the depths.

    He brought streams also out of the rock ( sela), And caused waters to run down like rivers” ( Psalm 78:15,16).

    It is plain here that the two words are used for the sake of variety, without any clear difference of meaning. Even challamish (translated “flint”) is used in the same way with tsur in <19B408> Psalm 114:8: “Who turned the rock ( tsur) into a pool of water; The flint ( callamish) into a fountain of waters.” 2. FIGURATIVE: (1) Some of the most striking and beautiful imagery of the Bible is based upon the rocks. They are a symbol of God: “Yahweh is my rock, and my fortress” ( 2 Samuel 22:2; Psalm 18:2; 71:3); “God, the rock of my salvation” ( 2 Samuel 22:47; compare Psalm 62:2,7; 89:26); “my God the rock of my refuge” ( Psalm 94:22); “the rock of thy strength” ( Isaiah 17:10); “Lead me to the rock that is higher than I” ( Psalm 61:2); repeatedly in the song of Moses ( Deuteronomy 32:3,4,18,30,31; compare 2 Samuel 22:32). Paul applies the rock smitten in the wilderness ( Exodus 17:6; Numbers 20:11) to Christ as the source of living water for spiritual refreshment (1 Cor 10:4). (2) The rocks are a refuge, both figuratively and literally ( Jeremiah 48:28; Song 2:14); “The rocks are a refuge for the conies” ( <19A418> Psalm 104:18). Many a traveler in Palestine has felt the refreshment of “the shade of a great rock in a weary land” ( Isaiah 32:2). A very different idea is expressed in Isaiah 8:14, “And he shall be for a sanctuary; but for a stone of stumbling and for a rock of offense” (compare Romans 9:33; 1 Peter 2:8). (3) The rock is a symbol of hardness ( Jeremiah 5:3; compare Isaiah 50:7). Therefore, the breaking of the rock exemplifies the power of God ( Jeremiah 23:29; compare 1 Kings 19:11). The rock is also a symbol of that which endures, “Oh that they .... were graven in the rock for ever!” ( Job 19:23,24). A rock was an appropriate place for offering a sacrifice ( Judges 6:20; 13:19). The central feature of the Mosque of `Umar in Jerusalem is Qubbat-uc- Cakhrat, the “dome of the rock.” The rock or cakhrat under the dome is thought to be the site of Solomon’s altar of burnt offering, and further is thought to be the site of the threshing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite which David purchased to build an altar to Yahweh. 3. KINDS OF ROCK: (1) The principal rock of Palestine and Syria is limestone of which there are many varieties, differing in color, texture, hardness and degrees of impurity, some of the limestone having considerable admixtures of clay or sand. Some of the harder kinds are very dense and break with a conchoidal fracture similar to the fracture of flint. In rocks which have for ages been exposed to atmospheric agencies, erosion has produced striking and highly picturesque forms. Nodules and layers of flint are of frequent occurrence in the limestone. (2) Limestone is the only rock of Western Palestine, with the exception of some local outpourings of basaltic rock and with the further exception of a light-brown, porous, partly calcareous sandstone, which is found at intervals along the coast. This last is a superficial deposit of Quaternary or recent age, and is of aeolian origin. That is, it consists of dune sands which have solidified under the influence of atmospheric agencies. This is very exceptional, nearly all stratified rocks having originated as beds of sand or mud in the bottom of the sea. (3) In Sinai, Edom, Moab, Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon is found the Nubian sandstone, a silicious sandstone which, at least in the North, is of middle or lower Cretaceous age. In the South, the lower strata of this formation seem to be paleozoic. Most of it is not sufficiently coherent to make good building stone, though some of its strata are very firm and are even used for millstones. In some places it is so incoherent or friable that it is easily dug with the pick, the grains falling apart and forming sand that can be used in mortar. In color the Nubian sandstone is on the whole dark reddish brown, but locally it shows great variation, from white through yellow and red to black. In places it also has tints of blue. The celebrated rock tombs and temples of Petra are carved in this stone. (4) Extensive areas of the northern part of Eastern Palestine are covered with igneous rock. In the Jaulan Southeast of Mt. Hermon, this has been for ages exposed to the atmosphere and has formed superficially a rich dark soil. Further Southeast is the Leja’ (Arabic “refuge”), a wild tract covered with a deposit of lava which is geologically recent, and which, while probably earlier than man, is still but little affected by the atmosphere. It is with difficulty traversed and frequently furnishes an asylum to outlaws. See CRAG; FLINT; GEOLOGY; LIME.

    Alfred Ely Day ROCK OF AGES See AGES, ROCK OF; ISAIAH, VII.

    ROCK-BADGER <r.-baj’-er > : This term is found in the Revised Version margin for “coney,” [ ˆp;v; , shaphan ] ( Leviticus 11:5; compare Deuteronomy 14:7; <19A418> Psalm 104:18; Proverbs 30:26). It is a translation of klip das , the name given. by the Boers to the Cape hyrax or coney. See CONEY.

    ROD ([ lQem” , maqqel ], [ hF,m” , maTTeh ], [ fb,ve , shebheT ]; [rJa>bdov, rhabdos ]): Little distinction can be drawn between the Hebrew words used for “rod” and “staff.” Maqqel is the word used in Genesis 30:37 ff for the twigs of poplar put by Jacob before his sheep, and in Jeremiah 1:11 of the “rod of an almond-tree.” MaTTeh is used of a rod in the hand, as the “rods” of Moses and of Aaron ( Exodus 4:2 ff; 7:9 ff, etc.). ShebheT is used, but sometimes also maTTeh , of the rod used for correction ( Exodus 21:20; 2 Samuel 7:14; Proverbs 10:13; 13:24; Isaiah 10:5, etc.). In Psalm 23:4 (“Thy rod and thy staff, they comfort me”), however, shebheT is the shepherd’s rod, figurative of divine guidance and care. In Ezekiel 21:10,13, the word stands for the royal scepter. In the New Testament “rod” is used of a rod of correction (1 Cor 4:21), Aaron’s rod ( Hebrews 9:4), a ruler’s rod “of iron” (severity, as in Revelation 2:27; 12:5; 19:15), a measuring rod ( Revelation 11:1). See also ARMOR, ARMS.

    James Orr RODANIM <rod’-a-nim > : The reading of Massoretic Text in 1 Chronicles 1:7 for the DODANIM (which see) of Genesis 10:4, corresponding to the [ JRo>dioi, Rhodioi ] of the Septuagint in both passages. The Rodanim are generally identified as inhabitants of the island of RHODES (which see), well known to the ancient Phoenicians (Homer’s Iliad).

    ROE; ROEBUCK <ro > , <ro’-buk > : the King James Version has “roe” and “roebuck” for [ ybix] , tsehi ], [ hY;bix] , tsebhiyah ]. the Revised Version (British and American) usually substitutes “gazelle” in the text ( Deuteronomy 12:15, etc.) or margin ( Proverbs 6:5, etc.), but retains “roe” in 2 Samuel 2:18; 1 Chronicles 12:8; Song 3:5; 7:3. So the Revised Version (British and American) has “gazelle” for the King James Version “roe” in Sirach 27:20 (dorkas ). the Revised Version (British and American) has “roebuck” for [ rWmj]y” , yachmur ] ( Deuteronomy 14:5; 1 Kings 4:23), where the King James Version has “fallow deer.” In the opinion of the writer, [ lW;a”ô , ‘ayyal ] English Versions of the Bible “hart,” should be translated “roe-buck,” yachmur “fallow deer,” and tsebhi “gazelle.” See DEER; GAZELLE.

    Alfred Ely Day ROGELIM <ro’-ge-lim > , <ro-ge’-lim > ([ µylig]ro , roghelim ]; [ JRwgellei>m, Rhogelleim ]): The place whence came Barzillai the Gileadite to succor David in his flight from Absalom ( 2 Samuel 17:27; 19:31). It probably lay near the path followed by David, but it is not identical.

    ROHGAH <ro’-ga > (Kethibh [ hg;h\wOr , rohaghah ], Qere [ hG;h]r; , rohgah ]): A name in the genealogy of Asher ( 1 Chronicles 7:34).

    ROIMUS <ro’-i-mus > ([ JRo>eimov, Rhoeimos ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ JRome>liov, Rhomelios ]): One of the leaders with Zerubbabel in the return (1 Esdras 5:8) = “Rehum” in Ezra 2:2, of which it is the Greek form = “Nehum” in Nehemiah 7:7.

    ROLL (SCROLL) <rol > : The usual form of book in Biblical times. It had been in use in Egypt for perhaps 2,000 years at the time when, according to the Pentateuch, the earliest Biblical books were written in this form. The Babylonian tablet seems to have been the prevailing form in Palestine up to about 1350 BC, but by 1100 BC, at least, the roll had been in established use for some time as far North as Byblos. Two Hebrew words, gillayon , meghillah , one Aramaic, cephar , and one Greek word, biblion , are so translated in the King James Version. Cephar ( Ezra 6:1, the Revised Version (British and American) “archives, margin “books”), with the corresponding Hebrew form cepher , is the generic word for any whole work large or small, but as a book form ( Isaiah 34:4) it may mean “roll,” and, according to Blau (pp. 37, 45, etc.), it never does mean anything else. Both the other words seem to be connected with galal , “roll,” which is the technical term for opening or closing a book. The meghillath cepher ( Jeremiah 36:2) means the unwritten roll, or the roll considered in its material form as contrasted with the work. Meghillah , which is found in Ezra 6:2 (English Versions of the Bible, “roll”), Jeremiah (often), Ezekiel (often) and Zechariah, is a somewhat late word, and came to mean a small roll (but with a complete work) as distinguished from a book, corresponding thus to the modern distinction of pamphlet and book or document and book. The word gillayon is translated in the Revised Version (British and American) as “tablet,” and is universally regarded as meaning ( Isaiah 8:1) some smooth surface, corresponding to the same word in Isaiah 3:23 which is rendered “hand-mirror.” But “cylinderseal” would possibly fit the sense in both cases; this being hung round the neck as an ornament in one case and inscribed with a personal name in the other. Biblion is regarded by the Bible translators as equivalent to meghillah in the sense of small roll. It is in fact 4 times in the Septuagint of Jeremiah used as the translation for meghillah , but very much oftener it is the translation for cepher , for which in fact it is the correct technical equivalent (Birt, Buchrolle, 21). Indeed the “small book” (Thayer, Lexicon, 101) is hardly consistent with the ideas of the heavens as a scroll, of the Lamb’s Book of Life, or of the vast quantity of books of John 21:25, although in Luke 4:17 it may perhaps correspond closely with meghillah in the sense of a complete roll and work, which is at the same time a whole part of a larger work. Its use in Revelation 6:14 is reminiscent of Isaiah 34:4 (“scroll”), and is conclusive for the roll form. It is indeed always technically a roll and never codex or tablet.

    It is not likely that Isaiah and John (here and in his Gospel, 21:25) refer directly to the Babylonian idea that the heavens are a series of written tablets or to the rabbinic saying that “if all the oceans were ink, all reeds pens, the heavens and earth sheets to write upon, and all men writers, still it would not suffice for writing out the teachings of my Masters” (Blau, op. cit., 34). Nevertheless, the “whole Cosmos” does suggest “the heavens and earth” as sheets to write on, and under all there does perhaps lurk a conception of the broad expanse of heaven as a roll for writing upon.

    LITERATURE.

    Birt, Die Buchrolle in der Kunst, Leipzig, 1907; Jew Encyclopedia, XI, 126-34, “Scroll of the Law”; Blau, Studien z. althebr. Buchwesen, Strassburg, 1902, 37-66, etc., and the literature under the article “Writing,” especially Gardthausen, 134-54. E. C. Richardson ROLLER <rol’-er > : the King James Version and the English Revised Version in Ezekiel 30:21 for [ lWTji , chittul ], “bandage” (so the American Standard Revised Version). “Roller” was formerly a technical term in surgery for a wide bandage.

    ROLLING THING <rol’-ing > : Isaiah 17:13, the King James Version “like a rolling thing before the whirlwind,” a noncommittal translation of [ jG”l]G” , galgal ], “revolving thing,” “wheel” ( Ecclesiastes 12:6). the Revised Version (British and American) “like the whirling dust before the storm” is probably right. See CHAFF; DUST; STUBBLE.

    ROMAMTI-EZER <ro-mam-ti-e’-zer > , <ro-mam-ti-e’-zer > ([ rz,[, yTim]m”ro , romamti `ezer ], “highest help”): Son of Heman, appointed chief of the 24th division of singers in David’s time ( 1 Chronicles 25:4,31). See JOSHBEKASHAH.

    ROMAN; ROMANS <ro’-man > , <ro’-manz > . See ROME, III, 2; CITIZENSHIP.

    ROMAN ARMY See ARMY, ROMAN.

    ROMAN EMPIRE AND CHRISTIANITY <em’-pir > :

    I. OUTLINE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 1. Roman Empire a Result of Social Conflict: The founding of the Roman empire was the grandest political achievement ever accomplished. The conquests of Alexander the Great, Charlemagne and Napoleon seem small compared with the durable structure reared by Julius and his successor, Augustus. In one sense Julius Caesar — the most wonderful man that Rome or any other country produced — was the founder of the empire, and Augustus the founder of the principate. But the Roman empire was the culmination of a long process of political, constitutional, and social growth which gives a lasting interest to Roman history. The Roman empire was the only possible solution of a 700 years’ struggle, and Roman history is the story of the conflict of class with class, patrician against plebeian, populus against plebs, the antagonism of oligarchy and democracy, plutocracy against neglected masses. It is the account of the triumphant march of democracy and popular government against an exclusive governing caste. Against heavy odds the plebeians asserted their rights till they secured at least a measure of social, political and legal equality with their superiors (see ROME, I, 2-4). But in the long conflict both parties degenerated until neither militant democracy nor despotic oligarchy could hold the balance with justice. Democracy had won in the uphill fight, but lost itself and was obliged to accept a common master with aristocracy. It was of no small importance for Christianity that the Roman empire — practically synonymous with the orbis terrarum — had been converging both from internal and external causes toward a oneman government, the political counterpart of a universal religion with one God and Saviour. (1) Julius Caesar.

    For a couple of generations political leaders had foreseen the coming of supreme power and had tried to grasp it. But it was Julius Caesar who best succeeded in exploiting democracy for his own aggrandizement. He proved the potent factor of the first triumvirate (60 BC); his consulship (59) was truly kingly. In 49 BC he crossed the Rubicon and declared war upon his country, but in the same year was appointed Dictator and thus made his enemies the enemies of his country. He vanquished the Pompeians — senatorial and republican — at Pharsalia in 48 BC, Thapsus in 46 BC, and Munda in 45 BC. Between 46 and the Ides of March 44 no emperor before Diocletian was more imperial. He was recognized officially as “demigod”; temples were dedicated to his “clemency.” He encouraged the people to abdicate to him their privileges of self-government and right of election, became chief (princeps) of the senate and high priest (pontifex maximus), so that he could manipulate even the will of the gods to his own purposes.

    His plans were equally great and beneficent. He saw the necessity of blending the heterogeneous populations into one people and extending Roman citizenship. His outlook was larger and more favorable to the coming of Christianity than that of his successor, Augustus. The latter learned from the fate of Caesar that he had advanced too rapidly along the imperial path. It taught Augustus caution. (2) Augustus.

    Octavian (Augustus) proved the potent factor of the second triumvirate.

    The field of Actiuim on September 2, 31 BC, decided the fate of the old Roman republic. The commonwealth sank in exhaustion after the protracted civil and internecine strife. It was a case of the survival of the fittest. It was a great crisis in human history, and a great man was at hand for the occasion. Octavian realized that supreme power was the only possible solution. On his return to Rome he began to do over again what Caesar had done — gather into his own hands the reins of government. He succeeded with more caution and shrewdness, and became the founder of the Roman empire, which formally began on January 16, 27 BC, and was signalized by the bestowal of the title AUGUSTUS (which see). Under republican forms he ruled as emperor, controlling legislation, administration and the armies. His policy was on the whole adhered to by the Julio-Claudian line, the last of which was Nero (died 68 AD). (3) Flavian Dynasty.

    In 68 AD a new “secret of empire” was discovered, namely, that the principate was not hereditary in one line and that emperors could be nominated by the armies. After the bloody civil wars of 68, “the year of the four emperors,” Vespasian founded the IInd Dynasty, and dynastic succession was for the present again adopted. With the Flavians begins a new epoch in Roman history of pronounced importance for Christianity.

    The exclusive Roman ideas are on the wane. Vespasian was of plebeian and Sabine rank and thus non-Roman, the first of many non-Roman emperors. His ideas were provincial rather than Roman, and favorable to the amalgamation of classes, and the leveling process now steadily setting in. Though he accepted the Augustan “diarchy,” he began to curtail the powers of the senate. His son Titus died young (79-81). Domitian’s reign marks a new epoch in imperialism: his autocratic spirit stands half-way between the Augustan principate and the absolute monarchy of Diocletian.

    Domitian, the last of the “twelve Caesars” (Suetonius), was assassinated September 18, 96 AD. The soldiers amid civil war had elected the last dynasty. This time the senate asserted itself and nominated a brief series of emperors — on the whole the best that wore the purple. (4) Adoptive or Antonine Emperors.

    The Antonine is another distinct era marked by humane government, recognition of the rights of the provinces and an enlargement of the ideas of universalism. Under Trajan the empire was extended; a series of frontier blockades was established — a confession that Rome could advance no farther. Under Hadrian a policy of retreat began; henceforth Rome is never again on the aggressive but always on the defensive against restless barbarians. Unmistakable signs of weakness and decay set in under Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius. This, the best and happiest period of Roman imperial government, was the beginning of the end. In this era we detect a growing centralization of authority; the senate practically becomes a tool of the emperor. A distinct civil service was established which culminated in bureaucracy under Hadrian. (5) Changing Dynasties, 193-284 AD.

    On the death of Commodus, whose reign 180-93 AD stands by itself, the empire was put up for sale by the soldiery and knocked down to the highest bidder. The military basis of the empire was emphasized — which was indeed essential in this period of barbaric aggressiveness to postpone the fall of the empire until its providential mission was accomplished. A rapid succession of rulers follows, almost each new ruler bringing a new dynasty. Those disintegrating forces set in which developed so rapidly from the reign of Diocletian. The pax Romana had passed; civil commotion accentuated the dangers from invading barbarians. Plague and famine depopulated rich provinces. Rome itself drops into the background and the provincial spirit asserts itself proportionally. The year 212 AD is memorable for the edict of Caracalla converting all the free population into Roman citizens. (6) From Diocletian until Partition.

    In the next period absolute monarchy of pure oriental type was established by Diocletian, one of the ablest of Roman rulers. He inaugurated the principle of division and subdivision of imperial power. The inevitable separation of East and West, with the growing prominence of the East, becomes apparent. Rome and Italy are reduced to the rank of provinces, and new courts are opened by the two Augusti and two Caesars.

    Diocletian’s division of power led to civil strife, until Constantine once more united the whole empire under his sway. The center of gravity now shifted from West to East by the foundation of Constantinople. The empire was again parceled out to the sons of Constantine, one of whom, Constantius, succeeded in again reuniting it (350 AD). In 364 it was again divided, Valentinian receiving the West and Valens the East. (7) Final Partition.

    On the death of Theodosius I (395), West and East fell to his sons Honorius and Arcadius, never again to be united. The western half rapidly degenerated before barbaric hordes and weakling rulers. The western provinces and Africa were overrun by conquering barbarians who set up independent kingdoms on Roman soil. Burgundians and Visigoths settled in Gaul; the latter established a kingdom in Spain. The Vandals under Genseric settled first in Southern Spain, then crossed to Africa and reduced it. Goths burst over Roman frontiers, settled in Illyria and invaded Italy.

    Alaric and his Goths spared Rome in 408 for a ransom; in 409 he appeared again and set up Attalus as king of the Romans, and finally in 410 he captured and sacked the city. It was again sacked by the Vandals under Genseric in 462, and, lastly, fell before Odoacer and his Germans in 476; he announced to the world that the empire of the West had ceased. The empire of the East continued at Constantinople the greatest political power through a chequred history down to the capture of the city in 1214 and its final capture by the Turks in 1453, when its spiritual and intellectual treasures were opened to western lands and proved of untold blessing in preparing the way for the Reformation of the 16th century. The East conquered the West intellectually and spiritually. In the East was born the religion of humanity. 2. Coming of the Monarchy: (1) Exhaustion of Parties.

    The Roman world had for two generations been steadily drifting toward monarchy, and at least one generation before the empire was set up clear minds saw the inevitable necessity of one-man government or supreme power, and each political leader made it his ambition to grasp it. The civil wars ceased for a century with the death of Antony. But the struggles of Tiberius Gracchus and Scipio Aemilianus, Caius Gracchus and Opimius, Drusus and Philippus, Marius and Sulla, Pompey and Caesar, and lastly Octavian and Antony had exhausted the state, and this exhaustion of political parties opened the way for monarchy. In fact it was a necessity for the welfare of the commonwealth that one should be elevated who could fairly hold the balance between oligarchy and the commons and duly recognize the claims of all parties. Even Cato Uticensis — the incarnation of republican ideas — admitted it would be better to choose a master than wait for a tyrant. The bloody wars could find no solution except the survival of the fittest. Moreover, the free political institutions of Rome had become useless and could no longer work under the armed oppression of factions. If any form of government, only supreme power would prove effectual amid an enfeebled, unpopular senate, corrupt and idle commons, and ambitious individuals. (2) Inability of Either Aristocracy or Democracy to Hold Equilibrium.

    Events had proved that a narrow exclusive aristocracy was incapable of good government because of its utterly selfish policy and disregard for the rights of all lower orders. It had learned to burke liberty by political murders. Neither was the heterogeneous population of later Rome disciplined to obey or to initiate just government when it had seized power.

    This anarchy within the body politic opened an easy way to usurpation by individuals. No republic and no form of free popular government could live under such conditions. Caesar said of the republic that it was “a name without any substance,” and Curio declared it to be a “vain chimera.” The law courts shared in the general corruption. The judicia became the bone of contention between the senate and the knights as the best instrument for party interests, and enabled the holders (a) to receive large bribes, (b) to protect their own order when guilty of the most flagrant injustice, and (c) to oppress other orders. Justice for all, and especially for conquered peoples, was impossible. Elective assemblies refused to perform their proper functions because of extravagant bribery or the presence of candidates in arms. In fact, the people were willing to forego the prerogative of election and accept candidates at the nomination of a despotic authority. The whole people had become incapable of self-government and were willing — almost glad — to be relieved of the necessity. (3) Precedents.

    Besides, precedents for one-man government, or the concentration of supreme power in one hand, were not wanting, and had been rapidly multiplying in Roman history as it drew nearer to the end of the republic.

    Numerous protracted commands and special commissions had accustomed the state to the novelty of obedience without participation in administration. The 7 consulships of Marius, the 4 of Cinna, the extraordinary commissions of Pompey and his sole consulship, the dictatorship of Sulla without time limit, the two 5-year-period military commands of Caesar, his repeated dictatorships the last of which was to extend for 10 years — all these were pointing directly toward Caesarism. (4) Withdrawal from Public Life: Individualism.

    On another side the way was opened to supreme power by the increasing tendency for some of the noblest and best minds to withdraw from public life to the seclusion of the heart life and thus leave the field open for demagogic ambition. After the conquests of Alexander the Great, philosophy abandoned the civic, political or city-state point of view and became moral and individual. Stoicism adopted the lofty spiritual teachings of Plato and combined them with the idea of the brotherhood of humanity.

    It also preached that man must work out his salvation, not in public political life, but in the secret agonies of his own soul. This religion took hold of the noblest Roman souls who were conscious of the weariness of life and felt the desire for spiritual fellowship and comfort. The pendulum in human systems of thought generally swings to the opposite extreme, and these serious souls abandoned public life for private speculation and meditation. Those who did remain at the helm of affairs — like the younger Cato — were often too much idealists, living in the past or in an ideal Platonic republic, and proved very unequal to the practical demagogues who lived much in the present with a keen eye to the future. Also a considerable number of the moderate party, who in better days would have furnished leaders to the state, disgusted with the universal corruption, saddened by the hopeless state of social strife and disquieted by uncertainty as to the issue of victory for either contending party, held aloof and must have wished for and welcomed a paramount authority to give stability to social life. Monarchy was in the air, as proved by the sentiments of the two pseudo-Sallustian letters, the author of which calls upon Caesar to restore government and reorganize the state, for if Rome perish the whole world must perish with her. (5) Industrial.

    To another considerable class monarchy must have been welcome — the industrial and middle class who were striving for competence and were engaged in trade and commerce. Civil wars and the strife of parties must have greatly hindered their activity. They cast their lot neither with the optimates nor with the idle commonalty. They desired only a stable condition of government under which they could uninterruptedly carry on their trades. (6) Military.

    Military conditions favored supreme power. Not only had the lengthened commands familiarized the general with his legions and given him time to seduce the soldiery to his own cause, but the soldiery too had been petted and spoiled like the spoon-fed populace. The old republican safeguards against ambition had been removed. The ranks of the armies had also been swollen with large numbers of provincials and non-Romans who had no special sentiment about republican forms. We have seen the military power growing more and more prominent. The only way of averting a military despotism supported and prompted by the soldiers was to set up a monarchy, holding all the military, legislative and administrative functions of the state in due proportion. This was superior to a merely nominal republic always cringing under fear of military leaders. (7) Imperial Interests.

    Lastly, the aggression and conquests of the republic had brought about a state of affairs demanding an empire. The East and the West had been subdued; many provinces and heterogeneous populations were living under the Roman eagle. These provinces could not permanently be plundered and oppressed as under the republican senate. The jus civile of Rome must learn also the jus naturale and jus gentium. An exclusive selfish senatorial clique was incapable of doing justice to the conquered peoples. One supreme ruler over all classes raised above personal ambition could best meet their grievances. The senate had ruled with a rod of iron; the provinces could not possibly be worse under any form of government.

    Besides, monarchy was more congenial to the provincials than a republic which they could not comprehend. (8) Influence of Orient.

    The Orientals had long been used to living under imperial and absolute forms of government and would welcome such a form among their new conquerors. Besides, residence in the Orient had affected Roman military leaders with the thirst after absolute power. And no other form was possible when the old city-state system broke down, and as yet federal government had not been dreamed of. Another consideration: the vast and dissimilar masses of population living within the Roman dominions could more easily be held together under a king or emperor than by a series of ever-changing administrations, just as the Austro-Hungarian and the British empires are probably held together better under the present monarchies than would be possible under a republican system. This survey may make clear the permanent interest in Roman history for all students of human history. The Roman empire was established indeed in the fullness of the times for its citizens and for Christianity.

    II. PREPARATION OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE FOR CHRISTIANITY.

    About the middle of the reign of Augustus a Jewish child was born who was destined to rule an empire more extensive and lasting than that of the Caesars. It is a striking fact that almost synchronous with the planting of the Roman empire Christianity appeared in the world. Although on a superficial glance the Roman empire may seem the greatest enemy of early Christianity, and at times a bitter persecutor, yet it was in many ways the grandest preparation and in some ways the best ally of Christianity. It ushered in politically the fullness of the times. The Caesars — whatever they may have been or done — prepared the way of the Lord. A brief account must here be given of some of the services which the Roman empire rendered to humanity and especially to the kingdom of God. 1. Pax Romana and the Unification of the World: The first universal blessing conferred by the empire was the famous pax Romana (“Roman peace”). The world had not been at peace since the days of Alexander the Great. The quarrels of the Diadochi, and the aggression of the Roman republic had kept the nations in a state of constant turmoil. A universal peace was first established with the beginning of the reign of Augustus and the closing of the temple of Janus. In all the countries round the Mediterranean and from distant Britain to the Euphrates the world was at rest. Rome had made an end of her own civil wars and had put a stop to wars among the nations. Though her wars were often iniquitous and unjustifiable, and she conquered like a barbarian, she ruled her conquests like a humane statesman. The quarrels of the Diadochi which caused so much turmoil in the East were ended, the territory of the Lagids; Attalids, Seleucids and Antigonids having passed under the sway of Rome. The empire united Greeks, Romans and Jews all under one government. Rome thus blended the nations and prepared them for Christianity. Now for the first time we may speak of the world as universal humanity, the orbis terrarum, [hJ oijkoume>nh, he oikoumene ] ( Luke 2:1), the genus humanum . These terms represented humanity as living under a uniform system of government. All were members of one earthly state; the Roman empire was their communis omnium patria. 2. Cosmopolitanism: This state of affairs contributed largely to the spread of cosmopolitanism which had set in with the Macedonia conqueror. Under the Roman empire all national barriers were removed; the great cities — Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, etc. — became meeting-places of all races and languages. The Romans were everywhere carrying their laws and civilization; Greeks settled in thousands at all important centers as professors, merchants, physicians, or acrobats; Orientals were to be found in large numbers with their gods and mysteries in Rome, “the epitome of the world.” In the Roman armies soldiers from all quarters of the empire became companions.

    And many thousands of slaves of fine education and high culture contributed much to cosmopolitanism. Being in many cases far superior in culture to their masters, they became their teachers. And in every city of importance, East or West, large bodies of the Jewish Diaspora were settled. 3. Eclecticism: This cosmopolitanism gave great impetus to a corresponding eclecticism of thought. Nothing could have been more favorable to Christianity than this intermixture of all races and mutual exchange of thought. Each people discovered how much it had in common with its neighbors. From the days of the Diadochi, Stoicism had been preaching the gospel of a civic and ethical brotherhood of humanity. In the fusion of different philosophic systems the emphasis had shifted from the city-state or political or national to the moral and human point of view. All men were thus reduced to equality before the One; only virtue and vice were the differentiating factors. Men were akin with the divine — at least the wise and good — so that one poet could say, “We are His offspring.”

    Stoicism did a noble service in preparation for Christianity by preaching universalism along the path of individualism. It also furnished comfort and strength to countless thousands of weary human lives and ministered spiritual support and calm resignation at many a heathen deathbed. It may be declared to be the first system of religious thought — for it was a religion more than a philosophy — which made a serious study of the diseases of the human soul. We know of course its weakness and imperfections, that it was an aristocratic creed appealing only to the elect of mortals, that it had little message for the fallen and lower classes, that it was cold and stern, that it lacked — as Seneca felt — the inspiration of an ideal life. But with all its failures it proved a worthy pedagogue to a religion which brought a larger message than that of Greece. It afforded the spiritual and moral counterpart to the larger human society of which the Roman empire was the political and visible symbol. Hitherto a good citizen had been a good man. Now a good man is a good citizen, and that not of a narrow city-state, but of the world. Stoicism also proved tile interpreter and mouthpiece to the Roman empire of the higher moral and spiritual qualities of Greek civilization; it diffused the best convictions of Greece about God and man, selecting those elements that were universal and of lasting human value. See STOICS.

    The mind of the Roman empire was further prepared for Christianity by the Jewish Diaspora. Greeks learned from Jews and Jews from Greeks and the Romans from both. The unification effected by Roman Law and administration greatly aided the Diaspora. Jewish settlements became still more numerous and powerful both in the East and West. Those Jews bringing from the homeland the spiritual monotheism of their race combined it with Greek philosophy which had been setting steadily for monotheism. With the Jews the exclusively national element was subordinated to the more human and universal, the ceremonial to the religious. They even adopted the world-language of that day — Greek — and had their sacred Scriptures translated into this language in which they carried on an active proselytism. The Roman spirit was at first essentially narrow and exclusive. But even the Romans soon fell beneath the spell of this cosmopolitanism and eclecticism. As their conquests increased, their mind was correspondingly widened. They adopted the policy of Alexander — sparing the gods of the conquered and admitting them into the responsibility of guarding Rome; they assimilated them with their own Pantheon or identified them with Roman gods. In this way naturally the religious ideas of conquered races more highly civilized than the conquerors laid hold on Roman minds. See DISPERSION. 4. Protection for Greek Culture: Another inestimable service rendered to humanity and Christianity was the protection which the Roman power afforded the Greek civilization. We must remember that the Romans were at first only conquering barbarians who had little respect for culture, but idealized power. Already they had wiped out two ancient and superior civilizations — that of Carthage without leaving a trace, and that of Etruria, traces of which have been discovered in modern times. It is hard to conceive what a scourge Rome would have proved to the world had she not fallen under the influence of the superior culture and philosophy of Greece. Had the Roman Mars not been educated by Pallas Athene the Romans would have proved Vandals and Tartars in blotting out civilization and arresting human progress. The Greeks, on the other hand, could conquer more by their preeminence in everything that pertains to the intellectual life of man than they could hold by the sword. A practical and political power was needed to protect Greek speculation. But the Romans after causing much devastation were gradually educated and civilized and have contributed to the uplifting and enlightenment of subsequent civilizations by both preserving and opening to the world the spiritual qualities of Greece. The kinship of man with the divine, learned from Socrates and Plato, went forth on its wide evangel.

    This Greek civilization, philosophy and theology trained many of the great theologians and leaders of the Christian church, so that Clement of Alexandria said that Greek philosophy and Jewish law had proved schoolmasters to bring the world to Christ. Paul, who prevented Christianity from remaining a Jewish sect and proclaimed its universalism, learned much from Greek — especially from Stoic — thought. It is also significant that the early Christian missionaries apparently went only where the Greek language was known, which was the case in all centers of Roman administration. 5. Linguistically: The state of the Roman empire linguistically was in the highest degree favorable to the spread of Christianity. The Greek republics by their enterprise, superior genius and commercial abilities extended their dialects over the Aegean Islands, the coasts of Asia Minor, Sicily and Magna Graecia. The preeminence of Attic culture and literature favored by the short-lived Athenian empire raised this dialect to a standard among the Greek peoples. But the other dialects long persisted. Out of this babel of Greek dialects there finally arose a normal koine or “common language.”

    By the conquests of Alexander and the Hellenistic sympathies of the Diadochi this common Greek language became the lingua franca of antiquity. Greek was known in Northern India, at the Parthian court, and on the distant shores of the Euxine (Black Sea). The native land of the gospel was surrounded on all sides by Greek civilization. Greek culture and language penetrated into the midst of the obstinate home-keeping Palestinian Jews. Though Greek was not the mother-tongue of our Lord, He understood Greek and apparently could speak it when occasion required — Aramaic being the language of His heart and of His public teachings. The history of the Maccabean struggle affords ample evidence of the extent to Which Greek culture, and with it the Greek language, were familiar to the Jews. There were in later days Hellenistic bodies of devout Jews in Jerusalem itself. Greek was recognized by the Jews as the universal language: the inscription on the wall of the outer temple court forbidding Gentiles under pain of death to enter was in Greek. The koine became the language even of religion — where a foreign tongue is least likely to be used — of the large Jewish Diaspora. They perceived the advantages of Greek as the language of commerce — the Jews’ occupation — of culture and of proselytizing. They threw open their sacred Scriptures in the Septuagint and other versions to the Greek-Roman world, adapting the translation in many respects to the requirements of Greek readers. “The Bible whose God was Yahweh was the Bible of one people: the Bible whose God was ([ku>riov, kurios ], “Lord”) was the Bible of humanity.”

    When the Romans came upon the scene, they found this language so widely known and so deeply rooted they could not hope to supplant it.

    Indeed they did not try — except in Sicily and Magna Graecia — to suppress Greek, but rather gladly accepted it as the one common means of intercourse among the peoples of their eastern dominions. See LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT.

    Though Latin was of course the official language of the conquerors, the decrees of governors generally appeared with a Greek translation, so that they might be “understanded of the people,” and Greek overcame Latin, as English drove out the French of the Norman invaders. Latin poets and historians more than once complained that Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit (“conquered Greece vanquished its stern conqueror”). With the spread of Latin there were two world-languages side by side for the whole Roman empire, but Greek was prevailingly the language of the eastern half of the Roman empire which was the first soil for Christian churches and the first half of the empire to be Christianized. Later when Christianity was able to extend her activity to the West, she found Latin ready as the common means of intercourse. That Rome respected Greek is greatly to her credit and much to the advantage of Christianity. For Christianity, when it began to aim at universalism, dropped its native Aramaic. The gospel in order to become a world-evangel was translated into Greek. The early Christian missionaries did not learn the languages or patois of the Roman empire, but confined themselves to centers of Greek culture. Paul wrote in Greek to the church in Rome itself, of which Greek was the language. And while Christianity was spreading through the Greek East under the unification of Roman administration, the Romans were Romanizing and leveling the West for Latin Christianity (see LATIN ). In the West it may be noted that the first foothold of the Christian religion was in Greek — witness the church in Gaul. 6. Materially: In material ways too Rome opened the way for Christianity by building the great highways for the gospel. The great system of roads that knit then civilized world together served not only the legions and the imperial escorts, but were of equal service to the early missionaries, and when churches began to spring up over the empire, these roads greatly facilitated that church organization and brotherhood which strengthened the church to overcome the empire. With the dawn of the pax Romana all these roads became alive once more with a galaxy of caravans and traders. Commerce revived and was carried on under circumstances more favorable than any that obtained till the past century. Men exchanged not only material things, but also spiritual things. Many of these early traders and artisans were Christians, and while they bought and sold the things that perish, they did not lose an opportunity of spreading the gospel. For an empire which embraced the Mediterranean shores, the sea was an important means of intercommunication; and the Mediterranean routes were safer for commerce and travel at that period than during any previous one. Pompey the Great had driven the pirates off the sea, and with the fall of Sextus Pompey no hostile maritime forces remained. The ships which plied in countless numbers from point to point of this great inland sea offered splendid advantages and opportunity for early Christian missionary enthusiasm. 7. Tolerance: The large measure of freedom permitted by Roman authorities to the religions of all nations greatly favored the growth of infant Christianity.

    The Roman empire was never in principle a persecutor with a permanent court of inquisition. Strange cults from the East and Egypt flourished in the capital, and except when they became a danger to public morality or to the peace of society they were allowed to spread unchecked under the eyes of the police. See below on non-Roman religions. 8. Pattern for a Universal Church: Further, the Roman empire afforded Christianity a material and outward symbol for its spiritual ambition. It enlarged the vision of the church. Only a citizen (Paul) of such a world-empire could dream of a religion for all humanity. If the Roman sword could so conquer and unify the orbis terrarum, the militant church should be provoked to attempt nothing less in the religious sphere. It also furnished many a suggestion to the early organizers of the new community, until the Christian church became the spiritual counterpart of the Roman empire. The Christians appropriated many a weapon from the arsenal of the enemy and learned from them aggressiveness, the value of thorough organization and of military methods. 9. Roman Jurisprudence: Roman law in its origins was characterized by the narrowest exclusiveness, and the first formal Roman code was on Greek patterns, yet the Romans here as in so many other respects improved upon what they had borrowed and became masters of jurisprudence in the antique world. As their empire and conceptions expanded, they remodeled their laws to embrace all their subjects. One of the greatest boons conferred by Rome upon the antique world was a uniform system of good laws — the source of much of our European jurisprudence. The Roman law played an equally important role with the Jewish in molding and disciplining for Christianity. It taught men to obey and to respect authority, and proved an effective leveling and civilizing power in the empire. The universal law of Rome was the pedagogue for the universal law of the gospel. See ROMAN LAW. 10. Negative Preparation: The Romans could offer their subjects good laws, uniform government and military protection, but not a satisfactory religion. A universal empire called for a universal religion, which Christianity alone could offer. Finally, not only by what Rome had accomplished but by what she proved incapable of accomplishing, the way of the Lord was made ready and a people prepared for His coming. It was a terrible crisis in the civilization and religion of antiquity. The old national religions and systems of belief had proved unable to soothe increasing imperious moral and spiritual demands of man’s nature. A moral bankruptcy was immanent. The old Roman religion of abstract virtues had gone down in formalism; it was too cold for human hearts. Man could no longer find the field of his moral activity in the religion of the state; he was no longer merely an atom in society performing religious rites, not for his own soul, but for the good of the commonwealth. Personality had been slowly emerging, and the new schools of philosophy called man away from the state to seek peace with God in the solitude of his own soul first of all. But even the best of these schools found the crying need of a positive, not a negative religion, the need for a perfect ideal life as a dynamic over ordinary human lives. Thus was felt an imperious demand for a new revelation, for a fresh vision or knowledge of God. In earlier days men had believed that God had revealed Himself to primitive wise men or heroes of their race, and that subsequent generations must accept with faith what these earlier seers, who stood nearer God, as Cicero said, had been pleased to teach of the divine. But soon this stock of knowledge became exhausted. Plato, after soaring to the highest point of poetic and philosophic thought about the divine, admitted the need of a demon or superman to tell us the secrets of eternity. With the early Roman empire began a period of tremendous religious unrest. Men tried philosophy, magic, astrology, foreign rites, to find a sure place of rest.

    This accounts for the rapid and extensive diffusion of oriental mysteries which promised to the initiated communion with God here, a “better hope” in death, and satisfied the craving for immortality beyond time. These were the more serious souls who would gladly accept the consolations of Jesus.

    Others, losing all faith in any form of religion, gave themselves up to blank despair and accepted Epicureanism with its gospel of annihilation and its carpe diem morals. This system had a terrible fascination for those who had lost themselves; it is presented in its most attractive form in the verses of Lucretius — the Omar Khayyam of Latin literature. Others again, unable to find God, surrendered themselves to cheerless skepticism. The sore need of the new gospel of life and immortality will be borne in upon the mind of those who read the Greek and Roman sepulchral inscriptions. And even Seneca, who was almost a Christian in some respects, speaks of immortality as a “beautiful dream” (bellum somnium), though tribulation later gave a clearer vision of the “city of God.” Servius Sulpicius, writing to Cicero a letter of consolation on the death of his much-missed Tullia, had only a sad “if” to offer about the future (Cic. Fam. iv.5). Nowhere does the unbelief and pessimism of pre-Christian days among the higher classes strike one more forcibly than in the famous discussion recorded by Sallust (Bel. Cat. li f) as to the punishment of the Catilinarian conspirators.

    Caesar, who held the Roman high-priesthood and the highest authority on the religion of the state, proposes life imprisonment, as death would only bring annihilation and rest to these villains — no hereafter, no reward or punishment (eam cuncta mortalium mala dissolvere; ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse). Cato next speaks — the most religious man of his generation — in terms which cast no rebuke upon Caesar’s Epicureanism and materialism (ibid., 52). Cicero (In Cat. iv.4) is content to leave immortality an open question. The philosophers of Athens mocked Paul on Mars’ Hill when he spoke of a resurrection. Such was the attitude of the educated classes of the Greek-Roman world at the dawn of Christianity, though it cannot be denied that there was also a strong desire for continued existence. The other classes were either perfunctorily performing the rites of a dead national religion or wereseeking, some, excitement or aesthetic worship or even scope for their baser passions, some, peace and promise for the future, in the eastern mysteries. The distinction between moral and physical evil was coming to the surface, and hence, a consciousness of sin. Religion and ethics had not yet been united. “The throne of the human mind” was declared vacant, and Christianity was at hand as the best claimant. In fact, the Greek-Roman mind had been expanding to receive the pure teachings of Jesus.

    III. ATTITUDE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE TO RELIGIONS. 1. Roman or State Religion: The history of Roman religion reveals a continuous penetration of Italian, Etruscan, Greek, Egyptian and oriental worship and rites, until the old Roman religion became almost unrecognizable, and even the antiquarian learning of a Varro could scarcely discover the original meaning or use of many Roman deities. The Roman elements or modes of worship progressively retreated until they and the foreign rites with which they were overlaid gave way before the might of Christianity. As Rome expanded, her religious demands increased. During the regal period Roman religion was that of a simple agricultural community. In the period between the Regifugium and the Second Punic War Roman religion became more complicated and the Roman Pantheon was largely increased by importations from Etruria, Latium and Magna Graecia. The mysterious religion of Etruria first impressed the Roman mind, and from this quarter probably came the Trinity of the Capitol (Jupiter, Juno, Minerva) previously introduced into Etruria from Greek sources, thus showing that the Romans were not the first in Italy to be influenced by the religion of Greece. New modes of worship, non-Roman in spirit, also came in from the Etruscans and foreign elements of Greek mythology. Latium also made its contribution, the worship of Diana coming from Aricia and also a Latin Jupiter. Two Latin cults penetrated even within the Roman pomoerium — that of Hercules and Castor, with deities of Greek origin. The Greek settlements in Southern Italy (Magna Graecia) were generous in their contributions and opened the way for the later invasion of Greek deities.

    The Sibylline Books were early imported from Cumae as sacred scriptures for the Romans. In 493 BC during a famine a temple was built to the Greek trinity Demeter, Dionysus, and Persephone, under the Latin names of Ceres, Liber, and Libera — the beginning of distrust in the primitive Roman numina and of that practice, so oft repeated in Roman history, of introducing new and foreign gods at periods of great distress. In Apollo came from the same region. Mercury and Asclepius followed in BC, and in 249 BC Dis and Proserpina were brought from Tarentum.

    Other non-Roman modes of approach to deity were introduced. Rome had been in this period very broad-minded in her policy of meeting the growing religious needs of her community, but she had not so far gone beyond Italy.

    A taste had also developed for dramatic and more aesthetic forms of worship. The period of the Second Punic War was a crisis in Roman religious life, and the faith of the Romans waned before growing unbelief.

    Both the educated classes and the populace abandoned the old Roman religion, the former sank into skepticism, the latter into superstition; the former put philosophy in the place of religion, the latter the more sensuous cults of the Orient. The Romans went abroad again to borrow deities — this time to Greece, Asia and Egypt. Greek deities were introduced wholesale, and readily assimilated to or identified with Roman deities (see ROME, III, 1). In 191 BC Hebe entered as Juventas, in 179 Artemis as Diana, in 138 Ares as Mars. But the home of religion — the Orient — proved more helpful. In 204 BC Cybele was introduced from Pessinus to Rome, known also as the Great Mother (magna mater) — a fatal and final blow to old Roman religion and an impetus to the wilder and more orgiastic cults and mysterious glamor which captivated the common mind.

    Bacchus with his gross immorality soon followed. Sulla introduced Ma from Phrygia as the counterpart of the Roman Bellona, and Egypt gave Isis. In the wars of Pompey against the pirates Mithra was brought to Rome — the greatest rival of Christianity. Religion now began to pass into the hands of politicians and at the close of the republic was almost entirely in their hands. Worship degenerated into formalism, and formalism culminated in disuse. Under the empire philosophic systems continued still more to replace religion, and oriental rites spread apace. The religious revival of Augustus was an effort to breathe life into the dry bones. His plan was only partly religious, and partly political — to establish an imperial and popular religion of which he was the head and centering round his person. He discovered the necessity of an imperial religion. In the East kings had long before been regarded as divine by their subjects. Alexander the Great, like a wise politician, intended to use this as one bond of union for his wide dominions. The same habit extended among the Diadochian kings, especially in Egypt and Syria. When Augustus had brought peace to the world, the Orient was ready to hail him as a god. Out of this was evolved the cult of the reigning emperor and of Roma personified. This worship gave religious unity to the empire, while at the same time magnifying the emperor. But the effort was in vain: the old Roman religion was dead, and the spiritual needs of the empire continued to be met more and more by philosophy and the mysteries which promised immortality.

    The cult of the Genius of the emperor soon lost all reality. Vespasian himself on his deathbed jested at the idea of his becoming a god. The emperor-worship declined steadily, and in the 3rd and 4th centuries oriental worships were supreme. The religion of the Roman empire soon became of that cosmopolitan and eclectic type so characteristic of the new era. 2. Non-Roman Religions: religiones licitae and religiones illicitae: The non-Roman religions were divided into religiones licitae (“licensed worships”) and religiones illicitae (“unlicensed”). The Romans at different times, on account of earthquakes, pestilences, famine or military disasters, introduced non-Roman cults as means of appeasing the numina. This generally meant that the cults in question could be performed with impunity by their foreign adherents. It legalized the collegia necessary for these worships from which Roman citizens were by law excluded. But, generally speaking, any people settling at Rome was permitted the liberty of its own native worship in so far as the exercise of it did not interfere with the peace of the state or corrupt the morals of society. On one occasion (186 BC), by a decree of the senate, a severe inquisition was instituted against the Bacchanalian rites which had caused flagrant immorality among the adherents. But Rome was never a systematic persecutor. These foreign rites and superstitions, though often forbidden and their professed adherents driven from the city, always returned stronger than ever. Roman citizens soon discovered the fascination of oriental and Greek mysteries, and devoted themselves to foreign gods while maintaining the necessary formalism toward the religion of the state.

    Very often too Roman citizens would be presidents of these religious brotherhoods. It should not be forgotten that the original moral elements had fallen out of Roman religion, and that it had become simply a political and military religion for the welfare of the state, not for the salvation of the individual. The individual must conform to certain prescribed rites in order to avert calamity from the state. This done, the state demanded no more, and left him a large measure of freedom in seeking excitement or aesthetic pleasure in the warm and more social foreign mysteries. Thus, while the Romans retained the distinction of religiones licitae and illicitae, they seldom used severity against the latter. Many unlicensed cults were never disturbed. In fact, the very idea of empire rendered toleration of non- Roman religions a necessity. Practically, though not theoretically, the empire abandoned the idea of religiones illicitae, while it retained it upon the statute-book to use in case of such an emergency as the Christian religion involved. Not only the government was tolerant, but the different varieties of religions were tolerant and on good terms with each other. The same man might be initiated into the mysteries of half a dozen divinities.

    The same man might even be priest of two or more gods. Some had not the slightest objection to worshipping Christ along with Mithra, Isis and Adonis. Men were growing conscious of the oneness of the divine, and credited their neighbors with worshipping the One Unknown under different names and forms. Hadrian is said to have meditated the erection of temples throughout the empire to the Unknown God. (1) Judaism a “religio licita.”

    An interesting and, for the history of Christianity, important example of a religio licita is Judaism. No more exclusive and obstinate people could have been found upon whom to bestow the favor. Yet from the days of Julius Caesar the imperial policy toward the Jew and his religion was uniformly favorable, with the brief exception of the mad attempt of Gaius. The government often protected them against the hatred of the populace. Up to 70 AD they were allowed freely to send their yearly contribution to the temple; they were even allowed self-governing privileges and legislative powers among themselves, and thus formed an exclusive community in the midst of Roman society. Even the disastrous war of 68-70 AD and the fall of Jerusalem did not bring persecution upon the Jew, though most of these self-governing and self-legislating powers were withdrawn and the Jews were compelled to pay a poll-tax to the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter.

    Still their religion remained licensed, tolerated, protected. They were excused from duties impossible for their religion, such as military service.

    This tolerance of the Jewish religion was of incalculable importance to infant Christianity which at first professed to be no more than a reformed and expanded Judaism. (2) Why Christianity Was Alone Proscribed.

    The question next arises: If such was the universally mild and tolerant policy of the empire to find room for all gods and cults, and to respect the beliefs of all the subject peoples, how comes the anomaly that Christianity alone was proscribed and persecuted? Christianity was indeed a religio illicita, not having been accepted by the government as a religio licita, like Judaism. But this is no answer. There were other unlicensed religions which grew apace in the empire. Neither was it simply because Christianity was aggressive and given to proselytism and dared to appear even in the imperial household: Mithraism and Isism were militant and aggressive, and yet were tolerated. Nor was it simply because of popular hatred, for the Christian was not hated above the Jew. Other reasons must explain the anomaly. (3) Two Empires: Causes of Conflict.

    The fact was that two empires were born about the same time so like and yet so unlike as to render a conflict and struggle to the death inevitable.

    The Christians were unequivocal in asserting that the society for which they were waiting and laboring was a “kingdom.” (a) Confusion of Spiritual and Temporal:

    They thought not merely in national or racial but in ecumenical terms. The Romans could not understand a kingdom of God upon earth, but confused Christian ambition with political. It was soon discovered that Christianity came not to save but to destroy and disintegrate the empire. Early Christian enthusiasm made the term “kingdom” very provoking to pagan patriotism, for many, looking for the Parousia of their Lord, were themselves misled into thinking of the new society as a kingdom soon to be set up upon the earth with Christ as king. Gradually, of course, Christians became enlightened upon this point, but the harm had been done. Both the Rein empire and Christianity were aiming at a social organization to embrace the genus humanum. But though these two empires were so alike in several points and the one had done so much to prepare the way for the other, yet the contrast was too great to allow conciliation. Christianity would not lose the atom in the mass; it aimed at universalism along the path of individualism — giving new value to human personality. (b) Unique Claims of Christianity:

    It seemed also to provoke Roman pride by its absurd claims. It preached that the world was to be destroyed by fire to make way for new heavens and a new earth, that the Eternal City (Rome) was doomed to fall, that a king would come from heaven whom Christians were to obey, that amid the coming desolations the Christians should remain tranquil. (c) Novelty of Christianity:

    Again after Christianity came from underneath the aegis of Judaism, it must have taken the government somewhat by surprise as a new and unlicensed religion which had grown strong under a misnomer. It was the newest and latest religion of the empire; it came suddenly, as it were, upon the stage with no past. It was not apparent to the Roman mind that Christianity had been spreading for a generation under the tolerance granted to Judaism (sub umbraculo licitae Judeorum religionis: Tert.), the latter of which was “protected by its antiquity,” as Tacitus said. The Romans were of a conservative nature and disliked innovations. The greatest statesman of the Augustan era, Maecenas, advised the emperor to extend no tolerance to new religions as subversive of monarchy (Dio Cassius lii.36). A new faith appearing suddenly with a large clientele might be dangerous to the public peace (multitude ingens: Tac. Ann. xv.44; [polu< plh~qov, polu plethos ] Clem. Rom.; Cor 1 6). (d) Intolerance and Exclusiveness of the Christian Religion and Christian Society:

    In one marked way Christians contravcned the tolerant eclective spirit of the empire — the intolerance and absoluteness of their religion and the exclusiveness of their society. All other religions of the empire admitted compromise and eclecticism, were willing to dwell rather on the points of contact with their neighbors than on the contrast. But Christianity admitted no compromise, was intolerant to all other systems. It must be admitted that in this way it was rather unfair to other cults which offered comfort and spiritual support to thousands of the human race before the dawn of Christianity. But we shall not blame, when we recognize that for its own life and mission it was necessary to show itself at first intolerant. Many heathen would gladly accept Christ along with Mithra and Isis and Serapis.

    But Christianity demanded complete separation. The Jesus cult could tolerate no rival: it claimed to be absolute, and worshippers of Jesus must be separate from the world. The Christian church was absolute in its demands; would not rank with, but above, all worships. This spirit was of course at enmity with that of the day which enabled rival cults to co-exist with the greatest indifference. Add to this the exclusive state of Christian society. No pious heathen who had purified his soul by asceticism and the sacraments of antiquity could be admitted into membership unless he renounced things dear to him and of some spiritual value. In every detail of public life this exclusive spirit made itself felt. Christians met at night and held secret assemblies in which they were reputed to perpetrate the most scandalous crimes. Thyestean banquets, Oedipean incest, child murder, were among the charges provoked by their exclusiveness. (e) Obstinatio:

    Add to this also the sullen obstinacy with which Christians met the demands of imperial power — a feature very offensive to Rein governors.

    Their religion would be left them undisturbed if they would only render formal obedience to the religion of the state. Roman clemency and respect for law were baffled before Christian obstinacy. The martyr’s courage appeared as sheer fanaticism. The pious Aurelius refers but once to Christianity, and in the words [yilh< para>taxiv, psile parataxis ], “sheer obstinacy,” and Aristides apparently refers to Christianity as [aujqa>deia, authadeia ], stubbornness. See PERSECUTIONS, 18. (f) Aggressiveness against Pagan Faith:

    But the Christians were not content with an uncompromising withdrawal from the practices of heathen worship: they also actively assailed the pagan cult. To the Christians they became doctrines of demons. The imperial cult and worship of the Genius of the emperor were very unholy in their sight.

    Hence, they fell under the charges of disloyalty to the emperor and might be proved guilty of majestas. They held in contempt the doctrine that the greatness of Rome was due to her reverence for the gods; the Christians were atheists from the pagan point of view. And as religion was a political concern for the welfare of the state, atheism was likely to call down the wrath of divinity to the subversion of the state. (g) Christianos ad leones: Public Calamities:

    Very soon when disasters began to fall thickly upon the Roman empire, the blame was laid upon the Christians. In early days Rome had often sought to appease the gods by introducing external cults; at other times oriental cults were expelled in the interests of public morality. Now in times of disaster Christians became the scapegoats. If famine, drought, pestilence, earthquake or any other public calamity threatened, the cry was raised “the Christians to the lions” (see NERO; PERSECUTIONS , 12). This view of Christianity as subversive of the empire survived the fall of Rome before Alaric. The heathen forgot — as the apologists showed — that Rome had been visited by the greatest calamities before the Christian era and that the Christians were the most self-sacrificing in periods of public distress, lending succor to pagan and Christian alike. (h) Odium generis humani:

    All prejudices against Christianity were summed up in odium generis humani, “hatred for the human race” or society, which was reciprocated by “hatred of the human race toward them.” The Christians were bitterly hated, not only by the populace, but by the upper educated classes. Most of the early adherents belonged to the slave, freedman and artisan classes, “not many wise, not many noble.” Few were Roman citizens. We have mentioned the crimes which popular prejudice attributed to this hated sect.

    They were in mockery styled Christiani by the Antiochians (a name which they at first resented), and Nazarenes by the Jews. No nicknames were too vile to attach to them — Asinarii (the sect that worshipped the ass’s head), Sarmenticii or Semaxii. Roman writers cannot find epithets strong enough.

    Tacitus reckons the Christian faith among the “atrocious and abominable things” (atrocia aut pudenda) which flooded Rome, and further designates it superstitio exitiabilis (“baneful superstition,” Ann. xv.44), Suetonius (Ner. 16) as novel and maletic (novae ac maleficae), and the gentle Pliny (Ep. 97) as vile and indecent (prava immodica). Well might Justus say the Christians were “hated and reviled by the whole human race.” This opprobrium was accentuated by the attacks of philosophy upon Christianity. When the attention of philosophers was drawn to the new religion, it was only to scorn it. This attitude of heathen philosophy is best understood in reading Celsus and the Christian apologists. (4) The Roman Empire Not the Only Disturbing Factor.

    Philosophy long maintained its aloofness from the religion of a crucified Galilean: the “wise” were the last to enter the kingdom of God. When later Christianity had established itself as a permanent force in human thought, philosophy deigned to consider its claims. But it was too late; the new faith was already on the offensive. Philosophy discovered its own weakness and began to reform itself by aiming at being both a philosophy and a religion.

    This is particularly the case in neo-Platonism (in Plotinus) in which reason breaks down before revelation and mysticism. Another force disturbing the peace of the Christian church was the enemy within the fold. Large numbers of heathen had entered the ecclesia bringing with them their oriental or Greek ideas, just as Jewish Christians brought their Judaism with them. This led to grave heresies, each system of thought distorting in its own way the orthodox faith. Later another ally joined the forces against Christianity — reformed paganism led by an injured priesthood. At first the cause of Christianity was greatly aided by the fact that there was no exclusive and jealous priesthood at the head of the Greek-Roman religion, as in the Jewish and oriental religions. There was thus no dogma and no class interested in maintaining a dogma. Religious persecution is invariably instituted by the priesthood, but in the Roman world it was not till late in the day when the temples and sacrifices were falling into desuetude that we find a priesthood as a body in opposition. Thus the Roman imperial power stood not alone in antagonism to Christianity, but was abetted and often provoked to action by (a) popular hate, (b) philosophy, (c) pagan priesthood, (d) heresies within the church.

    IV. RELATIONS BETWEEN THE ROMAN EMPIRE AND CHRISTIANITY.

    We have here to explain how the attitude of the Roman empire, at first friendly or indifferent, developed into one of fierce conflict, the different stages in the policy — if we can speak of any uniform policy — of the Roman government toward Christianity, the charges or mode of procedure on which Christians were condemned, and when and how the profession of Christianity (nomen ipsum) became a crime. We shall see the Roman empire progressively weakening and Christianity gaining ground. For the sake of clearness we shall divide the Roman empire into six periods, the first from the commencement of the Christian era till the last of the Julio- Claudian dynasty. 1. Beginning of Christianity until Death of Nero, 68 AD: At first the presence of the Christian faith was unknown to Roman authorities. It appeared first merely as a reformed and more spiritual Judaism; its earliest preachers and adherents alike never dreamed of severing from the synagogue. Christians were only another of the Jewish sects to which a Jew might belong while adhering to Mosaism and Judaism.

    But soon this friendly relation became strained on account of the expanding views of some of the Christian preachers, and from the introduction of Gentile proselytes. The first persecutions for the infant church came entirely from exclusive Judaism, and it was the Jews who first accused Christians before the Roman courts. Even so, the Roman government not only refused to turn persecutor, but even protected the new faith both against Jewish accusations and against the violence of the populace ( Acts 21:31 f). And the Christian missionaries — especially Paul — soon recognized in the Roman empire an ally and a power for good.

    Writing to the Romans Paul counsels them to submit in obedience to the powers that be, as “ordained of God.” His favorable impression must have been greatly enhanced by his mild captivity at Rome and his acquittal by Nero on the first trial. The Roman soldiers had come to his rescue in Jerusalem to save his life from the fanaticism of his own coreligionists.

    Toward the accusations of the Jews against their rivals the Romans were either indifferent, as Gallio the proconsul of Achaia, who “cared for none of those things” ( Acts 18:12 ff), or recognized the innocence of the accused, as did both Felix ( Acts 24:1 ff) and Porcius Festus ( Acts 25:14 ff). Thus the Romans persisted in looking upon Christians as a sect of the Jews. But the Jews took another step in formulating a charge of disloyalty (begun before Pilate) against the new sect as acting “contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another king, one Jesus” ( Acts 17:7; compare 25:8). Christianity was disowned thus early by Judaism and cast upon its own resources. The increasing numbers of Christians would confirm to the Roman government the independence of Christianity. And the trial of a Roman citizen, Paul, at Rome would further enlighten the authorities.

    The first heathen persecution of Christianity resulted from no definite policy, no apprehension of danger to the body politic, and no definite charges, but from an accidental spark which kindled the conflagration of Rome (July, 64 AD). Up to this time no emperor had taken much notice of Christianity. It was only in the middle of the reign of Augustus that Jesus was born. In the reign of Tiberius belong Jesus’ public ministry, crucifixion and resurrection; but his reign closed too early (37 AD) to allow any prominence to the new faith, though this emperor was credited with proposing to the senate a decree to receive Christ into the Roman pantheon — legend of course. Under the brief principate of the mad Gaius (37-41 AD) the “new way” was not yet divorced from the parent faith. Gaius caused a diversion in favor of the Christians by his persecution of the Jews and the command to set up his own statue in the temple. In the next reign (Claudius, 41-54 AD) the Jews were again harshly treated, and thousands were banished from Rome (Judaeos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit: Suet. Claud. 25). Some would see in this an action against the Christians by interpreting the words as meaning riots between Jews and Christians, in consequence of which some Christians were banished as Jews, but Dio Cassius (lx.6) implies that it was a police regulation to restrain the spread of Jewish worship. It was in the reign of Nero, after the fire of 64 AD, that the first hostile step was taken by the government against the Christians, earliest account of which is given by Tacitus (Ann. xv.44). Nero’s reckless career had given rise to the rumor that he was the incendiary, that he wished to see the old city burned in order to rebuild it on more magnificent plans. See NERO . Though he did everything possible to arrest the flames, even exposing his own life, took every means of alleviating the destitution of the sufferers, and ordered such religious rites as might appease the wrath of the gods, the suspicion still clung to him. “Accordingly in order to dissipate the rumor, he put forward as guilty (subdidit reos) and inflicted the most cruel punishments on those who were hated for their abominations (flagitia) and called Christians by the populace. The originator of that name, Christus, had been executed by the procurator Pontius Pilatus in the reign of Tiberius, and the baneful superstition (exitiabilis superstitio) put down for the time being broke out again, not only throughout Judea, the home of this evil, but also in the City (Rome) where all atrocious and shameful (atrocia aut pudenda) things converge and are welcomed. Those therefore who confessed (i.e. to being Christians) were first arrested, and then by the information gained from them a large number (multitudo ingens) were implicated (coniuncti is the manuscript reading, not conuicti), not so much on the charge of incendiarism as for hatred of mankind (odio humani generis). The victims perished amid mockery (text here uncertain); some clothed in the skins of wild beasts were torn to pieces by dogs; others impaled on crosses in order to be set on fire to afford light by night after daylight had died. .... Whence (after these cruelties) commiseration began to be felt for them, though guilty and deserving the severest penalties (quamquam adversus sontes et novissima exempla meritos), for men felt their destruction was not from considerations of public welfare but to gratify the cruelty of one person (Nero).”

    This passage — the earliest classical account of the crucifixion and the only mention of Pilate in a heathen author — offers some difficulties which require to be glanced at. It is held by some that Tacitus contradicts himself by writing subdidit reos at the beginning and sontes at the end, but sontes does not mean guilty of incendiarism, but guilty from the point of view of the populace and deserving severe punishment for other supposed flagitia, not for arson. It is thus quite clear that Tacitus regards the Christians as innocent, though he had not the slightest kindly feeling toward them. Qui fatebantur means most naturally, “those who confessed to being Christians,” though Arnold argues that confiteri or profiteri would be the correct word for professing a religion. But this would contradict both the sense and the other evidences of the context; for if fatebantur could mean “confessed to arson,” then the whole body of Christians should have been arrested, and, further, this would have diverted suspicion from Nero, which was not the case according to Tacitus. Some Christians boldly asserted their religion, others no doubt, as in Bithynia, recanted before tribulation.

    By indicio eorum Ramsay (Christianity in the Roman Empire, 233) understands “on the information elicited at their trial,” i.e. from information gathered by the inquisitors in the course of the proceedings. This incidental information implicated a large number of others, hence Ramsay prefers the manuscript reading coniuncti to the correction conuicti. This is in order to explain the difficulty seemingly raised, namely, that the noblest Christians who boldly confessed their Christianity would seek to implicate brethren.

    But it is not impossible that some of these bold spirits did condescend to give the names of their coreligionists to the Roman courts. Hence, Hardy (Christianity and the Roman Government,67) prefers the more usual rendering of indicio eorum as “on information received from them.” This may have occurred either (1) through torture, or (2) for promised immunity, or (3) on account of local jealousies. The early Christian communities were not perfect; party strife often ran high as at Corinth. And in a church like that of Rome composed of Jewish and pagan elements and undoubtedly more cosmopolitan than Corinth, a bitter sectarian spirit is easy to understand. This as a probable explanation is much strengthened and rendered almost certain by the words of Clement of Rome, who, writing to the church at Corinth (chapter vi) from Rome only a generation after the persecution, and thus familiar with the internal history of the Roman ecclesia, twice asserts that a ([polu< plh~qov, polu plethos ] = Tac. multitudo ingens) of the Roman Christians suffered ([dia< zh~lov, dia zelos ]), “through jealousy or strife.” The most natural and obvious meaning is “mutual or sectarian jealousy.” But those who do not like this fact explain it as “by the jealousy of the Jews.” Nothing is more easily refuted, for had it been the jealousy of the Jews Clement would not have hesitated one moment to say so. Those who are familiar with the Christian literature of that age know that the Christians were none too sensitive toward Jewish feelings. But the very fact that it was not the Jews made Clement rather modestly omit details the memory of which was probably still bearing fruit, even in his day. Once more correpti, usually rendered “arrested,” is taken by Hardy as “put upon their trial.” He argues that this is more in accord with Tacitean usage. A “huge multitude” need not cause us to distrust Tacitus. It is a relative term; it was a considerable number to be so inhumanly butchered. There is some hesitation as to whether odio humani generis is objective or subjective genitive: “hatred of the Christians toward the human race” or “hatred of the human race toward the Christians.” Grammatically of course it may be either, but that it is the former there can be no doubt: it was of the nature of a charge against Christians (Ramsay). See PERSECUTION.

    Some have impugned the veracity of Tacitus in this very important passage, asserting that he had read back the feelings and state of affairs of his own day (half a century later) into this early Neronian period. This early appearance of Christianity as a distinct religion and its “huge multitude” seem impossible to some. Schiller has accordingly suggested that it was the Jews who as a body at Rome were persecuted, that the Christians being not yet distinct from Jews shared in the persecutions and suffered, not as Christians, but as Jews. But Tacitus is too trustworthy a historian to be guilty of such a confusion; besides, as proconsul in Asia he must have been more or less familiar with the origin of the Christian party. Also Poppea was at this time mistress of Nero’s affections and sufficiently influential with him to stay such a cruel persecution against those to whom she had a leaning and who claimed her as proselyte. Again, the Jewish faith was certe licita and a recognized worship of the empire.

    The next question is, Why were the Christians alone selected for persecution? That they were so singled out we know, but exactly for what reason is hard to say with certainty. A number of reasons no doubt contributed. (1) Farrar (Early Days chapter iv) sees “in the proselytism of Poppea, guided by Jewish malice, the only adequate explanation of the first Christian persecution,” and Lightfoot is of the same opinion, but this by itself is inadequate, though the Jews would be glad of an opportunity of taking revenge on their aggressive opponents. (2) Christians had already become in the eyes of the Roman authorities a distinct sect, either from the reports of the eastern provincial governors, where Christianity was making most headway, or from the attention attracted by Paul’s first trial. They were thus the newest religious sect, and as such would serve as victims to appease deity and the populace. (3) Even if ingens multitudo be rhetorical, the Christians were no doubt considerably numerous in Rome. Their aggressiveness and active proselytism made their numbers even more formidable. (4) They were uncompromising in their expression of their beliefs; they looked for a consummation of the earth by fire and were also eagerly expecting the Parousia of their king to reconstitute society. These tenets together with their calm faith amid the despair of others would easily cast suspicion upon them. (5) For whatever reason, they had earned the opprobrium of the populace. “The hatred for the Jews passed over to hatred for the Christians” (Mommsen). A people whom the populace so detested must have fallen under the surveillance of the city police administration. (6) A large proportion of the Christian community at Rome would be non-Roman and so deserve no recognition of Roman privileges. These reasons together may or may not explain the singling-out of the Christians. At any rate they were chosen as scapegoats to serve Nero and his minion Tigellinus. The origin of the first persecution was thus purely accidental — in order to remove suspicion from Nero. It was not owing to any already formulated policy, neither through apprehension of any danger to the state, nor because the Christians were guilty of any crimes, though it gave an opportunity of investigation and accumulation of evidence. But accidental as this persecution was in origin, its consequences were of far reaching importance. There are three principal views as to the date of the policy of proscription of the new faith by the Roman government: (1) the old view that persecution for the name, i.e. for the mere profession of Christianity, began under Trajan in 112 AD — a view now almost universally abandoned; (2) that of Ramsay (Christianity in the Roman Empire, 242 ff, and three articles in The Expositor, 1893), who holds that this development from punishment for definite crimes (flagitia) to proscription “for the name” took place between 68 and 96 AD, and (3) that of Hardy (Christianity and the Roman Government, 77), Mommsen (Expos, 1893, 1-7) and Sanday (ibid., 1894, 406 ff) — and adopted by the writer of this article — that the trial of the Christians under Nero resulted in the declaration of the mere profession of Christianity as a crime punishable by death. Tacitus apparently represents the persecution of the Christians as accidental and isolated and of brief duration (in the place cited), while Suetonius (Ner. 16) mentions the punishment of Christians in a list of permanent police regulations for the maintenance of good order, into which it would be inconsistent to introduce an isolated case of procedure against the “baneful superstition” (Ramsay, op. cit., p. 230). But these two accounts are not contradictory, Tacitus giving the initial stage and Suetonius “a brief statement of the permanent administrative principle into which Nero’s action ultimately resolved itself” (ibid., 232). Nero’s police administration, then, pursued as a permanent policy what was begun merely to avert suspicion from Nero. But as yet, according to Ramsay, Christians were not condemned as Christians, but on account of certain flagitia attaching to the profession and because the Roman police authorities had learned enough about the Christians to regard them as hostile to society. A trial still must be held and condemnation pronounced “in respect not of the name but of serious offenses naturally connected with the name,” namely, first incendiarism, which broke down, and secondly hostility to civilized society and charges of magic. The others agree so far with Ramsay as describing the first stages, but assert that odium humani generis was not of the nature of a definite charge, but disaffection to the social and political arrangements of the empire. At the outset a trial was needed, but soon as a consequence the trial could be dispensed with, the Christians being “recognized as a society whose principle might be summarized as odium generis humani.” A trial became unnecessary; the religion itself involved the crimes, and as a religion it was henceforth proscribed. The surveillance over them and their punishment was left to the police administration which could step in at any time with severe measures or remain remiss, according as exigencies demanded. Christianity was henceforth a religio illicita. The Roman government was never a systematic persecutor. The persecution or non-persecution of Christianity depended henceforth on the mood of the reigning emperor, the character of his administration, the activity of provincial governors, the state of popular feeling against the new faith, and other local circumstances. There is no early evidence that the Neronian persecution extended beyond Rome, though of course the “example set by the emperor necessarily guided the action of all Roman officials.”

    The stormy close of Nero’s reign and the tumultuous days till the accession of Vespasian created a diversion in favor of Christianity.

    Orosius (Hist. vii.7) is too late an authority for a general persecution (per omnes provincias pari persecutione excruciari imperavit; ipsum nomen exstirpare conatus ....). Besides, Paul after his acquittal seems to have prosecuted his missionary activity without any extraordinary hindrances, till he came to Rome the second time. This Neronian persecution is important for the history of Christianity: Nero commenced the principle of punishing Christians, and thus made a precedent for future rulers. Trouble first began in the world-capital; the next stage will be found in the East; and another in Africa and the West. But as yet persecution was only local. Nero was the first of the Roman persecutors who, like Herod Agrippa, came to a miserable end — a fact much dwelt upon by Lactantius and other Christian writers. 2. Flavian Period, 68-96 AD: In the Flavian period no uniform imperial policy against Christianity can be discovered. According to Ramsay the Flavians developed the practice set by Nero from punishment of Christians for definite crimes to proscription of the name. But, as we have seen, the Neronian persecution settled the future attitude of the Roman state toward the new faith. The Flavians could not avoid following the precedent set by Nero. Christianity was spreading — especially in the East and at Rome. We have no account of any persecution under Vespasian (though Hilary erroneously speaks of him as a persecutor along with Nero and Decius) and Titus, but it does not follow that none such took place. As the whole matter was left to the police administration, severity would be spasmodic and called forth by local circumstances. The fall of Jerusalem must have had profound influence both on Judaism and on Christianity. For the former it did what the fall of Rome under Goths, Vandals, and Germans did for the old Roman religion — it weakened the idea of a national God bound up with a political religion. The cleft between Judaism and its rival would now become greater. Christianity was relieved from the overpowering influence of a national center, and those Jews who now recognized the futility of political dreams would more readily join the Christian faith. Not only the distinction but the opposition and hostility would now be more apparent to outsiders, though Vespasian imposed the poll-tax on Jewish Christians and Jews alike. No memory of harshness against Christianity under Vespasian has survived. Ramsay (op. cit., 257) would interpret a mutilated passage of Suetonius (Vesp. 15) as implying Vespasian’s reluctance to carry out justa supplicia against Christians.

    Titus, “the darling of the human race,” is not recorded as a persecutor, but his opinion of Judaism and Christianity as stated in the council of war before Jerusalem in 70 AD and recorded by Sulpicius Severus (Chron. ii.30, 6) is interesting as an approval of the policy adopted by Nero.

    Severus’ authority is undoubtedly Tacitus (Bernays and Mommsen). The authenticity of the speech as contradicting the account of Josephus has been impugned; at any rate it represents the point of view of Tacitus. Titus then advocates the destruction of the temple in order that the religion of the Jews and the Christians may be more thoroughly extirpated (quo plenius Judeorum et Christianorum religio tolleretur), since these religions though opposed to each other were of the same origin, the Christians having sprung from the Jews. If the root was removed the stem would readily perish (radice sublata, stirpem facile perituram). We know, however, of no active measures of Titus against either party, his short reign perhaps allowing no time for such.

    It is Domitian who stands out prominently as the persecutor of this period, as Nero of the first period. His procedure against Christians was not an isolated act, but part of a general policy under which others suffered. His reign was a return to ancient principles. He attempted to reform morals, suppress luxury and vice, banish immoral oriental rites, actors, astrologers and philosophers. It was in his attempt to revive the national religion that he came in conflict with the universal religion. His own cousin, Flavius Clemens, was condemned apparently for Christianity (atheism), and his wife, Domitilla, was banished. The profession of Christianity was not sufficient for the condemnation of Roman citizens of high standing; hence the charges of atheism or majestas were put forward. Refusal to comply with the religion of the national gods could be brought under the latter. But for ordinary Roman citizens and for provincials the profession of Christianity merited death. No definite edict or general proscription was enacted; only the principle instituted by Nero was allowed to be carried out. There was, as Mommsen remarks, a standing proscription of Christians as of brigands, but harsh procedure against both was spasmodic and depended on the caprice or character of provincial governors.

    Domitian took one definite step against Christianity in establishing an easy test by which to detect those who were Christians and so facilitate inquiries. This test was the demand to worship the Genius of the emperor.

    This too was only part of Domitian’s general policy of asserting his own dominus et deus title and emphasizing the imperial cult as a bond of political union. The Apocalypse reflects the sufferings of the church in this reign. 3. The Antonine Period, 96-192 AD: (1) Nerva and Trajan.

    On the death of Domitian peace was restored to the Christian church which lasted throughout the brief reign of Nerva (96-98) and the first 13 years of Trajan. It is a curious fact that some of the best of the Roman emperors (Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, Decius and Diocletian) were harsh to the Christians, while some of the worst (as Commodus, Caracalla, Heliogabalus) left them in peace (see PERSECUTION, 17). Christianity had been rapidly spreading in the interval of tranquillity. Pliny became governor of Bithynia in 111 AD and found, especially in the eastern part of his province, the temples almost deserted. Some Christians were brought before him and on established precedents were ordered to be executed for their religion. But Pliny soon discovered that many of both sexes and all ages, provincials and Roman citizens, were involved. The Roman citizens he sent to Rome for trial; but being of a humane disposition he shrank from carrying out the wholesale execution required by a consistent policy.

    He wrote to Trajan telling him what he had already done, rather covertly suggesting tolerant measures. Should no distinction be made between old and young? Should pardon not be extended to those who recanted and worshipped the emperor’s image and cursed Christ? Should mere profession (nomen ipsum) be a capital offense if no crimes could be proven, or should the crimes rather be punished that were associated with the faith (an flagitia cohaerentia nomini)? He then explains his procedure: he gave those who were accused an abundant opportunity of recanting; those who persisted in this faith were executed. He considered their “stubbornness and inflexible obstinacy” (pertinaciam certe et inflexibilem obstinationem) as in itself deserving punishment. But the administration having once interfered found plenty to do. An anonymous list of many names was handed in, most of whom, however, denied being Christians.

    Informers then put forward others who likewise denied belonging to the faith. Pliny was convinced their meetings were harmless, and on examination of two deaconesses under torture discovered nothing but a perverse extravagant superstition (sup. pravam immodicam). Trajan replied that no universal and definite rule could be laid down, apparently confirming the correctness of Pliny’s action and perhaps disappointing Pliny in not yielding to his humane suggestions. Nevertheless, the emperor made three important concessions: (1) the Christians were not to be sought out by the police authorities, but if they were accused and convicted they must be punished; (2) anonymous information against them was not to be accepted; (3) even those suspected of flagitia in the past were to be pardoned on proving they were not Christians or on renouncing Christianity. Some regard this rescript of Trajan as the first official and legal authorization to proscribe Christianity; but we have already seen that Christianity as such was proscribed as a result of the Neronian investigations. Besides, there is not the slightest trace of any new principle of severity, either in the letters of Pliny or in the rescript of Trajan. The persecution of Christianity had been “permanent” like that of highwaymen, but not systematic or general. Neither was Trajan’s rescript an edict of toleration, though on the whole it was favorable to the Christians in minimizing the dangers to which they were exposed. The question was as yet purely one of administration.

    Trajan initiated no procedure against Christians — in fact rather discouraged any, asking his lieutenant to close his eyes to offenders — and Pliny consulted him in the hope of obtaining milder treatment for the Christians by putting in question form what he really wished to be approved. Trajan’s rescript “marks the end of the old system of uncompromising hostility.” See PERSECUTION, 15. (2) Hadrian.

    The reign of Hadrian (117-38) was a period of toleration for the Christians.

    He was no bigot, but tolerant and eclective, inquiring into all religions and initiated into several mysteries and willing to leave religion an open question. In Asia, where Christianity was making most progress, a state of terrorism was imminent if delatores were encouraged against Christians making a profession of delatio (giving information). As we saw in the letter of Pliny, even non-Christians were accused, and any professing Christian could be threatened by these informers in order to secure a bribe for proceeding no farther. Licinius Silvanus Granianus, like Pliny, found himself involved in difficulties and wrote to Hadrian for advice. Hadrian’s rescript in reply is addressed to Granianus’ successor, Minucius Fundanus, the proconsul of Asia, about 124 AD. The genuineness of this important document, though impugned by Overbeck, Keim and Lipsius, is vouched for by Mommsen, Hardy, Lightfoot and Ramsay. Indeed, it is much easier accounted for as authentic than as a forgery, for who but the broad-minded Hadrian could have written such a rescript? Apparently the questions put by the proconsul must have been of a similar nature to those extant of Pliny. The answer of Hadrian is a decided step in favor of Christianity and goes beyond that of Trajan: (1) information is not to be passed over (a) lest the innocent suffer (as was the case under Pliny), and (b) lest informers should make a trade of lodging accusations; (2) provincials accusing Christians must give proof that the accused have committed something illegal; (3) mere petitions and acclamations against the Christians are not to be admitted; (4) a prosecutor on failing to make good his case is to be punished.

    These terms would greatly increase the risk for informers and lessen the dangers for Christians. That the name is a crime is not admitted, neither is this established principle rescinded. It is quite possible that Hadrian’s rescript “gave a certain stimulus toward the employment of the more definite and regular legal procedure.” (3) Antoninus Pius (138-161).

    The liberal policy of Trajan and Hadrian was continued by Antoninus, though persecution occurred in his reign in which Ptolemeus and Lucius were executed at Rome and Polycarp at Smyrna. But he decidedly confirmed Hadrian’s policy of protecting the Christians uncondemned against mob violence in his letters to Larissae, Athens, Thessalonica and to “all the Hellenes.” As at Smyrna, his “rescript was in advance of public feeling,” and so was disregarded. Anonymous delation was also repressed. (4) Marcus Aurelius (161-80).

    Under Aurelius a strong reaction set in affecting the Christians, caused partly by the frontier disasters and devastating pestilence and partly by Aurelius’ policy of returning to ancient principles and reviving the Roman national religion. In this reign we find persecution extending to the West (Gaul) and to Africa — a step toward the general persecutions of the next century. Though no actual change was made by Aurelius, the leniency of the last three reigns is absent. No general edict or definite rescript of persecution was issued; the numerous martyrdoms recorded in this reign are partly due to the fuller accounts and the rise of a Christian literature.

    Christianity in itself still constituted a crime, and the obstinacy ([para>taxiv, parataxis ]) of Christians in itself deserved punishment.

    Aurelius seems to have actually rebuked the severity of the Roman governor at Lugdunum, and to have further discouraged the trade of informers against Christians. Tertullian actually styles him as debellator Christianorum (“protector of Christians”). We find as yet therefore no systematic or serious attempt to extirpate the new faith. The central government “was all this time without a permanent or steady policy toward the Christians. It had not yet made up its mind” (Hardy).

    Under the rule of Commodus (180-192) Christians gain enjoyed a respite.

    The net result of the collisions between the new faith and the government in this period is somewhat differently estimated by Ramsay and by Hardy.

    The latter thinks (Christianity and Roman Government, 156 f) that Ramsay “has to some extent antedated the existence of anything like a policy of proscription,” due to antedating the time when Christianity was regarded as a serious political danger. Hardy thinks that the Christian organization was never suspected as more than an abstract danger during the first two centuries. Had Rome taken the view that Christianity in its organization was a real danger and an imperium in imperio, she must have started a systematic exterminating policy during a period when Christianity could have least withstood it. When the empire did — as in the 3rd century — apprehend the practical danger and took the severest general measures, Christianity was already too strong to be harmed, and we shall find the empire henceforth each time worsted and finally offering terms. 4. Changing Dynasties, 192-284 AD: In the next period the insecurity of the throne, when in less than 100 years about a score of candidates wore the purple and almost each new emperor began a new dynasty, enabled Christianity to spread practically untroubled.

    Further diversions in its favor were created by those fierce barbarian wars and by the necessity of renewed vigilance at the frontier posts. The Christians’ aloofness from political strife and their acquiescence in each new dynasty brought them generally into no collision with new rulers.

    Further, the fact that many of these emperors were non-Roman provincials, or foreigners who had no special attachment to the old Roman faith, and were eclectic in their religious views, was of much importance to the new eastern faith. Moreover, some of the emperors proved not only not hostile to Christianity, but positively friendly. In this period we find no severe (except perhaps that of Decius) and certainly no protracted persecution.

    The Christian church herself was organized on the principle of the imperial government, and made herself thus strong and united, so that when the storm did come she remained unshaken. In 202 Severus started a cruel persecution in Africa and Egypt, but peace was restored by the savage Caracalla (lacte Christiano educatus: Tert.). Heliogabalus assisted Christianity indirectly (1) by the degradation of Roman religion, and (2) by tolerance. According to one writer he proposed to fuse Christianity, Judaism and Samaritanism into one religion. Alexander Severus was equally tolerant and syncretic, setting up in his private chapel images of Orpheus, Apollonius, Abraham, and Christ, and engraving the golden rule on his palace walls and public buildings. He was even credited with the intention of erecting a temple to Christ.

    Local persecution broke out under Maximin the Thracian. The first general persecution was that of Decius, in which two features deserve notice: (1) that death was not the immediate result of Christian profession, but every means was employed to induce Christians to recant; (2) Roman authorities already cognizant of the dangers of Christian organization directed their efforts especially against the officers of the church. Gallus continued this policy, and Valerian, after first stopping persecution, tried to check the spread of the worship by banishing bishops and closing churches, and later enacted the death penalty.

    Gallienus promulgated what was virtually the first edict of toleration, forbade persecution and restored the Christian endowments.

    Christianity now entered upon a period of 40 years’ tranquillity: as outward dangers decreased, less desirable converts came within her gates and her adherents were overtaken in a flood of worldliness, stayed only by the persecution of Diocletian. 5. Diocletian until First General Edict of Toleration, 284-311 AD: Like some other persecutors, Diocletian was one of the ablest Roman rulers. He was not disposed to proceed against the Christians, but was finally driven to harsh measures by his son-in-law Galerius. The first edict, February 24, 303, was not intended to exterminate Christianity, but to check its growth and weaken its political influence, and was directed principally against Bibles, Christian assemblies and churches. The second was against church organization. A third granted freedom to those who recanted, but sought to compel the submission of recalcitrants by tortures — a partial confession of failure on the part of the imperial government.

    Bloodshed was avoided and the death penalty omitted. But a fourth edict issued by Maximin prescribed the death penalty and required the act of sacrifice to the gods. In the same year (304) Diocletian, convinced of the uselessness of these measures, stayed the death penalty. The change of policy on the part of the emperor and his abdication next year were virtually a confession that the Galilean had conquered. After the persecution had raged 8 years (or 10, if we include local persecutions after 311), Galerius, overtaken by a loathsome disease, issued from Nicomedia with Constantine and Licinius the first general edict of toleration, April 30, 311. Christianity had thus in this period proved a state within a state; it was finally acknowledged as a religio licita, though not yet on equality with paganism. 6. First Edict of Toleration until Fall of Western Empire, 311-476 AD: In the next period the first religious wars began, and Christianity was first placed on an equal footing with its rival, then above it, and finally it became the state religion of both West and East. As soon as Christianity had gained tolerance it immediately became an intolerant, bitter persecutor, both of its old rival and of heresy. Constantine, having defeated Maxentius at the Milvian Bridge (October 27, 312), became sole ruler of the West, and, in conjunction with his eastern colleague Licinius, issued the famous edict of toleration from Milan, March 30, 313, by which all religions were granted equal tolerance, and Christianity was thus placed on an equal footing with heathenism. Constantine’s favors toward the Christian faith were largely political; he wished simply to be on the winning side. With each fresh success he inclined more toward Christianity, though his whole life was a compromise. His dream was to weld pagan and Christian into one society under the same laws; he in no way prohibited paganism. With the rounding of Constantinople Christianity became practically the state religion — an alliance with baneful consequences for Christianity. It now began to stifle the liberty of conscience for which it had suffered so much, and orthodoxy began its long reign of intolerance. The sons of Constantine inherited their father’s cruel nature with his nominal Christianity.

    Constantine had left the old and the new religions on equal footing: his sons began the work of exterminating paganism by violence. Constantius when sole emperor, inheriting none of his father’s compromise or caution, and prompted by women and bishops, published edicts demanding the closing of the temples and prohibiting sacrifices. Wise provincial administrators hesitated to carry out these premature measures.

    Christianity was now in the ascendancy and on the aggressive. It not only persecuted paganism, but the dominant Christian party proscribed its rival — this time heterodoxy banishing orthodoxy. The violence and intolerance of the sons of Constantine justified the mild reaction under Julian the Apostate — the most humane member of the Constantine family. He made a “romantic” effort to reestablish the old religion, and while proclaiming tolerance for Christianity, he endeavored to weaken it by heaping ridicule upon its doctrines, rescinding the privileges of the clergy, prohibiting the church from receiving many bequests, removing Christians from public positions and forbidding the teaching of classics in Christian schools lest Christian tongues should become better fitted to meet heathen arguments, and lastly by adding renewed splendor to pagan service as a counterattraction.

    But the moral power of Christianity triumphed. Dying on a battle-field, where he fought the Persians, he is said (but not on good authority) to have exclaimed, “Thou hast conquered, O Galilean” ([neni>khkav Galilai~e, nenikekas Galilaie ]). For a brief period after his death there was religious neutrality. Gratian — at the instigation of Ambrose — departed from this neutrality, removed the statue of Victory from the senate-house, refused the title and robes of pontifex maximus, prohibited bloody sacrifices, and dealt a severe blow to the old faith by withdrawing some of the treasury grants, thereby making it dependent on the voluntary system. Theodosius I, or the Great, adopted a strenuous religious policy against both heresy and paganism. His intolerance must be attributed to Ambrose — a bigot in whose eyes Jews, heretics and pagans alike had no rights. Systematic proscription of paganism began. In Theodosius denied the right of making a will to apostates from Christianity, in 383 the right of inheritance, in 391 heathen public worship was interdicted, in 392 several acts of both private and public heathen worship were forbidden, and greater penalties were attached to the performance of sacrifice. Christian vandalism became rampant; all kinds of violence and confiscation were resorted to, monks or priests often leading the populace. For the present the West did not suffer so severely from fanatic iconoclasm. Under the sons of Theodosius the suppression of paganism was steadily pursued. Honorius in the West excluded (408 AD) pagans from civil and military offices; in a later edict (423) the very existence of paganism is doubted (paganos .... quamquam iam nullos esse credamus). That heathenism was still an attraction is proved by the repeated laws against apostasy. Under Valentinian III (423-55) and Theodosius II, laws were enacted for the destruction of temples or their conversion into Christian churches. In the western empire heathenism was persecuted till the end, and its final overthrow was hastened by the extinction of the western empire (476). In the East Justinian closed the heathen schools of philosophy at Athens (529 AD), and in a despotic spirit prohibited even heathen worship in private under pain of death.

    V. VICTORY OF CHRISTIANITY AND CONVERSION OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.

    Christianity was now acknowledged as the religion of both East and West.

    It had also grown strong enough to convert the barbarians who overran the West. It restrained and educated them under the lead of the papacy, so that its conquests now extended beyond the Roman empire.

    Merivale (preface to Conversion of Roman Empire) attributes the conversion of the Roman empire to four causes: (1) the external evidence of apparent fulfillment of prophecy and the evidence of miracles, (2) internal evidence as satisfying the spiritual wants of the empire and offering a Redeemer, (3) the example of the pure lives and heroic deaths of the early Christians, and (4) the success which attended the Christian cause under Constantine.

    Gibbon (chapter xv of Decline and Fall) seeks to account for the phenomenal success of Christianity in the empire by (1) the zeal and enthusiasm of the early Christians, (2) the belief of Christianity in immortality with both future rewards and future retributions, (3) miracles, (4) the high ethical code and pure morals of professing Christians, and (5) strong ecclesiastical organization on imperial patterns. But neither of these lists of causes seems to account satisfactorily for the progress and success of the religion of Jesus. 1. Negative Causes: This was due in the first place to negative causes — the moral and spiritual bankruptcy of the antique world, the internal rottenness and decay of heathen systems. All ancient national religions had failed and were abandoned alike by philosophers and the masses, and no universal religion for humanity was offered except by Christianity. Worship had degenerated into pure formalism which brought no comfort to the heart. An imperious demand for revelation was felt which no philosophy or natural religion could satisfy. 2. Positive Causes: But it was to positive causes chiefly that the success of the new religion was due, among which were the zeal, enthusiasm, and moral earnestness of the Christian faith. Its sterling qualities were best shown in persecution and the heroic deaths of its adherents. Paganism, even with the alliance of the civil power and the prestige of its romantic past, could not withstand persecution. And when heathenism was thrown back on the voluntary system, it could not prosper as Christianity did with its ideals of selfsacrifice.

    The earnestness of early Christianity was raised to its highest power by its belief in a near second coming of the Lord and the end of the aeon. The means of propagation greatly helped the spread of Christianity, the principal means being the exemplary lives of its professors. It opposed moral and spiritual power to political. Besides, Christianity when once studied by the thinkers of the ancient world was found to be in accord with the highest principles of reason and Nature. But “the chief cause of its success was the congruity of its teaching with the spiritual nature of mankind” (Lecky). There was a deepseated earnestness in a large section of the ancient world to Whom Christianity offered the peace, comfort and strength desired. It was possessed also of an immense advantage over all competing religions of the Roman empire in being adapted to all classes and conditions and to all changes. There was nothing local or national about it; it gave the grandest expression to the contemporary ideal of brotherhood. Its respect for woman and its attraction for this sex gained it many converts who brought honor to it; in this respect it was far superior to its greatest rival, Mithraism. In an age of vast social change and much social distress it appealed to the suffering by its active self-denial for the happiness of others. As an ethical code it was equal and superior to the noblest contemporary systems. One incalculable advantage it could show above all religions and philosophies — the charm and power of an ideal perfect life, in which the highest manhood was held forth as an incentive to nobler living. The person of Jesus was an ideal and moral dynamic for both philosopher and the common man, far above any abstract virtue. “It was because it was true to the moral sentiments of the age, because it represented faithfully the supreme type of excellence to which men were then tending, because it corresponded with their religious wants, aims and emotions, because the whole spiritual being could then expand and expatiate under its influence that it planted its roots so deeply in the hearts of men” (Lecky, Hist of European Morals, chapter iii). Add to all this the favorable circumstances mentioned under “Preparation for Christianity,” above (II), and we can understand how the Roman empire became the kingdom of Christ.

    LITERATURE.

    Ancient sources include Tacitus, Suetonius, Josephus, Pliny’s Letters, x.97-98 (in Hardy’s edition), Dio Cassius (in Xiphilin), the apologists, Church Fathers, Inscriptions, etc.

    Modern sources are too numerous to mention in full, but those most helpful to the student are: Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire; Merivale, Hist of the Romans under the Empire; The Fall of the Roman Republic, 1856; Conversion of the Roman Empire, 1865; Milman, Hist of Christianity; Hist of Latin Christianity; Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire; The Expositor, IV, viii, pp. 8 ff, 110 ff, 282 ff; E. G. Hardy, Christianity and the Roman Government, 1894; D. Duff, The Early Church: a Hist of Christianity in the First Six Centuries, Edinburgh, 1891; J. J. Blunt, A Hist of the Christian Church during the First Three Centuries, 1861; Harnack, Mission and Expansion of Christianity, 1907; Mommsen, “Der Religionsfrevel nach rom. Recht,” in Hist. Zeit, 1890, LXIV (important); Provinces of the Roman Empire; The Expositor, 1893, pp. ff; G. Boissier, Lamentations religion romaine d’Auguste aux Antonins; Lamentations fin du paganisme; Wissowa, Religion u. Kultus der Romer; Gerb. Uhlhorn, Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism, English translation by Smyth and Ropes, 1879; B. Aube, Histoire des persecutions de l’eglise jusqu’a la fin des Antonins, 1875; Schaff, Hist of the Christian Church (with useful bibliographies of both ancient and modern authorities); Orr, Neglected Factors in Early Church Hist; Keim, Romans u.

    Christentum; Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, English translation, London, 1910; Wendland, Die hellenistischromische Kultur2, 1912; F.

    Overbeck, “Gesetze der rom. Kaiser gegen die Christen,” in his Studien, 1875; C. F. Arnold, Die Neronische Christenverfolgung; Stud. zur Gesch. der Plinianischen Christenverfolgung; Westcott, “The Two Empires,” in commentary to Epistles. of John, 250-82; Friedlander, Sittengeschichte Roms; Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers; Lecky, Hist of European Morals, chapter iii. “The Conversion of Rome.” S. Angus ROMAN LAW:

    In the present article we shall treat (I) Roman Private Law and (II) Criminal Law only, reserving a consideration of the development of the principles of constitutional law for the article on ROME, since it is so closely interwoven with the political history of the state.

    It will be necessary to confine the discussion of private law to its external history, without attempting to deal with the substance of the law itself. In the treatment of criminal law attention will be directed chiefly to the constitutional guaranties which were intended to protect Roman citizens against arbitrary and unjust punishments, these being one of the most important privileges of Roman citizenship. See CITIZENSHIP.

    Roman law found its original source in the family as a corporation. The proprietary rights of the pater familias as representative of this primitive unit of organization are a fundamental element in private law, and the scope of the criminal jurisdiction of the state was limited by the power of life and death which was exercised by the head of the family over those who were under his authority, by virtue of which their transgressions were tried before the domestic tribunal.

    It is likewise of fundamental importance to recall the fact that before the earliest period in the history of Roman law of which we have positive information, there must have been a time when a large number of different classes of crime were punished by the priests as sacrilege, in accordance with divine law (fas), by putting the offender to death as a sacrifice to the offended deity, while restitution for private violence or injustice was left to private initiative to seek. For a law of the Twelve Tables that the person guilty of cutting another’s grain by night should be hanged, as an offering to Ceres, is a survival of the older religious character of condemnation to death, and the right to kill the nocturnal thief and the adulterer caught in the act may be cited as survivals of primitive private vengeance The secular conception of crime as an offense against the welfare of the state gradually superseded the older conception, while private law arose when the community did away with the disorder incident to the exercise of self-help in attempting to secure justice, by insisting that the parties to a disagreement should submit their claims to an arbitrator.

    I. ROMAN PRIVATE LAW. 1. The Twelve Tables: Roman private law was at first a body of unwritten usages handed down by tradition in the patrician families. The demand of the plebeians for the publication of the law resulted in the adoption of the famous Twelve Tables (449 BC), which was looked upon by later authorities as the source of all public and private law (quae nunc quoque in hoc immenso aliarum super alias acervatarum legum cumulo fons omnis publici privdtique est iuris: Livy iii.34, 6), although it was not a scientific or comprehensive code of all the legal institutions of the time. This primitive system of law was made to expand to meet the growing requirements of the republican community chiefly by means of interpretation and the jus honorarium, which corresponds to equity. 2. Civil Procedure: The function of interpretation may be defined by mentioning the principal elements in civil procedure. The praetor, or magistrate, listened to the claims of the litigants and prepared an outline of the disputed issues, called a formula, which was submitted to the judex, or arbitrator, a jury, as it were, consisting of one man, who decided the questions of fact involved in the case. Neither praetor nor judex had special legal training. The court had recourse, therefore, for legal enlightenment to those who had gained distinction as authorities on the law, and the opinions, or responsa, of these scholars (jurisprudentes) formed a valuable commentary on the legal institutions of the time. In this way a body of rules was amassed by interpretative adaptation which the authors of the Twelve Tables would never have recognized. 3. Jus honorarium: Jus honorarium derived its name from the circumstance that it rested upon the authority of magistrates (honor = magistracy). In this respect and because it was composed of orders issued for the purpose of affording relief in cases for which the existing law did not make adequate provision, this second agency for legal expansion may be compared with English equity. These orders issued by the praetors had legal force during the tenure of their office only; but those the expediency of which had been established by this period of trial were generally reissued by succeeding magistrates from year to year, so that in time a large, but uniform body of rules, subject to annual renewal, formed the greater part of the edict which was issued by the praetors before entering upon their term of office. By these means Roman law maintained a proper balance between elasticity and rigidity. 4. The praetor peregrinus: After the institution of the praetor peregrinus (241 BC) who heard cases in which one or both of the parties were foreigners, a series of similar edicts proceeded from those who were chosen to this tribunal. The annual edicts of the praetor peregrinus became an important means for broadening Roman law, for the strangers who appeared in the court of this magistrate were mostly Greeks from Southern Italy, so that the principles of law which were gradually formulated as a basis for proceedings were largely an embodiment of the spirit of Greek law. 5. Imperial Ordinances: Direct legislation superseded the other sources of law under the empire, taking the form, occasionally, of bills ratified by the people (leges), but usually of enactments of the senate (senatus consulta), or imperial ordinances. The latter, which eventually prevailed to the exclusion of all other types, may be classified as edicta, which were issued by the emperor on the analogy of the similar orders of the republican magistrates, decreta, or decisions of the imperial tribunal, which had force as precedents, and rescripta, which were replies by the emperor to requests for the interpretation of the law. All these acts of imperial legislation were known as constitutiones. 6. Golden Age of Juristic Literature: In the 2nd century Salvius Julianus was commissioned to invest the praetorian edict with definite form. The Institutes of Gaius appearing about the same time became a model for subsequent textbooks on jurisprudence (Gaii institutionum commentarii quattuor, discovered by Niebuhr in at Verona in a palimpsest). This was the Golden Age of juristic literature.

    A succession of able thinkers, among whom Papinian, Paulus, Ulpian, Modestinus, and Gaius hold foremost rank (compare Codex Theodosianus 1, 4, 3), applied to the incoherent mass of legal material the methods of scientific investigation, developing a system of Roman law and establishing a science of jurisprudence. 7. Codification in the Later Empire: The period of the later empire was characterized by various attempts at codification which culminated in the final treatment of the body of Roman law under Justinian. The work of the board of eminent jurists to whom this vast undertaking was entrusted was published in three parts: (1) the Code, which contains a selection of the imperial enactments since Hadrian in twelve books, (2) the Digest or Pandects, which is composed of extracts from the juristic literature in fifty books, and (3) the Institutes, which is a textbook in four books. In this form mainly Roman private law has come down to modern times, and has become, in the words of an eminent authority Bryce, Studies in History and Jurisprudence, Oxford, 1901), next to the Christian religion, the most plentiful source of the rules governing actual conduct throughout Western Europe.

    II. ROMAN CRIMINAL LAW. 1. Jurisdiction in the Royal Period: In the royal period criminal jurisdiction, in so far as it was a function of secular administration, belonged by right to the king. The titles quaestores parricidii and duumviri perduellionis, belonging to officials to whom the royal authority in these matters was occasionally delegated, indicate the nature of the earliest crimes brought under secular jurisdiction. The royal prerogative passed to the republican magistrates, and embraced, besides the right to punish crimes, the power to compel obedience to their own decrees (coercitio) by means of various penalties. 2. The Right of Appeal: But the right of the people to final jurisdiction in cases involving the life or civil status of citizens was established by an enactment (lex Valeria) which is said to have been proposed by one of the first consuls (509 BC), and which granted the right of appeal to the assembly (provocatio) against the execution of a capital or other serious penalty pronounced by a magistrate (Cicero Deuteronomy Revelation Publica ii.31, 54; Livy ii.8, 2; Dionysius v.19). This right of appeal was reinforced or extended by subsequent enactments (leges Valeriae) in 449 and 299 BC. It was valid against penalties imposed by virtue of the coercive power of the magistrates as well as those based upon a regular criminal charge. Generally the magistrates made no provisional sentence of their own, but brought their charges directly before the people. (1) Penalties.

    The death penalty was practically abrogated in republican times by allowing the accused the alternative of voluntary exile. The Romans rarely employed imprisonment as a punishment. The imposition of fines above a certain amount was made subject to the right of appeal. At first the dictator possessed absolute power of life and death over the citizens, but this authority was limited, probably about 300 BC (Livy xxvii.6, 5), by being made subject to the right of appeal (2) The Porcian Law.

    The right of appeal to the people was valid within the city and as far as the first milestone; and although it was never extended beyond this limit, yet its protection was virtually secured for all Roman citizens, wherever they might be, by the provision of the Porcian law (of unknown date), which established their right to trial at Rome. In consequence of this a distinction of great importance was created in criminal procedure in the provinces, since Roman citizens were sent to Rome for trial in all serious cases, while other persons were subject to the criminal jurisdiction of the municipalities, except when the governor summoned them before his own tribunal. 3. Popular Jurisdiction Curtailed: The exercise of popular jurisdiction in criminal matters was gradually curtailed by the establishment of permanent courts (quaestiones perpetuae) by virtue of laws by which the people delegated their authority to judge certain classes of cases. The first of these courts was authorized in 149 BC for the trial of charges of extortion brought against provincial governors.

    Compensation was the main purpose of accusers in bringing charges before this and later permanent courts, and for this reason, perhaps, the procedure was similar to that which was employed in civil cases. A praetor presided over the tribunal; a number of judices took the place of the single juror.

    The laws by which Sulla reorganized the systems of criminal jurisdiction provided for seven courts dealing individually with extortion, treason, peculation, corrupt electioneering practices, murder, fraud, and assault. 4. Jurors: The judices, or jurors, were originally chosen from the senate. A law proposed by C. Gracchus transferred membership in all the juries to the equestrian class. Sulla replenished the senate by admitting about members of the equestrian class, and then restored to it the exclusive control of the juries. But a judicial law of 70 BC provided for the equal representation of all three classes of the people in the courts. There were then about 1,080 names on the list of available jurors, of whom 75 seem to have been chosen for each trial (Cicero In Pisonem 40). Caesar abolished the plebeian jurors (Suetonius Caesar 41). Augustus restored the representatives of the third class (Suetonius Aug. 32), but confined their action to civil cases of minor importance. He likewise excused the members of the senate from service as jurors. 5. Disappearance of Criminal Courts: The system of criminal courts (quaestiones perpetuae) diminished in importance under the empire and finally disappeared toward the close of the 2nd century. Their place was taken by the senate under the presidency of a consul, the emperor, and eventually by imperial officials by delegated authority from the emperor. In the first case the senate stood in somewhat the same relation to the presiding consul as the jurors in the permanent courts to the praetor. But the emperor and imperial officials decided without the help of a jury, so that after the 3rd century, when the judicial competence of the senate was gradually lost, trial by jury ceased to exist.

    An important innovation in the judicial system of the empire was the principle of appeal from the decision of lower courts to higher tribunals.

    For the emperors and eventually their delegates, chiefly the praefectus urbi and praefectus praetorio, heard appeals from Roman and Italian magistrates and provincial governors. 6. Right of Trial at Rome: Under the early empire, provincial governors were generally under obligation to grant the demand of Roman citizens for the privilege of trial at Rome (Digest xlviii. 6, 7), although there appear to have been some exceptions to this rule (Pliny, Epist. ii.1l; Digest xlviii.8, 16). Lysias, tribune of the cohort at Jerusalem, sent Paul as prisoner to Caesarea, the capital of the province, so that Felix the procurator might determine what was to be done in his case, inasmuch as he was a Roman citizen ( Acts 23:27), and two years later Paul asserted his privilege of being tried at Rome by the emperor for the same reason ( Acts 25:11,21).

    Roman citizens who were sent to Rome might be brought either before the senate or emperor, but cognizance of these cases by the imperial tribunal was more usual, and finally supplanted entirely that of the senate, the formula of appeal becoming proverbial: cives Romanus sum, provoco ad Caesarem (Kaisara epikaloumai: Acts 25:11).

    As Roman citizenship became more and more widely extended throughout the empire its relative value diminished, and it is obvious that many of the special privileges, such as the right of trial at Rome, which were attached to it in the earlier period must have been gradually lost. It became customary for the emperors to delegate their power of final jurisdiction over the lives of citizens (ius gladii) to the provincial governors, and finally, after Roman citizenship had been conferred upon the inhabitants of the empire generally by Caracalla, the right of appeal to Rome remained the privilege of certain classes only, such as senators, municipal decurions (Digest xlviii.19, 27), officers of equestrian rank in the army, and centurions (Dio Cassius lii.22, 33).

    LITERATURE.

    Greenidge, The Legal Procedure of Cicero’s Time, Oxford, 1901; Kruger, Geschichte der Quellen u. Litteratur des romischen Rechts, Leipzig, 1888; Mommsen, Romisches Strafrecht, Leipzig, 1899; Roby, Roman Private Law in the Times of Cicero and of the Antonines, Cambridge, 1902; Sohm, The Institutes of Roman Law, translated by J.C. Ledlie, Oxford, 1892. George H. Allen ROMAN RELIGION See ROMAN EMPIRE AND CHRISTIANITY III; ROME, IV.

    ROMANS, EPISTLE TO THE This is the greatest, in every sense, of the apostolic letters of Paul; in scale, in scope, and in its wonderful combination of doctrinal, ethical and administrative wisdom and power. In some respects the later Epistles, Ephesians and Colossians, lead us to even higher and deeper arcana of revelation, and they, like Romans, combine with the exposition of truth a luminous doctrine of duty. But the range of Roman is larger in both directions, and presents us also with noble and far-reaching discussions of Christian polity, instructions in spiritual utterance and the like, to which those Epistles present no parallel, and which only the Corinthian Epistles rival. 1. ITS GENUINENESS:

    No suspicion on the head of the genuineness of the Epistle exists which needs serious consideration. Signs of the influence of the Epistle can be traced, at least very probably, in the New Testament itself; in 1 Peter, and, as some think, in James. But in our opinion James was the earlier writing, and Lightfoot has given strong grounds for the belief that the paragraph on faith and justification (James 2) has no reference to perversions of Pauline teaching, but deals with rabbinism. Clement of Rome repeatedly quotes Romans, and so do Ignatius, Polycarp, Justin. Marcion includes it in his list of Pauline Epistles, and it is safe to say in general Romans “has been recognized in the Christian church as long as any collection of Paul’s Epistles has been extant” (A. Robertson, in HDB, under the word). But above all other evidences it testifies to itself. The fabrication of such a writing, with its close and complex thought, its power and marked originality of treatment, its noble morale, and its spiritual elevation and ardor, is nothing short of a moral impossibility. A mighty mind and equally great heart live in every page, and a soul exquisitely sensitive and always intent upon truth and holiness. Literary personation is an art which has come to anything like maturity only in modern times, certainly not before the Renaissance. In a fully developed form it is hardly earlier than the 19th century. And even now who can point to a consciously personated authorship going along with high moral principle and purpose? 2. ITS INTEGRITY:

    The question remains, however, whether, accepting the Epistle in block as Pauline, we have it, as to details, just as it left the author’s hands.

    Particularly, some phenomena of the text of the last two chapter invite the inquiry. We may — in our opinion we must — grant those chapters to be Pauline. They breathe Paul in every sentence. But do they read precisely like part of a letter to Rome? For example, we have a series of names ( Romans 16:1-15), representing a large circle of personally known and loved friends of the writer, a much longer list than any other in the Epistles, and all presumably — on theory that the passage is integral to the Epistle — residents at Rome. May not such a paragraph have somehow crept in, after date, from another writing? Might not a message to Philippian, Thessalonian or Ephesian friends, dwellers in places where Paul had already established many intimacies, have fallen out of its place and found lodgment by mistake at the close of this letter to Rome? It seems enough to reply by one brief statement of fact. We possess some 300 manuscripts of Romans, and not one of these, so far as it is uninjured, fails to give the Epistle complete, all the chapters as we have them, and in the present order (with one exception, that of the final doxology). It is observable meanwhile that the difficulty of supposing Paul to have had a large group of friends living at Rome, before his own arrival there, is not serious. To and from Rome, through the whole empire, there was a perpetual circulation of population. Suppose Aquila and Priscilla (e.g.) to have recently returned ( Acts 18:2) to Rome from Ephesus, and suppose similar migrations from Greece or from Asia Minor to have taken place within recent years; we can then readily account for the greetings of Romans 16.

    Lightfoot has brought it out in an interesting way (see his Philippians, on 4:22) that many of the names (e.g. Amplias, Urbanus, Tryphena) in Romans 16 are found at Rome, in inscriptions of the early imperial age, in cemeteries where members of the widely scattered “household of Caesar” were interred. This at least suggests the abundant possibility that the converts and friends belonging to the “household” who, a very few years later, perhaps not more than three, were around him at Rome when he wrote to Philippi ( Philippians 4:22), and sent their special greeting (“chiefly they”) to the Philipplans, were formerly residents at Philippi, or elsewhere in Macedonia, and had moved thence to the capital not long before the apostle wrote to the Romans. A. Robertson (ut supra) comes to the conclusion, after a careful review of recent theories, “that the case for transferring this section .... from its actual connection to a lost Epistle to Ephesus is not made out.”

    Two points of detail in the criticism of the text of Romans may be noted.

    One is that the words “at Rome” (1:7,15) are omitted in a very few manuscripts, in a way to remind us of the interesting phenomenon of the omission of “at Ephesus” ( Ephesians 1:1 margin). But the evidence for this omission being original is entirely inadequate. The fact may perhaps be accounted for by a possible circulation of Romans among other mission churches as an Epistle of universal interest. This would be much more likely if the manuscripts and other authorities in which the last two chapters are missing were identical with those which omit “at Rome,” but this is not the case.

    The other and larger detail is that the great final doxology ( Romans 16:25-27) is placed by many cursives at the end of Romans 14, and is omitted entirely by three manuscripts and by Marcion. The leading uncials and a large preponderance of ancient evidence place it where we have it. It is quite possible that Paul may have reissued Romans after a time, and may only then have added the doxology, which has a certain resemblance in manner to his later (captivity) style. But it is at least likely that dogmatic objections led Marcion to delete it, and that his action accounts for the other phenomena which seem to witness against its place at the finale.

    It is worth noting that Hort, a singularly fearless, while sober student, defends without reserve the entirety of the Epistle as we have it, or practically so. See his essay printed in Lightfoot’s Biblical Studies. 3. THE APPROXIMATE DATE:

    We can fix the approximate date with fair certainty within reasonable limits. We gather from Romans 15:19 that Paul, when he wrote, was in the act of closing his work in the East and was looking definitely westward. But he was first about (15:25,26) to revisit Jerusalem with his collection, mainly made in Macedonia and Achaia, for the “poor saints.”

    Placing these allusions side by side with the references in 1 and Corinthians to the collection and its conveyance, and again with the narrative of Acts, we may date Romans very nearly at the same time as Corinthians, just before the visit to Jerusalem narrated in Acts 20, etc. The year may be fixed with great probability as 58 AD. This estimate follows the lines of Lightfoot’s chronology, which Robertson (ut supra) supports.

    More recent schemes would move the date back to 56 AD. “The reader’s attention is invited to this date. Broadly speaking, it was about 30 years at the most after the Crucifixion. Let anyone in middle life reflect on the freshness in memory of events, whether public or private, which 30 years ago made any marked impression on his mind. Let him consider how concrete and vivid still are the prominent personages of years ago, many of whom of course are still with us. And let him transfer this thought to the 1st century, and to the time of our Epistle. Let him remember that we have at least this one great Christian writing composed, for certain, within such easy reach of the very lifetime of Jesus Christ when His contemporary friends were still, in numbers, alive and active. Then let him open the Epistle afresh, and read, as if for the first time, its estimate of Jesus Christ — a Figure then of no legendary past, with its halo, but of the all but present day. Let him note that this transcendent estimate comes to us conveyed in the vehicle not of poetry and rhetoric, but of a treatise pregnant with masterly argument and admirable practical wisdom, tolerant and comprehensive. And we think that the reader will feel that the result of his meditations on date and circumstances is reassuring as to the solidity of the historic basis of the Christian faith” (from the present writer’s introduction to the Epistle in the Temple Bible; see also his Light from the First Days: Short Studies in 1 Thessalonians). 4. THE PLACE OF WRITING:

    With confidence we may name Corinth as the place of writing. Paul was at the time in some “city” ( Romans 16:23). He was staying with one Gaius, or Caius (same place) , and we find in 1 Corinthians 1:14 a Gaius, closely connected with Paul, and a Corinthian. He commends to the Romans the deaconess Phoebe, attached to “the church at Cenchrea” (16:1), presumably a place near that from which he was writing; and Cenchrea was the southern part of Corinth. 5. THE DESTINATION:

    The first advent of Christianity to Rome is unrecorded, and we know very little of its early progress. Visiting Romans ([ejpidhmou~ntev, epidemountes ]), both Jews and proselytes, appear at Pentecost ( Acts 2:10), and no doubt some of these returned home believers. In Acts 18:2 we have Aquila and Priscilla, Jews, evidently Christians, “lately come from Italy,” and probably from Rome. But we know practically nothing else of the story previous to this Epistle, which is addressed to a mission church obviously important and already spiritually advanced. On the other hand (a curious paradox in view of the historical development of Roman Christianity), there is no allusion in the Epistle to church organization. The Christian ministry (apart from Paul’s own apostleship) is not even mentioned. It may fairly be said to be incredible that if the legend of Peter’s long episcopate were historical, no allusion whatever to his work, influence and authority should be made. It is at least extremely difficult to prove that he was even present in Rome till shortly before his martyrdom, and the very ancient belief that Peter and Paul founded the Roman church is more likely to have had its origin in their martyrdoms there than in Peter’s having in any sense shared in the early evangelization of the city.

    As to Rome itself, we may picture it at the date of the Epistle as containing, with its suburbs, a closely massed population of perhaps 800,000 people; a motley host of many races, with a strong oriental element, among which the Jews were present as a marked influence, despised and sometimes dreaded, but always attracting curiosity. 6. THE LANGUAGE:

    The Epistle was written in Greek, the “common dialect,” the Greek of universal intercourse of that age. One naturally asks, why not in Latin, when the message was addressed to the supreme Latin city? The large majority of Christian converts beyond doubt came from the lower middle and lowest classes, not least from the slave class. These strata of society were supplied greatly from immigrants, much as in parts of East London now aliens make the main population. Not Latin but Greek, then lingua franca of the Mediterranean, would be the daily speech of these people. It is remarkable that all the early Roman bishops bear Greek names. And some 40 years after the date of this Epistle we find Clement of Rome writing in Greek to the Corinthians, and later again, early in the 2nd century, Ignatius writing in Greek to the Romans. 7. THE OCCASION:

    We cannot specify the occasion of writing for certain. No hint appears of any acute crisis in the mission (as when 1 Corinthians, 2 Corinthians, Galatians, or Colossians were written). Nor would personal reminiscences influence the writer, for he had not yet seen Rome. We can only suggest some possibilities as follows: (1) A good opportunity for safe communication was offered by the deaconess Phoebe’s proposed visit to the metropolis. She doubtless asked Paul for a commendatory letter, and this may have suggested an extended message to the church. (2) Paul’s thoughts had long gone toward Rome. See Acts 19:21: “I must see Rome,” words which seem perhaps to imply some divine intimation (compare 23:11). And his own life-course would fall in with such a supernatural call. He had always aimed at large centers; and now his great work in the central places of the Levant was closing; he had worked at Ephesus, Thessalonica, Corinth; he was at last to think of the supreme center of all. Rome must always have had a dominant interest for the “Apostle of the Nations,” and any suggestion that his Lord’s will tended that way would intensify it to the highest degree. (3) The form of the Epistle may throw further light on the occasion.

    The document falls, on the whole, into three parts. First we have Romans 1 through 8 inclusive, a prolonged exposition of the contrasted and related phenomena of sin and salvation, with special initial references to the cases of Jew and non-Jew respectively. Then come Romans 9 through 11, which deal with the Jewish rejection of the Jewish Messiah, developing into a prophetic revelation of the future of Israel in the grace of God. Lastly we have Romans 12 through 16.

    Some account of the writer’s plans, and his salutations to friends, requests for prayer, etc., form the close of this section. But it is mainly a statement of Christian duty in common life, personal, civil, religious.

    Under the latter head we have a noble treatment of problems raised by varying opinions, particularly on religious observances, among the converts, Jew and Gentile.

    Such phenomena cast a possible light on the occasion of writing. The Roman mission was on one side, by its locality and surroundings, eminently gentile. On the other, there was, as we have seen, a strong Judaic element in Roman life, particularly in its lower strata, and no doubt around the Jewish community proper there had grown up a large community of “worshippers” ([sebo>menoi, sebomenoi ]) or, as we commonly call them, “proselytes” (“adherents,” in the language of modern missionary enterprise), people who, without receiving circumcision, attended Jewish worship and shared largely in Jewish beliefs and ideals. Among these proselytes, we may believe, the earliest evangelists at Rome found a favorable field, and the mission church as Paul knew of it contained accordingly not only two definite classes, converts from paganism, converts from native Judaism, but very many in whose minds both traditions were working at once. To such converts the problems raised by Judaism, both without and within the church, would come home with a constant intimacy and force, and their case may well have been present in a special degree in the apostle’s mind alike in the early passages (Romans through 3) of the Epistle and in such later parts as Romans 2 through 11; 14; 15. On the one hand they would greatly need guidance on the significance of the past of Israel and on the destiny of the chosen race in the future. Moreover, discussions in such circles over the way of salvation would suggest to the great missionary his exposition of man’s reconciliation with a holy God and of His secrets for purity and obedience in an unholy world. And meanwhile the ever-recurring problems raised by ceremonial rules in common daily life — problems of days and seasons, and of forbidden food — would, for such disciples, need wise and equitable treatment. (4) Was it not with this position before him, known to him through the many means of communication between Rome and Corinth, that Paul cast his letter into this form? And did not the realization of the central greatness of Rome suggest its ample scale? The result was a writing which shows everywhere his sense of the presence of the Judaic problem. Here he meets it by a statement, massive and tender, of “heaven’s easy, artless, unencumbered plan” of redemption, grace, and glory, a plan which on its other side is the very mystery of the love of God, which statement is now and forever a primary treasure of the Christian faith. And then again he lays down for the too eager champions of the new “liberty” a law of loving tolerance toward slower and narrower views which is equally our permanent spiritual possession, bearing a significance far-reaching and benign. (5) It has been held by some great students, notably Lightfoot and Hort, that the main purpose of Romans was to reconcile the opposing “schools” in the church, and that its exposition of the salvation of the individual is secondary only. The present writer cannot take this view.

    Read the Epistle from its spiritual center, so to speak, and is not the perspective very different? The apostle is always conscious of the collective aspect of the Christian life, an aspect vital to its full health.

    But is he not giving his deepest thought, animated by his own experience of conviction and conversion, to the sinful man’s relation to eternal law, to redeeming grace, and to a coming glory? It is the question of personal salvation which with Paul seems to us to live and move always in the depth of his argument, even when Christian polity and policy is the immediate theme. 8. SOME CHARACTERISTICS:

    Excepting only Ephesians (the problem of the authorship of which is insoluble, and we put that great document here aside), Romans is, of all Paul has written, least a letter and most a treatise. He is seen, as we read, to approach religious problems of the highest order in a free but reasoned succession; problems of the darkness and of the light, of sin and grace, fall and restoration, doom and remission, faith and obedience, suffering and glory, transcendent hope and humblest duty, now in their relation to the soul, now so as to develop the holy collectivity of the common life. The Roman converts are always first in view, but such is the writer, such his handling, that the results are for the universal church and for every believer of all time. Yet all the while (and it is in this a splendid example of that epistolary method of revelation which is one of the glories of the New Testament) it is never for a moment the mere treatise, however great. The writer is always vividly personal, and conscious of persons. The Epistle is indeed a masterpiece of doctrine, but also always “the unforced, unartificial utterance of a friend to friends.” 9. MAIN TEACHINGS OF THE EPISTLE:

    Approaching the Epistle as a treatise rather than a letter (with the considerable reserves just stated), we indicate briefly some of its main doctrinal deliverances. Obviously, in limine, it is not set before us as a complete system either of theology or of morals; to obtain a full view of a Pauline dogma and ethics we must certainly place Ephesians and Colossians, not to speak of passages from Thessalonians, beside Romans.

    But it makes by far the nearest approach to doctrinal completeness among the Epistles. (1) Doctrine of Man.

    In great measure this resolves itself into the doctrine of man as a sinner, as being guilty in face of an absolutely holy and absolutely imperative law, whether announced by abnormal revelation, as to the Jew, or through nature and conscience only, as to the Gentile. At the back of this presentation lies the full recognition that man is cognizant, as a spiritual being, of the eternal difference of right and wrong, and of the witness of creation to personal “eternal power and Godhead” as its cause, and that he is responsible in an awe-inspiring way for his unfaithfulness to such cognitions. He is a being great enough to be in personal moral relation with God, and able to realize his ideal only in true relation with Him; therefore a being whose sin and guilt have an unfathomable evil in them. So is he bound by his own failure that he cannot restore himself; God alone, in sovereign mercy, provides for his pardon by the propitiation of Christ, and for his restoration by union with Christ in the life given by the Holy Spirit.

    Such is man, once restored, once become “a saint” (a being hallowed), a “son of God” by adoption and grace, that his final glorification will be the signal (in some sense the cause?) of a transfiguration of the whole finite universe. Meanwhile, man is a being actually in the midst of a life of duty and trial, a member of civil society, with obligations to its order. He lives not in a God-forsaken world, belonging only to another and evil power.

    His new life, the “mind of the Spirit” in him, is to show itself in a conduct and character good for the state and for society at large, as well as for the “brotherhood.” (2) Doctrine of God.

    True to the revelation of the Old Testament, Paul presents God as absolute in will and power, so that He is not only the sole author of nature but the eternal and ultimately sole cause of goodness in man. To Him in the last resort all is due, not only the provision of atonement but the power and will to embrace it. The great passages which set before us a “fore-defining” ([proo>risiv, proorisis ], “predestination”) and election of the saints are all evidently inspired by this motive, the jealous resolve to trace to the one true Cause all motions and actions of good. The apostle seems e.g. almost to risk affirming a sovereign causation of the opposite, of unbelief and its sequel. But patient study will find that it is not so. God is not said to “fit for ruin” the “vessels of wrath.” Their woeful end is overruled to His glory, but nowhere is it taken to be caused by Him. All along the writer’s intense purpose is to constrain the actual believer to see the whole causation of his salvation in the will and power of Him whose inmost character is revealed in the supreme fact that, “for us all,” “he spared not his Son.” (3) Doctrine of Son of God — Redemption; Justification.

    The Epistle affords materials for a magnificently large Christology. The relation of the Son to creation is indeed not expounded in terms (as in Col), but it is implied in the language of Romans 8, where the interrelation of our redemption and the transfiguration of Nature is dealt with. We have the Lord’s manhood fully recognized, while His Godhead (as we read in 9:5; so too Robertson, ut supra) is stated in terms, and it is most certainly implied in the language and tone of e.g. the close of Romans 8. Who but a bearer of the Supreme Nature could satisfy the conception indicated in such words as those of 8:32,35-39, coming as they do from a Hebrew monotheist of intense convictions? Meantime this transcendent Person has so put Himself in relation with us, as the willing worker of the Father’s purpose of love, that He is the sacrifice of peace for us (Romans 3), our “propitiatory” One ([iJlasth>rion, hilasterion ], is now known to be an adjective), such that (whatever the mystery, which leaves the fact no less certain) the man who believes on Him, i.e. (as Romans 4 fully demonstrates) relies on Him, gives himself over to His mercy, is not only forgiven but “justified,” “justified by faith.” And “justification” is more than forgiveness; it is not merely the remission of a penalty but a welcome to the offender, pronounced to be lawfully at peace with the eternal holiness and love. See JUSTIFICATION; PROPITIATION.

    In closest connection with this message of justification is the teaching regarding union with the Christ who has procured the justification. This is rather assumed than expounded in Romans (we have the exposition more explicitly in Eph, Col, and Gal), but the assumption is present wherever the pregnant phrase “in Christ” is used. Union is, for Paul, the central doctrine of all, giving life and relation to the whole range. As Lightfoot has well said (Sermons in Paul’s, number 16), he is the apostle not primarily of justification, or of liberty, great as these truths are with him, but of union with Christ. It is through union that justification is ours; the merits of the Head are for the member. It is through union that spiritual liberty and power are ours; the Spirit of life is from the Head to the member. Held by grace in this profound and multiplex connection, where life, love and law are interlaced, the Christian is entitled to an assurance full of joy that nothing shall separate him, soul and (ultimately) body, from his once sacrificed and now risen and triumphant Lord. (4) Doctrine of the Spirit of God.

    No writing of the New Testament but John’s Gospel is so full upon this great theme as Romans 8 may be said to be the locus classicus in the Epistles for the work of the Holy Ghost in the believer. By implication it reveals personality as well as power (see especially 8:26). Note particularly the place of this great passage, in which revelation and profoundest conditions run continually into each other. It follows Romans 7, in which the apostle depicts, in terms of his own profound and typical experience, the struggles of conscience and will over the awful problem of the “bondage” of indwelling sin. If we interpret the passage aright, the case supposed is that of a regenerate man, who, however, attempts the struggle against inward evil armed, as to consciousness, with his own faculties merely, and finds the struggle insupportable. Then comes in the divine solution, the promised Spirit of life and liberty, welcomed and put into use by the man who has found his own resources yam. “In Christ Jesus,” in union with Him, he “by the Spirit does to death the practices of the body,” and rises through conscious liberty into an exulting hope of “the liberty of the glory of the sons of God” — not so, however as to know nothing of “groaning within himself,” while yet in the body; but it is a groan which leaves intact the sense of sonship and divine love, and the expectation of a final completeness of redemption. (5) Doctrine of Duty.

    While the Epistle is eminently a message of salvation, it is also, in vital connection with this, a treasury of principle and precept for the life of duty.

    It does indeed lay down the sovereign freedom of our acceptance for Christ’s sake alone, and so absolutely that ( Romans 6:1,2,15) the writer anticipates the inference (by foes, or by mistaken friends), “Let us continue in sin.” But the answer comes instantly, and mainly through the doctrine of union. Our pardon is not an isolated fact. Secured only by Christ’s sacrifice, received only by the faith which receives Him as our all, it is ipso facto never received alone but with all His other gifts, for it becomes ours as we receive, not merely one truth about Him, but Him. Therefore, we receive His Life as our true life; and it is morally unthinkable that we can receive this and express it in sin. This assumed, the Epistle (Romans 12 and onward) lays down with much detail and in admirable application large ranges of the law of duty, civil, social, personal, embracing duties to the state, loyalty to its laws, payment of its taxes, recognition of the sacredness of political order, even ministered by pagans; and also duties to society and the church, including a large and loving tolerance even in religious matters, and a response to every call of the law of unselfish love. However we can or cannot adjust mentally the two sides, that of a supremely free salvation and that of an inexorable responsibility, there the two sides are, in the Pauline message. And reason and faith combine to assure us that both sides are eternally true, “antinomies” whose harmony will be explained hereafter in a higher life, but which are to be lived out here concurrently by the true disciple, assured of their ultimate oneness of source in the eternal love. (6) Doctrine of Israel.

    Very briefly we touch on this department of the message of Romans, mainly to point out that the problem of Israel’s unbelief nowhere else in Paul appears as so heavy a load on his heart, and that on the other hand we nowhere else have anything like the light he claims to throw (Romans 11) on Israel’s future. Here, if anywhere, he appears as the predictive prophet, charged with the statement of a “mystery,” and with the announcement of its issues. The promises to Israel have never failed, nor are they canceled.

    At the worst, they have always been inherited by a chosen remnant, Israel within Israel. And a time is coming when, in a profound connection with Messianic blessing on the Gentiles, “all Israel shall be saved,” with a salvation which shall in turn be new life to the world outside Israel.

    Throughout the passage Paul speaks, not as one who “will not give up a hope,” but as having had revealed to him a vast and definite prospect, in the divine purpose.

    It is not possible in our present space to work out other lines of the message of Romans. Perhaps enough has been done to stimulate the reader’s own inquiries.

    LITERATURE.

    Of the Fathers, Chrysostom and Augustine are pre-eminent as interpreters of Romans: Chrysostom in his expository Homilies, models of eloquent and illuminating discourse, full of “sanctified common sense,” while not perfectly appreciative of the inmost doctrinal characteristics; Augustine, not in any continuous comm., but in his anti-Pelagian writings, which show the sympathetic intensity of his study of the doctrine of the Epistle, not so much on justification as on grace and the will. Of the Reformers, Calvin is eminently the great commentator, almost modern in his constant aim to ascertain the sacred writer’s meaning by open-eyed inference direct from the words. On Romans he is at his best; and it is remarkable that on certain leading passages where grace is theme he is much less rigidly “Calvinistic” than some of his followers. In modern times, the not learned but masterly exposition of Robert Haldane (circa 1830) claims mention, and the eloquent and highly suggestive expository lectures (about the same date) of Thomas Chalmers. H. A. W. Meyer (5th edition, 1872, English translation 1873-1874) among the Germans is excellent for carefulness and insight; Godet (1879, English translation 1881) equally so among French-writing divines; of late English interpreters I. A. Beet (1877, many revisions), Sanday and Headlam (1895, in the” International” series) and E. H. Gifford (admirable for scholarship and exposition; his work was printed first in the Speaker’s (Bible) Comm., 1881, now separately) claim particular mention.

    J. Denney writes on Romans in The Expositor’s Greek Test. (1900).

    Luther’s lectures on Romans, delivered in 1516-1517 and long supposed lost, have been recovered and were published by J. Ficker in 1908. Among modern German commentators, the most important is B. Weiss in the later revisions of the Meyer series (9th edition, 1899), while a very elaborate commentary has been produced by Zahn in his own series (1910). Briefer are the works of Lipsius (Hand-Kommentar, 2nd edition, 1892, very scholarly and suggestive); Lietzmann (Handbuch zum N T, interest chiefly linguistic), and Julicher (in J. Weiss, Schriften des NTs, 2nd edition, 1908, an intensely able piece of popular exposition).

    A. E. Garvie has written a brilliant little commentary in the “(New) Century” series (no date); that of R. John Parry in the Cambridge Greek Testament, 1913, is more popular, despite its use of the Greek text. F. B.

    Westcott’s Paul and Justification, 1913, contains a close grammatical study with an excellent paraphrase.

    The writer may be allowed to name his short commentary (1879) in the Cambridge Bible for Schools and a fuller one, in a more homiletic style, in the Expositor’s Bible, 1894. Handley Dunelm ROME <rom > :

    Rome (Latin and Italian, Roma; [ JRw>mh, Rhome ]): The capital of the Roman republic and empire, later the center of Lot Christendom, and since 1871 capital of the kingdom of Italy, is situated mainly on the left bank of the Tiber about 15 miles from the Mediterranean Sea in 41 degrees 53’ inches North latitude and 12 degrees 0’ 12 inches longitude East of Greenwich.

    It would be impossible in the limited space assigned to this article to give even a comprehensive outline of the ancient history of the Eternal City. It will suit the general purpose of the work to consider the relations of the Roman government and society with the Jews and Christians, and, in addition, to present a rapid survey of the earlier development of Roman institutions and power, so as to provide the necessary historical setting for the appreciation of the more essential subjects.

    I. DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLICAN CONSTITUTION. 1. Original Roman State: The traditional chronology for the earliest period of Roman history is altogether unreliable, partly because the Gauls, in ravaging the city in BC, destroyed the monuments which might have offered faithful testimony of the earlier period (Livy vi.1). It is known that there was a settlement on the site of Rome before the traditional date of the founding (753 BC). The original Roman state was the product of the coalition of a number of adjacent clan-communities, whose names were perpetuated in the Roman genres, or groups of imaginary kindred, a historical survival which had lost all significance in the period of authentic history. The chieftains of the associated clans composed the primitive senate or council of elders, which exercised sovereign authority. But as is customary in the development of human society a military or monarchical regime succeeded the looser patriarchal or sacerdotal organs of authority. This second stage may be identified with the legendary rule of the Tarquins, which was probably a period of Etruscan domination. The confederacy of clans was welded into a homogeneous political entity, and society was organized for civic ends, upon a timocratic basis. The forum was drained and became a social, industrial and political center, and the Capitoline temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva (Etruscan pseudo-Hellenic deities) was erected as a common shrine for all the people. But above all the Romans are indebted to these foreign kings for a training in discipline and obedience which was exemplified in the later conception of magisterial authority signified by the term imperium.

    The prerogatives of the kings passed over to the consuls. The reduction of the tenure of power to a single year and the institution of the principle of colleagueship were the earliest checks to the abuse of unlimited authority.

    But the true cornerstone of Roman liberty was thought to be the lexicon Valeria, which provided that no citizen should be put to death by a magistrate without being allowed the right of appeal to the decision of the assembly of the people. 2. The Struggle between Patricians and Plebeians: A period of more than 150 years after the establishment of the republic was consumed chiefly by the struggle between the two classes or orders, the patricians and plebeians. The former were the descendants of the original clans and constituted the populus, or body-politic, in a more particular sense. The plebeians were descendants of former slaves and dependents, or of strangers who had been attracted to Rome by the obvious advantages for industry and trade. They enjoyed the franchise as members of the military assembly (comitia centuriata), but had no share in the magistracies or other civic honors and emoluments, and were excluded from the knowledge of the civil law which was handed down in the patrician families as an oral tradition.

    The first step in the progress of the plebeians toward political equality was taken when they wrested from the patricians the privilege of choosing representatives from among themselves, the tribunes, whose function of bearing aid to oppressed plebeians was rendered effective by the right of veto (intercessio), by virtue of which any act of a magistrate could be arrested. The codification of the law in the Twelve Tables was a distinct advantage to the lower classes, because the evils which they had suffered were largely due to a harsh and abusive interpretation of legal institutions, the nature of which had been obscure (see ROMAN LAW ). The abrogation, directly thereafter, of the prohibition of intermarriage between the classes resulted in their gradual intermingling. 3. The Senate and Magistrates: The kings had reduced the senate to the position of a mere advising body.

    But under the republican regime it recovered in fact the authority of which it was deprived in theory. The controlling power of the senate is the most significant feature of the republican government, although it was recognized by no statute or other constitutional document. It was due in part to the diminution of the power of the magistrates, and in part to the manner in which the senators were chosen. The lessening of the authority of the magistrates was the result of the increase in their number, which led not only to the curtailment of the actual prerogative of each, but also to the contraction of their aggregate independent influence. The augmentation of the number of magistrates was made necessary by the territorial expansion of the state and the elaboration of administration. But it was partly the result of plebeian agitation. The events of 367 BC may serve as a suitable example to illustrate the action of these influences. For when the plebeians carried by storm the citadel of patrician exclusiveness in gaining admission to the consulship, the highest regular magistracy, the necessity for another magistrate with general competency afforded an opportunity for making a compensating concession to the patricians, and the praetorship was created, to which at first members of the old aristocracy were alone eligible. Under the fully developed constitution the regular magistracies were five in number, consulship, praetorship, aedileship, tribunate, and quaestorship, all of which were filled by annual elections.

    Mention has been made of the manner of choosing the members of the senate as a factor in the development of the authority of the supreme council. At first the highest executive officers of the state exercised the right of selecting new members to maintain the senators at the normal number of three hundred. Later this function was transferred to the censors who were elected at intervals of five years. But custom and later statute ordained that the most distinguished citizens should be chosen, and in the Roman community the highest standard of distinction was service to the state, in other words, the holding of public magistracies. It followed, therefore, that the senate was in reality an assembly of all living exmagistrates.

    The senate included, moreover, all the political wisdom and experience of the community, and so great was its prestige for these reasons, that, although the expression of its opinion (senatus consultum) was endowed by law with no compelling force, it inevitably guided the conduct of the consulting magistrate, who was practically its minister, rather than its president.

    When the plebeians gained admission to the magistracies, the patriciate lost its political significance. But only the wealthier plebeian families were able to profit by this extension of privilege, inasmuch as a political career required freedom from gainful pursuits and also personal influence. These plebeian families readily coalesced with the patricians and formed a new aristocracy, which is called the nobilitas for the sake of distinction. It rested ultimately upon the foundation of wealth. The dignity conferred by the holding of public magistracies was its title to distinction. The senate was its organ. Rome was never a true democracy except in theory. During the whole period embraced between the final levelling of the old distinctions based upon blood (287 BC) and the beginning of the period of revolution (133 BC), the magistracies were occupied almost exclusively by the representatives of the comparatively limited number of families which constituted the aristocracy. These alone entered the senate through the doorway of the magistracies, and the data would almost justify us in asserting that the republican and senatorial government were substantially and chronologically identical.

    The seeds of the political and social revolution were sown during the Second Punic War and the period which followed it. The prorogation of military authority established a dangerous precedent in violation of the spirit of the republic, so that Pub. Cornelius Scipio was really the forerunner of Marius, Julius Caesar, and Augustus. The stream of gold which found its way from the provinces to Rome was a bait to attract the cupidity of the less scrupulous senators, and led to the growth of the worst kind of professionalism in politics. The middle class of small farmers decayed for various reasons; the allurement of service in the rich but effete countries of the Orient attracted many. The cheapness of slaves made independent farming unprofitable and led to the increase in large estates; the cultivation of grain was partly displaced by that of the vine and olive, which were less suited to the habits and ability of the older class of farmers.

    The more immediate cause of the revolution was the inability of the senate as a whole to control the conduct of its more radical or violent members.

    For as political ambition became more ardent with the increase in the material prizes to be gained, aspiring leaders turned their attention to the people, and sought to attain the fulfillment o.f their purposes by popular legislation setting at nought the concurrence of the senate, which custom had consecrated as a requisite preliminary for popular action. The loss of initiative by the senate meant the subversion of senatorial government. The senate possessed in the veto power of the tribunes a weapon for coercing unruly magistrates, for one of the ten tribunes could always be induced to interpose his veto to prohibit the passage of popular legislation. But this weapon was broken when Tib. Gracchus declared in 133 BC that a tribune who opposed the wishes of the people was no longer their representative, and sustained this assertion. 4. Underlying Principles: It would be foreign to the purpose of the present article to trace the vicissitudes of the civil strife of the last century of the republic. A few words will suffice to suggest the general principles which lay beneath the surface of political and social phenomena. Attention has been called to the ominous development of the influence of military commanders and the increasing emphasis of popular favor. These were the most important tendencies throughout this period, and the coalition of the two was fatal to the supremacy of the senatorial government. Marius after winning unparalleled military glory formed a political alliance with Glaucia and Saturninus, the leaders of the popular faction in the city in 100 BC. This was a turning-point in the course of the revolution. But the importance of the sword soon outweighed that of the populace in the combination which was thus constituted. In the civil wars of Marius and Sulla constitutional questions were decided for the first time by superiority of military strength exclusively. Repeated appeals to brute force dulled the perception for constitutional restraints and the rights of minorities. The senate had already displayed signs of partial paralysis at the time of the Gracchi. How rapidly its debility must have increased as the sword cut off its most stalwart members! Its power expired in the proscriptions, or organized murder of political opponents. The popular party was nominally triumphant, but in theory the Roman state was still an urban commonwealth with a single po1itical center. The franchise could be exercised only at Rome. It followed from this that the actual political assemblies were made up largely of the worthless element which was so numerous in the city, whose irrational instincts were guided and controlled by shrewd political leaders, particularly those who united in themselves military ability and the wiles of the demagogue. Sulla, Crassus, Julius Caesar, Antony, and lastly Octavian were in effect the ancient counterpart of the modern political “boss.” When such men realized their ultimate power and inevitable rivalry, the ensuing struggle for supremacy and for the survival of the fittest formed the necessary process of elimination leading naturally to the establishment of the monarchy, which was in this case the rule of the last survivor. When Octavian received the title Augustus and the proconsular power (27 BC), the transformation was accomplished. LITERATURE.

    The standard work on Roman political institutions is Mommsen and Marquardt, Handbuch der klassischen Altertumer. Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, Boston and London, 1901, offers a useful summary treatment of the subject.

    II. EXTENSION OF ROMAN SOVEREIGNTY. See ROMAN EMPIRE AND CHRISTIANITY I.

    LITERATURE.

    Only the most important general works on Roman history can be mentioned: Ihne, Romische Geschichte (2nd edition), Leipzig, 1893-96, English translation, Longmans, London, 1871-82; Mommsen, History of Rome, English translation by Dickson, New York, 1874; Niebuhr, History of Rome, English translation by Hare and Thirlwall, Cambridge, 1831-32; Pais, Storia di Roma, Turin, 1898-99; Ferrero, Greatness and Decline of Rome, English translation by Zimmern, New York, 1909.

    III. THE IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT. 1. Imperial Authority: Augustus displayed considerable tact in blending his own mastery in the state with the old institutions of the republican constitution. His authority, legally, rested mainly upon the tribunician power, which he had probably received as early as 36 BC, but which was established on a better basis in 23 BC, and the proconsular prerogative (imperiurn proconsulare), conferred in 27 BC. By virtue of the first he was empowered to summon the senate or assemblies and could veto the action of almost any magistrate. The second title of authority conferred upon him the command of the military forces of the state and consequently the administration of the provinces where troops were stationed, besides a general supervision over the government of the other provinces. It follows that a distinction was made (27 BC) between the imperial provinces which were administered by the emperor’s representatives (legati Augusti pro praetore) and the senatorial provinces where the republican machinery of administration was retained. The governors of the latter were called generally proconsuls (see PROVINCE). Mention is made of two proconsuls in the New Testament, Gallio in Achaia ( Acts 18:12) and Sergius Paulus in Cyprus ( Acts 13:7). It is instructive to compare the lenient and common-sense attitude of these trained Roman aristocrats with that of the turbulent local mobs who dealt with Paul in Asia Minor, Judea, or Greece (Tucker, Life in the Roman World of Nero and Paul, New York, 1910, 95). 2. Three Classes of Citizens: Roman citizens were still divided into three classes socially, senatorial, equestrian, and plebeian, and the whole system of government harmonized with this triple division. The senatorial class was composed of descendants of senators and those upon whom the emperors conferred the latus clavus, or privilege of wearing the tunic with broad purple border, the sign of membership in this order. The quaestorship was still the door of admission to the senate. The qualifications for membership in the senate were the possession of senatorial rank and property of the value of not less than 1,000,000 sesterces ($45,000; œ9,000). Tiberius transferred the election of magistrates from the people to the senate, which was already practically a closed body. Under the empire senatus consulta received the force of law.

    Likewise the senate acquired judicial functions, sitting as a court of justice for trying important criminal cases and hearing appeals in civil cases from the senatorial provinces. The equestrian class was made up of those who possessed property of the value of 400,000 sesterces or more, and the privilege of wearing the narrow purple band on the tunic. With the knights the emperors filled many important financial and administrative positions in Italy and the provinces which were under their control.

    IV. ROMAN RELIGION. 1. Deities: (1) The Roman religion was originally more consistent than the Greek, because the deities as conceived by the unimaginative Latin genius were entirely without human character. They were the influences or forces which directed the visible phenomena of the physical world, whose favor was necessary to the material prosperity of mankind. It would be incongruous to assume the existence of a system of theological doctrines in the primitive period. Ethical considerations entered to only a limited extent into the attitude of the Romans toward their gods. Religion partook of the nature of a contract by which men pledged themselves to the scrupulous observance of certain sacrifices and other ceremonies, and in return deemed themselves entitled to expect the active support of the gods in bringing their projects to a fortunate conclusion. The Romans were naturally polytheists as a result of their conception of divinity. Since before the dawn of science there was no semblance of unity in the natural world, there could be no unity in heaven. There must be a controlling spirit over every important object or class of objects, every person, and every process of nature.

    The gods, therefore, were more numerous than mankind itself. (2) At an early period the government became distinctly secular. The priests were the servants of the community for preserving the venerable aggregation of formulas and ceremonies, many of which lost at an early period such spirit as they once possessed. The magistrates were the true representatives of the community in its relationship with the deities both in seeking the divine will in the auspices and in performing the more important sacrifices. (3) The Romans at first did not make statues of their gods. This was partly due to lack of skill, but mainly to the vagueness of their conceptions of the higher beings. Symbols sufficed to signify their existence, a spear, for instance, standing for Mars. The process of reducing the gods to human form was inaugurated when they came into contact with the Etruscans and Greeks. The Tarquins summoned Etruscan artisans and artists to Rome, who made from terra cotta cult statues and a pediment group for the Capitoline temple.

    The types of the Greek deities had already been definitely established when the Hellenic influence in molding Roman culture became predominant.

    When the form of the Greek gods became familiar to the Romans in works of sculpture, they gradually supplanted those Roman deities with which they were nominally identified as a result of a real or fancied resemblance. See GREECE, RELIGION IN. (4) The importation of new gods was a comparatively easy matter.

    Polytheism is by its nature tolerant because of its indefiniteness. The Romans could no more presume to have exhaustive knowledge of the gods than they could pretend to possess a comprehensive acquaintance with the universe. The number of their gods increased of necessity as human consciousness of natural phenomena expanded. Besides, it was customary to invite the gods of conquered cities to transfer their abode to Rome and favor the Romans in their undertakings. But the most productive source for religious expansion was the Sibylline Books. See APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE , V. This oracular work was brought to Rome from Cumae, a center of the cult of Apollo. It was consulted at times of crisis with a view to discover what special ceremonies would secure adequate divine aid. The forms of worship recommended by the Sibylline Books were exclusively Greek As early as the 5th century BC the cult of Apollo was introduced at Rome. Heracles and the Dioscuri found their way thither about the same time. Later Italian Diana was merged with Artemis, and the group of Ceres, Liber, and Libera were identified with foreign Demeter, Dionysus, and Persephone. Thus Roman religion became progressively Hellenized. By the close of the Second Punic War the greater gods of Greece had all found a home by the Tiber, and the myriad of petty local deities who found no counterpart in the celestial beings of Mt. Olympus fell into oblivion.

    Their memory was retained by the antiquarian lore of the priests alone. See ROMAN EMPIRE AND CHRISTIANITY, III, 1. 2. Religious Decay: Roman religion received with the engrafted branches of Greek religion the germs of rapid decay, for its Hellenization made Roman religion peculiarly susceptible to the attack of philosophy. The cultivated class in Greek society was already permeated with skepticism. The philosophers made the gods appear ridiculous. Greek philosophy gained a firm foothold in Rome in the 2nd century BC, and it became customary a little later to look upon Athens as a sort of university town where the sons of the aristocracy should be sent for the completion of their education in the schools of the philosophers. Thus at the termination of the republican era religious faith had departed from the upper classes largely, and during the turmoil of the civil wars even the external ceremonies were often abandoned and many temples fell into ruins. There had never been any intimate connection between formal religion and conduct, except when the faith of the gods was invoked to insure the fulfillment of sworn promises.

    Augustus tried in every way to restore the old religion, rebuilding no fewer than 82 temples which lay in ruins at Rome. A revival of religious faith did occur under the empire, although its spirit was largely alien to that which had been displayed in the performance of the official cult. The people remained superstitious, even when the cultivated classes adopted a skeptical philosophy. The formal religion of the state no longer appealed to them, since it offered nothing to the emotions or hopes. On the other hand the sacramental, mysterious character of oriental religions inevitably attracted them. This is the reason why the religions of Egypt and Syria spread over the empire and exercised an immeasurable influence in the moral life of the people. The partial success of Judaism and the ultimate triumph of Christianity may be ascribed in part to the same causes.

    In concluding we should bear in mind that the state dictated no system of theology, that the empire in the beginning presented the spectacle of a sort of religious chaos where all national cults were guaranteed protection, that Roman polytheism was naturally tolerant, and that the only form of religion which the state could not endure was one which was equivalent to an attack upon the system of polytheism as a whole, since this would imperil the welfare of the community by depriving the deities of the offerings and other services in return for which their favor could be expected. LITERATURE.

    Marquardt, Romische Staatsverwaltung, III, 3, “Das Sacralwesen”; Wissowa, Religion u. Kultus der Romer, Munich, 1902; Boissier, Lamentations religion romaine, Paris, 1884.

    V. ROME AND THE JEWS. 1. Judea under Roman Procurators and Governors: Judaea became a part of the province of Syria in 63 BC (Josephus, BJ, vii, 7), and Hyrcanus, brother of the last king, remained as high priest (archiereus kai ethnarches; Josephus, Ant, XIV, iv, 4) invested with judicial as well as sacerdotal functions. But Antony and Octavius gave Palestine (40 BC) as a kingdom to Herod, surnamed the Great, although his rule did not become effective until 3 years later. His sovereignty was upheld by a Roman legion stationed at Jerusalem (Josephus, Ant, XV, iii, 7), and he was obliged to pay tribute to the Roman government and provide auxiliaries for the Roman army (Appian, Bell. Civ., v.75). Herod built Caesarea in honor of Augustus (Josephus, Ant, XV, ix, 6), and the Roman procurators later made it the seat of government. At his death in 4 BC the kingdom was divided between his three surviving sons, the largest portion falling to Archelaus, who ruled Judea, Samaria and Idumaea with the title ethnarches (Josephus, Ant, XVII, xi, 4) until 6 AD, when he was deposed and his realm reduced to the position of a province. The administration by Roman procurators (see PROCURATOR ), which was now established, was interrupted during the period 41-44 AD, when royal authority was exercised by Herod Agrippa, grandson of Herod the Great, over the lands which had been embraced in the kingdom of his grandfather (Josephus, Ant, XIX, viii, 2), and, after 53 AD, Agrippa II ruled a considerable part of Palestine (Josephus, Ant, XX, vii, 1; viii, 4).

    After the fall of Jerusalem and the termination of the great revolt in 70 AD, Palestine remained a separate province. Henceforth a legion (legio X Fretensis) was added to the military forces stationed in the land, which was encamped at the ruins of Jerusalem. Consequently, imperial governors of praetorian rank (legati Augusti pro praetore) took the place of the former procurators (Josephus, BJ, VII, i, 2, 3; Dio Cassius lv.23).

    Several treaties are recorded between the Romans and Jews as early as the time of the Maccabees (Josephus, Ant, XII, x, 6; XIII, ix, 2; viii, 5), and Jews are known to have been at Rome as early as 138 BC. They became very numerous in the capital after the return of Pompey who brought back many captives (see LIBERTINES ). Cicero speaks of multitudes of Jews at Rome in 58 BC (Pro Flacco 28), and Caesar was very friendly toward them (Suetonius Caesar 84). Held in favor by Augustus, they recovered the privilege of collecting sums to send to the temple (Philo Legatio ad Caium 40). Agrippa offered 100 oxen in the temple when visiting Herod (Josephus, Ant, XVI, ii, 1), and Augustus established a daily offering of a bull and two lambs. Upon the whole the Roman government displayed noticeable consideration for the religious scruples of the Jews. They were exempted from military service and the duty of appearing in court on the Sabbath. Yet Tiberius repressed Jewish rites in Rome in 19 AD (Suetonius Tiberius 36) and Claudius expelled the Jews from the city in 49 AD (Suetonius Claudius 25); but in both instances repression was not of long duration. 2. Jewish Proselytism: The Jews made themselves notorious in Rome in propagating their religion by means of proselytizing (Horace Satires i.4, 142; i.9, 69; Juvenal xiv.96; Tacitus Hist. v. 5), and the literature of the Augustan age contains several references to the observation of the Sabbath (Tibullus i.3; Ovid Ars amatoria i.67, 415; Remedium amoris 219). Proselytes from among the Gentiles were not always required to observe all the prescriptions of the Law. The proselytes of the Gate (sebomenoi), as they were called, renounced idolatry and serious moral abuses and abstained from the blood and meat of suffocated animals. Among such proselytes may be included the centurion of Capernaum ( Luke 7:5), the centurion Cornelius ( Acts 10:1), and the empress Poppea (Josephus, Ant, XX, viii, 11; Tacitus Ann. xvi.6).

    On “proselytes of the Gate,” GJV4, III, 177, very properly corrects the error in HJP. These “Gate” people were not proselytes at all; they refused to take the final step that carried them into Judaism — namely, circumcision (Ramsay, The Expositor, 1896, p. 200; Harnack, Expansion of Christianity, I, 11). See DEVOUT; PROSELYTES.

    Notwithstanding the diffusion of Judaism by means of proselytism, the Jews themselves lived for the most part in isolation in the poorest parts of the city or suburbs, across the Tiber, near the Circus Maximus, or outside the Porta Capena. Inscriptions show that there were seven communities, each with its synagogue and council of elders presided over by a gerusiarch. Five cemeteries have been discovered with many Greek, a few Latin, but no Hebrew inscriptions. LITERATURE.

    Ewald, The Hist of Israel, English translation by Smith, London, 1885; Renan, Hist of the People of Israel, English translation, Boston, 1896; Schurer, The Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ, English translation by MacPherson, New York.

    VI. ROME AND THE CHRISTIANS. 1. Introduction of Christianity: The date of the introduction of Christianity into Rome cannot be determined. A Christian community existed at the time of the arrival of Paul ( Acts 28:15), to which he had addressed his Epistle a few years before (58 AD). It is commonly thought that the statement regarding the expulsion of the Jews from Rome under Claudius on account of the commotion excited among them by the agitation of Chrestus (Suetonius Claudius 25: Iudaeos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantis Roma expulit), probably in 49 AD, is proof of the diffusion of Christian teaching in Rome, on the ground that Chrestus is a colloquial, or mistaken, form of Christus. It has been suggested that the Christian faith was brought to the capital of the empire by some of the Romans who were converted at the time of Pentecost ( Acts 2:10,41). It would be out of place to discuss here the grounds for the traditional belief that Peter was twice in Rome, once before 50 AD and again subsequent to the arrival of Paul, and that together the two apostles established the church there. Our present concern is with the attitude of the government and society toward Christianity, when once established. It may suffice, therefore, to remind the reader that Paul was permitted to preach freely while nominally in custody ( Philippians 1:13), and that as early as 64 AD the Christians were very numerous (Tacitus Ann. xv.44: multitudo ingens). 2. Tolerance and Proscription: At first the Christians were not distinguished from the Jews, but shared in the toleration, or even protection, which was usually conceded to Judaism as the national religion of one of the peoples embraced within the empire.

    Christianity was not legally proscribed until after its distinction from Judaism was clearly perceived. Two questions demand our attention: (1) When was Christianity recognized as distinct from Judaism? (2) When was the profession of Christianity declared a crime? These problems are of fundamental importance in the history of the church under the Roman empire. (1) If we may accept the passage in Suetonius cited above (Claudius 25) as testimony on the vicissitudes of Christianity, we infer that at that time the Christians were confused with the Jews. The account of Pomponia Graecina, who was committed to the jurisdiction of her husband (Tacitus Ann. xiii.32) for adherence to a foreign belief (superstitionis externae rea), is frequently cited as proof that as early as 57 AD Christianity had secured a convert in the aristocracy. The characterization of the evidence in this case by the contemporary authority from whom Tacitus has gleaned this incident would apply appropriately to the adherence to Judaism or several oriental religions from the point of view of Romans of that time; for Pomponia had lived in a very austere manner since 44 AD. Since there is some other evidence that Pomponia was a Christian, the indefinite account of the accusation against her as mentioned by Tacitus is partial proof that Christianity had not as yet been commonly recognized as a distinct religion (Marucchi, Elements d’archeologie chretienne I, 13). At the time of the great conflagration in 64 AD the populace knew of the Christians, and Nero charged them collectively with a plot to destroy the city (Tacitus Ann. xv.44). The recognition of the distinctive character of Christianity had already taken place at this time. This was probably due in large measure to the circumstances of Paul’s sojourn and trial in Rome and to the unprecedented number of converts made at that time. The empress Poppea, who was probably an adherent of Judaism (Josephus, Ant, XX, viii), may have enlightened the imperial court regarding the heresy of the Christians and their separation from the parent stock. (2) In attempting to determine approximately the time at which Christianity was placed under the official ban of the imperial government, it will be convenient to adopt as starting-points certain incontestable dates between which the act of prosecution must have been issued. It is clear that at the time of the great conflagration (64 AD), the profession of Christianity was not a ground for criminal action. Paul had just been set at liberty by decree of the imperial court (compare 2 Timothy 4:17). Moreover, the charge against the Christians was a plot to burn the city, not adherence to a proscribed religion, and they were condemned, as it appears, for an attitude of hostility toward the human race (Tacitus Ann. xv. 44). While governor of Bithynia (circa 112 AD), Pliny the younger addressed Trajan in a celebrated letter (x.96) asking advice to guide his conduct in the trial of many persons who were accused as Christians, and inquiring particularly whether Christianity in itself was culpable, or only the faults which usually accompanied adherence to the new faith. The reply of the emperor makes quite plain the fundamental guilt at that time of adherence to Christianity, and it supposes a law already existing against it (x.97). It follows, therefore, that the law against Christianity which was the legal basis for persecution must have been issued between the conflagration in 64 AD and Pliny’s administration of Bithynia.

    We cannot define the time of this important act of legislation more closely with absolute certainty, although evidence is not wanting for the support of theories of more or less apparent probability. Tradition ascribes a general persecution to the reign of Domitian, which would imply that Christianity was already a forbidden religion at that time. Allusions in Revelation (as 6:9), the references to recent calamities in Rome by Clement in his letter to the Corinthians (1 Ad Cor.), the condemnation of Acilius Glabrio (Dio Cassius lxvii.13), a man of consular rank, together with the emperor’s cousin Flavius Clemens (Dio Cassius, xiii) and Flavia Domitilla and many others on the charge of atheism and Jewish customs (95 AD), are cited as evidence for this persecution. The fact that a number of persons in Bithynia abandoned Christianity 20 years before the judicial investigation of Pliny (Pliny x. 96) is of some importance as corroborative evidence.

    But there are grounds worthy of consideration for carrying the point of departure back of Domitian. The letter of Peter from Babylon (Rome ?) to the Christians in Asia Minor implies an impending persecution (1 Pet 4:12- 16). This was probably in the closing years of the reign of Nero. Allard cleverly observes (Histoire des persecutions, 61) that the mention of the Neronian persecution of the Christians apart from the description of the great fire in the work of Suetonius (Ner. 16), amid a number of acts of legislation, is evidence of a general enactment, which must have been adopted at the time of, or soon after, the proceedings which were instituted on the basis of the charge of arson. Upon the whole theory that the policy of the imperial government was definitely established under Nero carries with it considerable probability (compare Sulpitius Severus, Chron., ii.41). 3. Persecution: Although the original enactment has been lost the correspondence of Pliny and Trajan enables us to formulate the imperial policy in dealing with the Christians during the 2nd century. Adherence to Christianity was in itself culpable. But proceedings were not to be undertaken by magistrates on their own initiative; they were to proceed only from charges brought by voluntary accusers legally responsible for establishing the proof of their assertions. Informal and anonymous information must be rejected.

    Penitence shown in abjuring Christianity absolved the accused from the legal penalty of former guilt. The act of adoring the gods and the living emperor before their statues was sufficient proof of non-adherence to Christianity or of repentance.

    The attitude of the imperial authorities in the 3rd century was less coherent. The problem became more complicated as Christianity grew.

    Persecution was directed more especially against the church as an organization, since it was believed to exert a dangerous power. About AD, Septimius Severus issued a decree forbidding specifically conversion to Judaism or Christianity (Spartianus, Severus, 17), in which he departed from the method of procedure prescribed by Trajan (conquirendi non sunt), and commissioned the magistrates to proceed directly against suspected converts. At this time the Christians organized funerary associations for the possession of their cemeteries, substituting corporative for individual ownership, and it would appear that under Alexander Severus they openly held places of worship in Rome (Lampridius, Alexander Severus, 22, 49).

    The emperor Philip (244-49) is thought to have been a Christian at heart (Eusebius, HE, VI, 34). A period of comparative calm was interrupted by the persecution under Decius (250-51 AD), when the act of sacrifice was required as proof of non-adherence to Christianity. Several certificates testifying to the due performance of this rite have been preserved.

    Under Valerian (257 AD) the Christian organizations were declared illegal and the cemeteries were sequestrated. But an edict in 260 AD restored this property (Eusebius, VII, 13). A short persecution under Aurelian (274 AD) broke the long period of calm which extended to the first edict of persecution of Diocletian (February 24, 303). The Christians seem to have gained a sort of prescriptive claim to exist, for Diocletian did not at first consider them guilty of a capital crime. He sought to crush their organization by ordering the cessation of assemblies, the destruction of churches and sacred books, and abjuration under pain of political and social degradation. (Lactantius, Deuteronomy Morte Persecutorum, x.11, 12, 13; Eusebius, VIII, 2; IX, 10). Later he ordered the arrest of all the clergy, who were to be put to death unless they renounced the faith (Eusebius, VIII, 6). Finally the requirement of an act of conformity in sacrificing to the gods was made general. This final persecution, continuing in an irregular way with varying degrees of severity, terminated with the defeat of Maxentius by Constantine (October 29, 312). The Edict of Milan issued by Constantine and Licinius the following year established toleration, the restoration of ecclesiastical property and the peace of the church. See ROMAN EMPIRE AND CHRISTIANITY, III, IV, V.

    LITERATURE.

    Allard, Histoire des persecutions, Paris, 1903; Leviticus christianisme et l’empire romain, Paris, 1903; Duchesne, Histoire ancienne de l`eglise, Paris, 1907 (English translation); Marucchi, Elements d’archeologie chretienne, Paris, 1899-1902; Hardy, Christianity and the Roman Government, London, 1894; Renan, L’eglise chretienne, Paris, 1879; Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire, London, 1893. George H. Allen ROOF <roof > . See HOUSE.

    ROOF-CHAMBER See HOUSE.

    ROOM <room > . See HOUSE.

    ROOT <root > ([ vr,vo , shoresh ]; [rJi>za, rhiza ]): Frequently mentioned in the Old Testament and New Testament, but almost always in a figurative sense, e.g. “root of the righteous” ( Proverbs 12:3,12); “root that beareth gall” ( Deuteronomy 29:18); “Their root shall be as rottenness” ( Isaiah 5:24); “root of bitterness” ( Hebrews 12:15). Also of peoples: “they whose root is in Amalek” ( Judges 5:14); of Assyria ( Ezekiel 31:7); “Ephraim is smitten, their root is dried up” ( Hosea 9:16); “Judah shall again take root downward” ( 2 Kings 19:30; compare Isaiah 27:6; 37:31); the root of Jesse ( Isaiah 11:10; Romans 15:12); root of David ( Revelation 5:5; 22:16).

    ROOT OF DAVID See DAVID, ROOT OF.

    ROOT OF JESSE ([ yv”yi vro,vo , shoresh yishay ] ( Isaiah 11:10); [rJi>za tou~ jIessai>, rhiza tou Iessai ] ( Romans 15:12)): The Hebrew and Greek words are practically the same in meaning. “Root” means descendant, branch of the family or stock. The Messianic king was to be of the family of Jesse the father of David. In Romans 15:12 Paul quotes the Septuagint of Isaiah 11:10. Jesus is a branch or descendant of the family of Jesse, as well as of David. See also DAVID, ROOT OF.

    ROPE <rop > : Used in the Old Testament for [ lb,j, , chebhel ], “that which binds” ( 2 Samuel 17:13, etc.), and for [ tbo[\ , `abhoth ], “that which is woven” ( Judges 15:13, etc.). In neither word is any specified thickness or strength connoted, and chebhel is translated equally well by “line” ( Samuel 8:2, etc.) or “cord” ( Joshua 2:15, etc.), and `abhoth by “cord” ( <19B827> Psalm 118:27, etc.), as best suits the context. Similarly in the New Testament the word [scoini>on, schoinion ], literally, “made of rushes” can mean the rope by which a boat is fastened ( Acts 27:32) or small cords suitable for a whip ( John 2:15). The usual material for ropes was certainly flax (hemp), but the Egyptians, and so possibly the Hebrews, at times made ropes of leathern thongs. See CORD; LINE; SHIPS AND BOATS, III, 2.

    Burton Scott Easton ROSE <roz > : (1) ([ tl,X,b”j\ , chabhatstseleth ]; [a]nqov, anthos ], “a flower” (Song 2:1) [kri>non, krinon ], “a lily” ( Isaiah 35:1)): By general consent English Versions of the Bible is wrong: in Song 2:1 margin reads “Hebrew habazzeleth , the autumn crocus” and in Isaiah 35:1, margin reads “or autumn crocus.” This is the Colchicum autumnale (Natural Order, Liliaceae). A Targum on Song 2:1 explains the Hebrew word as “narcissus” , a very common plant in the plains and mountains of Palestine and a great favorite with the natives. Two species, N. tazetta and N. serolinus (Natural Order, Amaryllideae), occur, the latter being the finer; they are autumn plants. All authorities agree that the so-called “rose” was some kind of bulbed plant. (2) ([rJo>don, rhodon ], “the rose,” mentioned in Ecclesiasticus 24:14; 39:13; 50:8; The Wisdom of Solomon 2:8; 2 Esdras 2:19): There is no reason why the rose, of which several varieties are common in Palestine, should not be meant. Tristram favors the rhododendron. The expression, “rose plants in Jericho,” in Ecclesiasticus 24:14 has nothing whatever to do with what is now sold there as a “rose of Jericho,” a dwarf annual plant, Anastatica hierochuntina (Natural Order, Cruciferae), which dries up and can be made to reexpand by placing the root in water. E. W. G. Masterman ROSH (1) <rosh > , <rosh > ([ vaor , ro’sh ]): A son or grandson of Benjamin ( Genesis 46:21).

    ROSH (2) ([ vaor , ro’sh ]; [ JRw>v, Rhos ], variant (Q margin) [kefalh~v, kephales ]; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) capiris): 1. ROSH AND ITS RENDERINGS:

    This name occurs in the prophecies against Gog in Ezekiel 38:2,3 and 39:1, where the King James Version has “Gog, the land of Magog, the chief prince of Meshech and Tubal.” This translation is due to ro’sh being the common Hebrew word for “head” or “chief” (compare the Greek variant and the Vulgate), and is regarded as incorrect, that of the Revised Version (British and American), “Gog, of the land of Magog, the prince of Rosh, Meshech and Tubal,” being preferred. 2. IDENTIFICATION WITH RUSSIA:

    The identification of Rosh is not without its difficulties. Gesenius regarded it as indicating the Russians, who are mentioned in Byzantine writers of the 10th century under the name of [ JRw~v, Rhos ]. He adds that they are also noticed by Ibn Fosslan (same period), under the name of Rus, as a people dwelling on the river Rha (Volga). Apart from the improbability that the dominion of Gog extended to this district, it would be needful to know at what date the Rus of the Volga arrived there. 3. PROBABLY THE ASSYRIAN RASU:

    Notwithstanding objections on account of its eastern position, in all probability Fried. Delitzsch’s identification of Rosh with the mat Rasi, “land of Rash” of the Assyrian inscriptions, is the best. Sargon of Assyria (circa 710 BC) conquered the countries “from the land of Rasu on the border of Elam as far as the river of Egypt,” and this country is further described in his Khorsabad Inscription,18, as “the land of Rasu, of the boundary of Elam, which is beside the Tigris.” Assyria having disappeared from among the nations when Ezekiel wrote his prophecies, Babylonia was probably the only power with which “Gog of the land of Magog” would have had to reckon, but it may well be doubted whether the Babylonian king would have allowed him to exercise power in the district of Rasu, except as a very faithful vassal. It may here be noted that the Hebrew spelling of Rosh presupposes an earlier pronunciation as Rash, a form agreeing closely with that used by the Assyrians. See Fried. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies? 325. T. G. Pinches ROT; ROTTENNESS <rot > , <rot’-’-n-nes > (verb [ bqer; , raqebh ], noun raqabh (riqqabhon , Job 41:27), with [ qm” , maq ], “decay” ( Isaiah 5:24), and [ vb”[; , `abhash ], “shrivel” (so Joel 1:17 the Revised Version margin)): “Rottenness of the bones” ( Proverbs 12:4; 14:30; Habakkuk 3:16) is ulceration (caries) of the bones, used as an example of an intensely painful disease. the King James Version, in addition, has “rot” in Numbers 5:21,22,27, where the Revised Version (British and American) has “fall away” ([ lp”n; , naphal ]), but a euphemistic paraphrase is in point (see the comms.). In Jeremiah 38:11,12 the King James Version has “old rotten rags” for [ jl”m, , melach ], “rag” (the Revised Version (British and American) “wornout garments,” a translation that specializes too far).

    ROTE <rot > : the Revised Version margin gives “learned by rote” in Isaiah 29:13 for the King James Version “taught,” which indicates that the service of Yahweh was merely formal.

    ROWER; ROWING <ro’-er > , <ro’-ing > . See SHIPS AND BOATS, III, 1.

    ROYAL <roi’-al > : Either belonging to a king (kingdom) or having kingly power, dignity, authority, etc. In Hebrew, the word is expressed by using different nouns in the gen. case (the “construct state”). They are: (1) melekh , “king”: “Asher .... shall yield royal dainties,” literally, choice morsels of the king, meaning fit for a king ( Genesis 49:20); “besides that which Solomon gave her of his royal bounty,” literally, which he gave her according to the hand (the wealth) of King Solomon ( 1 Kings 10:13; compare the Revised Version margin); “a royal statute,” literally, statute of a malka’ , which is the emphatic Aramaic term for melekh , “king” ( Daniel 6:7); (2) mamlakhah , “the power and dignity of a king,” “Gibeon .... one of the royal cities,” i.e. a capital city with a king of her own ( Joshua 10:2; compare 1 Samuel 27:5); “all the seed royal,” literally, the seed of the kingdom ( 2 Kings 11:1; compare 2 Chronicles 22:10); (3) malkhuth , “kinghood,” “kingdom”: “royal majesty,” literally, majesty of kinghood ( 1 Chronicles 29:25); quite frequently in the Book of Esther; royal wine (1:7); crown (1:11; compare 2:17; 6:8); commandment (1:19); “her royal estate,” literally, her kinghood (1:19); house royal (2:16; compare 5:1); royal apparel (5:1; compare 6:8,15); throne (5:1); (4) melukhah , “kingdom,” “kingly power and dignity”: “royal city,” literally, the city of the kingdom, meaning here that part of the city (Rabbah) in which the royal palace was situated ( 2 Samuel 12:26); “royal diadem,” literally, turban of kinghood ( Isaiah 62:3); (5) in Jeremiah 43:10 we find the word shaphrir ; its meaning is uncertain: “royal pavilion” (the Revised Version (British and American) and the King James Version), “glittering” (Revised Version, margin), “scepter,” “a carpet covering a throne.”

    The New Testament uses the word for basilikos , “belonging to king”: “royal apparel” ( Acts 12:21); “the royal law,” something like “the golden rule,” being foremost because including all others ( James 2:8), and for basileios (being vested with kingly power and honor), “royal priesthood,” the Hebrew rendering would be mamlekheth kohanim , “a kingdom of priests,” i.e. a kingdom whose citizens are priests, emphasizing the two facts that the true Christians have free access to the grace of God and that they enjoy the liberties and privileges of His kingdom (1 Pet 2:9). William Baur ROYAL CITY See ROYAL, (2), (4).

    RUBY <roo’-bi > . See STONES, PRECIOUS.

    RUDDER; RUDDER-BANDS <rud’-er > . See SHIPS AND BOATS, III, 2, (3).

    RUDDY <rud’-i > ([ yniwOmd]a” , ‘adhmoni ] ( 1 Samuel 16:12; 17:42; Genesis 25:25 the Revised Version margin), [ µdoa; , ‘adhom ] (Song 5:10); verbs [ µd”a; , ‘adham ] ( Lamentations 4:7), and [ejruqria>w, eruthriao ], “to blush” (Ad Est 15:5)): “Ruddy” is the form taken by the adjective “red” when used as a term of praise of the human skin, and this is its use in the Bible (the Hebrew and Greek words are all usual words for “red” or “to be red”). The dark-skinned Hebrews found great beauty in a clear complexion.

    RUDE <rood > : Not “impolite” in English Versions of the Bible (except perhaps Macc 12:14), but “untrained,” “ignorant”; compare the modern phrase, “a rude drawing.” So Sirach 8:4 ([ajpai>deutov, apaideutos ]) and Corinthians 11:6 ([ijdiw>thv, idiotes ], `though I lack technical training in rhetoric’); compare the King James Version and the Revised Version margin Sirach 21:24.

    RUDIMENTS <roo’-di-ments > ([stoicei~a, stoicheia ], plural of [stoicei~on, stoicheion ] ( Galatians 4:3,9; Colossians 2:8,20; Hebrews 5:12; 2 Peter 3:10,12)): This word occurs 7 t in the New Testament, and the King James Version translates it in three different ways. In the two passages in Galatians, and in the two in 2 Peter, it is rendered “elements.” In the two passages in Colossians, it is translated “rudiments.” In He it is rendered “first principles.” 1. ETYMOLOGICAL MEANING:

    The etymological meaning of the word is, that which belongs to a row or rank, hence any first thing, an element, first principle. It denotes, specially (1) the letters of the alphabet, the spoken sounds, as the elements of speech; (2) the material elements of the universe, the physical atoms of which the world is composed; (3) the heavenly bodies; (4) the elements, rudiments, fundamental principles of any art, science or discipline; compare the phrase, “the a, b, c.” 2. USE OF TERM IN THE NEW TESTAMENT: (1) The New Testament use of the word, where it always occurs in the plural, is as follows: In 2 Peter 3:10,12, “The elements shall be dissolved with fervent heat,” that is, the physical elements of the world and of the heavens are to be consumed, or subjected to change, by means of fire. In Hebrews 5:12, the King James Version “Ye have need that one teach you again which be the first principles of the oracles of God.” This means that the Hebrew Christians had not made the advance expected, in grace and in the knowledge of God, but were in need of instruction in the elementary truths of the Christian faith. (2) The Pauline use of the term is in Galatians and Colossians; see references as above. In Galatians 4:3,9 the King James Version Paul writes, “When we were children, (we) were in bondage under the elements of the world”; “How turn ye again to the weak and beggarly elements, whereunto ye desire again to be in bondage?” The apostle here means the ceremonial precepts of the worship of the Jews. These requirements involved much and protracted difficulty in their observance; they were “a yoke .... which neither our fathers nor we were able to bear” ( Acts 15:10). Yet the Galatian converts were tuning back again to these legal ordinances, and desired to be in bondage to them. These elements were “of the world,” they had reference to material and not to spiritual things, they were formal and sensuous. They were “weak,” for they had no power to rescue man from condemnation, and they could not save him from sin. They were “beggarly,” for they brought no endowment of the heavenly riches. By these epithets Paul signifies that rites, ordinances, sacrifices, observance of days and seasons belonged to the elementary stages of the Jewish religion, which had now attained its end and purpose in the coming of Christ and His work. These things were necessary at the time they were divinely instituted, but the time had come when they were no longer required. They contained and conveyed an elementary knowledge, and were intended, from the first, to lead to an advance in the moral and spiritual life, which is now revealed in Christ.

    It has been thought by some that what is meant by “elements” or “rudiments” in Galatians and Colossians is the physical elements, presided over by angels, and that this is in some way connected with the worship of angels, to which Paul refers in Colossians 2:18. The Jews believed that there were, angels of fire and of the wind, and of the other physical elements. The apostle therefore wished to show the foolishness of the worship of angels and of the heavenly bodies which they were supposed to control.

    This latter meaning of the term is a possible, but not a probable one. The interpretation, already first given, which understands “elements” to mean the ordinances of Jewish legalism, is most in harmony with the gospel and with the teaching of Paul. “This is probably the correct interpretation, both as simpler in itself and as suiting the context better. Paul seems to be dwelling still on the rudimentary character of the law, as fitted for an earlier stage in the world’s history” (Lightfoot, Commentary on Galatians, 167).

    In Colossians 2:8 the King James Version Paul writes, “Beware lest any man spoil you .... after the rudiments of the world, and not after Christ”; and in Colossians 2:20, the King James Version “Wherefore if ye be dead with Christ from the rudiments of the world, why .... are ye subject to ordinances?” The meaning of the term here is the elements of religious training, the ceremonial precepts of the Jewish Law. In Colossians and Galatians the meaning is that the systems of the false teachers, both in Colosse and in Galatia, laid stress on Jewish ritual, ceremonial law and ascetic observances — things of this world, belonging to the visible sphere, things elementary, and intended, so far as the Jewish Law is concerned, simply as a preparation for the coming of Christ. Such were the rudiments of the world, so far as their source was Jewish. On their heathen side they were still more decidedly anti-Christian. Both of these tendencies, Jewish and heathen, were “not according to Christ.” For Christ Himself who atoned for sin, and who now lives and reigns, delivers believers from all such methods, as well as from the need of them. John Rutherfurd RUE <roo > ([ph>ganon, peganon ]): One of the plants mentioned in Luke 11:42 as subject to tithe: in the parallel passage, Matthew 23:23, anise and cummin are mentioned. Ruta graveolens (Natural Order, Rutaceae) is the official rue, and a very similar species, R. chalepensis, is indigenous.

    Rue is a small shrub growing 2 to 4 ft. high with a heavy odor, disagreeable to Westerners, but a favorite with Orientals. A sprig of rue is often fixed on a child’s cap or clothes as a kind of charm.

    RUFUS <roo’-fus > ([ JRou~fov, Rhouphos ]): The name is mentioned twice: (1) Simon of Cyrene, who was compelled to bear the cross of Jesus, is “the father of Alexander and Rufus” ( Mark 15:21); (2) Paul sends greetings to Roman Christians, “Rufus the chosen in the Lord, and his mother and mine” ( Romans 16:13). Rufus was well known among those for whom Mark primarily wrote his Gospel, and according to tradition this was the Christian community at Rome.

    There seems no reason to doubt, therefore, that the Rufus of Mark and the Rufus of Paul are the same person. The name, meaning “red,” “reddish,” was, however, one of the commonest of slave names; the identification of these two is therefore merely a conjecture. The Rufus whom Paul greets is “the chosen in the Lord,” i.e. “that choice Christian” (Denhey). Since all Christians are “chosen,” this title must express some distinction. The mother of Rufus had played the mother’s part to Paul on some occasion of which we are ignorant, hence the phrase “his mother and mine” (compare Mark 10:30). S. F. Hunter RUG <rug > : Alternative rendering of a word ([ hk;ymic] , semikhah ]) in Judges 4:18 the Revised Version (British and American), “mantle” the King James Version. The translation is doubtful; Oxford Hebrew Lexicon; see Brown, Driver, and Briggs gives “rug or thick coverlet (?).”

    RUHAMAH <roo-ha’-ma > , <roo-ha’-ma > : See LO-RUHAMAH , the symbolical name of Hosea’s daughter ( Hosea 1:6,8).

    RUIN <roo’-in > ([ hs;yrih\ , haricah ], etc.; [rJh~gma, rhegma ]): “Ruin,” the translation of haricah ( Amos 9:11; compare Acts 15:16, where the Revised Version (British and American) Greek text, ta katestrammena ), and of a number of other Hebrew words: in Luke 6:49 rhegma , “breakage,” is used both in a literal sense ( Isaiah 23:13; 25:2, of fallen buildings; Ezekiel 27:27; 31:13, of a state or people; Luke 6:49, of a house, etc.) and with a moral significance ( Proverbs 26:28). the Revised Version margin correctly renders mikhshol in Ezekiel 18:30 “stumblingblock” (the King James Version “ruin”), and the Revised Version (British and American) in Ezekiel 21:15 “stumblings” (the King James Version “ruins”). The Revised Version (British and American) has “ruins” for the King James Version “desolations” in Ezra 9:9, margin “waste places”; Psalm 74:3; “in their ruins” for “with their mattocks” ( 2 Chronicles 34:6, margin “ `with their axes.’ The Hebrew is obscure”); “midst of the ruin” for “desolation” ( Job 30:14); “their ruin” for “their wickedness” ( Proverbs 21:12). “Ruinous” is the translation of mappalah ( Isaiah 17:1) and of natsah ( 2 Kings 19:25; Isaiah 37:26). W. L. Walker RULER <rool’-er > : 1. IN THE OLD TESTAMENT: (1) [ lvem , moshel ], “ruler,” “prince,” “master” (tyrant), applied to Joseph in Egypt ( Genesis 45:8; compare <19A521> Psalm 105:21); to the Philistines ( Judges 15:11); to David’s descendants, the future kings of Israel ( 2 Chronicles 7:18; compare Jeremiah 33:26); to Pharaoh ( <19A520> Psalm 105:20); to a wicked prince, a tyrant ( Proverbs 28:15; compare Isaiah 14:5; 49:7); to theocratic king, the Messiah ( Micah 5:2); it is often used in general ( Proverbs 6:7; 23:1; 29:12; Ecclesiastes 10:4; Isaiah 16:1, etc.). (2) [ dygin; , naghidh ], “leader,” “noble” (nobles), “prince.” In a number of instances the Revised Version (British and American) renders it “prince,” where the King James Version has ruler ( 1 Samuel 25:30; 2 Samuel 6:21; 1 Kings 1:35, etc.). It is used of Azrikam having charge of the palace of King Ahaz ( 2 Chronicles 28:7, “governor” of the house, the King James Version); of Azariah (Seraiah, Nehemiah 11:11), who is called the “ruler of the house of God” ( 1 Chronicles 9:11; compare 2 Chronicles 31:13); he was the leader of a division or group of priests. In 2 Chronicles 35:8 the names of three others are given (Hilkiah, Zechariah and Jehiel). (3) [ aycin; , nasi ], “prince” (so Numbers 13:2, the King James Version “ruler”); generally speaking, the nasi’ is one of the public authorities ( Exodus 22:28); the rulers of the congregation ( Exodus 16:22; compare 34:31); “The rulers brought the onyx stones” ( Exodus 35:27), as it was to be expected from men of their social standing and financial ability: “when a ruler (the head of a tribe or tribal division) sinneth” ( Leviticus 4:22). (4) [ ˆg;s; , caghan ], the representative of a king or a prince; a viceregent; a governor; then, in the times of Ezra and Nehemiah, a leader or principal of the people of Jerusalem under the general supervision of these two men. The English Versions of the Bible renders it “ruler” ( Ezekiel 23:12,23), “deputy” ( Jeremiah 51:23,28,57), and, in most cases, “ruler” with “deputy” in margin ( Ezra 9:2; Nehemiah 2:16; 4:14,19; 5:7,17; 7:5; 12:40; 13:11; Isaiah 41:25; Ezekiel 23:6) always used in plural (5) [ ˆyxiq; , qatsin ], “a judge” or “magistrate” ( Isaiah 1:10; 3:6,7; 22:3; Micah 3:1,9); “a military chief” ( Joshua 10:24). (6) [ hd,ro , rodheh ], one having dominion: “There is little Benjamin their ruler” ( Psalm 68:27); the meaning is obscure; still we may point to the facts that Saul, the first one to conquer the heathen ( Samuel 14:47 f), came of this the smallest of all the tribes, and that within its boundaries the temple of Yahweh was erected. (7) [ ˆzewOr , rozen ], a “dignitary,” a “prince.” “The kings of the earth set themselves, and the rulers take counsel together, against Yahweh” ( Psalm 2:2); in the New Testament the word is rendered archontes ( Acts 4:26). (8) [ rc” , sar ], “chief,” “head”; prince, king; a nobleman having judicial or other power; a royal officer. The Revised Version (British and American) renders it frequently “prince”: “rulers over my cattle” (“head-shepherds,” Genesis 47:6); “rulers of thousands, rulers of hundreds,” etc. ( Exodus 18:21); they had to be men of good character because they were endowed with judicial power ( Exodus 18:22); in Deuteronomy 1:15 the rendering of English Versions of the Bible is captains,” etc.; they were military leaders. “Zebul the ruler of the city” (of Shechem, Judges 9:30), meaning “governor” (compare 1 Kings 22:26; 2 Kings 23:8); “rulers (or captains; compare 1 Kings 16:9) of his (Solomon’s) chariots” ( 1 Kings 9:22); the rulers of Jezreel ( 2 Kings 10:1) were, presumably, the ruler of the palace of the king and the ruler of the city of Samaria (compare 2 Kings 10:5). It is difficult to explain why they should be called the rulers of Jezreel; both Septuagint and Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) omit the word; “the rulers of the substance which was king David’s” ( 1 Chronicles 27:31) overseers of the royal domain; “The rulers were behind all the house of Judah” ( Nehemiah 4:16), the officers were ready to assume active command in case of an attack. (9) , (10) [ ˆwOfl]vi , shilTon ], “a commander,” “an officer”: “the rulers of the provinces” ( Daniel 3:2 f); [ fyLiv” , shalliT ], “a person in power,” “a potentate” ( Daniel 2:10); there seems to be little doubt that the Aramaic term is used as an adjective (compare the Revised Version margin); in Daniel 5:7 occurs the verb shelaT , “to have dominion,” “he shall rule as the third in rank” (compare 5:16,29). (11) [ ˆgem; , maghen ], “shield”: “Her rulers (shields) dearly love shame” ( Hosea 4:18). Perhaps we ought to read (with Septuagint) migge’onam , “their glory,” and to translate it “they love shame more than their glory”; they would rather have a good (!) time than a good name. 2. IN THE APOCRYPHA: (1) [a]rcwn, archon ], used of the “rulers” of the Spartans (1 Macc 14:20) and, in a general sense, of the priest Mattathias (1 Macc 2:17). the King James Version has the word also in a general sense in Sirach 41:18 (the Revised Version (British and American) “mighty man”). (2) [hJgou>menov, hegoumenos ], “one leading the way.” A quite general term, Sirach 10:2 (ruler of a city); 17:17 (of Gentile nations); 46:18 (of the Tyrians). Also 2:17 the King James Version (the Revised Version (British and American) “he that ruleth”), and Sirach 32:1 the Revised Version (British and American) (“ruler of a feast,” the King James Version “master”). (3) [oiJ megista>nev, hoi megistanes ], a rare word found only in the plural, for “rulers of the congregation” (Sirach 33:18). The same word in Mark 6:21 is translated “lords.” (4) 2 Macc 4:27 the King James Version for [ejpa>rcov, eparchos ] (the Revised Version (British and American) “governor”). (5) The King James Version inserts the word without Greek equivalent in 1 Macc 6:14; 11:57; 2 Macc 13:2. 3. IN THE NEW TESTAMENT: (1) [a]rcwn, archon ], “a person in authority,” “a magistrate” “a judge,” “a prince”; a councilor, a member of the supreme council of the Jews; a man of influence. “There came a ruler” ( Matthew 9:18), meaning a ruler of the synagogue (compare Mark 5:22; Luke 8:41); see (2) below; “one of the rulers of the Pharisees” ( Luke 14:1), perhaps a member of the Jewish council belonging, at the same time, to the Pharisees, or, more probably, one of the leading Pharisees; “the chief priests and the rulers” ( Luke 23:13,15; 24:20; compare John 3:1; 7:26,48; 12:42; Acts 3:17; 4:5,8; 13:27; 14:5); the rulers were, with the chief priests and the scribes, members of the Sanhedrin, either of two councils of the Jews (the Great and the Lesser); they were laymembers (elders); “before the rulers” ( Acts 16:19), the police magistrates (praetores , “praetors”) of the city of Philippi; “Thou shalt not speak evil of a ruler of thy people” ( Acts 23:5; compare Exodus 22:28, nasi’ ; see 1, (3) above), a magistrate, a person in authority (compare Acts 7:27,35; Romans 13:3, the public authorities); “the rulers of this world” (1 Cor 2:6,8), persons being mentally superior to their fellowmen, and so having great influence in shaping their opinions and directing their actions. (2) [ajrcisuna>gwgov, archisundgogos ], “ruler of the synagogue.” He was the presiding officer of a board of elders, who had charge of the synagogue. Sometimes they, also, were given the same name (compare “one of the rulers of the synagogue,” Mark 5:22,35; Luke 8:41,49; in Matthew 9:18 Jairus is simply called archon ); the ruler mentioned in Luke 13:14 was, of course, the president of the board (compare Acts 18:17, Sosthenes), while in Acts 13:15 the phrase “rulers of the synagogue” simply signifies the board. It was a deliberative body, but at the same time responsible for the maintenance of good order in the synagogue and the orthodoxy of its members; having, therefore, disciplinary power, they were authorized to reprimand, and even to excommunicate, the guilty ones (compare John 9:22; 12:42; 16:2). (3) [ajrcitri>klinov, architriklinos ], the ruler (“steward,” the Revised Version margin) of the feast ( John 2:8,9). See separate article. (4) [kosmokra>twr, kosmokrator ], a “world-ruler” ( Ephesians 6:12). The angels of the devil ( Matthew 25:41; 12:45) or Satan, the prince of this world ( John 12:31), participate in his power; they are his tools, their sphere of action being “this darkness,” i.e. the morally corrupt state of our present existence. (5) [polita>rchv, politarches ]; the prefect of a city ( Acts 17:6,8).

    Luke being the only one of the Biblical authors to hand down to us this word, it is a noteworthy fact that, in relatively modern times, a Greek inscription Was discovered containing this very word and, moreover, having reference to the city of Thessalonica (AJT, 1898, II, 598-643).

    Here it was where Paul and Silas preached the gospel so successfully that the Jews, “being moved with jealousy,” caused Jason and certain brethren to be dragged before the rulers of the city (epi tous politarchas ). These magistrates suffered themselves to be made the tools of the unscrupulous Jews by demanding and getting security from Jason and the rest. William Baur RULER OF THE FEAST ([ajrcitri>klinov, architriklinos ]; the King James Version governor): The word occurs in the New Testament in the account of the wedding feast in Cana of Galilee ( John 2:8,9). According to Ecclesiasticus (32:1) it was customary to appoint a “master of the ceremonies” from among the invited guests. It was his duty to determine the places of the guests, to see that the ordinary rules of etiquette were observed, etc., and generally to supervise the arrangements. The Revised Version margin “steward” is possible if the “governor of the feast” meant the “head waiter” (Merx renders “head servant of the feast”), and not one of the guests appointed for the purpose.

    But the context is in favor of the view that the person in question was one of the prominent guests — an intimate friend or relative of the host. See RULER, 2, (2).

    T. Lewis RULER OF THE SYNAGOGUE See RULER, 3, (1), (2).

    RULERS OF THE CITY See RULER, 1, (8), 2, (2), 3, (5).

    RUMAH <roo’-ma > ([ hm;Wr , rumah ]; Codex Vaticanus [ JRouma>, Rhouma ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ JRuma>, Rhuma ]): To this place belonged Pedaiah whose daughter Zebudah (the Revised Version (British and American) “Zebidah”) entered the harem of Josiah, king of Judah, and became the mother of Jehoiakim ( 2 Kings 23:36). Josephus (Ant., X, v, 2) calls the place Abouma, but this is an obvious clerical error for Arouma. This suggests a possible identification with Arumah ( Judges 9:41), which lay not far from Shechem. Another possible identification is with the Rumah mentioned by Josephus (BJ, III, vii, 21) in Galilee (compare Neubauer, Geog. du Talmud, 203), which may be identical with the modern Khirbet Rumeh , about 3 miles North of Seffuriyeh. Some, however, would identify Rumah with Dumah of Joshua 15:52, where the substitution of “r” for “d” is supported by the Septuagint (Rheuma ), possibly represented by the modern Domeh , about 13 miles Southeast of Beit Jibrin . This of course was in the territory of Judah, and no question of jus connubium is involved, such as might arise in the case of a Galilean site. W. Ewing RUMP <rump > : the King James Version uses this word as translation of [ hy;l]a” , ‘alyah ] ( Exodus 29:22; Leviticus 3:9; 7:3; 8:25; 9:19), where the Revised Version (British and American) correctly renders “fat tail.”

    Reference is here had to the broad tail of the Syrian sheep, which occasionally weighs as much as 20 lbs., and is considered one of the daintiest portions of mutton. It was one of those portions of the peace and trespass offering which were not eaten by the priest or the sacrificer, but which with other choice portions were waved before the Lord and wholly burnt on the altar as a sweet savor unto Yahweh.

    RUNAGATE <run’-a-gat > : A runaway: “The runagates continue in scarceness” ( Psalm 68:6, Prayer Book Version, the Revised Version (British and American) “The rebellious dwell in a parched land”).

    RUNNER <run’-er > . See GAMES.

    RUSH (1) ([ am,GO, gome’ ]; [pa>purov, papuros ], “bulrushes,” margin “papyrus” ( Exodus 2:3); “rush,” margin “papyrus” ( Job 8:11); “papyrus,” the King James Version “rush” ( Isaiah 18:2); “rushes” ( Isaiah 35:7)): This is almost certainly the famous papyrus, Cyperus papyrus (Natural Order, Cyperaceae), known in Arabic as babir (whence comes our word “paper”). This plant, the finest of the sedges, flourishes plentifully in Upper Egypt; in Palestine there is a great mass of it growing in the marsh to the North of Lake Huleh, and it also occurs on the Lake of Galilee and the Jordan. Light boats of plaited papyrus have been used on the Nile from ancient times and are mentioned by many writers (compare Exodus 2:3; Isaiah 18:2). (2) ([ ˆwOmg]aO” , ‘aghmon ], “rope,” margin “Hebrew `a rope of rushes,’ “ the King James Version “hook” ( Job 41:2): “(burning) rushes,” the King James Version “caldron” ( Job 41:20); “rush,” the King James Version “bulrush” ( Isaiah 58:5); “rush” in Isaiah 9:14; 19:15, used of the humble and lowly folk as contrasted with the “palm branch,” the highest class): The word ‘aghmon comes from [ µg”a\ , ‘agham ], meaning a marsh (see POOLS ), being transferred from the place of the things growing there. The word doubtless includes not only the rushes — of which there are several kinds in Palestine — but also members of the sedge family, the Cyperaceae. See also REED.

    E. W. G. Masterman RUST <rust > ([ ha;l]j, , chel’ah ]; [brw~siv, brosis ]): Strictly speaking rust is the red oxide of iron formed by the corrosion of that metal, but by extension it has come to mean corrosion produced on any metal. Chel’ah is translated “rust” in Ezekiel 24:11,12. This rendering is probably based on 24:11.

    Copper caldrons are still used in Bible lands. Such vessels must be constantly watched when on the fire to guard against the possibility of their becoming dry. If this should happen the contents, whatever they may be, and the vessel itself will be injured. The copper of the caldron oxidizes and scales off in black or brownish scales, or rust. [ijo>v, ios ], was used in Greek to denote the corroding of metals. In James 5:3 occurs, “Your gold and your silver are rusted; and their rust .... shall eat your flesh as fire.” The writers must have had in mind the actions of chemicals upon these metals which formed some such compound as the caustic silver nitrate. Brosis , literally, “eating,” which occurs in Matthew 6:19,20, may refer to the diseases which attack such vegetation as wheat, grapes, cucumbers, etc. In no country is the saying “where moth and rust consume” ( Matthew 6:19) more true than in Syria. Any metal subject to corrosion seems to rust faster in that country than anywhere else. There are also many rusting fungi which the people have not learned to destroy and which do much damage to the crops. See also SCUM.

    James A. Patch RUTH <rooth > ([ tWr , ruth ]; [ JRou>q, Rhouth ]): The name Ruth is found in the Old Testament only in the book which is so entitled. It is a contraction for [ tW[r] , re’uth ] perhaps signifying “comrade,” “companion” (feminine; compare Exodus 11:2, “every woman of her neighbor”). OHL, 946, explains the word as an abstract noun = “friendship.” The Book of Ruth details the history of the one decisive episode owing to which Ruth became an ancestress of David and of the royal house of Judah. From this point of view its peculiar interest lies in the close friendship or alliance between Israel and Moab, which rendered such a connection possible. Not improbably also there is an allusion to this in the name itself. 1. HISTORY:

    The history lies in the period of the Judges ( Ruth 1:1), at the close of a great famine in the land of Israel. Elimelech, a native of Bethlehem, had, with his wife Naomi and two sons, taken refuge in Moab from the famine.

    There, after an interval of time which is not more precisely defined, he died ( Ruth 1:3), and his two sons, having married women of Moab, in the course of a further ten years also died, and left Orpah and Ruth widows ( Ruth 1:5). Naomi then decided to return to Palestine, and her two daughters-in-law accompanied her on her way ( Ruth 1:7). Orpah, however, turned back and only Ruth remained with Naomi, journeying with her to Bethlehem, where they arrived “in the beginning of barley harvest” ( Ruth 1:22). The piety and fidelity of Ruth are thus early exhibited in the course of the narrative, in that she refused to abandon her mother-in-law, although thrice exhorted to do so by Naomi herself, on account of her own great age and the better prospects for Ruth in her own country. Orpah yielded to persuasion, and returned to Moab; but Ruth remained with Naomi.

    At Bethlehem Ruth employed herself in gleaning in the field during the harvest and was noticed by Boaz, the owner of the field, a near kinsman of her father-in-law Elimelech. Boaz gave her permission to glean as long as the harvest continued; and told her that he had heard of her filial conduct toward her mother-in-law. Moreover, he directed the reapers to make intentional provision for her by dropping in her way grain from their bundles ( Ruth 2:15 f). She was thus able to return to Naomi in the evening with a whole ephah of barley ( Ruth 2:17). In answer to questioning she explained that her success in gleaning was due to the goodwill of Boaz, and the orders that he had given. She remained accordingly and gleaned with his maidens throughout the barley and wheat harvest, making her home with her mother-in-law ( Ruth 2:23). Naomi was anxious for the remarriage of Ruth, both for her sake and to secure compliance with the usage and law of Israel; and sent her to Boaz to recall to him his duty as near kinsman of her late husband Elimelech ( Ruth 3:1 f). Boaz acknowledged the claim and promised to take Ruth in marriage, failing fulfillment of the legal duty of another whose relationship was nearer than that of Boaz himself ( Ruth 3:8-13). Naomi was confident that Boaz would fulfill his promise, and advised Ruth to wait in patience.

    Boaz then adopted the customary and legal measures to obtain a decision.

    He summoned the near kinsman before ten elders at the gate of the city, related to him the circumstances of Naomi’s return, with her desire that Ruth should be married and settled with her father-in-law’s land as her marriage-portion, and called upon him to declare his intentions. The near kinsman, whose name and degree of relationship are not stated, declared his inability to undertake the charge, which he renounced in legal form in favor of Boaz according to ancient custom in Israel ( Ruth 4:6 ff). Boaz accepted the charge thus transferred to him, the elders and bystanders bearing witness and pronouncing a formal blessing upon the union of Boaz and Ruth (4:9-12). Upon the birth of a son in due course the women of the city congratulated Naomi, in that the continuance of her family and house was now assured, and the latter became the child’s nurse. The name of Obed was given to the boy; and Obed through his son Jesse became the grandfather of David (compare Matthew 1:5,6; Luke 3:31,32). 2. INTEREST AND IMPORTANCE OF THE NARRATIVE:

    Thus, the life and history of Ruth are important in the eyes of the narrator because she forms a link in the ancestry of the greatest king of Israel. From a more modern point of view the narrative is a simple idyllic history, showing how the faithful loving service of Ruth to her mother-in-law met with its due reward in the restored happiness of a peaceful and prosperous home-life for herself. Incidentally are illustrated also ancient marriage customs of Israel, which in the time of the writer had long since become obsolete. The narrative is brief and told without affectation of style, and on that account will never lose its interest. It has preserved moreover the memory of an incident, the national significance of which may have passed away, but to which value will always be attached for its simplicity and natural grace.

    For the literature, see RUTH, BOOK OF.

    A. S. Geden RUTH, THE BOOK OF 1. ORDER IN THE CANON:

    The place which the Book of Ruth occupies in the order of the books of the English Bible is not that of the Hebrew Canon. There it is one of the five meghilloth or Rolls, which were ordered to be read in the synagogue on 5 special occasions or festivals during the year.

    In printed editions of the Old Testament the megilloth are usually arranged in the order: Cant, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiates, Esther. Ruth occupied the second position because the book was appointed to be read at the Feast of Weeks which was the second of the 5 special days. In Hebrew manuscripts, however, the order varies considerably. In Spanish manuscripts generally, and in one at least of the German school cited by Dr. Ginsburg (Introduction to the Hebrew Bible, London, 1897, 4), Ruth precedes Cant; and in the former Ecclesiastes is placed before Lamentations. The meghilloth constitute the second portion of the kethubhim or Haigographa, the third great division of the books of the Hebrew Scriptures. The Talmud, however, dissociates Ruth altogether from the remaining meghilloth , and places it first among the Hagiographa, before the Book of Psalms. By the Greek translators the book was removed from the position which it held in the Hebrew Canon, and because it described events contemporaneous with the Judges, was attached as a kind of appendix to the latter work. This sequence was adopted in the Vulgate, and so has passed into all modern Bibles. 2. AUTHORSHIP AND PURPOSE:

    The book is written without name of author, and there is no direct indication of its date. Its aim is to record an event of interest and importance in the family history of David, and incidentally to illustrate ancient custom and marriage law. There is no ground for supposing, as has been suggested, that the writer had a polemical purpose in view, and desired to show that the strict and stern action taken by Ezra and Nehemiah after the return in forbidding mixed marriages was not justifled by precedent. The narrative is simple and direct, and the preservation of the tradition which it records of the descent of Israel’s royal house from a Moabite ancestress was probably due in the first instance to oral communication for some considerable time before it was committed to writing. The Book of 1 Samuel also indicates a close relation between David and Moab, when during the period of his outlawry the future king confided his father and mother to the care of the king of Moab ( Samuel 22:3 f), and so far supports the truth of the tradition which is embodied in the Book of Ruth. 3. DATE OF COMPOSITION:

    With regard to the date at which the narrative was committed to writing, it is evident from the position of the Book of Ruth in the Hebrew Canon that the date of its composition is subsequent to the close of the great period of the “earlier prophets.” Otherwise it would have found a natural place, as was assigned to it in the Greek Bible, together with the Book of Judges and other historical writings, in the second division of the Hebrew Scriptures. In the opening words of the book also, “It came to pass in the days when the judges judged” ( Ruth 1:1), the writer appears to look back to the period of the Judges as to a comparatively distant epoch. The character of the diction is pure and chaste; but has been supposed in certain details, as in the presence of so-called Aramaisms, to betray a late origin.

    The reference to the observance of marriage customs and their sanctions “in former time in Israel” ( Ruth 4:7) does not necessarily imply that the composition of Ruth was later than that of Deuteronomy, in which the laws arid rights of the succession are enjoined, or that the writer of the former work was acquainted with the latter in its existing form. Slight differences of detail in the procedure would seem to suggest the contrary. On the other hand, the motive of the book in the exhibition of the ancestry of David’s house would have lost its significance and raison d’etre with the death or disappearance of the last ruler of David’s line in the early period of the return from Babylon (compare Zechariah 4:9). The most probable date therefore for the composition of the book would be in the later days of the exile, or immediately after the return. There is no clue to the authorship.

    The last four verses, giving the genealogy from Perez to David (compare 1 Chronicles 2:4-15; Matthew 1:3-6; Luke 3:31-33), are generally recognized as a later addition. 4. ETHICAL TEACHING:

    The ethical value of the Book of Ruth is considerable, as setting forth an example of stedfast filial piety. The action of Ruth in refusing to desert her mother-in-law and persevering in accompanying her to her own land meets with its due reward in the prosperity and happiness which become hers, and in the honor which she receives as ancestress of the royal house of David. The writer desires to show in the person and example of Ruth that a sincere and generous regard for the claims of duty and affection leads to prosperity and honor; and at the same time that the principles and recompense of righteous dealing are not dependent upon race, but are as valid for a Moabitess as for a Jew. There is no distinctive doctrine taught in the book. It is primarily historical, recording a decisive incident in the origin of David’s house; and in the second place ethical, indicating and enforcing in a well-known example the advantage and importance of right dealing and the observance of the dictates of filial duty. For detailed contents see preceding article.

    LITERATURE.

    English commentaries upon the Book of Ruth are naturally not numerous.

    Compare G. W. Thatcher, “Judges and Ruth,” in (New) Century Bible; R.A. Watson, in Expositor’s Bible; the most recent critical commentary. is by L. B. Wolfenson in AJSL, XXVII (July, 1911), 285 ff, who defends the early date of the book. See also the relevant articles in Jew Encyclopedia, HDB, EB, and Driver, LOT, 6, 454 ff. A. S. Geden RYE <ri > . See SPELT.

    S SABACHTHANI <sat-bak’-tha-ne > . See ELI, ELI, LAMA SABACHTHANI.

    SABACO; SABAKON <sab’-a-ko > , <sab’-a-kon > . See SO.

    SABAEANS <sa-be’-anz > ([ µyaib;v] , shebha’im ] ( Joel 3:8 the King James Version), [ µyaib;s] , cebha’-im ]; [ Sabaei>m, Sabaeim ], [ Sebaei>m, Sebaeim ] ( Isaiah 45:14); read [ µyaib;ws; , cabha’im ], but rendered as though from cabha’ , “to imbibe,” hence, “drunkards”; [oijnwme>noi, oinomenoi ], “winedrunken” ( Ezekiel 23:42 the King James Version)): 1. FORMS OF THE WORD: “Sabaeans” is also the translation of the name of the country itself ([ ab;v] , shebha’ ]) in Job 1:15; 6:19. This last, which is the root of shebha’im , is regarded by Arabists as coming from that root with the meaning of “to take captive,” though seba’a , “he raided” (compare Job 1:15), has also been suggested. 2. TWO DIFFERENT RACES:

    As Sheba is said in Genesis 10:7; 10:28; and 25:3 respectively to have been (1) a son of Raamah, the 4th son of Cush; (2) the 10th son of Joktan, son of Eber; (3) the 1st son of Jokshan, 2nd son of Abraham and Keturah, at least two nationalities of this name are implied. The former were identified by Josephus (Ant., II, x, 2) with the tall people of Saba in Upper Egypt, described by him as a city of Ethiopia, which Moses, when in the service of the Egyptians, besieged and captured. 3. SEMITIC SABEANS AND THEIR COMMERCE:

    It is the Semitic Sabeans, however, who are the best known, and the two genealogies attributed to them (Joktan-Eber and Jokshan-Abraham) seem to imply two settlements in the land regarded as that of their origin. As Ezekiel (27:23) mentions Haran (Hirran), Canneh (Kannah), and Eden (Aden) as being connected with Sheba, and these three places are known to have been in Southern Arabia, their Semitic parentage is undoubted. The Sabeans are described as being exporters of gold ( Isaiah 60:6; Psalm 72:15), precious stones ( Ezekiel 27:23), perfumes ( Jeremiah 6:20; Isaiah and Ezekiel), and if the rendering “Sabaeans” for Joel 3 (4) :8 be correct, the Sebaim, “a nation far off,” dealt in slaves. See SEBA; SHEBA; TABLE OF NATIONS.

    T. G. Pinches SABANNEUS <sab-a-ne’-us > (Codex Vaticanus [ Sabannaiou~v, Sabannaious ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Bannaiou~v, Bannaious ]; the King James Version Bannaia, following the Aldine): One of the sons of Asom who had married strange wives (1 Esdras 9:33) = “Zabad” in Ezra 10:33.

    SABANNUS <sa-ban’-nus > ([ Sa>bannov, Sabannos ]; the King James Version Sabban):

    The father of Moeth, one of the Levites to whom the silver and gold were delivered (1 Esdras 8:63). “Moeth the son of Sabannus” stands in the position of “Noadiah the son of Binnui,” in Ezra 8:33.

    SABAOTH <sab’-a-oth > , <sa-ba’-oth > . See GOD, NAMES OF, III, 8; LORD OF HOSTS.

    SABAT <sa’-bat > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SAPHAT , (2) (which see).

    SABATEUS <sab-a-te’-us > (Codex Alexandrinus [ Sabbatai>av, Sabbataias ]; Codex Vaticanus [ jAbtai~ov, Abtaios ]; the King James Version Sabateas): One of the Levites who “taught the law of the Lord” to the multitude (1 Esdras 9:48) = “Shabbethai” in Nehemiah 8:7.

    SABATHUS <sab’-a-thus > ([ Sa>baqov, Sabathos ]; the King James Version Sabatus):

    An Israelite who put away his “strange wife” (1 Esdras 9:28) = “Zabad” in Ezra 10:27.

    SABATUS <sab’-a-tus > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SABATHUS (which see).

    SABBAN <sab’-an > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SABANNUS (which see).

    SABBATEUS <sab-a-te’-us > ([ Sabbatai~ov, Sabbataios ]; the King James Version Sabbatheus): One of the three (or rather two, for “Levis” = Levite) “assessors” in the investigation held concerning “foreign wives” (1 Esdras 9:14) = “Shabbethai the Levite” in Ezra 10:15. He is probably the “Sabateus,” one of the Levites who expounded the Law (1 Esdras 9:48), and so = the “Shabbethai” in Nehemiah 8:7.

    SABBATH <sab’-ath > ([ tB;v” , shabbath ], [ ˆwOtB;v” , shabbathon ]; [sa>bbaton, sabbaton ], [ta< sa>bbata, ta sabbata ]; the root shabhath in Hebrew means “to desist,” “cease,” “rest”):

    The Sabbath was the day on which man was to leave off his secular labors and keep a day holy to Yahweh.

    I. ORIGIN OF THE SABBATH. 1. The Biblical Account: The sketch of creation in Genesis 1:1 through 2:3 closes with an impressive account of the hallowing of the 7th day, because on it God rested from all the work which He had made creatively. The word “Sabbath” does not occur in the story; but it is recognized by critics of every school that the author (P) means to describe the Sabbath as primeval.

    In Exodus 20:8-11 (ascribed to JE) the reason assigned for keeping the 7th day as a holy Sabbath is the fact that Yahweh rested after the six days of creative activity. Exodus 31:17 employs a bold figure, and describes Yahweh as refreshing Himself (“catching His breath”) after six days of work. The statement that God set apart the 7th day for holy purposes in honor of His own rest after six days of creative activity is boldly challenged by many modern scholars as merely the pious figment of a priestly imagination of the exile. There are so few hints of a weekly Sabbath before Moses, who is comparatively a modern character, that argumentation is almost excluded, and each student will approach the question with the bias of his whole intellectual and spiritual history. There is no distinct mention of the Sabbath in Gen, though a 7-day period is referred to several times ( Genesis 7:4,10; 8:10,12; 29:27 f). The first express mention of the Sabbath is found in Exodus 16:21-30, in connection with the giving of the manna. Yahweh taught the people in the wilderness to observe the 7th day as a Sabbath of rest by sending no manna on that day, a double supply being given on the 6th day of the week. Here we have to do with a weekly Sabbath as a day of rest from ordinary secular labor. A little later the Ten Words (Commands) were spoken by Yahweh from Sinai in the hearing of all the people, and were afterward written on the two tables of stone ( Exodus 20:1-17; 34:1-5,27 f). The Fourth Commandment enjoins upon Israel the observance of the 7th day of the week as a holy day on which no work shall be done by man or beast. Children and servants are to desist from all work, and even the stranger within the gates is required to keep the day holy. The reason assigned is that Yahweh rested on the 7th day and blessed it and hallowed it. There is no hint that the restrictions were meant to guard against the wrath of a jealous and angry deity. The Sabbath was meant to be a blessing to man and not a burden. After the sin in connection with the golden call Yahweh rehearses the chief duties required of Israel, and again announces the law of the Sabbath ( Exodus 34:21, ascribed to J). In the Levitical legislation there is frequent mention of the Sabbath ( Exodus 31:13-16; 35:2 f; Leviticus 19:3,10; 23:3,18). A willful Sabbath-breaker was put to death ( Numbers 15:32-36). In the Deuteronomic legislation there is equal recognition of the importance and value of the Sabbath ( Deuteronomy 5:12-15). Here the reason assigned for the observance of the Sabbath philanthropic and humanitarian: “that thy man-servant and thy maid-servant may rest as well as thou.” It is thus manifest that all the Pentateuchal codes, whether proceeding from Moses alone or from many hands in widely different centuries, equally recognize the Sabbath as one of the characteristic institutions of Israel’s religious and social life. If we cannot point to any observance of the weekly Sabbath prior to Moses, we can at least be sure that this was one of the institutions which he gave to Israel. From the days of Moses until now the holy Sabbath has been kept by devout Israelites. 2. Critical Theories: “The older theories of the origin of the Jewish Sabbath (connecting it with Egypt, with the day of Saturn, or in general with the seven planets) have now been almost entirely abandoned (see ASTRONOMY, I, 5). The disposition at present is to regard the day as originally a lunar festival, similar to a Bablonian custom (Schrader, Stud. u. Krit., 1874), the rather as the cuneiform documents appear to contain a term sabattu or sabattum, identical in form and meaning with the Hebrew word sabbathon .” Thus wrote Professor C. H. Toy in 1899 (JBL, XVIII, 190). In a syllabary (II R, 32, 16a, b) sabattum is said to be equivalent to um nuh libbi, the natural translation of which seemed to be “day of rest of the heart.” Schrader, Sayce and others so understood the phrase, and naturally looked upon sabattum as equivalent to the Hebrew Sabbath. But Jensen and others have shown that the phrase should be rendered “day of the appeasement of the mind” (of an offended deity). The reference is to a day of atonement or pacification rather than a day of rest, a day in which one must be careful not to arouse the anger of the god who was supposed to preside over that particular day. Now the term sabattum has been found only 5 or 6 times in the Babylonian inscriptions and in none of them is it connected with the 7th day of a week. There was, however, a sort of institution among the superstitious Babylonians that has been compared with the Hebrew Sabbath. In certain months of the year (Elul, Marcheshvan) the 7th, 14th, 19th, 21st and 28th days were set down as favorable days, or unfavorable days, that is, as days in which the king, the priest and the physician must be careful not to stir up the anger of the deity. On these days the king was not to eat food prepared by fire, not to put on royal dress, not to ride in his chariot, etc. As to the 19th day, it is thought that it was included among the unlucky days because it was the 49th (7 times 7) from the 1st of the preceding month. As there were 30 days in the month, it is evident that we are not dealing with a recurring 7th day in the week, as is the case with the Hebrew Sabbath. Moreover, no proof has been adduced that the term sabattum was ever applied to these dies nefasti or unlucky days. Hence, the assertions of some Assyriologists with regard to the Babylonian origin of the Sabbath must be taken with several grams of salt. Notice must be taken of an ingenious and able paper by Professor M. Jastrow, which was read before the Eleventh International Congress of Orientalists in Paris in 1897, in which the learned author attempts to show that the Hebrew Sabbath was originally a day of propitiation like the Babylonian sabattum (AJT, II, 312- 52). He argues that the restrictive measures in the Hebrew laws for the observance of the Sabbath arose from the original conception of the Sabbath as an unfavorable day, a day in which the anger of Yahweh might flash forth against men. Although Jastrow has supported his thesis with many arguments that are cogent, yet the reverent student of the Scriptures will find it difficult to resist the impression that the Old Testament writers without exception thought of the Sabbath not as an unfavorable or unlucky day but rather as a day set apart for the benefit of man. Whatever may have been the attitude of the early Hebrews toward the day which was to become a characteristic institution of Judaism in all ages and in all lands, the organs of revelation throughout the Old Testament enforce the observance of the Sabbath by arguments which lay emphasis upon its beneficent and humanitarian aspects.

    We must call attention to Meinhold’s ingenious hypothesis as to the origin of the Sabbath. In 1894 Theophilus G. Pinches discovered a tablet in which the term shapattu is applied to the 15th day of the month. Meinhold argues that shabattu in Babylonian denotes the day of the full moon. Dr. Skinner thus describes Meinhold’s theory: “He points to the close association of new-moon and Sabbath in nearly all the pre-exilic references ( Amos 8:5; Hosea 2:11; Isaiah 1:13; 2 Kings 4:23 f); and concludes that in early Israel, as in Babylonia, the Sabbath was the full-moon festival and nothing else. The institution of the weekly Sabbath he traces to a desire to compensate for the loss of the old lunar festivals, when these were abrogated by the Deuteronomic reformation. This innovation he attributes to Ezekiel; but steps toward it are found in the introduction of a weekly day of rest during harvest only (on the ground of Deuteronomy 16:8 f; compare Exodus 34:21), and in the establishment of the sabbatical year (Leviticus 25), which he considers to be older than the weekly Sabbath” (ICC on Gen, p. 39). Dr. Skinner well says that Meinhold’s theory involves great improbabilities. It is not certain that the Babylonians applied the term sabattu to the 15th day of the month because it was the day of the full moon; and it is by no means certain that the early prophets in Israel identified Sabbath with the festival of the full moon.

    The wealth of learning and ingenuity expended in the search for the origin of the Sabbath has up to the present yielded small returns.

    II. HISTORY OF THE SABBATH AFTER MOSES. 1. In the Old Testament: The early prophets and historians occasionally make mention of the Sabbath. It is sometimes named in connection with the festival of the new moon ( 2 Kings 4:23; Amos 8:5; Hosea 2:11; Isaiah 1:13; Ezekiel 46:3). The prophets found fault with the worship on the Sabbath, because it was not spiritual nor prompted by love and gratitude.

    The Sabbath is exalted by the great prophets who faced the crisis of the Babylonian exile as one of the most valuable institutions in Israel’s life.

    Great promises are attached to faithful observance of the holy day, and confession is made of Israel’s unfaithfulness in profaning the Sabbath ( Jeremiah 17:21-27; Isaiah 56:2,4; 58:13; Ezekiel 20:12-24). In the Persian period Nehemiah struggled earnestly to make the people of Jerusalem observe the law of the Sabbath ( Nehemiah 10:31; 13:15-22). 2. In the Inter-Testamental Period: With the development of the synagogue the Sabbath became a day of worship and of study of the Law, as well as a day of cessation from all secular employment. That the pious in Israel carefully observed the Sabbath is clear from the conduct of the Maccabees and their followers, who at first declined to resist the onslaught made by their enemies on the Sabbath (1 Macc 2:29-38); but necessity drove the faithful to defend themselves against hostile attack on the Sabbath (1 Macc 2:39-41). It was during the period between Ezra and the Christian era that the spirit of Jewish legalism flourished. Innumerable restrictions and rules were formulated for the conduct of life under the Law. Great principles were lost to sight in the mass of petty details. Two entire treatises of the Mishna, Shabbath and `Erubhin, are devoted to the details of Sabbath observance.

    The subject is touched upon in other parts of the Mishna; and in the Gemara there are extended discussions, with citations of the often divergent opinions of the rabbis. In the Mishna (Shahbath, vii.2) there are 39 classes of prohibited actions with regard to the Sabbath, and there is much hair-splitting in working out the details. The beginnings of this elaborate definition of actions permitted and actions forbidden are to be found in the centuries immediately preceding the Christian era. The movement was at flood tide during our Lord’s earthly ministry and continued for centuries afterward, in spite of His frequent and vigorous protests. 3. Jesus and the Sabbath: Apart from His claim to be the Messiah, there is no subject on which our Lord came into such sharp conflict with the religious leaders of the Jews as in the matter of Sabbath observance. He set Himself squarely against the current rabbinic restrictions as contrary to the spirit of the original law of the Sabbath. The rabbis seemed to think that the Sabbath was an end in itself, an institution to which the pious Israelite must subject all his personal interests; in other words, that man was made for the Sabbath: man might suffer hardship, but the institution must be preserved inviolate. Jesus, on the contrary, taught that the Sabbath was made for man’s benefit. If there should arise a conflict between man’s needs and the letter of the Law, man’s higher interests and needs must take precedence over the law of the Sabbath ( Matthew 12:1-14; Mark 2:23 through 3:6; Luke 6:1-11; also John 5:1-18; Luke 13:10-17; 14:1-6). There is no reason to think that Jesus meant to discredit the Sabbath as an institution. It was His custom to attend worship in the synagogue on the Sabbath ( Luke 4:16).

    The humane element in the rest day at the end of every week must have appealed to His sympathetic nature. It was the one precept of the Decalogue that was predominantly ceremonial, though it had distinct sociological and moral value. As an institution for the benefit of toiling men and animals, Jesus held the Sabbath in high regard. As the Messiah, He was not subject to its restrictions; He could at any moment assert His lordship over the Sabbath ( Mark 2:28). The institution was not on a par with the great moral precepts, which are unchangeable. It is worthy of note that, while Jesus pushed the moral precepts of the Decalogue into the inner realm of thought and desire, thus making the requirement more difficult and the law more exacting, He fought for a more liberal and lenient interpretation of the law of the Sabbath. Rigorous sabbatarians must look elsewhere for a champion of their views. 4. Paul and the Sabbath: The early Christians kept the 7th day as a Sabbath, much after the fashion of other Jews. Gradually the 1st day of the week came to be recognized as the day on which the followers of Jesus would meet for worship. The resurrection of our Lord on that day made it for Christians the most joyous day of all the week. When Gentiles were admitted into the church, the question at once arose whether they should be required to keep the Law of Moses. It is the glory of Paul that he fought for and won freedom for his Gentile fellow-Christians. It is significant of the attitude of the apostles that the decrees of the Council at Jerusalem made no mention of Sabbath observance in the requirements laid upon Gentile Christians ( Acts 15:28 f). Paul boldly contended that believers in Jesus, whether Jew or Gentile, were set free from the burdens of the Mosaic Law. Even circumcision counted for nothing, now that men were saved by believing in Jesus ( Galatians 5:6). Christian liberty as proclaimed by Paul included all days and seasons. A man could observe special days or not, just as his own judgment and conscience might dictate ( Romans 14:5 f); but in all such matters one ought to be careful not to put a stumblingblock in a brother’s way ( Romans 14:13 ff). That Paul contended for personal freedom in respect of the Sabbath is made quite clear in Colossians 2:16 f, where he groups together dietary laws, feast days, new moons and sabbaths. The early Christians brought over into their mode of observing the Lord’s Day the best elements of the Jewish Sabbath, without its onerous restrictions.) See further LORD’S DAY; ETHICS OF JESUS, I, 3, (1).

    LITERATURE.

    J. A. Hessey, Sunday, Its Origin, History, and Present Obligation (Bampton Lectures for 1860); Zahn, Geschichte des Sonntags, 1878; Davis, Genesis and Semitic Tradition, 1894, 23-35; Jastrow, “The Original Character of the Hebrews Sabbath,” AJT, II, 1898, 312-52; Toy, “The Earliest Form of the Sabbath,” JBL, XVIII. 1899, 190-94; W. Lotz, Questionum de historia Sabbati libri duo, 1883; Nowack, Hebr. Arch., II, 1894, 140 ff; Driver, HDB, IV, 1902, 317-23; ICC, on “Gen,” 1911, 35- 39; Dillmann, Exodus u. Lev3, 1897, 212-16; Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah, II, 1883, 51-62, 777-87; Broadus, Commentary on Mt, 256-61; EB, IV, 1903, 4173-80; Gunkel, Gen3, 1910, 114-16; Meinhold, Sabbat u. Woche im Altes Testament, 1905; Beer, Schabbath, 1908. John Richard Samphey III. SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST POSITION The views entertained by Seventh-Day Adventists concerning the nature and obligation of the Sabbath may conveniently be presented under three general divisions: (1) what the Bible says concerning the Sabbath; (2) what history says concerning the Sabbath; (3) the significance of the Sabbath. 1. What the Bible Says concerning the Sabbath: (1) Old Testament Teaching.

    In their views concerning the institution and primal obligation of the Sabbath, Seventh-Day Adventists are in harmony with the views held by the early representatives of nearly all the evangelical denominations. The Sabbath is coeval with the finishing of creation, and the main facts connected with establishing it are recorded in Genesis 2:2,3. The blessing here placed upon the seventh day distinguishes it from the other days of the week, and the day thus blessed was “sanctified” (King James Version, Revised Version “hallowed”) and set apart for man.

    That the Sabbath thus instituted was well known throughout the Patriarchal age is clearly established both by direct evidence and by necessary inference. “If we had no other passage than this of Genesis 2:3, there would be no difficulty in deducing from it a precept for the universal observance of a Sabbath, or seventh day, to be devoted to God as holy time by all of that race for whom the earth and all things therein were specially prepared. The first men must have known it. The words, `He hallowed it,’ can have no meaning otherwise. They would be a blank unless in reference to some who were required to keep it holy” (Lange’s Commentary on Genesis 2:3, I, 197). “And the day arrived when Moses went to Goshen to see his brethren, that he saw the children of Israel in their burdens and hard labor, and Moses was grieved on their account. And Moses returned to Egypt and came to the house of Pharaoh, and came before the king, and Moses bowed down before the king. And Moses said unto Pharaoh, I pray thee, my lord, I have come to seek a small request from thee, turn not away my face empty; and Pharaoh said unto him, Speak. And Moses said unto Pharaoh, Let there be given unto thy servants the children of Israel who are in Goshen, one day to rest therein from their labor. And the king answered Moses and said, Behold I have lifted up thy face in this thing to grant thy request. And Pharaoh ordered a proclamation to be issued throughout Egypt and Goshen, saying, To you, all the children of Israel, thus says the king, for six days you shall do your work and labor, but on the seventh day you shall rest, and shall not perform any work; thus shall you do in all the days, as the king and Moses the son of Bathia have commanded. And Moses rejoiced at this thing which the king had granted to him, and all the children of Israel did as Moses ordered them. For this thing was from the Lord to the children of Israel, for the Lord had begun to remember the children of Israel to save them for the sake of their fathers. And the Lord was with Moses, and his fame went throughout Egypt. And Moses became great in the eyes of all the Egyptians, and in the eyes of all the children of Israel, seeking good for his people Israel, and speaking words of peace regarding them to the king” (Book of Jashar 70 41-51, published by Noah and Gould, New York, 1840). “Hence, you can see that the Sabbath was before the Law of Moses came, and has existed from the beginning of the world. Especially have the devout, who have preserved the true faith, met together and called upon God on this day” (Luther’s Works, XXXV, p. 330). “Why should God begin two thousand years after (the creation of the world) to give men a Sabbath upon the reason of His rest from the creation of it, if He had never called man to that commemoration before? And it is certain that the Sabbath was observed at the falling of the manna before the giving of the Law; and let any considering Christian judge .... (1) whether the not falling of manna, or the rest of God after the creation, was like to be the original reason of the Sabbath; (2) and whether, if it had been the first, it would not have been said, Remember to keep holy the Sabbath day; for on six days the manna fell, and not on the seventh; rather than for in six days God created heaven and earth, etc., and rested the seventh day.’ And it is casually added, `Wherefore the Lord blessed the Sabbath day, and hallowed it.’ Nay, consider whether this annexed reason intimates not that the day on this ground being hallowed before, therefore it was that God sent not down the manna on that day, and that He prhibited the people from seeking it” (Richard Baxter, Practical Works, III, 774, edition 1707).

    That the Sabbath was known to those who came out of Egypt, even before the giving of the Law at Sinai, is shown from the experience with the manna, as recorded in Exodus 16:22-30. The double portion on the sixth day, and its preservation, was the constantly recurring miracle which reminded the people of their obligation to observe the Sabbath, and that the Sabbath was a definite day, the seventh day. To the people, first wondering at this remarkable occurrence, Moses said, “This is that which the Lord hath said, To morrow is the rest of the holy sabbath unto the Lord” ( Exodus 16:23, King James Version). And to some who went out to gather manna on the seventh day, the Lord administered this rebuke: “How long refuse ye to keep my commandments and my laws?” ( Exodus 16:28). All this shows that the Sabbath law was well understood, and that the failure to observe it rendered the people justly subject to Divine reproof.

    At Sinai, the Sabbath which was instituted at creation, and had been observed during the intervening centuries, was embodied in that formal statement of man’s duties usually designated as the “Ten Commandments.”

    It is treated as an institution already well known and the command is, “Remember the sabbath day, to keep it holy” ( Exodus 20:8). In the 4th commandment the basis of the Sabbath is revealed. It is a memorial of the Creator’s rest at the close of those six days in which He made “heaven and earth, the sea, and all that in them is.” For this reason “Yahweh blessed the sabbath day, and hallowed it.” This blessing was not placed upon the day at Sinai, but in the beginning, when “God blessed the seventh day, and hallowed it” ( Genesis 2:3).

    From the very nature of the basis of the Sabbath, as set forth in this commandment, both the institution itself and the definite day of the Sabbath are of a permanent nature. So long as it is true that God created heaven and earth, and all things therein, so long will the Sabbath remain as a memorial of that work; and so long as it is true that this creative work was completed in six days, and that God Himself rested on the seventh day, and was refreshed in the enjoyment of His completed work, so long will it be true that the memorial of that work can properly be celebrated only upon the seventh day of the week.

    During all the period from the deliverance out of Egypt to the captivity in Babylon, the people of God were distinguished from the nations about them by the worship of the only true God, and the observance of His holy day. The proper observance of the true Sabbath would preserve them from idolatry, being a constant reminder of the one God, the Creator of all things. Even when Jerusalem was suffering from the attacks of the Babylonians, God assured His people, through the prophet Jeremiah, that if they would hallow the Sabbath day, great should be their prosperity, and the city should remain forever ( Jeremiah 17:18). This shows that the spiritual observance of the Sabbath was the supreme test of their right relation to God. In those prophecies of Isaiah, which deal primarily with the restoration from Babylon, remarkable promises were made to those who would observe the Sabbath, as recorded in Isaiah 56:1-7. (2) New Testament Teaching.

    From the record found in the four Gospels, it is plain that the Jews during all the previous centuries had preserved a knowledge both of the Sabbath institution and of the definite day.

    It is equally plain that they had made the Sabbath burdensome by their own rigorous exactions concerning it. And Christ, the Lord of the Sabbath, both by example and by precept, brushed aside these traditions of men that He might reveal the Sabbath of the commandment as God gave it — a blessing and not a burden. A careful reading of the testimony of the evangelists will show that Christ taught the observance of the commandments of God, rather than the traditions of men, and that the charge of Sabbath-breaking was brought against Him for no other reason than that He refused to allow the requirements of man to change the Sabbath, blessed of God, into a merely human institution, grievous in its nature, and enforced upon the people with many and troublesome restrictions.

    All are agreed that Christ and His disciples observed the seventh-day Sabbath previous to the crucifixion. That His followers had received no intimation of any proposed change at His death, is evident from the recorded fact that on the day when He was in the tomb they rested, “on the sabbath .... according to the commandment” ( Luke 23:56); and that they treated the following day, the first day of the week, the same as of old, is further evident, as upon that day they came unto the sepulcher for the purpose of anointing the body of Jesus. In the Book of Acts, which gives a brief history of the work of the disciples in proclaiming the gospel of a risen Saviour, no other Sabbath is recognized than the seventh day, and this is mentioned in the most natural way as the proper designation of a well-known institution ( Acts 13:14,27,42; 16:13; 18:4).

    In our Lord’s great prophecy, in which He foretold the experience of the church between the first and the second advent, He recognized the seventh-day Sabbath as an existing institution at the time of the destruction of Jerusalem (70 AD), when He instructed His disciples, “Pray ye that your flight be not in the winter, neither on a sabbath” ( Matthew 24:20). Such instruction given in these words, and at that time, would have been confusing in the extreme, had there been any such thing contemplated as the overthrow of the Sabbath law at the crucifixion, and the substitution of another day upon an entirely different basis.

    That the original Sabbath is to be observed, not only during the present order of things, but also after the restoration when, according to the vision of the revelator, a new heaven and a new earth will take the place of the heaven and the earth that now are, is clearly intimated in the words of the Lord through the prophet Isaiah: “For as the new heavens and the new earth, which I will make, shall remain before me, saith Yahweh, so shall your seed and your name remain. And it shall come to pass, that from one new moon to another, and from one sabbath to another, shall all flesh come to worship before me, saith Yahweh” ( Isaiah 66:22,23).

    Seventh-Day Adventists regard the effort to establish the observance of another day than the seventh by using such texts as John 20:19,26; Acts 20:7; 1 Corinthians 16:1,2; Revelation 1:10 as being merely an afterthought, an effort to find warrant for an observance established upon other than Biblical authority. During the last two or three centuries there has been a movement for the restoration of the original seventh-day Sabbath, not as a Jewish, but as a Christian, institution. This work, commenced and carried forward by the Seventh-Day Baptists, has been taken up and pushed with renewed vigor by the Seventh-Day Adventists during the present generation, and the Bible teaching concerning the true Sabbath is now being presented in nearly every country, both civilized and uncivilized, on the face of the earth. 2. What History Says about the Sabbath: (1) Josephus.

    This summary of history must necessarily be brief, and it will be impossible, for lack of space, to quote authorities. From the testimony of Josephus it is clear that the Jews, as a nation, continued to observe the seventh-day Sabbath until their overthrow, when Jerusalem was captured by Titus, AD. As colonies, and individuals, scattered over the face of the earth, the Jews have preserved a knowledge of the original Sabbath, and the definite day, until the present time. They constitute a living testimony for the benefit of all who desire to know the truth of this matter. (2) Church History.

    According to church history, the seventh-day Sabbath was observed by the early church, and no other day was observed as a Sabbath during the first two or three centuries (see HDB, IV, 322 b).

    In the oft-repeated letter of Pliny, the Roman governor of Bithynia, to the emperor Trajan, written about 112 AD, there occurs the expression, “a certain stated day,” which is usually assumed to mean Sunday. With reference to this matter W.B. Taylor, in Historical Commentaries, chapter i, section 47, makes the following statement: “As the Sabbath day appears to have been quite as commonly observed at this date as the sun’s day (if not even more so), it is just as probable that this `stated day’ referred to by Pliny was the 7th day as that it was the 1st day; though the latter is generally taken for granted.” “Sunday was distinguished as a day of joy by the circumstances that men did not fast upon it, and that they prayed standing up and not kneeling, as Christ had now been raised from the dead.

    The festival of Sunday, like all other festivals, was always only a human ordinance, and it was far from the intentions of the apostles to establish a divine command in this respect, far from them, and from the early apostolic church, to transfer the laws of the Sabbath to Sunday. Perhaps at the end of the 2nd century, a false application of this kind had begun to take place; for men appear by that time to have considered laboring on Sunday as a sin” (Tertullian Deuteronomy Orat., c. 23). This quotation is taken from Rose’s Neander, London, 1831, I, 33 f, and is the correct translation from Neander’s first German edition, Hamburg, 1826, I, pt. 2, p. 339. Neander has in his 2nd edition, 1842, omitted the second sentence, in which he expressly stated that Sunday was only a human ordinance, but he has added nothing to the contrary. “The Christians in the ancient church very soon distinguished the first day of the week, Sunday; however, not as a Sabbath, but as an assembly day of the church, to study the Word of God together and to celebrate the ordinances one with another: without a shadow of doubt this took place as early as the first part of the 2nd century” (Geschichte des Sonntags, 60).

    Gradually, however, the first day of the week came into prominence as an added day, but finally by civil and ecclesiastical authority as a required observance. The first legislation on this subject was the famous law of Constantine, enacted 321 AD. The acts of various councils during the 4th and 5th centuries established the observance of the first day of the week by ecclesiastical authority, and in the great apostasy which followed, the rival day obtained the ascendancy. During the centuries which followed, however, there were always witnesses for the true Sabbath, although under great persecution. And thus in various lands, the knowledge of the true Sabbath has been preserved. 3. The Significance of the Sabbath: In the creation of the heavens and the earth the foundation of the gospel was laid. At the close of His created work, “God saw everything that he had made, and, behold, it was very good” ( Genesis 1:31). The Sabbath was both the sign and the memorial of that creative power which is able to make all things good. But man, made in the image of God, lost that image through sin. In the gospel, provision is made for the restoration of the image of God in the soul of man. The Creator is the Redeemer and redemption is the new creation. Since the Sabbath was the sign of that creative power which worked in Christ, the Word, in the making of the heaven and the earth and all things therein, so it is the sign of that same creative power working through the same eternal Word for the restoration of all things. “Wherefore if any man is in Christ, there is a new creation: the old things are passed away; behold, they are become new” (2 Cor 5:17 margin). “For neither is circumcision anything, nor uncircumcision, but a new creation” ( Galatians 6:15 margin). “For we are his workmanship, created in Christ Jesus for good works, which God afore prepared that we should walk in them” ( Ephesians 2:10).

    A concrete illustration of this gospel meaning of the Sabbath is found in the deliverance of Israel from Egypt. The same creative power which wrought in the beginning was exercised in the signs and miracles which preceded their deliverance, and in those miracles, such as the opening of the Red Sea, the giving of the manna, and the water from the rock, which attended the journeyings of the Israelites. In consequence of these manifestations of creative power in their behalf, the children of Israel were instructed to remember in their observance of the Sabbath that they were bondsmen in the land of Egypt. Israel’s deliverance from Egypt is the type of every man’s deliverance from sin; and the instruction to Israel concerning the Sabbath shows its true significance in the gospel of salvation from sin, and the new creation in the image of God.

    Furthermore, the seventh-day Sabbath is the sign of both the divinity and the deity of Christ. God only can create. He through whom this work is wrought must be one with God. To this the Scriptures testify: “In the beginning was the Word, .... and the Word was God. .... All things were made through him; and without him was not anything made that hath been made.” But this same Word which was with God, and was God, “became flesh, and dwelt among us” ( John 1:1,3,14). This is the eternal Son, “in whom we have our redemption through his blood, the forgiveness of our trespasses, according to the riches of his grace” ( Ephesians 1:7). To the Christian the Sabbath, which was the sign and memorial of that divine power which wrought through the eternal Word in the creation of the heaven and the earth, becomes the sign of the same power working through the same eternal Son to accomplish the new creation, and is thus the sign of both the divinity and the deity of Christ.

    Inasmuch as the redemptive work finds its chiefest expression in the cross of Christ, the Sabbath, which is the sign of that redemptive work, becomes the sign of the cross.

    Seventh-Day Adventists teach and practice the observance of the Sabbath, not because they believe in salvation through man’s effort to keep the law of God, but because they believe in that salvation which alone can be accomplished by the creative power of God working through the eternal Son to create believers anew in Christ Jesus.

    Seventh-Day Adventists believe, and teach, that the observance of any other day than the seventh as the Sabbath is the sign of that predicted apostasy in which the man of sin would be revealed who would exalt himself above all that is called God, or that is worshipped.

    Seventh-Day Adventists believe, and teach, that the observance of the true Sabbath in this generation is a part of that gospel work which is to make ready a people prepared for the Lord. W. W. Prescott SABBATH-BREAKING <sab’-bath-brak’-ing > . See CRIMES; PUNISHMENTS.

    SABBATH, COURT OF THE See COVERED WAY.

    SABBATH, DAY BEFORE THE See DAY BEFORE THE SABBATH.

    SABBATH DAY’S JOURNEY <jur’-ni > ([sabba>tou oJdo>v, sabbatou hodos ]): Used only in Acts 1:12, where it designates the distance from Jerusalem to the Mount of Olives, to which Jesus led His disciples on the day of His ascension. The expression comes from rabbinical usage to indicate the distance a Jew might travel on the Sabbath without transgressing the Law, the command against working on that day being interpreted as including travel (see Exodus 16:27-30). The limit set by the rabbis to the Sabbath day’s journey was 2,000 cubits from one’s house or domicile, which was derived from the statement found in Joshua 3:4 that this was the distance between the ark and the people on their march, this being assumed to be the distance between the tents of the people and the tabernacle during the sojourn in the wilderness. Hence, it must have been allowable to travel thus far to attend the worship of the tabernacle. We do not know when this assumption in regard to the Sabbath day’s journey was made, but it seems to have been in force in the time of Christ. The distance of the Mount of Olives from Jerusalem is stated in Josephus (Ant., XX, viii, 6) to have been five stadia or furlongs and in BJ, V, ii, 3, six stadia, the discrepancy being explained by supposing a different point of departure. This would make the distance of the Sabbath day’s journey from 1,000 to 1,200 yards, the first agreeing very closely with the 2,000 cubits. The rabbis, however, invented a way of increasing this distance without technically infringing the Law, by depositing some food at the 2,000-cubit limit, before the Sabbath, and declaring that spot a temporary domicile. They might then proceed 2,000 cubits from this point without transgressing the Law.

    And in some cases even this intricacy of preparation was unnecessary. If, for instance, the approach of the Sabbath found one on his journey, the traveler might select some tree or some stone wall at a distance of 2,000 paces and mentally declare this to be his residence for the Sabbath, in which case he was permitted to go the 2,000 paces to the selected tree or wall and also 2,000 paces beyond, but in such a case he must do the work thoroughly and must say: “Let my Sabbath residence be at the trunk of that tree,” for if he merely said: “Let my Sabbath residence be under that tree,” this would not be sufficient, because the, expression would be too general and indefinite (Tractate `Erubhin 4:7).

    Other schemes for extending the distance have been devised, such as regarding the quarter of the town in which one dwells, or the whole town itself, as the domicile, thus allowing one to proceed from any part of the town to a point 2,000 cubits beyond its utmost limits. This was most probably the case with walled towns, at least, and boundary stones have been found in the vicinity of Gaza with inscriptions supposed to mark these limits. The 2,000-cubit limits around the Levitical cities ( Numbers 35:5) may have suggested the limit of the Sabbath day’s journey also. The term came to be used as a designation of distance which must have been more or less definite. H. Porter SABBATH, MORROW AFTER THE See MORROW AFTER THE SABBATH.

    SABBATH, SECOND AFTER THE FIRST ([sa>bbaton deutero>prwton, sabbaton deuteroproton ] ( Luke 6:1), literally, “the second-first sabbath,” of the Revised Version margin): We will mention only a few of the explanations elicited by this expression. (1) It was the first Sabbath in the second year of a 7-year cycle comprising the period from one Sabbatic year to the other; (2) the first Sabbath after the second day of Passover, i.e. the first of the seven Sabbaths the Hebrews were to “count unto” themselves from “the morrow after the sabbath” (the day after Easter) until Pentecost ( Leviticus 23:15); (3) the first Sabbath in the Jewish ecclesiastical year (about the middle of March), the first Sabbath in the civil year (about the middle of September) being counted as the “first-first” Sabbath; (4) the term deuteroprotos , is a monstrous combination of the words deuteros , “second,” and protos , “first,” attributable to unskillful attempts at textual emendation on the part of copyists. This supposition would, of course, render unnecessary all other efforts to unravel the knotty problem, and, as a matter of fact, deuteroprotos is omitted by many manuscripts (including Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Vaticanus).

    To those not feeling inclined to accept this solution we would suggest the first of the above-named explanations as the most natural and probable one. William Baur SABBATHEUS <sab-a-the’-us > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SABBATEUS (which see).

    SABBATHS, OF YEARS <sab’-aths > , ([ µyniv; ttoB]v” , shabbethoth shanim ]; [ajnapau>seiv ejtw~n, anapauseis eton ] ( Leviticus 25:8)): The seven sabbatic years preceding the Year of Jubilee. See SABBATICAL YEAR; JUBILEE YEAR; ASTRONOMY, I, 5.

    SABBATICAL, YEAR <sa-bat’-ik-al > , [ ˆwOtB;v” tn”v] , shenath shabbathon ]; [ejniautosewv, eniautos anapauseos ], “a year of solemn rest”; or [ ˆwOtB;v” tB”v” , shabbath shabbathon ]; [sa>bbata ajna>pausiv, sabbata anapausis ], “a sabbath of solemn rest” ( Leviticus 25:4); or [ hF;miV]h” tn”v] , shehath ha-shemittah ]; [e]tov th~v ajfe>sewv, etos tes apheseos ], “the year of release” ( Deuteronomy 15:9; 31:10)): 1. PRIMARY INTENTION:

    We find the first rudiments of this institution in the so-called Covenant Book (Exodus 21-23). Its connection with the day of rest (Sabbath) is obvious, although it strikes us as somewhat remarkable that in Exodus 23:10-12 the regulation regarding the 7th year should precede the statute respecting the 7th day. Still it seems natural that after the allusion in verse 9, “Ye were sojourners in the land of Egypt,” the Covenant Book should put in a good word for the poor in Israel (verse 11: “Let it rest and lie fallow, that the poor of thy people may eat”). Even the beasts of the field are remembered (compare Jon 4:11).

    We must, therefore, conclude that in this early period of the history of Israel the regulation regarding the 7th year was primarily intended for the relief of the poor and for the awakening of a sense of responsibility in the hearts of those better provided with the means of subsistence. It would be wrong, however, to deny its Sabbatic character, for the text says expressly, “But in the 7th year thou shalt let it rest” (literally, “thou shalt release it”), implying that the land was entitled to a rest because it needed it; it must be released for a time in order to gain fresh strength and insure its future fertility. Two motives, then, present themselves most clearly, one of a social, the other of an economic character, and both are rooted in God’s dealings with Israel (compare Exodus 21:1). 2. MOSAIC LEGISLATION HUMANE:

    Another evidence of the humane spirit pervading the Mosaic Law may be found in Exodus 21:2-6 where, in the case of a Hebrew slave, the length of his servitude is limited to six years. The connection with the idea of the Sabbath is evident, but we fail to detect here any reference to the Sabbatical year. It is clear that the 7th year in which a slave might be set free need not necessarily coincide with the Sabbatical year, though it might, of course, The same is true of Deuteronomy 15:12-18; it has nothing to do with the Sabbatical year. On the other hand it is reasonable to assume that the “release” mentioned in Deuteronomy 15:1-3 took place in the Sabbatical year; in other words, its scope had been enlarged in later years so as to include the release from pecuniary obligation, i.e. the remission of debts or, at least, their temporary suspension. This means that the children of Israel were now developing from a purely agricultural people to a commercial nation. Still the same spirit of compassion for the poor and those struggling for a living asserts itself as in the earlier period, and it goes without saying that the old regulation concerning the release of the land in the 7th year was still in force (compare 15:2: “because Yahweh’s release hath been proclaimed”).

    According to Deuteronomy 15:1, this proclamation occurred at the end of every 7 years, or, rather, during the 7th year; for we must be careful not to strain the expression “at the end” (compare 15:9, where the 7th year is called “the year of release”; it is quite natural to identify this 7th year with the Sabbatical year).

    Moreover, we are now almost compelled to assert the Sabbatical year by this time had become an institution observed simultaneously all over the country. From the wording of the regulation regarding the 7th year in the Covenant Book we are not certain about this in those early times. But now it is different. “Yahweh’s release hath been proclaimed.” 3. GENERAL OBSERVANCE:

    It was a solemn and general proclamation, the date of which was very likely the day of atonement in the 7th month (the Sabbatical month). The celebration of the Feast of Tabernacles (booths) began five days later and it lasted from the 15th day to the 21st of the 7th month (Tisri). In the Sabbatical year, at that time, the Law was read “before all Israel in their hearing,” a fact which tends to prove that the Sabbatical year had become a matter of general and simultaneous observance (compare Deuteronomy 31:10-13). Another lesson may be deduced from this passage: it gives us a hint respecting the use to which the people may have put their leisure time during the 12 months of Sabbatical rest; it may have been a period of religious and probably other instruction.

    In Leviticus 25:1-7 the central idea of the Sabbatical year is unfolded.

    Although it has been said we should be careful not to look for too much of the ideal and dogmatic in the institutions of the children of Israel, yet we must never lose sight of the religious and educational character even of their ancient legislation. 4. CENTRAL IDEA:

    One central thought is brought home to them, namely, God is the owner of the soil, and through His grace only the chosen people have come into its possession. Their time, i.e. they themselves, belong to Him: this is the deepest meaning of the day of rest; their land, i.e. their means of subsistence, belong to Him: this reveals to us the innermost significance of the year of rest. It was Yahweh’s pleasure to call the children of Israel into life, and if they live and work and prosper, they are indebted to His unmerited loving-kindness. They should, therefore, put their absolute trust in Him, never doubt His word or His power, always obey Him and so always receive His unbounded blessings.

    If we thus put all the emphasis on the religious character of the Sabbatical year, we are in keeping with the idea permeating the Old Testament, namely that the children of Israel are the chosen people of Yahweh. All their agricultural, social, commercial and political relations were to be built upon their divine calling and shaped according to God’s sovereign will.

    But did they live up to it? Or, to limit the question to our subject: Did they really observe the Sabbatical year? There are those who hold that the law regarding the Sabbatical year was not observed before the captivity. In order to prove this assertion they point to Leviticus 26:34 f,43; also to 2 Chronicles 36:21. But all we can gather from these passages is the palpable conclusion that the law regarding the Sabbatical year had not been strictly obeyed, a deficiency which may mar the effect of any law.

    The possibility of observing the precept respecting the Sabbatical year is demonstrated by the post-exilic history of the Jewish people. Nehemiah registers the solemn fact that the reestablished nation entered into a covenant to keep the law and to maintain the temple worship ( Nehemiah 9:38; 10:32 ff). In 10:31 of the last-named chapter he alludes to the 7th year, “that we would forego the 7th year, and the exaction of every debt.” We are not sure of the exact meaning of this short allusion; it may refer to the Sabbatical rest of the land and the suspension of debts.

    For a certainty we know that the Sabbatical year was observed by the Jews at the time of Alexander the Great. When he was petitioned by the Samaritans “that he would remit the tribute of the 7th year to them, because they did not sow therein, he asked who they were that made such a petition”; he was told they were Hebrews, etc. (Josephus, Ant, XI, viii, 6).

    During Maccabean and Asmonean times the law regarding the Sabbatical year was strictly observed, although it frequently weakened the cause of the Jews (1 Macc 6:49,53; Josephus, Ant, XIII, viii, 1; compare Josephus, Jewish Wars, I, ii, 4; Ant, XIV, x, 6; XV, i, 2). Again we may find references to the Sabbatical year in Josephus, Ant, XIV, xvi, 2, etc.; Tac.

    Hist. v.4, etc., all of which testifies to the observance of the Sabbatical year in the Herodian era. The words of Tacitus show the proud Roman’s estimate of the Jewish character and customs: “For the 7th day they are said to have prescribed rest because this day ended their labors; then, in addition, being allured by their lack of energy, they also spend the 7th year in laziness.” See also ASTRONOMY, I, 5, (3), (4); JUBILEE YEAR.

    William Baur SABBEUS <sa-be’-us > ([ Sabbai>av, Sabbaias ]): In 1 Esdras 9:32, the same as “Shemaiah” in Ezra 10:31.

    SABI <sa’-bi > : (1) Codex Alexandrinus [ Sabei>, Sabei ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Twbei>v, Tobeis ], Fritzache; the King James Version, Sami): Eponym of a family of porters who returned with Zerubbabel (1 Esdras 5:28) = “Shobai” in Ezra 2:42; Nehemiah 7:45. (2) The King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SABIE (which see).

    SABIAS <sa-bi’-as > ([ Sabi>av, Sabias ], Fritzsche, [ jAsabi>av, Asabias ]; the King James Version Assabias): One of the six “captains over thousands” who supplied the Levites with much cattle for Josiah’s Passover (1 Esdras 1:9) = “Hashabiah” in 2 Chronicles 35:9.

    SABIE <sa’-bi-e > ([ Sabeih>, Sabeie ], or [ Sabih>, Sabie ]; the King James Version Sabi): In 1 Esdras 5:34 both the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American), following Codex Alexandrinus, read “the sons of Phacareth, the sons of Sabie” (the King James Version “Sabi”) for the “Pochereth-hazzebaim” of Ezra 2:57; Nehemiah 7:59. Codex Vaticanus reads correctly as one proper name: “Phacareth Sabie.”

    SABTA OR SABTAH <sab’-ta > ([ aT;b]s” , cabhta’ ], [ hT;b]s” , cabhtah ]): Third son of Cush ( Genesis 10:7 = 1 Chronicles 1:9). A place Sabta is probably to be looked for in South Arabia. Arab geographers give no exact equivalent of the name. Al Bekri (i.65) quotes a line of early poetry in which Dhu ‘l Sabta is mentioned, and the context might indicate a situation in Yemamah; but the word is possibly not a proper name. It is usually identified with Saubatha (Ptol., vi.7, 38) or with the Sabota of Pliny (vi.32; xii.32), an old mercantile city in South Arabia celebrated for its trade in frankincense and, according to Ptolemy, possessing 60 temples. It is said also to have been the territory of a king Elisarus, whose name presents a striking resemblance to Dhu ‘l-Adhar, one of the “Tubbas” or Himyarite kings of Yemen.

    Another conjecture is the Saphtha of Ptolemy (vi.7, 30) near the Arabian shore of the Persian Gulf. A. S. Fulton SABTECA <sab’te-ka > ([ ak;T]b]s” , cabhtekha’ ]; [ Sabakaqa>, Sabakatha ], [ Sebeqaca>, Sebethacha ]; the King James Version Sabtechah): The 5th named of the sons of Cush in the genealogy of Genesis 10:5-7. In Chronicles 1:8,9 the King James Version reads “Sabtecha,” the Revised Version (British and American) “Sabteca.” Many conjectures have been made as to the place here indicated. Recently Glazer (Skizze, II, 252) has revived the suggestion of Bochart that it is to be identified with Samydake in Carmania on the East of the Persian Gulf. This seems to rest on nothing more than superficial resemblance of the names; but the phonetic changes involved are difficult. Others have thought of various places in Arabia, toward the Persian Gulf; but the data necessary for any satisfactory decision are not now available. W. Ewing SACAR <sa’-kar > ([ rk;c; , sakhar ]): (1) Father of Ahiam, a follower of David ( 1 Chronicles 11:35, Codex Vaticanus [ jAca>r, Achar ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Saca>r, Sachar ] = “Sharar” of 2 Samuel 23:33; Sharar is favored as the original reading). (2) Eponym of a family of gatekeepers ( 1 Chronicles 26:4).

    SACKBUT <sak’-but > . See MUSIC, III, 1, (f).

    SACKCLOTH <sak’-kloth > . See BURIAL.

    SACRAMENTS <sak’-ra-ments > : 1. THE TERM:

    The word “sacrament” comes from the Latin sacramentum, which in the classical period of the language was used in two chief senses: (1) as a legal term to denote the sum of money deposited by two parties to a suit which was forfeited by the loser and appropriated to sacred uses; (2) as a military term to designate the oath of obedience taken by newly enlisted soldiers. Whether referring to an oath of obedience or to something set apart for a sacred purpose, it is evident that sacramentum would readily lend itself to describe such ordinances as Baptism and the Lord’s Supper. In the Greek New Testament, however, there is no word nor even any general idea corresponding to “sacrament,” nor does the earliest history of Christianity afford any trace of the application of the term to certain rites of the church. Pliny (circa 112 AD) describes the Christians of Bithynia as “binding themselves by a sacramentum to commit no kind of crime” (Epistles x.97), but scholars are now pretty generally agreed that Pliny here uses the word in its old Roman sense of an oath or solemn obligation, so that its occurrence in this passage is nothing more than an interesting coincidence.

    It is in the writings of Tertullian (end of 2nd and beginning of 3rd century) that we find the first evidence of the adoption of the word as a technical term to designate Baptism, the Lord’s Supper, and other rites of the Christian church. This Christian adoption of sacramentum may have been partly occasioned by the evident analogies which the word suggests with Baptism and the Lord’s Supper; but what appears to have chiefly determined its history in this direction was the fact that in the Old Latin versions (as afterward in the Vulgate) it had been employed to translate the Greek [musth>rion, musterion ], “a mystery” (e.g. Ephesians 5:32; Timothy 3:16; Revelation 1:20; 17:7) — an association of ideas which was greatly fostered in the early church by the rapidly growing tendency to an assimilation of Christian worship with the mystery-practices of the Greek-Roman world. 2. NATURE AND NUMBER:

    Though especially employed to denote Baptism and the Lord’s Supper, the name “sacraments” was for long used so loosely and vaguely that it was applied to facts and doctrines of Christianity as well as to its symbolic rites.

    Augustine’s definition of a sacrament as “the visible form of an invisible grace” so far limited its application. But we see how widely even a definition like this might be stretched when we find Hugo of Victor (12th century) enumerating as many as 30 sacraments that had been recognized in the church. The Council of Trent was more exact when it declared that visible forms are sacraments only when they represent an invisible grace and become its channels, and when it sought further to delimit the sacramental area by reenacting (1547) a decision of the Council of Florence (1439), in which for the first time the authority of the church was given to a suggestion of Peter Lombard (12th century) and other schoolmen that the number of the sacraments should be fixed at seven, namely, Baptism, Confirmation, the Eucharist, Penance, Extreme Unction, Orders, and Matrimony — a suggestion which was supported by certain fanciful analogies designed to show that seven was a sacred number.

    The divergence of the Protestant churches from this definition and scheme was based on the fact that these proceeded on no settled principles. The notion that there are seven sacraments has no New Testament authority, and must be described as purely arbitrary; while the definition of a sacrament is still so vague that anything but an arbitrary selection of particulars is impossible. It is perfectly arbitrary, for example, to place Baptism and the Lord’s Supper, which were instituted by Christ as ordinances of the church, in the same category with marriage, which rests not on His appointment but on a natural relationship between the sexes that is as old as the human race. While, therefore, the Reformers retained the term “sacrament” as a convenient one to express the general idea that has to be drawn from the characteristics of the rites classed together under this name, they found the distinguishing marks of sacraments (1) in their institution by Christ, (2) in their being enjoined by Him upon His followers, (3) in their being bound up with His word and revelation in such a way that they become “the expressions of divine thoughts, the visible symbols of divine acts.” And, since Baptism and the Lord’s Supper are the only two rites for which such marks can be claimed, it follows that there are only two New Testament sacraments. Their unique place in the original revelation justifies us in separating them from all other rites and ceremonies that may have arisen in the history of the church, since it raises them to the dignity of forming an integral part of the historical gospel. A justification for their being classed together under a common name may be found, again, in the way in which they are associated in the New Testament ( Acts 2:41,42; 1 Corinthians 10:1-4) and also in the analogy which Paul traces between Baptism and the Lord’s Supper on the one hand, and Circumcision and the Passover — the two most distinctive rites of the Old Covenant — on the other ( Colossians 2:11; 1 Corinthians 5:7; 11:26). 3. INSTITUTION BY CHRIST:

    The assumption made above, that both Baptism and the Lord’s Supper owe their origin as sacraments of the church to their definite appointment by Christ Himself, has been strongly challenged by some modern critics. (1) In regard to Baptism it has been argued that as Mark 16:15 f occurs in a passage (16:9-20) which textual criticism has shown to have formed no part of the original Gospel, Matthew 28:19, standing by itself, is too slender a foundation to support the belief that the ordinance rests upon an injunction of Jesus, more especially as its statements are inconsistent with the results of historical criticism. These results, it is affirmed, prove that all the narratives of the Forty Days are legendary, that Matthew 28:19 in particular only canonizes a later ecclesiastical situation, that its universalism is contrary to the facts of early Christian history, and its Trinitarian formula “foreign to the mouth of Jesus” (see Harnack, History of Dogma, I, 79, and the references there given). It is evident, however, that some of these objections rest upon anti-supernatural pre-suppositions that really beg the question at issue, and others on conclusions for which real premises are wanting. Over against them all we have to set the positive and weighty fact that from the earliest days of Christianity Baptism appears as the rite of initiation into the fellowship of the church ( Acts 2:38,41, et passim), and that even Paul, with all his freedom of thought and spiritual interpretation of the gospel, never questioned its necessity (compare Romans 6:3 ff; 1 Corinthians 12:13; Ephesians 4:5). On any other supposition than that of its appointment by our Lord Himself it is difficult to conceive how within the brief space of years between the death of Jesus and the apostle’s earliest references to the subject, the ordinance should not only have originated but have established itself in so absolute a manner for Jewish and Gentile Christians alike. (2) In the case of the Lord’s Supper the challenge of its institution by Christ rests mainly upon the fact that the saying, “This do in remembrance of me,” is absent from the Mark-Matthew text, and is found only in the Supper-narratives of Paul (1 Cor 11:24,25) and his disciple Luke ( Luke 22:19). Upon this circumstance large structures of critical hypothesis have been reared. It has been affirmed that in the upper room Jesus was only holding a farewell supper with His disciples, and that it never occurred to Him to institute a feast of commemoration. It has further been maintained that the views of Jesus regarding the speedy consummation of His kingdom make it impossible that He should have dreamed of instituting a sacrament to commemorate His death. The significance of the feast was eschatological merely; it was a pledge of a glorious future hour in the perfected kingdom of God (see Matthew 26:29 and parallels). And theory has even been advanced that the institution of this sacrament as an ordinance of the church designed to commemorate Christ’s death was due to the initiative of Paul, who is supposed to have been influenced in this direction by what he had seen in Corinth and elsewhere of the mystery-practices of the Greek world.

    All these hypothetical fabrics fall, of course, to the ground if the underlying assumption that Jesus never said, “This do in remembrance of me,” is shown to be unwarrantable. And it is unwarrantable to assume that a saying of Jesus which is vouched for by Paul and Luke cannot be authentic because it does not occur in the corresponding narratives of Matthew and Mark. In these narratives, which are highly compressed in any case, the first two evangelists would seem to have confined themselves to setting down those sayings which formed the essential moments of the Supper and gave its symbolic contents. The command of its repetition they may have regarded as sufficiently embodied and expressed in the universal practice of the church from the earliest days. For as to that practice there is no question ( Acts 2:42,46; 20:7; 1 Corinthians 10:16; 11:26), and just as little that it rested upon the belief that Christ had enjoined it. “Every assumption of its having originated in the church from the recollection of intercourse with Jesus at table, and the necessity felt for recalling His death, is precluded” (Weizsacker, Apostolic Age, II, 279). That the simple historical supper of Jesus with His disciples in the upper room was converted by Paul into an institution for the Gentile and Jewish churches alike is altogether inconceivable. The primitive church had its bitter controversies, but there is no trace of any controversy as to the origin and institutional character of the Lord’s Supper. 4. EFFICACY:

    In the New Testament the sacraments are presented as means of grace.

    Forgiveness ( Acts 2:38), cleansing ( Ephesians 5:25 f), spiritual quickening ( Colossians 2:12) are associated with Baptism; the Lord’s Supper is declared to be a participation in the body and blood of Christ (1 Cor 10:16). So far all Christians are agreed; but wide divergence shows itself thereafter. According to the doctrine of the Roman church, sacraments are efficacious ex opere operato, i.e. in virtue of a power inherent in themselves as outward acts whereby they communicate saving benefits to those who receive them without opposing any obstacle. The Reformed doctrine, on the other hand, teaches that their efficacy lies not in themselves as outward acts, but in the blessing of Christ and the operation of His Spirit, and that it is conditioned by faith in the recipient. The traditional Lutheran doctrine agrees with the Reformed in affirming that faith is necessary as the condition of saving benefits in the use of the sacraments, but resembles the Roman teaching in ascribing the efficacy of Baptism and the Lord’s Supper, not to the attendant working of the Holy Spirit, but to a real inherent and objective virtue resident in them — a virtue, however, which does not lie (as the Roman church says) in the mere elements and actions of the sacraments, but in the power of the divine word which they embody. See BAPTISM; LORD’S SUPPER.

    LITERATURE.

    Candlish, The Christian Sacraments; Lambert, The Sacraments in the New Testament; Bartlet, Apostolic Age, 495 ff; Hodge, Systematic Theology, III, chapter xx. J. C. Lambert SACRIFICE <sak’-ri-fis > , <sak’-ri-fiz > :

    IN THE OLD TESTAMENT I. Terms and Definitions. [ jb”z, , zebhach ], “sacrifice”; [ hl;wO[ , `olah ], “burnt offering”; [ ha;f;j\ , chata’ah ], [ taF;j” , chatta’th ], “sin offering”; [ µv;a; , ‘asham ], “guilt” or “trespass offering”: [ µl,v, , shelem ], [ µymil;v] , shelamim ], “peace offerings”; [ hj;n]mi , minchah ], “offering,” “present”; [ µymil;v] jb”z, , zebhach shelamim ], “sacrifice of peace offerings”; [ hd;wOTh” jb”z, , zebhach ha-todhah ], “thank offerings”; [ hb;d;n] jb”z, , zebhach nedhabhah ], “free-will offerings”; [ rd,n, jb”z, , zebhach nedher ], “votive offerings”; [ hb;WnT] , tenuphah ], “wave offering”; [ hm;RwT] , terumah ], “heave offering”; [ ˆB;r]q; , qorban ], “oblation,” “gift”; [ hV,a , ‘ishsheh ], “fire offering”; [ Ës,n, , necekh ], “drink offering”; [ lyliK; , kalil ], “whole burnt offering”; [ gj” , chagh ], “feast”; [ hn;wObli , lebhonah ], “frankincense”; [ hr;wOfq] , qetorah ], [ tr,wOfq] , qetoreth ], “odor,” “incense”; [ jl”m, , melach ], “salt”; [ ˆm,v, , shemen ], “oil”: Zebhach : a “slaughtered animal,” a “sacrifice,” general term for animals used in sacrifice, including burnt offerings, peace offerings, thank offerings, and all sacrifices offered to the Deity and eaten at the festivals. More particularly it refers to the flesh eaten by the worshippers after the fat parts had been burned on the altar and the priest had received his portion. `Olah : a “burnt offering,” sometimes whole burnt offering. Derived from the verb `alah , “to go up.” It may mean “that which goes up to the altar” (Knobel, Wellhausen, Nowack, etc.), or “that which goes up in smoke to the sky” (Bahr, Delitzsch, Dillmann, etc.); sometimes used synonymously with kalil (which see). The term applies to beast or fowl when entirely consumed upon the altar, the hide of the beast being taken by the priest.

    This was perhaps the most solemn of the sacrifices, and symbolized worship in the full sense, i.e. adoration, devotion, dedication, supplication, and at times expiation. Chota’ah , chatta’th : a “sin offering,” a special kind, first mentioned in the Mosaic legislation. It is essentially expiatory, intended to restore covenant relations with the Deity. The special features were: (1) the blood must be sprinkled before the sanctuary, put upon the horns of the altar of incense and poured out at the base of the altar of burnt offering; (2) the flesh was holy, not to be touched by worshipper, but eaten by the priest only. The special ritual of the Day of Atonement centers around the sin offering. ‘Asham : “guilt offering,” “trespass offering” (King James Version; in Isaiah 53:10, the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American) “an offering for sin,” the American Revised Version margin “trespass offering”). A special kind of sin offering introduced in the Mosaic Law and concerned with offenses against God and man that could be estimated by a money value and thus covered by compensation or restitution accompanying the offering. A ram of different degrees of value, and worth at least two shekels, was the usual victim, and it must be accompanied by full restitution with an additional fifth of the value of the damage. The leper and Nazirite could offer he-lambs. The guilt toward God was expiated by the blood poured out, and the guilt toward men by the restitution and fine. The calling of the Servant an ‘asham ( Isaiah 53:10) shows the value attached to this offering. Shelem , shelamim : “peace offering,” generally used the plural, shelamim , only once shelem ( Amos 5:22). These were sacrifices of friendship expressing or promoting peaceful relations with the Deity, and almost invariably accompanied by a meal or feast, an occasion of great joy. They are sometimes called zebhachim , sometimes zebhach shelamim , and were of different kinds, such as zebhach ha-todhah , “thank offerings,” which expressed the gratitude of the giver because of some blessings, zebhach nedhabhah , “free-will offerings,” bestowed on the Deity out of a full heart, and zebhach nedher , “votive offerings,” which were offered in fulfillment of a vow. Minchah : “meal offering” (the Revised Version), “meat offering” (the King James Version), a gift or presentation, at first applied to both bloody and unbloody offerings ( Genesis 4:5), but in Moses’ time confined to cereals, whether raw or roast, ground to flour or baked and mixed with oil and frankincense. These cereals were the produce of man’s labor with the soil, not fruits, etc., and thus represented the necessities and results of life, if not life itself. They were the invariable accompaniment of animal sacrifices, and in one instance could be substituted for them (see SIN OFFERING). The term minchah describes a gift or token of friendship ( Isaiah 39:1), an act of homage ( 1 Samuel 10:27; 1 Kings 10:25), tribute ( Judges 3:15,17 f), propitiation to a friend wronged ( Genesis 32:13,18 (Hebrew 14:19)), to procure favor or assistance ( Genesis 43:11 ff; Hosea 10:6). Tenuphah : “wave offering,” usually the breast, the priest’s share of the peace offerings, which was waved before the altar by both offerer and priest together (the exact motion is not certain), symbolic of its presentation to Deity and given back by Him to the offerer to be used in the priests’ service. Terumah : “heave offering,” something lifted up, or, properly, separated from the rest and given to the service of the Deity. Usually the right shoulder or thigh was thus separated for the priest. The term is applied to products of the soil, or portion of land separated unto the divine service, etc. Qorban : “an oblation,” or “offering”; another generic term for all kinds of offerings, animal, vegetable, or even gold and silver. Derived from the verb qarabh , “to draw near,” it signifies what is drawn or brought near and given to God. ‘Ishsheh : “fire offering,” applied to offerings made by fire and usually bloody offerings, but at times to the minchah , the sacred bread and frankincense placed on the tables as a memorial, part of which was burned with the frankincense, the bulk, however, going to the priest. The gift was thus presented through fire to the Deity as a sort of etherealized food. Necekh : “drink offering,” or “libation,” a liquid offering of wine, rarely water, sometimes of oil, and usually accompanying the `olah , but often with the peace offerings. Kalil : “whole burnt offering,” the entire animal being burned upon the altar. Sometimes used synonymously with `olah . A technical term among the Carthaginians. Chagh : a “feast,” used metaphorically for a sacrificial feast because the meat of the sacrifices constituted the material of the feast. Lebhonah : “frankincense,” “incense,” used in combination with the meal offerings and burnt offerings and burned also upon the altar in the holy place. See INCENSE.

    Qetorah , qetoreth : “smoke,” “odor of sacrifice,” or incense ascending as a sweet savor and supposed to be pleasing and acceptable to God. Melach : “salt,” used in all sacrifices because of its purifying and preserving qualities. Shemen : “oil,” generally olive oil, used with the meal offerings of cakes and wafers, etc.

    Sacrifice is thus a complex and comprehensive term. In its simplest form it may be defined as “a gift to God.” It is a presentation to Deity of some material object, the possession of the offerer, as an act of worship. It may be to attain, restore, maintain or to celebrate friendly relations with the Deity. It is religion in action — in early times, almost the whole of religion — an inseparable accompaniment to all religious exercises. Few or many motives may actuate it. It may be wholly piacular and expiatory, or an Offering of food as a gift to God; it may be practically a bribe, or a prayer, an expression of dependence, obligation and thanksgiving. It may express repentance, faith, adoration, or all of these combined. It was the one and only way of approach to God. Theophrastus defines it as expressing homage, gratitude and need. Hubert and Mauss define it as “a religious act which by the consecration of the victim modifies the moral state of the sacrificer, or of certain material objects which he has in view, i.e., either confers sanctity or removes it and its analogue, impiety.” II. Origin and Nature of Sacrifices.

    The beginnings of sacrifice are hidden in the mysteries of prehistoric life.

    The earliest narrative in Genesis records the fact, but gives no account of the origin and primary idea. The custom is sanctioned by the sacred writings, and later on the long-established custom was adopted and systematized in the Mosaic Law. The practice was almost universal. The Vedas have their elaborate rituals. Some Semitic peoples, Greeks, Romans, Africans, and Indians of Mexico offered human sacrifices. It is unknown in Australia, but even there something akin to it exists, for some natives offer a portion of a kind of honey, others offer a pebble or a spear to their god.

    For this practically universal habit of the race, several solutions are offered. 1. Theory of a Divine Revelation:

    One view maintains that God Himself initiated the rite by divine order at the beginnings of human history. Such a theory implies a monotheistic faith on the part of primitive man. This theory was strongly held by many of the Reformed theologians, and was based mainly on the narrative in Genesis 4:4 f. Abel offered an acceptable sacrifice, and, according to Hebrews 11:4, this was because of his faith. Faber makes a strong plea as follows: Since faith was what made the sacrifice acceptable to God, this faith must have been based upon a positive enactment of God in the past.

    Without this divine positive enactment to guarantee its truthfulness, faith, in Abel, would have been superstition. In other words, faith, in order to be truly based and properly directed, must have a revelation from God, a positive expression of the divine will. Fairbairn, in his Typology, goes further and holds that the skins wherewith Adam and Eve were clothed were from animals which had been slain in sacrifices. This is entirely without support in the narrative. The theory of a divine order cannot be maintained on the basis of the Biblical narrative. Moreover, it involves certain assumptions regarding the nature of faith and revelation which are not generally held in this age. A revelation is not necessarily a positive divine command, an external thing, and faith may be just as real and true without such a revelation as with it. That there may have been such a revelation cannot be denied, but it is not a necessary or probable explanation. 2. Theories of a Human Origin: (1) The Gift-Theory.

    By this it is held that sacrifices were originally presents to the deity which the offerer took for granted would be received with pleasure and even gratitude. Good relations would thus be established with the god and favors would be secured. Such motives, while certainly true among many heathen people, were obviously based upon low conceptions of the deity.

    They were either. Nature-spirits, ancestral ghosts or fetishes which needed what was given, and of course the god was placed under obligations and his favor obtained. Or, the god may have been conceived of as a ruler, a king or chief, as was the custom in the East.

    Cicero vouches for such a view when he says: “Let not the impious dare to appease the gods with gifts. Let them hearken to Plato, who warns them that there can be no doubt what God’s disposition to them will be, since even a good man will refuse to accept presents from the wicked” (HDB, IV, 331a). This view of sacrifice prevails in classical literature. Spencer therefore thinks it is self-evident that this was the idea of primitive man.

    Tylor and Herbert Spencer also find the origin of sacrifices in the idea of a gift, whether to the deity or to dead ancestors, food being placed for them, and this afterward comes to be regarded as a sacrifice. Such a view gives no account of the peculiar value attached to the blood, or to the burnt offerings. It may account for some heathen systems of sacrifice, but can help in no degree in understanding the Biblical sacrifices. (2) The Magic Theory.

    There are two slightly variant forms of this: (a) that of R.C. Thompson (Semitic Magic, Its Origins and Developments, 175-218), who holds that a sacrificial animal serves as a substitute victim offered to a demon whose activity has brought the offerer into trouble; the aim of the priest is to entice or drive the malignant spirit out of the sick or sinful man into the sacrificial victim where it can be isolated or destroyed; (b) that of L. Marillier, who holds that sacrifice in its origin is essentially a magical rite. The liberation of a magical force by the effusion of the victim’s blood will bend the god to the will of the man.

    From this arose under the “cult of the dead” the gift-theory of sacrifice.

    Men sought to ally themselves with the god in particular by purifying a victim and effecting communion with the god by the application of the blood to the altar, or by the sacrifice of the animal and the contact of the sacrificer with its blood. Such theories give no account of the burnt offerings, meal offerings and sin offerings, disconnect them entirely from any sense of sin or estrangement from God, and divest them of all piacular value. They may account for certain depraved and heathen systems, but not for the Biblical. (3) The Table-Bond Theory.

    Ably advocated by Wellhausen and W.R. Smith, this view holds that sacrifices were meals which the worshippers and the god shared, partaking of the same food and thus establishing a firmer bond of fellowship between them. Sykes (Nature of Sacrifices, 75) first advocated this, holding that the efficacy of sacrifices “is the fact that eating and drinking were the known and ordinary symbols of friendship and were the usual rites in engaging in covenants and leagues.” Thus sacrifices are more than gifts; they are deeds of hospitality which knit god and worshipper together. W.R. Smith has expounded the idea into the notion that the common meal unites physically those who partake of it. Though this view may contain an element of truth in regard to certain Arabian customs, it does not help much to account for Bible sacrifices. As A.B. Davidson says, “It fails utterly to account for the burnt offering, which was one of the earliest, most solemn and at times the most important of all the sacrifices.” (4) The Sacramental Communion Theory.

    This is a modification of the table-bond theory. The basis of it is the totemistic idea of reverencing an animal which is believed to share with man the divine nature. On certain solemn occasions this animal would be sacrificed to furnish a feast. At this meal, according to men’s savage notions, they literally “ate the god,” and thus incorporated into themselves the physical, the intellectual and the moral qualities which characterized the animal. If the divine life dwelt in certain animals, then a part of that precious life would be distributed among all the people (RS2, 313). In some cases the blood is drunk by the worshippers, thus imbibing the life.

    Sometimes, as in the case of the sacred camel, they devoured the quivering flesh before the animal was really dead, and the entire carcass was eaten up before morning.

    The brilliant work of W. R. Smith has not been universally accepted. L.

    Marillier has criticized it along several lines. It is by no means certain that totemism prevailed so largely among Semites and there is no evidence of its existence in Israel. Also, if an original bond of friendship existed between the god and the kin, there is no need to maintain it by such sacrificial rites. There is no clear instance of this having been done. If on the other hand there was no common bond between the god and the people but that of a common meal, it does not appear that the god is a totem god.

    There is no reason why the animal should have been a totem. In any case, this idea of sacrifice could hardly have been anything but a slow growth, and consequently not the origin of sacrifice. Hubert and Mauss also point out that W. R. Smith is far from having established the historical or the logical connection between the common meal and the other kinds of sacrifices. Under piacula he confuses purification, propitiation and expiations. His attempts to show that purifications of magical character are late and not sacrificial do not succeed. Smith’s theory is mainly the sacramental, though he does recognize the honorific and piacular element.

    The theory may be applicable to some of the heathen or savage feasts of the Arabs, but not to the practices of the Hebrews (see Encyclopedia Brit, XXIII, 981). (5) The Homage Theory.

    This has been advocated by Warburton and F. D. Maurice. The idea is that sacrifices were originally an expression of homage and dependence. Man naturally felt impelled to seek closer communion with God, not so much from a sense of guilt as from a sense of dependence and a desire to show homage and obedience. In giving expression to this, primitive man had recourse to acts rather than words and thoughts. Thus sacrifice was an acted prayer, rather than a prayer in words. It was an expression of his longings and aspirations, his reverence and submission. There is much truth in this view; the elements of prayer — dependence and submission — enter into some sacrifices, the burnt offerings in particular; but it does not account for all kinds of offerings. (6) The Piacular Theory.

    This holds that sacrifices are fundamentally expiatory or atoning, and the death of the beast is a vicarious expiation of the sins of the offerer. Hubert and Mauss admit that in all sacrifices there are some ideas of purchase or substitution, though these may not have issued from some primitive form.

    The unifying principle in all sacrifices is that the divine is put in communication with the profane by the intermediary — the victim — which may be piacular or honorific. It is thus a messenger, a means of divination, a means of alimenting the eternal life of the species, a source of magical energy which the rite diffuses over objects in its neighborhood.

    Westermarck (Origin of Moral Ideas) makes the original idea in sacrifice a piaculum, a substitute for the offerer.

    This view is the most simple, the most natural, and the only one that can explain certain sacrifices. Man felt himself under liability to punishment or death. The animal was his, it had life, it was of value, and perchance the god would accept that life in place of his. He felt that it would be accepted, and thus the animal was sacrificed. The offerer in a sense gives up part of himself. The beast must be his own; no sacrifice can be made of another person’s property ( 2 Samuel 24:24a). The true spirit of sacrifice appears in a willingness to acknowledge God’s right to what is best and dearest (Genesis 12).

    Objection is raised to this by A. B. Davidson (Old Testament Theology), Paterson (HDB, IV, 331) and others, on the ground that such an origin represents too advanced a stage of ethical thought and reflection for primitive man. We question seriously whether this be an advanced stage of moral reflection. On the contrary, it represents a very simple and primitive stage. The feeling that sin of some kind is never absent from human life, and that its true penalty is death, has been inseparable from the human heart’s sense of sin. What could be more simple and natural than to take an innocent animal and offer it in place of himself, hoping that the Deity would accept it instead? Nor is there much force in Professor Paterson’s objection that sacrifices were preponderantly joyous in character and therefore could not be offered as an expiation. This joyous character belongs to such sacrifices as peace offerings and thank offerings, but does not belong to the [`olah] and others. In most cases the joyous feast followed the killing of the animal by which the expiation was accomplished, and the feast was joyous because atonement had been made. In fact, many sacrifices were of the most solemn character and represented the deepest and most serious emotions of the heart. (7) Originating in Religious Instincts.

    Neither theory of an objective divine revelation, nor of a human origin will account for the universality and variety of sacrifices. The truth lies in a proper combination of the two. The notion of offering a gift to the Deity arose out of the religious instincts of the human heart, which in an early period had a consciousness of something wrong between itself and God, and that this something would mean death sooner or later. Added to these true instincts was the Omnipresent Spirit to guide men in giving expression. What could be more simple and primitive than to offer something possessing life? Of course the notion originated in simple and childlike ideas of God, and its real motive was not to gratify God by sharing a meal with Him, or to gain His favor by a bribe, but to present Him with something that represented a part of the offerer which might be accepted in his stead. Thus sacrifices became the leading features of the religious life of primitive man. Naturally other ideas would be added, such as a gift of food by fire to the Deity, the peace offerings, etc., to celebrate the friendly relations with God, the thank offerings, the sin offerings, etc., all of which naturally and logically developed from the primitive idea. It might be expected that there would be many corruptions and abuses, that the sense of sin would be obscured or lost among some peoples, and the idea of sacrifice correspondingly degraded. Such has been the case, and as well might we try to understand man at his best by studying the aboriginal tribes of Africa and Australia, or the inmates of asylums and penitentiaries, as to attempt to understand the Bible ideas in sacrifices by studying the cults of those heathen and savage tribes of Semites, etc. III. Classification of Sacrifices. 1. Maimonides:

    Maimonides was among the first to classify them, and he divided them into two kinds: (1) Those on behalf of the whole congregation, fixed by statute, time, number and ritual being specified. This would include burnt, meal and peace offerings with their accompaniments. (2) Those on behalf of the individual, whether by virtue of his connection with the community or as a private person. These would be burnt offerings, sin offerings, and guilt offerings with their accompaniments. 2. W. R. Smith and Others:

    Others, such as W. R. Smith, classify them as: (1) honorific, or designed to render homage, devotion, or adoration, such as burnt, meal and peace offerings; (2) piacular, designed to expiate or make atonement for the errors of the people, i.e. burnt offerings, sin offerings, and guilt offerings; (3) communistic, intended to establish the bond between the god and the worshipper, such as peace offerings. 3. Oehler:

    Oehler divides them into two classes, namely: (1) those which assume that the covenant relation is undisturbed, such as peace offerings; (2) those intended to do away with any disturbance in the relation and to set it right, such as burnt, sin and guilt offerings. 4. Paterson and Others:

    Professor Paterson and others divide them into three: (1) animal sacrifices, burnt offerings, peace offerings, sin offerings, and guilt offerings; (2) vegetable sacrifices, meal offerings, shewbread, etc.; (3) liquid and incense offerings; wine, oil, water, etc. 5. H. M. Wiener:

    H. M. Wiener offers a more suggestive and scientific division (Essays on Pentateuchal Criticism, 200 f): (1) customary lay offerings, such as had from time immemorial been offered on rude altars of earth or stone, without priest, used and regulated by Moses and in more or less general use until the exile, namely, burnt offerings, meal offerings, and peace offerings; (2) statutory individual offerings, introduced by Moses, offered by laymen with priestly assistance and at the religious capital, i.e. burnt offerings, peace offerings, meal offerings, sin offerings, and guilt offerings; (3) statutory national offerings introduced by Moses and offered by the priest at the religious capital, namely, burnt, meal, peace and sin offerings. IV. Sacrifices in the Pre-Mosaic Age.

    Out of the obscure period of origins emerged the dimly lighted period of ancient history. Everywhere sacrifices existed and sometimes abounded as an essential part of religion. The spade of the archaeologist, and the researches of scholars help us understand the pre-Mosaic period. 1. In Egypt:

    In Egypt — probably from the beginning of the 4th millennium BC — there were sacrifices and sacrificial systems. Temples at Abydos, Thebes, On, etc., were great priestly centers with high priests, lower priests, rituals and sacrifices in abundance. Burnt, meal and peace offerings predominated.

    Oxen, wild goats, pigs, geese were the chief animals offered. Besides these, wine, oil, beer, milk, cakes, grain, ointment, flowers, fruit, vegetables were offered, but not human beings. In these offerings there were many resemblances to the Hebrew gifts, and many significant exceptions. Moses would be somewhat familiar with these practices though not with the details of the ritual. He would appreciate the unifying power of a national religious center. It is inconceivable that in such an age a national leader and organizer like Moses would not take special care to institute such a system. 2. In Babylonia:

    In Babylonia, from the year 3000 BC or thereabouts, according to E.

    Meyer (Geschichte des Alterthums), there were many centers of worship such as Eridu, Nippur, Agade, Erech, Ur, Nisin, Larsa, Sippar, etc. These and others continued for centuries with elaborate systems of worship, sacrifices, temples, priesthoods, etc. Considerably over 100 temples and sanctuaries are mentioned on inscriptions, and several hundreds in the literature and tablets, so that Babylonia was studded with temples and edifices for the gods. At all these, sacrifices were constantly offered — animal and vegetable. A long list of the offerings of King Gudea includes oxen, sheep, goats, lambs, fish, birds (i.e. eagles and doves), dates, milk, greens (Jastrow, in HDB, V, 580 f, under the word). The sacrifices provided an income for the priests, as did the Mosaic system at a later time. It had long passed the stage when it was supposed to furnish a meal for the god. A sacrifice always accompanied a consultation with a priest, and was really an assessment for the services rendered. It was not a voluntary offering or ritualistic observance. The priests on their own behalf offered a daily sacrifice, as in the Mosaic Law, and likewise on special occasions, to insure the good will of the gods they served. It seems certain that in some of the larger centers of worship animals were offered up twice a day, morning and evening. At these sacrifices certain portions were consumed on the altar, the rest belonging to the priest. The similarity of much of this to the Mosaic institutions is obvious. That the culture and civilization of Babylon was known to Egypt and Israel with other nations is shown clearly by the Tell el-Amarna Letters. Special sacrifices on special occasions were offered in Babylonia as in Israel. As Jastrow says, “In the Hebrew codes, both as regards the purely legal portions and those sections dealing with religious ritual, Babylonian methods of legal procedure and of ritual developed in Babylonian temples must be taken into consideration as determining factors.” We do not doubt that Moses made use of many elements found in the Egyptian and Babylonian systems, and added to or subtracted from or purified as occasion required. As sacrificial systems and ritual had been in use more than a millennium before Moses, there is absolutely no need to suppose that Israel’s ritual was a thousand years in developing, and was completed after the exile. To do so is to turn history upside down. 3. Nomads and Tribes of Arabia and Syria:

    Among the nomads and tribes of Arabia and Syria, sacrifices had been common for millenniums before Moses. The researches of Wellhausen and W. R. Smith are valuable here, whatever one may think of their theories.

    The offerings were usually from the flocks and herds, sometimes from the spoils taken in war which had been appropriated as their own. The occasions were many and various, and the ritual was very simple. A rude altar of earth or stone, or one stone, a sacred spot, the offerer killing the victim and burning all, or perhaps certain parts and eating the remainder with the clan or family, constituted the customary details. Sometimes wild animals were offered. Babylonians, Phoenicians and Arabs offered gazelles, but the Hebrews did not. Arabs would sometimes sacrifice a captive youth, while the Carthaginians chose some of the fairest of the captives for offerings by night. Assyrian kings sometimes sacrificed captive kings. The Canaanites and others constantly sacrificed children, especially the firstborn. 4. The Offerings of Cain and Abel:

    The account of the offerings of Cain and Abel ( Genesis 4:4 f) shows that the ceremony dates from almost the beginnings of the human race. The custom of offering the firstlings and first-fruits had already begun. Arabian tribes later had a similar custom. Cain’s offering was cereal and is called minchah, “a gift” or “presentation.” The same term is applied to Abel’s.

    There is no hint that the bloody sacrifice was in itself better than the unbloody one, but it is shown that sacrifice without a right attitude of heart is not acceptable to God. This same truth is emphasized by the prophets and others, and is needed in this day as much as then. In this case the altars would be of the common kind, and no priest was needed. The sacrifices were an act of worship, adoration, dependence, prayer, and possibly propitiation. 5. Of Noah:

    The sacrifices of Noah followed and celebrated the epochal and aweinspiring event of leaving the ark and beginning life anew. He offered burnt offerings of all the clean animals ( Genesis 8:20 ff). On such a solemn occasion only an `olah would suffice. The custom of using domestic animals had arisen at this time. The sacrifices expressed adoration, recognition of God’s power and sovereignty, and a gift to please Him, for it is said He smelled a sweet savor and was pleased. It was an odor of satisfaction or restfulness. Whether or not the idea of expiation was included is difficult to prove. 6. Of Abraham:

    Abraham lived at a time when sacrifices and religion were virtually identical. No mention is made of his offering at Ur or Charan, but on his arrival at Shechem he erected an altar ( Genesis 12:7). At Beth-el also (12:8), and on his return from Egypt he worshipped there ( Genesis 13:4). Such sacrifices expressed adoration and prayer and probably propitiation. They constituted worship, which is a complex exercise. At Hebron he built an altar ( Genesis 13:18), officiating always as his own priest. In Genesis 15:4 ff he offers a “covenant” sacrifice, when the animals were slain, divided, the parts set opposite each other, and prepared for the appearance of the other party to the covenant. The exact idea in the killing of these animals may be difficult to find, but the effect is to give the occasion great solemnity and the highest religious sanction. What was done with the carcasses afterward is not told. That animals were slain for food with no thought of sacrifice is shown by the narrative in chapter 18, where Abraham had a calf slain for the meal. This is opposed to one of the chief tenets of the Wellhausen school, which maintains that all slaughtering of animals was sacrificial until the 7th century BC. In Genesis 22 Abraham attempts to offer up Isaac as a burnt offering, as was probably the custom of his neighbors. That he attempted it shows that the practice was not shocking to his ethical nature. It tested the strength of his devotion to God, shows the right spirit in sacrifices, and teaches for all time that God does not desire human sacrifice — a beast will do. What God does want is the obedient heart. Abraham continued his worship at Beer-sheba ( Genesis 21:33). 7. Of Job:

    Whatever may be the date of the writing of the Book of Job, the saint himself is represented as living in the Patriarchal age. He constantly offered sacrifices on behalf of his children (1:5), “sanctifying” them. His purpose no doubt was to atone for possible sin. The sacrifices were mainly expiatory. This is true also of the sacrifices of his friends (42:7-9). 8. Of Isaac:

    Isaac seems to have had a permanent altar at Beer-sheba and to have regularly offered sacrifices. Adoration, expiation and supplication would constitute his chief motives ( Genesis 26:25). 9. Of Jacob:

    Jacob’s first recorded sacrifice was the pouring of the oil upon the stone at Beth-el ( Genesis 28:18). This was consecration or dedication in recognition of the awe-inspiring presence of the Deity. After his covenant with Laban he offered sacrifices (zebhachim ) and they ate bread ( Genesis 31:54). At Shechem, Jacob erected an altar ( Genesis 33:20). At Beth-el ( Genesis 35:7) and at Beer-sheba he offered sacrifices to Isaac’s God ( Genesis 46:1). 10. Of Israel in Egypt:

    While the Israelites were in Egypt they would be accustomed to spring sacrifices and spring feasts, for these had been common among the Arabs and Syrians, etc., for centuries. Nabatean inscriptions testify to this.

    Egyptian sacrifices have been mentioned (see above). At these spring festivals it was probably customary to offer the firstlings of the flocks (compare Exodus 13:15). At the harvest festivals sacrificial feasts were celebrated. It was to some such feast Moses said Israel as a people wished to go in the wilderness ( Exodus 3:18; 5:3 ff; 7:16). Pharaoh understood and asked who was to go ( Exodus 10:8). Moses demanded flocks and herds for the feast ( Exodus 10:9). Pharaoh would keep the flocks, etc. ( Exodus 10:24), but Moses said they must offer sacrifices and burnt offerings ( Exodus 10:25 f).

    The sacrifice of the Passover soon occurs ( Exodus 12:3-11). That the Hebrews had been accustomed to sacrifice their own firstborn at this season has no support and is altogether improbable (Frazer, Golden Bough (3) , pt. III, 175 f). The whole ceremony is very primitive and has retained its primitiveness to the end. The choosing of the lamb or kid, the killing at a certain time, the family gathered in the home, the carcass roasted whole, eaten that night, and the remainder, if any, burned, while the feasters had staff in hand, etc., all this was continued. The blood in this case protected from the Deity, and the whole ceremony was “holy” and only for the circumcised. Frazer in his Golden Bough gives a very different interpretation. 11. Of Jethro:

    As a priest of Midian, Jethro was an expert in sacrificing. On meeting Moses and the people he offered both `olah and zebhachim and made a feast ( Exodus 18:12). 12. Summary and Conclusions:

    From the above it is evident that sacrifices were almost the substance of religion in that ancient world. From hilltops and temples innumerable, the smoke of sacrifices was constantly rising heavenward. Burnt offerings and peace offerings were well known. Moses, in establishing a religion, must have a sacrificial system. He had abundance of materials to choose from, and under divine guidance would adopt such rules and regulations as the pedagogic plans and purposes of God would require in preparing for better things. V. The Mosaic Sacrificial System. 1. The Covenant Sacrifice:

    The fundamental function of Moses’ work was to establish the covenant between Israel and God. This important transaction took place at Sinai and was accompanied by solemn sacrifices. The foundation principle was obedience, not sacrifices ( Exodus 19:4-8). No mention is made of these at the time, as they were incidental — mere by-laws to the constitution.

    The center of gravity in Israel’s religion is now shifted from sacrifices to obedience and loyalty to Yahweh. Sacrifices were helps to that end and without obedience were worthless. This is in exact accordance with Jeremiah 7:21 ff. God did not speak unto the fathers at this time about sacrifices; He did speak about obedience.

    The covenant having been made, the terms and conditions are laid down by Moses and accepted by the people ( Exodus 24:3). The Decalogue and Covenant Code are given, an altar is built, burnt offerings and peace offerings of oxen are slain by young men servants of Moses, not by priests, and blood is sprinkled on the altar ( Exodus 24:4 ff). The blood would symbolize the community of life between Yahweh and Israel, and consecrated the altar. The Law was read, the pledge again given, and Moses sprinkled the representatives of the people, consecrating them also ( Exodus 24:7 f). Ascending the mount, they had a vision of God, held a feast before Him, showing the joys and privileges of the new relationship.

    The striking feature of these ceremonies is the use of the blood. It is expiatory and consecrating, it is life offered to God, it consecrates the altar and the people: they are now acceptable to God and dare approach Him and feast with Him. There is no idea of God’s drinking the blood. The entire ritual is far removed from the crass features of common Semitic worship. 2. The Common Altars:

    In the Covenant Code, which the people accepted, the customary altars are not abolished, but regulated ( Exodus 20:24 ff). This law expressly applies to the time when they shall be settled in Canaan. `In the whole place where I cause my name to be remembered,’ etc. ( Exodus 20:24 margin). No need to change the reading to “in every place where I cause,” etc., as the Wellhausen school does for obvious reasons. All the land was eligible. On such rude altars sacrifices were allowed. This same law is implied in Deuteronomy 16:21, a passage either ignored or explained away by the Wellhausen school (see Wiener, Essays in Pentateuchal Criticism, 200 f). Moses commanded Joshua in accordance with it ( Deuteronomy 27:5 ff). Joshua, Gideon, Jephthah, Samuel, Saul, David, Elijah and many others used such altars. There were altars at Shechem ( Joshua 24:1,26), Mizpah in Gilead ( Judges 11:11), Gilgal ( Samuel 13:9). High places were chiefly used until the times of Hezekiah and Josiah, when they were abolished because of their corruptions, etc. All such altars were perfectly legitimate and in fact necessary, until there was a central capital and sanctuary in Jerusalem. The customary burnt offerings and peace offerings with the worshipper officiating were the chief factors.

    Heathen sacrifices and the use of heathen altars were strictly forbidden ( Exodus 22:20 (Hebrew 19); 34:15) 3. The Consecration of Aaron and His Sons:

    The altar used at the consecration of Aaron and his sons was a “horned” or official altar, the central one. The offerings were a bullock, two rams, unleavened bread, etc. ( Exodus 29:1-4), and were brought to the door of the sanctuary. The ritual consisted of Aaron laying his hand on the bullock’s head, designating it as his substitute ( Exodus 29:10), killing it before the tent of meeting ( Exodus 29:11), smearing some blood on the horns of the altar, and pouring the rest at its base ( Exodus 29:12). The blood consecrated the altar, the life was given as atonement for sins, the fat parts were burned upon the altar as food for God, and the flesh and remainder were burned without the camp ( Exodus 29:13,14). This is a sin offering — chaTTa’th — the first time the term is used. Probably introduced by Moses, it was intended to be piacular and to “cover” possible sin. One ram was next slain, blood was sprinkled round about the altar, flesh was cut in pieces, washed and piled on the altar, then burned as an offering by fire (‘ishsheh ) unto God as a burnt offering, an odor of a sweet savor ( Exodus 29:15-18). The naive and primitive nature of this idea is apparent. The other ram, the ram of consecration, is slain, blood is smeared on Aaron’s right ear, thumb and great toe; in the case of his sons likewise. The blood is sprinkled on the altar round about; some upon the garments of Aaron and his sons ( Exodus 29:19-21). Certain parts are waved before Yahweh along with the bread, and are then burned upon the altar ( Exodus 29:22-25). The breast is offered as a wave offering (tenuphah ), and the right thigh or shoulder as a heave offering (terumah ).

    These portions here first mentioned were the priests’ portion for all time to come, although this particular one went to Moses, since he officiated ( Exodus 29:26-30). The flesh must be boiled in a holy place, and must be eaten by Aaron and his sons only, and at the sanctuary. What was left till morning must be burned ( Exodus 29:31-34). Consecrated to a holy service it was dangerous for anyone else to touch it, or the divine wrath would flame forth. The same ceremony on each of the seven days atoned for, cleansed and consecrated the altar to the service of Yahweh, and it was most holy ( Exodus 29:35-37). The altar of incense is ordered ( Exodus 30:1), and Aaron is to put the blood of the sin offering once a year upon its horns to consecrate it. 4. Sacrifices before the Golden Calf:

    When the golden calf was made an altar was erected, burnt offerings and peace offerings were presented. From the latter a feast was made, the people followed the usual habits at such festivals, went to excess and joined in revelry. Moses’ ear quickly detected the nature of the sounds.

    The covenant was now broken and no sacrifice was available for this sin.

    Vengeance was executed on 3,000 Israelites. Moses mightily interceded with God. A moral reaction was begun; new tables of the Law were made with more stringent laws against idols and idol worship ( Exodus 32:1-35). 5. The Law of the Burnt Offering (`Olah):

    At the setting-up of the tabernacle burnt and meal offerings were sacrificed ( Exodus 40:29). The law of the burnt offering is found in Leviticus 1.

    Common altars and customary burnt offerings needed no minute regulations, but this ritual was intended primarily for the priest, and was taught to the people as needed. They were for the statutory individual and national offering upon the “horned” altar before the sanctuary. Already the daily burnt offerings of the priests had been provided for ( Exodus 29:38-42). The burnt offering is here called qorban, “oblation.” (1) Ritual for the Offerer ( Leviticus 1:3-17).

    This may have been from the herd or flock or fowls, brought to the tent of meeting; hands were laid (heavily) upon its head designating it as the offerer’s substitute, it was killed, flayed and cut in pieces. If of the flock, it was to be killed on the north side of the altar; if a fowl, the priest must kill it. (2) Ritual for the Priest ( Leviticus 1:3-17).

    If a bullock or of the flock, the priest was to sprinkle the blood round about the altar, put on the fire, lay the wood and pieces of the carcass, wash the inwards, legs, etc., and burn it all as a sweet savor to God. If a fowl, he must wring the neck, drain out the blood on the side of the altar, cast the crop, filth, etc., among the ashes, rend the wings without dividing the bird and burn the carcass on the altar. (3) General Laws for the Priest.

    The burnt offering must be continued every morning and every evening ( Exodus 29:38 f; Numbers 28:3-8). At the fulfillment of his vow the Nazirite must present it before God and offer it upon the altar through the priest ( Numbers 6:14,16): on the Sabbath, two lambs ( Numbers 28:9); on the first of the month, two bullocks, one ram and seven lambs ( Numbers 28:11); on the day of first-fruits, the same ( Numbers 28:27); on the 1st day of the 7th month, one bullock, one ram, seven lambs ( Numbers 29:8); on the 15th day, 13 bullocks, two rams, 14 lambs, the number of bullocks diminishing daily until the 7th day, when seven bullocks, two rams, 14 lambs were offered ( Numbers 29:12-34); on the 22nd day of this month one bullock, one ram and seven lambs were offered ( Numbers 29:35,36). Non-Israelites were permitted to offer the `olah , but no other sacrifices ( Leviticus 17:8; 22:18,25). (4) Laws in Deuteronomy 12:6,13,14,27; 27:6.

    Anticipating a central sanctuary in the future, the lawgiver counsels the people to bring their offerings there ( Deuteronomy 12:6,11); they must be careful not to offer them in any place ( Deuteronomy 12:13), but must patronize the central sanctuary ( Deuteronomy 12:14). In the meantime common altars and customary sacrifices were allowable and generally necessary ( Deuteronomy 16:21; 27:6). 6. The Law of the Meal Offering (Minchah):

    The term “meal offering” is here confined to offerings of flour or meal, etc. (the King James Version “meat-offering”), and was first used at the consecration of Aaron and his sons ( Exodus 29:41). These must not be offered on the altar of incense ( Exodus 30:9); were used at the completion of the tabernacle ( Exodus 40:29); and always with the morning and evening burnt offerings. (1) Ritual for the Offerer ( Leviticus 2:1-16).

    It must be of fine flour, with oil and frankincense added, and brought to the priest; if baked in the oven, unleavened cakes mingled with oil, or wafers and oil; if of the baking pan, fine flour mingled with oil parted into pieces and oil thereon; if of the frying pan, the same ingredients. Leaven and honey must never be used as they quickly become corrupt. Every offering must be seasoned with salt. If of the first-fruits (bikkurim ), it should consist of grain in the ear, parched with oil and frankincense upon it. (2) Ritual for the Priest ( Leviticus 2:1-16).

    This required him to take out a handful with the oil and frankincense thereon and burn it as a memorial upon the altar. The remainder was holy and belonged to the priest. Of the cakes, after bringing them to the altar, he was to take a portion, burn it and appropriate the remainder; the same with the first-fruits. (3) General Laws for the Priest ( Leviticus 6:14-18 (Hebrew 7-11), etc.).

    He might eat his portion without leaven in the holy place. At his anointing Aaron offered his own oblation of fine flour — 1/10 of an ephah, one-half in the morning and one-half in the evening. If baked, it must be with oil.

    This meal offering must all be burnt; none could be eaten. With the sin offerings and guilt offerings every meal offering baked in any way belongs to the priest ( Leviticus 7:9,10; 10:12; Numbers 18:9). The meal offerings accompanied the other offerings on all important occasions, such as the consecration of Aaron ( Leviticus 9:4,17); cleansing of a leper ( Leviticus 14:10,20,21,31); feast of first-fruits ( Leviticus 23:13); Pentecost ( Leviticus 23:16); set feasts ( Leviticus 23:37). Special charge was given to Eleazar to care for the continual meal offerings ( Numbers 4:16). The Nazirite must offer it ( Numbers 6:15,17).

    When the tribes presented their offerings, meal offerings were always included ( Numbers 7:13,19, etc.); when the Levites were set apart ( Numbers 8:8); with vows of freewill offerings ( Numbers 15:4,6); with the sin offerings ( Numbers 15:24); at all the several seasons ( Numbers 28:5 through 29:39). A special form was the “showbread” (bread of memorial). Twelve loaves were to be placed in two rows or heaps of six each on a pure table in the holy place, with frankincense on each pile or row. These were to remain for one week and then to be eaten by the priests. They were an offering of food by fire, though probably only the frankincense was actually burned ( Leviticus 24:5 f). 7. The Law of the Peace Offering:

    The peace offerings indicated right relations with God, expressing goodfellowship, gratitude and obligation. The common altars were fitted for their use ( Exodus 20:24), as feasts had been thus celebrated from time immemorial. At the feast before God on the Mount, peace offerings provided the food ( Exodus 24:5); also before the golden bull ( Exodus 32:6). The wave offerings and heave offerings were portions of these. (1) Ritual for the Offerer ( Leviticus 3:1-17).

    The offering might be a bullock, a lamb, or a goat, either male or female, latitude being allowed in this case. The ritual was the same as in the case of the burnt offering (see above). (2) Ritual for the Priest ( Leviticus 3:1-17).

    Blood must be sprinkled on the altar round about, the caul, the liver and the kidneys must be taken away and the fat parts burned on the altar; the fat tail of the lamb must also be burned. These portions were offerings of food by fire to the Deity. The ritual for a goat was the same as for a bullock. (3) General Laws for the Priest ( Leviticus 6:12 (Hebrew 5); 7:1 ff).

    The fat was to be burned on the altar of burnt offering. If it was a thank offering (zebhach ha-todhah ), it must have unleavened cakes with oil, cakes mingled with oil and fine flour soaked. Cakes of leavened bread might be offered, and one cake was to be a heave offering to the priest.

    The flesh was to be eaten that day, none was to be left till morning ( Leviticus 22:30). If it was a votive offering (zebhach nedher ) or a freewill offering (zebhach nedhabhah ), it might be eaten on the first and second days, but not on the third day; it should then be an abomination ( Leviticus 7:18 f). If eaten then by anyone, that person was to be cut off from the community. Of all peace offerings the wave-breast and heavethigh belong to the priest ( Leviticus 7:29-34), the remainder was to be eaten by the worshippers. At Aaron’s consecration an ox and a ram were the peace offerings ( Leviticus 9:4,18,22). The priest’s portion was to be eaten in a clean place by the priest’s family ( Leviticus 10:14). When Israel should have a central sanctuary, all were to be brought there ( Leviticus 17:4,5). When they had no central place, the common altars would suffice. All peace offerings must be made in an acceptable manner ( Leviticus 19:5). Votive offerings must be perfect ( Leviticus 22:18-22), but certain imperfections are allowable in freewill offerings ( Leviticus 22:23). At Pentecost two he-lambs of the first year could be offered as peace offerings ( Leviticus 23:19). The Nazirite at the end of his separation must offer one ram for a peace offering with unleavened bread ( Numbers 6:14,17), and the hair shaved from his head must be burned under the peace offerings ( Numbers 6:18). This hair was regarded as a thing having life and offered as a sacrifice by other nations.

    The various tribes brought peace offerings (Numbers 7, passim), and at the feast of trumpets the people were to rejoice and blow trumpets over the peace offerings ( Numbers 10:10). Some further regulations are given ( Numbers 15:9 f). 8. The Law of the Sin Offering:

    The sin offering was a sacrifice of a special kind, doubtless peculiar to Israel and first mentioned at the consecration of Aaron and his sons. It is not then spoken of as an innovation. It was of special value as an expiatory sacrifice. (1) At the Consecration of Aaron and His Sons ( Exodus 29:10 ff).

    A bullock was killed before the altar, some blood was put upon the horns of the altar by Moses, the rest was poured out at the base. The fat of the inwards was burned upon the altar, the flesh and skin were burned without the camp. Every day during the consecration this was done ( Exodus 29:36). (2) The Law of the Sin Offering ( Leviticus 4:1-35; 24-30, etc.). (a) The Occasion and Meaning:

    Specifically to atone for unwitting sins, sins of error (sheghaghah ), mistakes or rash acts, unknown at the time, but afterward made known.

    There were gradations of these for several classes of offenders: the anointed priest ( Leviticus 4:3-12), the whole congregation ( Leviticus 4:13-21), a ruler ( Leviticus 4:22-26), one of the common people ( Leviticus 4:27-35), forswearing (5:1), touching an unclean thing ( Leviticus 5:2) or the uncleanness of man ( Leviticus 5:3), or rashly sweating in ignorance ( Leviticus 5:4). For conscious and willful violations of the Law, no atonement was possible, with some exceptions, for which provision was made in the guilt offerings (see below). (b) Ritual for the Offerer ( Leviticus 4:1-5,13, etc.):

    The anointed priest must offer a bullock at the tent of meeting, lay his hands upon it and slay it before Yahweh. The congregation was also required to bring a young bullock before the tent of meeting, the elders were to lay hands upon it and slay it before Yahweh. The ruler must bring a he-goat and do the same. One of the common people might bring a shegoat or lamb and present it in the same manner. If too poor for these, two turtledoves or young pigeons, one for a sin offering and one for burnt offering, would suffice. If too poor for these, the tenth part of an ephah of fine flour without oil or flankincense would suffice. (c) Ritual for the Priest ( Leviticus 4:1-5,13, etc.):

    He must bring the bullock’s blood to the tent of meeting, dip his finger into it and sprinkle blood 7 times before the veil of the sanctuary, and put some on the horns of the altar of incense, but most of the blood must be poured out at the base of the altar. The fat must be burned upon the altar, all the rest of the carcass must be carried to a clean place without the camp and burned. In the case of the whole congregation, the ritual is the same. In the case of a ruler, the blood is to be put upon the horns of the altar of burnt offering, not the altar of incense. In the case of one of the common people, the ritual is similar to that of the ruler. In both the latter cases the carcass belonged to the priest. If a bird, the priest must wring off its head, sprinkle some blood on the side of the altar and pour the rest at the base. Nothing is said of the disposal of the carcass. If of fine flour, the priest must take out a handful and burn it upon the altar, keeping the remainder for himself. The use of fine flour for an expiatory sacrifice is evidently exceptional and intended to be so. Though life was not given, yet necessity of life — that which represented life — was offered. (d) General Laws for the Priest ( Leviticus 6:24-30):

    The sin offering was to be slain in the same place as the burnt offering. It was most holy, and the priest alone might eat what was left of the ram, pigeon or flour, in the holy place. Whatever touched it was to be holy, any garment sprinkled with the blood must be washed in a holy place, earthen vessels used must be broken, and brazen vessels thoroughly scoured and rinsed. (e) Special Uses of the Sin Offering: (i) Consecration of Aaron and His Sons:

    The consecration of Aaron and his sons ( Leviticus 8:2,14,15) was similar to that of Leviticus 4:11,12, only Moses was to kill the offering and put the blood on the horns of the altar. On the 8th day a bull-calf was offered ( Leviticus 9:2), and the congregation offered a he-goat ( Leviticus 9:3). In this case Aaron performed the ceremony, as in Leviticus 4:11,12. Moses complained that they had not eaten the flesh of the calf and goat in the sanctuary, since that was requisite when the blood was not brought into the sanctuary ( Leviticus 10:16-20). (ii) Purifications from Uncleannesses:

    Purifications from uncleannesses required after childbirth a young pigeon or turtledove ( Leviticus 12:6-8). The leper must bring a guilt offering (a special kind of sin offering), a he-lamb ( Leviticus 14:12-14,19); if too poor for a lamb, a turtledove or young pigeon ( Leviticus 14:22,31).

    Special use of the blood is required ( Leviticus 14:25). In uncleanness from issues a sin offering of a turtledove or young pigeon must be offered by the priest ( Leviticus 15:15,30). (iii) On the Day of Atonement:

    On the Day of Atonement ( Leviticus 16:1-28) Aaron must take a bullock for himself and house, two he-goats for the people, present the goats at the sanctuary, cast losts, one for Yahweh, as a sin offering, the other for Azazel, to be sent into the wilderness. The bullock was killed, sweet incense was burned within the rail, blood was sprinkled on the mercy-seat and before it 7 times. The one he-goat was killed and a similar ceremony was performed. Blood must be put on the horns of the altar and sprinkled 7 times about it. The other goat was presented, hands were laid on it, the sins of all confessed and put upon the goat, and it was sent into the wilderness. The carcass of the bullock and he-goat were burned without the camp. At the feast of first-fruits a he-goat was offered ( Leviticus 23:19). (iv) Other Special Instances:

    Other special instances were: in the case of defilement, the Nazirite must offer a turtledove or young pigeon on the 8th day after contraction ( Numbers 6:10 ff); when the days of the separation were fulfilled a ewelamb with the other offerings ( Numbers 6:14) was to be offered; the twelve tribes included in each case a he-goat for sin offering ( Numbers 7:16 ff); at the consecration of the Levites a young bullock ( Numbers 8:8,12). For unwitting sins of the congregation a he-goat was to be offered ( Numbers 15:24,25). If one person erred, a she-goat was permitted ( Numbers 15:27). A sin offering was required at the feast of the new moon (28:15), at the Passover ( Numbers 28:22), at Pentecost ( Numbers 28:30), on the 1st day of the 7th month ( Numbers 29:5), and on the 10th, 15th-22nd days ( Numbers 29:10-38). The ceremony of the red heifer ( Numbers 19:1-10,17) was a special sin offering for purification purposes only. It was of ancient and primitive origin. The young cow was brought without the camp and was slain before the priest’s face, blood was sprinkled 7 times before the sanctuary, the entire carcass with cedar wood, hyssop and scarlet was burned, the ashes gathered and laid without the camp in a clean place to be kept for the water of impurity.

    It was to purify after contact with the dead. In the case of the unknown homicide ( Deuteronomy 21:1-9) a young unbroken heifer was brought to a running stream, its neck was broken, the elders washed their hands over the heifer in the presence of the priests, declaring their innocence.

    Thus the bloodshed was expiated. The action was a judicial one, but essentially vicarious and expiatory and had doubtless a primitive origin. 9. The Guilt Offering:

    The guilt offering (the King James Version “trespass offering”) ( Leviticus 5:14 through 6:7) was a special kind of sin offering, always of a private character and accompanied by a fine. It expressed expiation and restitution. The classes of sin requiring a guilt offering with reparation in money are: (1) a trespass in the holy things done unwittingly; (2) anything which the Law forbade depriving God or the priest of their due; (3) dealing falsely, with a neighbor in a deposit, or pledge, or robbery, or oppression; (4) swearing falsely regarding anything lost; (5) seduction of a betrothed bondmaid ( Leviticus 19:20-22). The first two of these are unwitting sins, the others cannot be. The clear statement is made in another place that sins done with a “high hand,” i.e. in rebellion against the covenant and its provisions, can have no sacrifice ( Numbers 15:30). Is this a contradiction, or a later development when it was found that the more stringent law would not work? (See J. M. P. Smith, et al., Atonement,47 f.) Neither conclusion is probable. These conscious sins are of a kind that will admit of full reparation because against rights of property or in money matters. The sin offering makes atonement toward God, the restitution with the additional one-fifth makes full reparation to man. No such reparation can be made with such sins described as committed with a “high hand.”

    In the case of seduction, rights of property are violated (compare Numbers 5:5-8; Deuteronomy 22:29). (1) The Ritual ( Leviticus 5:14 through 6:7).

    A ram proportionate in value to the offense and worth at least two shekels is required. The ritual is probably the same as that of the sin offering, though no mention is made of the laying on of hands, and the blood is not brought into the sanctuary, but sprinkled about the base of the altar, the fat and inside parts being burned, and the flesh eaten by the priests in a holy place. (2) Special Laws: Leper, Nazirite, etc.

    The leper, when cleansed, on the 8th day must bring a guilt offering of two he-lambs and one ewe-lamb; the priest must wave one he-lamb before Yahweh, kill it, and smear blood on the right ear, thumb and toe of the leper. The guilt offering belongs to the priest ( Leviticus 14:12-20). If the leper were too poor for two lambs, one sufficed, with a corresponding meal offering, or one turtle-dove and a young pigeon ( Leviticus 14:21,22). The Nazirite, if defiled during his period of separation, must bring a he-lamb for a guilt offering ( Numbers 6:12). All guilt offerings were the priests’ and most holy ( Numbers 18:9). 10. The Wave Offering:

    The wave offerings were parts of the peace offerings, and the custom was seemingly initiated at the consecration of Aaron and his sons ( Exodus 29:24-27), when the breast and bread were waved before Yahweh. Leviticus 7:30,34 fixes the law. It must be brought from the peace offerings of the offerer himself. At Aaron’s consecration Moses put the breast, etc., on Aaron’s hands and waved them before Yahweh ( Leviticus 8:27). On the 8th day Aaron did the waving ( Leviticus 9:21). The priests were to eat it in a clean place ( Leviticus 10:14 f) .

    The leper’s he-lamb was to be waved by the priest, before being offered ( Leviticus 14:12); the lamb of the guilt offering also ( Leviticus 14:24). At the feast of first-fruits the sheaf must be waved before Yahweh ( Leviticus 23:10,11,15); two loaves also ( Leviticus 23:17,20). Of the Nazirite the priest took the boiled shoulder, a cake and a wafer, put them on the Nazirite’s hand and waved them before Yahweh ( Numbers 6:19 f). 11. The Heave Offering:

    Heave offerings also are parts of the peace offerings, and refer particularly to what is lifted up, or separated unto the service of Yahweh. They are first mentioned at the consecration of Aaron ( Exodus 29:27,28). The offering consisted of the right shoulder or thigh and was the fixed due of the priest ( Leviticus 7:32,34) One cake of the peace offering must be heaved ( Leviticus 7:14). The offering must be eaten in a clean place ( Leviticus 7:14) by the priest’s family only ( Leviticus 10:14,15). Of the Nazirite’s offering the heave thigh also went to the priest ( Numbers 6:20). When the Israelites should come into the promised land to eat bread, they must offer a heave offering of the dough, a cake ( Numbers 15:19,20,21). The law is repeated in Numbers 18:8,11,19, and the Levites are to receive a tithe of the heave offerings of the people ( Numbers 18:24). They were in turn to offer up a tithe of this to the priests ( Numbers 18:26-32). A portion of the spoil of Midian was a heave offering ( Numbers 31:29,41). Deuteronomy commands that all heave offerings be brought to the central sanctuary and eaten there (12:6,11). 12. Drink Offerings:

    Jacob poured oil on the stone he had set up ( Genesis 28:18) in honor of the Deity and consecrated the spot. Jacob later ( Genesis 35:14) set up a pillar where God had revealed Himself and poured drink offerings and oil upon it. Probably wine was used. Drink offerings accompanied many of the sacrifices ( Exodus 29:40,41). None could be poured upon the altar of incense ( Exodus 30:9). At all set feasts the Drink offerings must be presented ( Leviticus 23:13,18,37). The Nazirite was not exempt ( Numbers 6:15,17). Wine and oil must accompany all votive and freewill offerings ( Numbers 15:4,5,7,10,24); the continual burnt offering ( Numbers 28:7,8); sabbaths ( Numbers 28:9,10) and all the other set feasts ( Numbers 28:14-31; 29:6-39, passim). That drink offerings were common among the heathen is shown by Deuteronomy 32:38. 13. Primitive Nature of the Cultus:

    The cult is thoroughly in keeping with and adapted to the age, and yet an ideal system in many respects. The ethical side is in the background, the external has the emphasis. No sacrifices will avail for a breach of the covenant between God and the people. The people thoroughly believed in the efficacy of the blood. It secured atonement and forgiveness. Their religious life found expression in the sacrifices. God was fed and pleased by the offerings by fire. Many of the customs are ancient and crude, so that it is difficult to imagine how such a primitive system could have been arranged and accepted afterward by the people who had the lofty ethical teachings of the prophets in their hands. VI. Sacrifices in the History of Israel. 1. The Situation at Moses’ Death:

    The tribes were outwardly consolidated, and a religious system was provided. Some of it was for the rulers, much for the people and much for the priests alone. The various laws were given in portions and afterward compiled. No one expected them to be observed until the nation had a capital and central sanctuary. Even then not every detail was always possible. They were not observed to any extent in the wilderness ( Amos 5:25), as it was impracticable. Even circumcision was neglected until the wanderers crossed the Jordan ( Joshua 5:2). The body of the system was not in full practice for 300 or 400 years. The ritual, as far as it could be observed, served as an educational agency, producing in the minds of the worshippers proper conceptions of the holiness of God, the sinfulness of man, and the proper spirit in approaching God. 2. In the Time of Joshua:

    Lay or common altars were in accordance With Exodus 20:24; Deuteronomy 16:21; 27:7. In the days of Joshua, the Passover was celebrated ( Joshua 5:10 f). At Ebal an altar was erected, burnt and peace offerings were presented ( Joshua 8:30-32). The tabernacle was set up at Shiloh with a horned altar doubtless ( Joshua 18:1), and the cult was observed to some extent. Concerning the altar on the east side of the Jordan, see ALTAR . 3. The Period of the Judges:

    Canaanitish altars were abundant with their corrupt and licentious cults of the Nature-gods. Israelites with their common altars would naturally use the high places, when possible. The stationary altars of the Canaanites were of course unlawful. The inevitable tendency would be to imitate the worship of the Canaanites. They were rebuked and threatened for this, and, weeping, offered sacrifices at Bochim ( Judges 2:1-5). Gideon rebuilt an altar of Yahweh and offered a bullock as a burnt offering ( Judges 6:25,26). The kid prepared for the angel was not first a sacrifice, but its acceptance as a gift was indicated by its being burned ( Judges 6:19 f).

    Jephthah offered up his daughter as a burnt offering, believing such a sacrifice well-pleasing to Yahweh ( Judges 11:31,39). Manoah and his wife prepared a kid for a burnt offering, a meal offering accompanying it ( Judges 13:16 f). At the time of the civil war with Benjamin the ark and statutory altar seemed to be at Beth-el, where they offered burnt and peace offerings ( Judges 20:26). The feasts at Shiloh imply at least peace offerings ( Judges 21:19). 4. Times of Samuel and Saul:

    Common lay altars and customary sacrifices were still much in use. The official altar with the statutory individual and national offerings appears to be at Shiloh. El-kanah sacrifices and feasts there yearly ( 1 Samuel 1:3 f). Such feasts were joyous and tended to excesses, as drunkenness seemed common ( 1 Samuel 1:13 f). All Israel came thither ( 1 Samuel 2:14); the priests claimed their portion, seizing it in an unlawful manner before the fat had been burned, or the flesh had been boiled ( 1 Samuel 2:13-17).

    This shows that such ritual as was prescribed in Leviticus was practiced and considered by the people the only lawful custom. Was it in writing?

    Why not? Guilt offerings were made by the Philistines when smitten by tumors ( 1 Samuel 6:3,1,8,17). There were five golden mice and five golden tumors. Crude as were their ideas of a guilt offering, their actions show familiarity with the concept. Burnt offerings were used on special occasions and in great crises, such as receiving the ark ( 1 Samuel 6:14 f), going to war ( 1 Samuel 7:9 f; 13:9-12), victory ( 1 Samuel 11:15), etc. Saul met Samuel at a sacrificial feast in a small city ( Samuel 9:12,13) on a high place. At Gilgal there were burnt and peace offerings ( 1 Samuel 10:8; 15:15,21). Saul offered burnt offerings himself ( 1 Samuel 13:9-12), but his fault was not in offering them himself, but in his haste and disobedience toward Samuel. “To obey is better than sacrifice,” etc., says Samuel ( 1 Samuel 15:22), recognizing the fundamental principle of the covenant and realizing that ceremonies are in themselves worthless without the right spirit. The same truth is reiterated by the prophets later. To prevent the eating of flesh with the blood Saul built a special altar ( 1 Samuel 14:32-35). Family and clan sacrifices and feasts were evidently common ( 1 Samuel 16:2-5). 5. Days of David and Solomon:

    The common altars and those on the high places were still in use. The central sanctuary at Shiloh had been removed, first apparently to Gilgal, then to Nob, and later to Gibeon. David’s and Saul’s families kept the feast of the new moon, when peace offerings would be sacrificed ( 1 Samuel 20:5,24-29). The sanctuary at Nob had the shewbread upon the table ( Samuel 21:4 ff) according to Exodus 25:30. When the ark was brought up to Jerusalem, burnt offerings and peace offerings were offered according to the Law ( 2 Samuel 6:17,18; 1 Chronicles 16:2,40).

    Ahithophel offered private, sacrifices at Shiloh ( 2 Samuel 15:12). David offered up burnt offerings, meal offerings, and peace offerings when purchasing the threshing-floor of Araunah ( 1 Chronicles 21:23-26). The statutory horned altar at this time was at Gibeon ( 2 Chronicles 1:6; Chronicles 21:29), but was soon removed to Jerusalem ( 1 Chronicles 22:1). In the organized sanctuary and ritual, Levites were appointed for attendance on the shewbread, meal offerings, burnt offerings, morning and evening sacrifices, sabbaths, new moons and set feasts ( 1 Chronicles 23:28-31), attempting to carry out the Levitical laws as far as possible. At the dedication of the temple, Solomon offered burnt offerings, meal offerings, and peace offerings in enormous quantities ( 1 Kings 8:63; 2 Chronicles 7:4-7); also burnt offerings and peace offerings with incense triennially ( 1 Kings 9:25). The ritual at the regular seasons, daily, sabbaths, new moons, set feasts, etc., was observed according to the Levitical Law ( 2 Chronicles 2:4; 8:13). Was it written? 6. In the Northern Kingdom:

    The golden calf worship was carried on at Daniel and Beth-el, with priests, altars and ritual ( 1 Kings 12:27 f). The high places were in use, but very corrupt ( 1 Kings 13:2 ff). A common altar was in use on Mt. Carmel ( 1 Kings 18:30,32). Many others were known as Yahweh’s altars ( Kings 19:10). The system was in full swing in Amos’ time ( Amos 4:4,5) at Beth-el and Gilgal and probably at Beer-sheba ( Amos 5:5). Amos bitterly satirizes the hollow, insincere worship, but does not condemn the common altars and sacrifices, as these were legitimate. With Hosea the situation is worse, the cult has been “canonized,” priests have been fed on the sin or sin offerings of the people, and the kingdom soon perished because of its corruption.

    The high places were still in use and not denounced yet by the prophets ( 1 Kings 3:2; 2 Kings 14:4; 15:4,35). Worship was not fully centralized, though tending in that direction. In the days of Abijah the temple cult was in full operation according to Moses’ Law ( Chronicles 13:10 f). Asa removed many strange altars and high places because of their corruption ( 2 Chronicles 14:3), but not all ( Chronicles 15:17; 20:33). 7. In the Southern Kingdom to the Exile:

    In the days of Jehoiada priests and Levites were on duty according to Moses ( 2 Chronicles 23:18; 24:14b; 2 Kings 12:4-16). Sin and guilt offerings were in sufficient numbers to be mentioned, but the money went to the priests. Kautzsch (HDB, V) and Paterson (HDB, IV), with others, think these offerings were only fines and altogether different from those of Leviticus 4; 5. Such a statement is wholly gratuitous. The guilt offerings must be accompanied by fines, but not necessarily the sin offerings. The passage speaks of both as perfectly familiar and of long standing, but details are lacking and there can be no certainty in the matter, except that it proves nothing regarding a ritual of sin and guilt offerings existent or nonexistent at that time. Kautzsch’s and Paterson’s motives are obvious.

    Having reversed the history and put the ritual law late, they must needs make adjustments in the records to have them agree. In the days of Ahaz, the regular offerings were observed for priests, kings and people ( 2 Kings 16:13-15). Hezekiah destroyed many high places ( 2 Kings 18:4).

    When repairing the temple, many sin offerings were presented to expiate the terrible sins of the previous reigns and the desecration of the temple ( 2 Chronicles 29:21-24); and so, also, burnt offerings ( 2 Chronicles 29:27 f), peace offerings and thank offerings, etc., in large number ( Chronicles 29:31-35; compare Isaiah 1:10-17). The Passover was celebrated with peace offerings ( 2 Chronicles 30:1,2,15,22), oblations and tithes ( 2 Chronicles 31:12); courses of Levites were established ( 2 Chronicles 31:2), and the king’s portion ( 2 Chronicles 31:3). All the common altars were abolished as far as possible, and worship centralized in Jerusalem ( 2 Chronicles 32:12). Reversed by Manasseh ( 2 Chronicles 33:3 f), the high places were again used ( 2 Chronicles 33:17). Josiah purged Jerusalem ( 2 Chronicles 34:3), and on the discovery of the Book of the Law, with its rule regarding a central sanctuary, that law was rigidly enforced ( 2 Chronicles 35:6-14). The reformation under Josiah did not change the hearts of the people, and the rule followed in spite of all the efforts of Jeremiah and other prophets. 8. In the Exilic and Post-exilic Periods:

    That the cult was entirely suspended in Jerusalem from 586 to 536 BC seems certain. There is no support for G. F. Moore’s statement (EB, IV) that an altar was soon rebuilt and sacrificing was carried on with scarcely a break. On the return of the exiles an altar was soon built and the continual burnt offerings began ( Ezra 3:2 f), and likewise at the Feast of Tabernacles, new moons and set feasts ( Ezra 3:4-7). Darius decreed that the Israelites should be given what was needed for the sacrifices ( Ezra 6:9 f). The band under Ezra offered many sin offerings on their return (8:35). At the dedication of the temple many burnt and sin offerings were made for all the tribes (6:17). Those who had married foreign wives offered guilt offerings (10:19). The firman of Artaxerxes provided money for bullocks, rams, lambs, with meal offerings and drink offerings (7:17).

    Under Nehemiah and after the formal acceptance of the Law, a more complete effort was made to observe it. The shewbread, continual burnt and meal offerings, sabbaths, new moons, set feasts, sin offerings, firstfruits, firstlings, first-fruits of dough, heave offerings of all trees, wine and oil, etc., were carefully attended to ( Nehemiah 10:33-37) and were in full force later ( Nehemiah 13:5,9). There is no hint of innovation, only a thoroughgoing attempt to observe laws that had been somewhat neglected. 9. A Temple and Sacrifices at Elephantine:

    At the time of Nehemiah and probably two or three centuries previous, there existed a temple on the island of Elephantine in the Nile. It was built by a Jewish military colony, and a system of sacrifices was observed. Just how far they copied the laws of Moses, and what were their ideas of a central sanctuary are uncertain.

    Several Semitic tribes or nations practiced human sacrifices. It was common among the Canaanites, as is shown by the excavations at Gezer, Taanach, etc. They seemed to offer children in sacrifice at the laying of cornerstones of houses and other such occasions. 10. Human Sacrifices in Israel’s History:

    Among the Carthaginians, Phoenicians, Greeks, and Romans human sacrifices were all too common. The custom was not unknown to the Israelites. Abraham felt called upon to offer up Isaac, but was stopped in the act, and a lesson was given for all time. The abominable practice is forbidden by Moses ( Leviticus 18:21), where it is spoken of as a passing through the fire to Moloch, referring to Moabite and Ammonitish practices. Anyone practicing it was to be stoned ( Leviticus 20:2-5; Deuteronomy 12:31; 18:10). The rash vow of Jephthah resulted in the immolation of his daughter, but the incident is recorded as something extraordinary ( Judges 11:31 f). The execution of Zebah and Zalmunna is a case of blood revenge, not sacrifice ( Judges 8:18 ff). Nor is the slaughter of Agag in any sense a sacrifice ( 1 Samuel 15:32 f). The death of Saul’s sons because of his breach of covenant with the Gibeonites was an expiatory sacrifice, to atone for the father’s perfidy ( 2 Samuel 21:9).

    The Moabite king in desperation offered up his firstborn and heir to appease the anger of Chemosh, and the effect was startling to the Israelites ( 2 Kings 3:27). Ahaz practiced the abomination in times of trouble ( 2 Kings 16:3). Such sacrifices were intended to secure favor with the Deity or appease His wrath. Hiel’s firstborn and youngest sons were probably sacrificed at the rebuilding or fortifying of Jericho ( 1 Kings 16:34; compare Joshua 6:26). Manasseh practiced the custom ( Kings 21:6), but it was stopped by Josiah ( 2 Kings 23:10). Micah’s words were probably applicable to those times of Ahaz or Manasseh, when they thought to obtain God’s favor by costly gifts apart from ethical conditions ( Micah 6:6-8). Isaiah refers to a heathen custom practiced by Israel of slaying the children in secret places ( Isaiah 57:5), and Jeremiah represents it as practiced in his time ( Jeremiah 7:31; 19:5). Ezekiel denounces the same practice ( Ezekiel 16:20,21; 23:37). 11. Certain Heathen Sacrifices:

    Heathen sacrifices are hinted at in the later books, such as swine, a mouse, a horse, a dog ( Isaiah 65:4; 66:3,17; Ezekiel 8:10; 2 Kings 23:11). All such animals were unclean to the Hebrews, and the practice had its roots in some form of primitive totemism which survived in those heathen cults. They were little practiced among the Israelites. See TOTEMISM.

    VII. The Prophets and Sacrifices.

    The prophets were reformers, not innovators. Their emphasis was on the ethical, rather than the ritual. They based their teachings on the fundamentals of the covenant, not the incidentals. They accepted sacrifices as part of the religious life, but would give them their right place. They accepted the law regarding common altars, and Samuel, David and Elijah used these altars. They also endorsed the movement toward a central sanctuary, but it is the abuse of the cult that they condemned, rather than its use. They combated the heathenish idea that all God needed was gifts, lavish gifts, and would condone any sin if only they bestowed abundance of gifts. They demanded an inward religion, morality, justice, righteousness, in short, an ethical religion. They preached an ethical God, rather than the profane, debasing and almost blasphemous idea of God which prevailed in their times. They reminded the people of the covenant at Sinai, the foundation principle of which was obedience and loyalty to Yahweh. If Joel is early, the cult is in full practice, as he deplores the cutting-off of the meal offering, or minchah, and the netsekh or drink offering, through the devastation of the locusts. He does not mention the burnt offerings, etc., as these would not be cut off by the locusts ( Joel 1:7,13; 2:14). Joel emphasized the need for a genuine repentance, telling them to rend their hearts and not their garments (2:13).

    Amos condemns the cult at Beth-el and Gilgal, and sarcastically bids them go on transgressing (4:4,5), mentions burnt offerings, peace offerings, thank offerings, and freewill offerings (4:4 f; 5:22), reminds them of the fact that they did not offer sacrifices in the wilderness (5:25), but demands rather righteousness and justice. There is nothing here against the Mosaic origin of the laws.

    In Hosea’s time the hollow externalism of the cult had become worse, while vice, falsehood, murder, oppression, etc., were rampant. He utters an epoch-making sentence when he says, “I desire mercy, and not sacrifice,” etc. ( Hosea 6:6). This is no sweeping renunciation of sacrifices, as such; it is only putting the emphasis in the right place. Such sacrifices as Hosea speaks of were worse than worthless. It is somewhat extravagant for Kautzsch to say, “It is perfectly futile to read out of Hosea 6:6 anything else than a categorical rejection of sacrifices.” Hosea recognizes their place in religion, and deplores the loss during exile (3:4). The corrupt cults he condemns (4:13 f), for they are as bad as the Canaanitish cults (4:9).

    Yahweh will spurn them (8:13; 9:4). The defection of the nation began early (11:2), and they have multiplied altars (12:11; 13:2). He predicts the time when they shall render as bullocks the “calves” of their lips (14:2 the King James Version).

    Micah is as emphatic. The sacrifices were more costly in his day, in order the more surely to purchase the favor of the Deity. Human sacrifices were in vogue, but Micah says God requires them “to do justly, and to love kindness, and to walk humbly with thy God” (6:8). This does not in the least affect sacrifices of the right kind and with the right spirit.

    Isaiah faces the same situation. There are multitudes of sacrifices, burnt offerings, blood of bullocks and goats, oblations, sweet incense, beasts, etc., but no justice, morality, love, truth or goodness. Thus their sacrifices, etc., are an abomination, though right in themselves (1:11-17; 61:8). The same is true of all pious performances today. It is probable that Isaiah worshipped in the temple (6:1,6). In his eschatological vision there is freedom to offer sacrifices in Egypt (19:19,21). The people are to worship in the holy mountain (27:13). Ariel must let the feasts come around (29:1).

    Jeremiah maintains the same attitude. Your “frankincense from Sheba, and the sweet cane,” burnt offerings and sacrifices are not pleasing to God (6:20; 14:12). They made the temple a den of robbers, in the streets they baked cakes to the Queen of heaven, etc. He speaks sarcastically, saying, “Add your burnt-offerings unto your sacrifices, and eat ye flesh. For I spake not unto your fathers .... concerning .... sacrifices: but .... commanded .... saying, Hearken unto my voice,” etc. (7:21-23). This was literally true, as we have seen above; the covenant was not based on sacrifices but on obedience. Such a statement does not deny the institution of sacrifices for those within the covenant who are obedient. It is no “subterfuge,” as Kautzsch calls it, “to say that the prophets never polemize against sacrifice per se, but only against offerings presented hypocritically, without repentance and a right disposition, with blood-stained hands; against the opera operata of the carnally-minded, half-heathen mass of the people.” This is exactly what they do, and they are in perfect harmony with the covenant constitution and with their own ethical and spiritual functions.

    Kautzsch can make such an extravagant assertion only by ignoring the fact that Jeremiah himself in predicting the future age of righteousness and blessedness makes sacrifice an important factor (33:11,18). Picturing possible prosperity and glory, Jeremiah speaks of burnt offerings and meal offerings, frankincense, thank offerings, etc., being brought into the house of Yahweh (17:26). (We are aware of the harsh and arbitrary transference of this passage to a later time.)

    Ezekiel is called by Kautzsch “the founder of the Levitical system.” He is said to have preserved the fragment of the ritual that was broken up in the exile. But his references to the burnt offerings, sin offerings, and trespass offerings presuppose familiarity with them (40:38-42).

    He assigns the north and south chambers for the meal, sin and trespass offerings ( Ezekiel 42:13). The cleansing of the altar requires a bullock and he-goat for a sin offering, with burnt and peace offerings with a ritual similar to Leviticus 8:1 f ( Ezekiel 43:18-27). The Levites are to be ministers and slay burnt offerings and sacrifice for the people ( Ezekiel 44:11). The priest must offer his sin offering before he ministers in the sanctuary ( Ezekiel 44:27). They are to eat the meal, sin, and trespass offerings as in Ezekiel 44:29. In Ezekiel 45, the people are to give the wheat, barley, oil and lambs for meal, burnt and peace offerings, while the prince shall give the meal, burnt and drink offerings for the feasts, the new moons, sabbaths and appointed feasts. He is to prepare them to make atonement (45:13-17). In cleansing the sanctuary the Levitical ritual is followed with added details (45:18-20). The Passover requires the burnt offerings, sin offerings, and meal offerings with an extra amount of cereal.

    The priests prepare the prince’s burnt offerings and peace offerings (46:2- 4,6,9-12) for the sabbaths, new moons, etc. The daily burnt offerings (46:13-15) must have a sixth instead of a tenth part of an ephah, as in Leviticus 1. The sin and guilt offerings are to be boiled in a certain place, and the meal offering baked (1:20,26). Ezekiel varies from the Levitical Law in the quantity of the meal offering, picturing the ritual in a more ideal situation than Moses. The people are all righteous, with new hearts, the Spirit in them enabling them to keep the Law (36:26 f), and yet he institutes an elaborate ritual of purification for them. Does this seem to indicate that the prophets would abolish sacrifices entirely? It is strange reasoning which makes the prophets denounce the whole sacrificial system, when one of the greatest among them seeks to conserve an elaborate cult for the blessed age in the future.

    In the second part of Isaiah, God declares that He has not been honored by the people with burnt offerings and meal offerings, etc., and that He has not burdened them with such offerings, but that He is wearied with their sins (43:23 f). Those foreigners who respect the covenant shall offer acceptable sacrifices (56:7) in the blessed age to come. The Servant of Yahweh is to be a guilt offering (53:10) to expiate the sins of Israel.

    Sacrifice is here for the first time lifted out of the animal to the human sphere, thus forging the link between the Old Testament and the New Testament. In the glorious age to come there are to be priests and Levites, new moons, sabbaths and worship in Jerusalem (66:21,23).

    Daniel speaks of the meal offering being caused to cease in the midst of the week (9:27).

    Zechariah pictures the golden age to come when all nations shall go up to Jerusalem to keep the Feast of Tabernacles, which implies sacrifices. Pots are used, and all the worshippers shall use them in the ritual (14:16-21).

    In Malachi’s age the ritual was in practice, but grossly abused. They offered polluted bread (1:7), blind, lame and sick animals (1:13 f). Yahweh has the same attitude toward these as toward those in the times of Amos, Hosea, and Isaiah ( Malachi 1:10 f). The Gentiles offer better ones ( Malachi 1:11). The Israelites covered the altar of Yahweh with tears by their hypocritical, non-ethical actions ( Malachi 2:13). They robbed God in withholding tithes and heave offerings ( Malachi 3:8). It is the abuse of the cult that is denounced here, as in all the other Prophets.

    A special use of the term “sacrifice” is made by Zephaniah (1:7 f), applying it to the destruction of Israel by Yahweh. Bozrah and Edom are to be victims ( Isaiah 34:6); also Gog and Magog ( Ezekiel 39:17,19).

    In summing up the general attitude of the prophets toward sacrifices, even G. F. Moore in Encyclopedia Biblica admits: “It is not probable that the prophets distinctly entertained the idea of a religion without a cult, a purely spiritual worship. Sacrifice may well have seemed to them the natural expression of homage and gratitude.” He might have added, “and of atonement for sin, and full fellowship with God.” VIII. Sacrifice in the “Writings.” 1. Proverbs:

    Dates are very uncertain here. The Psalms and Proverbs extend from David and Solomon into the Persian period. The sages take the same attitude as the prophets. They enjoin the sacrifice of first-fruits ( Proverbs 3:9). A feast usually follows a sacrifice of peace offerings (7:14). The trespass offering (?) has no meaning to fools (14:9), and the sacrifices of the wicked are an abomination to God (15:8; 21:27). Righteousness and justice are more acceptable to Yahweh than sacrifices (21:3), yet to them sacrifices are a regular part of worship. Qoheleth speaks of sacrifices as quite the custom, and deprecates the offerings of fools ( Ecclesiastes 5:1; 9:2). 2. The Psalms:

    The Psalmist admonishes the faithful to offer the sacrifices of righteousness, i.e. sacrifices offered in the right spirit ( Psalm 4:5). The drink offerings of idolaters are well known ( Psalm 16:4). Prayer is made for the acceptance of sacrifices ( Psalm 20:3). It is a coveted privilege to offer them ( Psalm 27:6; 84:1-4). The true relation between sacrifice and obedience is expressed in Psalm 40:6-8. As in Jeremiah 7:21 f, the emphasis is laid on obedience, without which sacrifices are worthless and repugnant to God. They are not the important thing in Israel’s religion, for that religion could exist without them as in the wilderness and exile. The teaching corresponds exactly with that of the prophets and is probably late.

    Psalm 50 is even more emphatic. The Psalmist knows that sacrifices are in the covenant regulations (50:5), but repudiates the idea of giving anything to God or of feeding Him (50:12,13). Everything belongs to Him, He is not hungry, He would scorn the idea of drinking the blood of goats, etc. The idea of the cult being of any real value to God is scouted. Yet in the next verse the reader is admonished to offer sacrifices of thanksgiving and pay vows (50:14). The sacrifices that express worship, penitence, prayer, thanksgiving and faith are acceptable. The penitent Psalmist speaks in similar terms. Sacrifices as such are no delight to God, the real sacrifice is a broken heart (51:16 f). When the heart is right, then, as an expression of true-heartedness, devotion, repentance and faith, burnt offerings are highly acceptable (51:19). Another Psalmist promises a freewill offering to God (54:6; 66:13,15). Sacrifices of thanksgiving are advised (96:8; 107:22; 118:27) and promised (116:17). Prayer is likened to the evening sacrifice (141:2). IX. The Idea and Efficacy of Sacrifices.

    That the Hebrews thoroughly believed in the efficacy of sacrifices is without doubt. What ideas they entertained regarding them is not so clear.

    No single theory can account for all the facts. The unbloody sacrifices were regarded as food for the Deity, or a pleasant odor, in one instance, taking the place of a bloody offering (see above). The bloody offerings present some difficulties, and hence, many different views. 1. A Gift of Food to the Deity:

    Included under the head of gifts of food to the Deity would be the meal and peace offerings, in so far as they were consumed by fire, the burnt offerings and the shewbread, etc. They were fire-food, the fire-distilled essence or etherealized food for God which gave Him pleasure and disposed Him favorably toward the offerer. They were intended either to appease wrath, to win favor, or to express thanks and gratitude for favors experienced. The earlier and more naive idea was probably to win the favor of the Deity by a gift. Later, other ideas were expressed in the offerings. 2. Expression of Adoration and Devotion, etc.:

    The burnt offering best gave expression to the sentiments of adoration and devotion, though they may not be excluded from the meal and peace offerings. In other words, sacrifice meant worship, which is a complex exercise of the soul. Such was Abraham’s attempted sacrifice of Isaac. The daily burnt offerings were intended to represent an unbroken course of adoration and devotion, to keep the right relations with the Deity. On particular occasions, special offerings were made to insure this relation which was specially needed at that time. 3. Means of Purification from Uncleanness:

    The burnt and sin offerings were the principal kinds used for the purpose of purification; water being used in case of uncleanness from contact with the dead. There were three classes of uncleanness: (1) those inseparable from the sex functions of men and women; (2) those resulting from contact with a corpse; (3) the case of recovery from leprosy. Purification ceremonies were the condition of such persons enjoying the social and religious life of the community. Why they should require a sin offering when most of them occurred in the regular course of nature and could not be guarded against, can be understood only as we consider that these offenses were the effects of sin, or the weaknesses of the fleshly nature, due to sin.

    Such uncleannesses made the subject unfit for society, and that unfitness was an offense to God and required a piacular offering. 4. Means of Consecration to Divine Service:

    Consecration was of men and things. The ceremonies at the sealing of the covenant and the consecration of the Levites and of Aaron and his sons have been mentioned. The altar and furniture of the tabernacle were consecrated by the blood of the sin offering. This blood being the means of expiation, it cleansed from all defilement caused by human hands, etc. The sprinkling and smearing of the blood consecrated them to the service of God. The blood being holy, it sanctified all it touched (compare Ezekiel 45:19 f). 5. Means of Establishing a Community of Life between Worshipper and God:

    In other words, it is a kind of sacral communion. The blood is the sacred cement between man and God. This is possible only because it contains the life and is appropriated by God as a symbol of the communion into which He enters with the offerer. This blood “covers” all sin and defilement in man, permits him to enter God’s presence and attests the communion with Him. This is the view of Schultz, and partly that of Kautzsch, in regard to earlier ideas of sacrifice. Such a view may have been held by certain peoples in primitive times, but it does not do justice to the Levitical system. 6. View of Ritschl:

    The view of Ritschl is that sacrifices served as a form of self-protection from God whose presence meant destruction to a weak creature. Thus, sacrifices have no moral value and no relation to sin and defilement. They have relation only to man’s creaturely weakness which is in danger of destruction as it approaches the presence of God. God’s presence necessarily meant death to the creature without reference to his holiness, etc. Such a view banishes all real sense of sin, all ethical values, and furnishes no proper motives. It gives a false idea of the character of God, and is entirely out of accord with the sacred record. 7. The Sacramental View:

    That sacrifices were really a sacrament has been advocated by many.

    According to some theologians, the sacrifices were signs of spiritual realities, not only representing but sealing and applying spiritual blessings, and their efficacy was proportionate to the faith of the offerer. By some Roman Catholic theologians it is held that the Passover was especially of a sacramental character, corresponding to the Lord’s Supper. The purificatory rites corresponded to penance and the consecrating sacrifices to the sacrament of ordination. Bahr says that the acceptance of the sacrifice by Yahweh and His gift of sanctification to the worshippers give to the sacrifice the character of a sacramental act. Cave also speaks of them as having a sacramental significance, while refuting the position of Bahr. Though there may be a slight element of truth in some of these ideas, it is not the idea expressed in the cult, and seems to read into the ritual theology of theologians themselves. This view is closely allied to a phase of the following view (see Paterson, HDB, IV). 8. Symbol or Expression of Prayer:

    That it is a symbol or expression of prayer is held by Maurice and to some extent by Schultz. Thus, the sacrifices are supposed to be symbols of the religious sentiment, which are the conditions of acceptance with God. The victim serves as an index of what is in the worshipper’s heart, and its virtue is exhausted when it is presented to God. Thus, it may express spiritual aspiration or supplication, hatred of sin and surrender to God with confession and supplication. Bahr holds that a valuable and unblemished victim is selected as symbolical of the excellence and purity to which the offerer aspires, the death is necessary to procure life which may be offered to God, and the sprinkling of the blood is the presentation to God of the life still resident in the blood. Schultz thinks that the sin offering was distinctively purifying. “Hence, the real ground of purification is that God accepts the sacrifice and thereby enters into communion with the sinner, granting him actual pardon, and that man in this offering enjoined by God as the embodied prayer of a penitent expresses his confession, his regrets and his petition for forgiveness.” While there is an element of truth in this, and it is particularly applicable to the burnt offering, it does not embrace all the facts. It represents the views of the prophets and psalmists more than that of the Levitical code. 9. View of Kautzsch:

    Kautzsch holds that the efficacy of sacrifices consists in this: “God has connected the accomplishment of atonement with the obedient discharge of the sacrificial prescriptions; whoever fulfils these and gets the priest to perform the atoning usages, is forgiven. The ritual, especially the presenting of the blood, is the indispensable condition of atonement, but it is not synonymous. Forgiveness of sin flows from the grace of God as taught by the prophets, only with them it is unnecessary, but with the Priestly Code it is necessary.” Thus Kautzsch teaches a fundamental contradiction between the prophets and the Law, which is utterly wrong and is made necessary by first turning the history upside down and making the Priestly Code a hideous anachronism. He says, “That the process of atonement is connected with the presenting of blood, explains itself naturally as a powerful after-influence of primitive sacrificial usages, in which the presenting of blood had a different meaning. It is a symbolic (not real) satisfaction, as through the animal’s life symbolic expression is given to the fact that the sinner’s life is forfeited to God. But the main idea is that God has commanded it” (HDB, V, 721a). The half-truths in these statements will be obvious to most readers. 10. Vicarious Expiation Theory; Objections:

    The theory that sacrifices were a vicarious expiation of sin and defilement, by a victim whose life is forfeited instead of the sinner’s, is the only one that will complete the Levitical idea of sacrifices. This of course applies especially to the sin offering. While there is an element of truth in the gifttheory, the prayer and sacramental theories and others, including that of Kautzsch, the idea of a vicarious suffering is necessary to complete the conception. Oehler recognizes the force of the prayer-theory, but advances to the idea that in sacrifices man places the life of a pure, innocent, sacrificial animal between himself and God, because he is unable to approach God on account of his sinfulness and impurity. Thus it becomes a kopher for him, to cover his sin. This is not a punishment inflicted on the animal, although in the case of uncertain homicide it is ( Deuteronomy 21:1-9). The law does not lay the emphasis upon the slaughter, but on the shedding of the blood and the sprinkling of it on certain articles. The slaughter is of course presupposed. The altar is not regarded as a place of execution, it is the means for “covering” the sins of the covenant people, a gracious ordinance of God and well-pleasing to Him. But the gift can please God only as the gift of one who has given himself up to Him; therefore the ritual must represent this self-surrender, the life of the clean and guiltless animal in place of the impure and sinful soul of the offerer, and this pure soul, coming in between the offerer and the Holy God, lets Him see at the altar a pure life by which the impure life is covered. In the same way the pure element serves to cover the pollutions of the sanctuary and the altar, etc. Its meaning is specific, it is the self-sacrifice of the offerer vicariously accomplished. This self-sacrifice necessarily involves suffering and punishment, which is inflicted on the beast to which the guilt and sin are imputed, not imparted (see Oehler, Old Testament Theology, 278 f).

    Objections have been raised by Dillmann, Kautzsch, and others on the ground that it could not have been vicarious because sacrifices were not allowed for sins which merited death, but only for venial transgressions ( Numbers 15:30). Certainly, but the entire sacrificial system was for those who were in the covenant, who did not commit sins that merited death, and was never intended as a penal substitute, because the sins of those in the covenant were not of a penal nature. The sacrifices were “to cover” the sin and defilement of the offerer, not the deserved death-penalty of one who broke the covenant. Again, they object, a cereal offering may atone, and this excludes a penal substitute. But sacrifices were not strictly penal, and the cereal was distinctly an exception in case of the very poor, and the exception proves the rule. In any case it represented the selfsacrifice of the offerer, and that was the important thing. Further, the victim was slain by the offerer and not by the priest, whereas it should have been put to death by God’s representative. This carries no weight whatever, as the essential thing was a sacrifice, and priests were not necessary for that. A more serious objection is that in the case of penal substitution, by which the sin and guilt are transferred to the animal, the flesh of that animal is regarded as most holy and to be eaten by the priests only, whereas it would necessarily be regarded as laden with guilt and curse, and hence, polluted and unfit for use. This is a pure assumption. In the first place, the substitution was not strictly penal, and, secondly, there is no hint that actual pollution is conveyed to the flesh of the animal or to the blood. Even if it were so, the shedding of the blood would expiate the sin and guilt, wipe out the pollution, and the flesh would be in no way affected. On the contrary, the flesh, having been the vehicle for the blood which has accomplished such a sacred and meritorious service, would necessarily be regarded as most holy. All the animal would be holy, rather than polluted, since it had performed such a holy service. Kautzsch’s objection thus appears puerile. The ritual of the Day of Atonement presents all these features. It is distinctly stated that the high priest confesses the iniquities of the children of Israel over the scapegoat, and that the goat carries this guilt away to the desert. Its blood is not shed, it is wholly unclean, and the man leading it away is unclean. This is undeniably a vicarious act. In the case of the other goat, a sin offering, the sin and guilt are imputed to it, but the life is taken and thus the expiation is made and the flesh of the victim used in such a holy service is most holy.

    That this view of a vicarious expiation was generally accepted is evident on every hand. There was no need of a theoretical explanation in the cult; it was self-evident; as Holtzmann says, “the most external indeed, but also the simplest and most generally intelligible and the readiest answer to the nature of expiation” (New Testament Theology, I, 68). This view is amply corroborated by the researches of S. I. Curtiss in his Primitive Semitic Religion of Today. By searching questions he found that the fundamental idea of bloody sacrifices was that the victim took the place of the man, redeemed him, or atoned for him as a substitute. The “bursting forth of the blood” was the essential thing (see pp. 218 f). 11. Typology of Sacrifice:

    The typology of sacrifice has been much discussed. There can be no question that, from the standpoint of the New Testament, many of the sacrifices were typical. They pre-figured, and designedly so, the great sacrifice of Christ. Thus they could not really take away sin; they were in that sense unreal. But the question is, were they typical to the people of Israel? Did Moses and the priests and prophets and people understand that they were merely figures, adumbrations of the true Sacrifice to come, which alone could take away sin? Did they understand that their Messiah was to be sacrificed, His blood shed, to make an atonement for them, and render their divinely-given means of atonement all unreal? The answer must be an emphatic “No.” There is no hint that their minds were directed to think of the Coming One as their sacrifice, foreshadowed by their offerings. That was the one thing the nation could not and would not understand, and to this day the cross is their chief stumblingblock. The statement that the Servant is to be a guilt offering ( Isaiah 53:10) is the nearest approach to it, but this is far from saying that the whole sacrificial system was understood as foreshadowing that event. The great prophets all speak of a sacrificial system in full vogue in the Messianic age.

    We prefer to regard the sacrificial system as great religious educational system, adapted to the capacity of the people at that age, intended to develop right conceptions of sin, proper appreciation of the holiness of God, correct ideas of how to approach God, a familiarity with the idea of sacrifice as the fundamental thing in redemption, life, and service to God and man. LITERATURE.

    Only a Selection Is Attempted:

    Articles in Encyclopedia Brit, 11th edition; Encyclopedia Biblica (G. F.

    Moore); HDB (Paterson); RE and Sch-Herz (Orelli); Jewish Encyclopedia; McClintock and Strong, etc.; Murray’s Bible Dict.; Standard BD, etc.

    Kautzsch, Jastrow and Wiedermann in HDB; article on “Comparative Religion” in Sch-Herz; Old Testament Theologies of Oehler, Dillmann, Smend, Schultz, Davidson, Koenig, etc.

    On Sacrifices in General:

    Wellhausen, Reste des arabischen Heidenthums; W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites; J. G. Frazer, Golden Bough, II, III; E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture; E. Westermarck, Origin of Moral Ideas; H. Hubert et Mauss, Annee sociologique, II; L. Marillier, Revue de l’histoire des religions, XXXVI, 208; S. I. Curtiss, Primitive Semitic Religion of Today.

    Biblical Sacrifices:

    F. Bahr, Symbolik des Mosdischen Kultus; J. H. Kurtz, Der alttestamentliche Opfercultus; A. Stewart, The Mosaic Sacrifices; J. G.

    Murphy, Sacrifice as Set Forth in Scripture; A. Cave, Scriptural Doctrine of Sacrifice; F. Maurice, The Doctrine of Sacrifice; J. M. P. Smith, Biblical Doctrine of Atonement. See also: Schultz, AJT, 1900, 257 ff; Smoller, Studien und Kritiken, 1891; Wiener, Essays in Pentateuchal Criticism; Pentateuchal Studies; Driver, ERE, VI. J. J. Reeve IN THE NEW TESTAMENT I. Terms of Sacrifice Epitomized.

    The word “offering” ([prosfora>, prosphora ]) describes the death of Christ, once in Paul ( Ephesians 5:2); 5 times in Hebrews ( Hebrews 10:5,8,10,14,18). The verb [prosfe>rw, prosphero ], “to offer,” is also used, 15 times in Hebrews ( Hebrews 5:1,3; 8:3,4; 9:7,14,25,28; 10:1,8,11,12; 11:4). The noun prosphora occurs 15 times in the Septuagint, usually as the translation of [ hj;n]mi , minchah ], “sacrifice.” This noun in the New Testament refers to Old Testament sacrifices in Acts 7:42; 21:26; to the offering of money in Acts 24:17; Romans 15:16.

    The verb [ajnafe>rw, anaphero ], also occurs 3 times in Hebrews (7:27; 9:28; 13:15); also in 1 Peter 2:5.

    The word “sacrifice” ([qusi>a, thusia ] in the Septuagint translates different Hebrew words for various kinds of sacrifice, occurring about times) refers to Christ’s death, once in Paul ( Ephesians 5:2) 5 times in Hebrews (5:1; 9:23,26; 10:12,26). It refers several times to Old Testament sacrifice and 5 times to Christian living or giving ( Philippians 2:17; 4:18; Hebrews 13:15,16; 1 Peter 2:5). The verb “to sacrifice” ([qu>w, thuo ]) is used once by Paul to describe Christ’s death (1 Cor 5:7).

    The blood ([ai=ma, haima ]) of Christ is said to secure redemption or salvation,6 times in Paul ( Romans 3:25; 5:9; 1 Corinthians 10:16; Ephesians 1:7; 2:13; Colossians 1:20); 3 times in Hebrews (9:12,14; 10:19; compare also 10:29); 2 times in 1 Peter (1:2,19) and 5 times in the Johannine writings ( 1 John 1:7; 5:62,8; Revelation 1:5).

    Unmistakably this figure of the blood refers to Christ’s sacrificial death. “In any case the phrase ([ejn tw~| aujtou~ ai[mati, en to autou haimati ], `in his blood,’ Romans 3:25) carries with it the idea of sacrificial bloodshedding” (Sanday, Commentary on Epistle to Romans, 91). ([ Lu>tron, lutron ], “ransom,” the price paid for redeeming, occurring in Septuagint 19 times, meaning the price paid for redeeming the servant ( Leviticus 25:51,52); ransom for first-born ( Numbers 3:46); ransom for the life of the owner of the goring ox ( Exodus 21:30, etc.)) occurs in the New Testament only twice ( Matthew 20:28; Mark 10:45).

    This word is used by Jesus to signify the culmination of His sacrificial life in His sacrificial death. ([ jAnti>lutron, antilutron ], “ransom,” a word not found in Septuagint, stronger in meaning than the preceding word) occurs only once in the New Testament (1 Tim 2:6). ([ jApolu>trwsiv, apolutrosis ], “redemption,” in Exodus 21:8, meaning the ransom paid by a father to redeem his daughter from a cruel master) signifies (1) deliverance from sin by Christ’s death,5 times in Paul ( Romans 3:24; 1 Corinthians 1:30; Ephesians 1:7,14; Colossians 1:14); once in Hebrews (9:15); (2) general deliverance, twice ( Luke 21:28; Hebrews 11:35); (3) the Christian’s final deliverance, physical and spiritual ( Romans 8:23; Ephesians 4:30). The simple word [lu>trwsiv, lutrosis ], “redemption,” 10 times in Septuagint as the translation of 5 Hebrew words) occurs once for spiritual deliverance ( Hebrews 9:12). ([ jExagora>zw, exagorazo ], “redeem,” only once in Septuagint, Daniel 2:8) in the New Testament means (1) to deliver from the curse of the law, twice by Paul ( Galatians 3:13; 4:5); (2) to use time wisely, twice by Paul ( Ephesians 5:16; Colossians 4:5). The simple verb ([ajgora>zw, agorazo ], meaning in Leviticus 27:19 to redeem land) occurs twice in Paul (1 Cor 6:20; 7:23) and means “to redeem” (in a spiritual sense). [atallagh>, katallage ], “reconciliation,” only twice in the Septuagint) means the relation to God into which men are brought by Christ’s death, times by Paul ( Romans 5:11; 11:15; 2 Corinthians 5:18,19). ([ Katalla>ssein, katallassein ], “to reconcile,” 4 times in Septuagint (3 times in 2 Maccabees)) means to bring men into the state of reconciliation with God,5 times in Paul ( Romans 5:10 twice; 2 Corinthians 5:18,19,20).

    The words with the propitiatory idea occur as follows: ([iJla>skomai, hilaskomai ], “to propitiate,” 12 times in the Septuagint, translated “to forgive”) occurs twice ( Luke 18:13; Hebrews 2:17); ([iJlasmo>v, hilasmos ], 9 times in Septuagint, Numbers 5:8; Psalm 129 (130):4, etc.; “atonement,” “forgiveness”) occurs twice in 1 John (2:2; 4:10); ([iJlasth>rion, hilasterion ], 24 times in the Septuagint, translates “mercyseat,” where God was gracious and spake to man) translates in the New Testament “propitiation” ( Romans 3:25), “mercy-seat” ( Hebrews 9:5).

    Christ is called “the Lamb,” [ajmno>v, amnos ], twice by the Baptist ( John 1:29,36); once by Philip applied to Christ from Isaiah 53:7 ( Acts 8:32); and once by Peter (1 Pet 1:19); [ajrni>on, arnion ], 28 times in Revelation (5:6,8,12,13; 6:1,16; 7:9,10,14; 19:7,9; 21:9,14,22,23,27; 22:1,3).

    The cross ([stauro>v, stauros ]) is used by Paul 10 times to describe the sacrificial death of Christ (1 Cor 1:17,18; Galatians 5:11; 6:12,14; Ephesians 2:16; Philippians 2:8; 3:18; 1 Corinthians 1:20; 2:14) and once by the author of Hebrews (12:2). Jesus also 5 times used the figure of the cross to define the life of sacrifice demanded of His disciples and to make His own cross the symbol of sacrifice ( Matthew 10:38; 16:24; Mark 8:34; Luke 9:23; 14:27, with contexts; compare John 3:14; 12:32, etc.).

    Though it is not our province in this article to discuss the origin and history of sacrifice in the ethnic religions, it must be noted that sacrifice has been a chief element in almost every religion (Jainism and Buddhism being the principal exceptions). The bloody sacrifice, where the idea of propitiation is prominent, is well-nigh universal in the ethnic religions, being found among even the most enlightened peoples like the Greeks and Romans (see article “Expiation and Atonement” in ERE). Whether or not the system of animal sacrifices would have ceased not only in Judaism but also in all the ethnic religions, had not Jesus lived and taught and died, is a question of pure speculation. It must be conceded that the sect of the Jews (Essenes) attaining to the highest ethical standard and living the most unselfish lives of brotherhood and benevolence did not believe in animal sacrifices. But they exerted small influence over the Jewish nation as compared with the Pharisees. It is also to be noted that the prophets Amos, Hosea, Micah and Isaiah exalted the ethical far above the ceremonial; even denounced the sacrifice of animals if not accompanied by personal devotion to righteousness ( Amos 5:21 ff; Hosea 6:6; Micah 6:6 ff; Isaiah 1:11 ff). The Stoic and Platonic philosophers also attacked the system of animal sacrifices. But these exceptions only accentuate the historical fact that man’s sense of the necessity of sacrifice to Deity is well-nigh universal.

    Only the sacrifice of Christ and the destruction of Jerusalem caused a cessation of the daily, weekly, monthly and annual sacrifices among the Jews, and only the knowledge of Christ’s sacrifice of Himself will finally destroy the last vestige of animal sacrifice. II. Attitude of Jesus and New Testament Writers to the Old Testament Sacrificial System. 1. Jesus’ Attitude:

    Jesus never attacks the sacrificial system. He even takes for granted that the Jews should offer sacrifices ( Matthew 5:24). More than that, He accepted the whole sacrificial system, a part of the Old Testament scheme, as of divine origin, and so He commanded the cleansed leper to offer the sacrifice prescribed in the Mosaic code ( Matthew 8:4). There is no record that Jesus Himself ever worshipped by offering the regular sacrifices. But He worshipped in the temple, never attacking the sacrificial system as He did the oral law ( Mark 7:6 ff). On the other hand, Jesus undermined the sacrificial system by teaching that the ethical transcends the ceremonial, not only as a general principle, but also in the act of worship ( Matthew 5:23,24). He endorses Hosea’s fine ethical epigram, `God will have mercy and not sacrifice’ ( Matthew 9:13; 12:7). He also commends as near the kingdom the scribe who put love to God and man above sacrifice ( Mark 12:33). But Jesus teaches not merely the inferiority of sacrifice to the moral law, but also the discontinuance of sacrifice as a system, when He said, “This is my blood of the covenant, which is poured out for many” ( Mark 14:24; Matthew 26:28; Luke 22:20). Not only is the ethical superior to the ceremonial, but His sacrifice of Himself is as superior to the sacrifices of the old system as the new covenant is superior to the old. 2. Paul’s Attitude:

    Paul’s estimate of the Jewish sacrifices is easily seen, although he does not often refer to them. Once only ( Acts 21:26) after his conversion does he offer the Jewish sacrifice, and then as a matter of expediency for winning the Judaistic wing of Christianity to his universal gospel of grace. He regarded the sacrifices of the Old Testament as types of the true sacrifice which Christ made (1 Cor 5:7). 3. Attitude of the Author of Hebrews:

    The author of the Epistle to the Hebrews discusses the Old Testament sacrifices more fully than other New Testament writers. He regards the bloody sacrifices as superior to the unbloody and the yearly sacririce on the Day of Atonement by the high priest as the climax of the Old Testament system. The high priest under the old covenant was the type of Christ under the new. The sacrifices of the old covenant could not take away sin, or produce moral transformation, because of the frailties of men (10:1-11), shown by the necessity of repeating the offerings (5:2), and because God had appointed another high priest, His Son, to supplant those of the old covenant (5:5; 7:1-28). The heart of this author’s teaching is that animal sacrifices cannot possibly atone for sin or produce moral transformation, since they are divinely-appointed only as a type or shadow of the one great sacrifice by Christ (8:7; 10:1).

    To sum up, the New Testament writers, as well as Jesus, regarded the Old Testament sacrificial system as of divine origin and so obligatory in its day, but imperfect and only a type of Christ’s sacrifice, and so to be supplanted by His perfect sacrifice. III. The Sacrificial Idea in the New Testament.

    The one central idea of New Testament writers is that the sacrifice made by Christ on the cross is the final perfect sacrifice for the atonement of sin and the salvation of men, a sacrifice typified in the various sacrifices of the Old Testament, which are in turn abrogated by the operation of the final sacrifice. Only James and Jude among New Testament writers are silent as to the sacrifice of Christ, and they write for practical purposes only. 1. Teaching of John the Baptist:

    The Baptist, it is true, presents Jesus as the coming Judge in the Synoptic Gospels, but in John 1:29,36 he refers to Him as “the Lamb of God,” in the former passage adding “that taketh away the sin of the world.”

    Westcott (Commentary on John, 20) says: “The title as applied to Christ .... conveys the ideas of vicarious suffering, of patient submission, of sacrifice, of redemption, etc.” There is scarcely any doubt that the Baptist looked upon the Christ as the one who came to make the great sacrifice for man’s sins. Professor Burton (Biblical Ideas of Atonement, Burton, Smith and Smith, 107) says that John sees Christ “suffering under the load of human sin.” 2. Teaching of Jesus:

    There are recorded in the Synoptic Gospels two unmistakable references by Jesus to His death as a sacrifice ( Mark 10:45 parallel Matthew 20:28; Mark 14:24 parallel Matthew 26:28 parallel Luke 22:20; compare 1 Corinthians 11:25). In the former He declares He came to give His “life a ransom.” Thayer (Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament) says this word means “the price paid for redeeming.” Hence, the idea in ransom must be of sacrificial significance. But if there could be any doubt as to the sacrificial import of this passage, there is a clear case of the sacrificial idea in Mark 14:24. Practically all writers of the New Testament theology, Wendt, Weiss, Stevens, Sheldon and others, hold that Jesus considered the death as the ratification sacrifice of the new covenant, just as the sacrifice offered at Sinai ratified the old covenant ( Exodus 24:3-8). Ritschl and Beyschlag deny that this passage is sacrificial. But according to most exegetes, Jesus in this reference regarded His death as a sacrifice. The nature of the sacrifice, as Jesus estimated it, is in doubt and is to be discussed later. What we are pressing here is the fact that Jesus regarded His death as a sacrifice. We have to concede the meagerness of material on the sacrificial idea of His death as taught by Jesus. Yet these two references are unquestioned by literary and historical critics. They both occur in Mark, the primitive Gospel (the oldest Gospel record of Jesus’ teachings). The first occurs in two of the Synoptists, the second in all three of them. Luke omits the first for reasons peculiar to his purpose.

    According to Luke 24:25, Jesus regarded His sufferings and death as the fulfillment of the Old Testament Scriptures. 3. Teaching of Peter:

    Though the head apostle does not in the early chapters of Acts refer to Christ as the sacrifice for sin, he does imply as much in 2:36 (He is Lord and Christ in spite of His crucifixion); 3:18,19 (He fulfilled the prophecies by suffering, and by means of repentance sins are to be blotted out); 4:10- 12 (only in His name is salvation) and in 5:30,31 (through whose death Israel received remission of sins). In his First Epistle (1 Pet 1:18,19) he expressly declares that we are redeemed by the blood of the spotless Christ, thus giving the sacrificial significance to His death. The same is implied in 1 Peter 1:2; 3:18. 4. Paul’s Teaching:

    Paul ascribes saving efficacy to the blood of Christ in Romans 3:25; 5:9; 1 Corinthians 10:16; Ephesians 1:7; 2:13; Colossians 1:20. He identifies Christ with a sin offering in Romans 8:3, and perhaps also in 2 Corinthians 5:21, and with the paschal lamb in 1 Corinthians 5:7.

    In other passages he implies that the death of Christ secured redemption, forgiveness of sins, justification and adoption ( Romans 3:24-26; 5:10,11; 8:15,17, etc.). 5. Teaching of Hebrews:

    The argument of the author of Hebrews to prove the finality of Christianity is that Christ is superior to the Aaronic high priest, being a royal, eternal high priest, after the order of Melchizedek, and offering Himself as the final sacrifice for sin, and for the moral transformation of men (4:14; 10:18). 6. Johannine Teaching:

    In the First Epistle of John ( 1 John 1:7; 2:2; 5:6,8) propitiation for sin and cleansing from sin are ascribed to the blood of Christ. In Revelation 1:5 John ascribes deliverance (not washing or cleansing, according to best manuscripts) from sin, to the blood of Christ. Several times he calls Christ the Lamb, making the sacrificial idea prominent. Once he speaks of Him as the Lamb slain from the foundation of the world (13:8).

    To sum up, all the New Testament writers, except James and Jude, refer to Christ’s death as the great sacrifice for sin. Jesus Himself regarded His death as such. In the various types of New Testament teaching Christ’s death is presented (1) as the covenant sacrifice ( Mark 14:24 parallel Matthew 26:28 parallel Luke 22:20; Hebrews 9:15-22); (2) as the sin offering ( Romans 8:3; 2 Corinthians 5:21; Hebrews 13:11; 1 Peter 3:18); (3) as the offering of the paschal lamb (1 Cor 5:7); (4) as the sacrifice of the Day of Atonement ( Hebrews 2:17; 9:12 ff). IV. Relation of Christ’s Sacrifice to Man’s Salvation.

    The saving benefits specified in the New Testament as resulting from the sacrificial death of Christ are as follows: 1. Redemption or Deliverance from Curse of Sin:

    Redemption or deliverance from the curse of sin: This must be the implication in Jesus’ words, “The Son of man also came .... to give his life a ransom for many” ( Mark 10:45 parallel Matthew 20:28). Man is a captive in sin, the Father sends His Son to pay the ransom price for the deliverance of the captive, and the Son’s death is the price paid. Paul also uses the words “redeemed” and “redemption” in the same sense. In the great letters he asserts that we are “justified freely by his grace through the redemption that is in Christ Jesus: whom God set forth to be a propitiation .... in his blood” ( Romans 3:24,25). Here the apostle traces justification back to redemption as the means for securing it, and redemption back to the “blood” (Christ’s death) as the cause of its procurement. That is, Christ’s death secures redemption and redemption procures justification. In Galatians (3:13), he speaks of being redeemed “from the curse of the law.”

    The law involved man in a curse because he could not keep it. This curse is the penalty of the broken law which the transgressor must bear, unless deliverance from said penalty is somehow secured. Paul represents Christ by His death as securing for sinners deliverance from this curse of the broken law (compare Galatians 4:5 for the same thought, though the word “curse” is not used). Paul also emphasizes the same teaching in the Captivity Epistles: “In whom we have our redemption through his blood, the forgiveness of our trespasses” ( Ephesians 1:7; compare Colossians 1:14). In the pastoral letters (1 Tim 2:6) he teaches that Christ gave “himself a ransom for all.” This is the only New Testament passage in which occurs the strong word antilutron for “ransom.” In his old age the apostle feels more positively than ever before that Christ’s death is the ransom price of man’s deliverance from sin.

    The author of Hebrews asserts that Christ by the sacrifice of Himself “obtained eternal redemption” for man (9:12). John says that Christ “loosed (luo ) us from our sins by his blood” ( Revelation 1:5). This idea in John is akin to that of redemption or deliverance by ransom. Peter teaches the same truth in 1 Peter 1:19. So, we see, Jesus and all the New Testament writers regard Christ’s sacrifice as the procuring cause of human redemption. 2. Reconciliation:

    The idea of reconciliation involves a personal difference between two parties. There is estrangement between God and man. Reconciliation is the restoration of favor between the two parties. Jesus does not utter any direct message on reconciliation, but implies God’s repugnance at man’s sin and strained relations between God and the unrepentant sinner (see Luke 18:13). He puts into the mouth of the praying tax-gatherer the words, `God be propitious to me’ (see Thayer, Greek-English Lexicon, hilaskomai ), but Jesus nowhere asserts that His death secures the reconciliation of God to the sinner. Paul, however, does. “For if, while we were enemies, we were reconciled to God through the death of his Son,” etc. ( Romans 5:10). There can be no doubt from this passage that Paul thought of the death of Christ as the procuring cause of reconciliation. In Ephesians 2:13,14,18 Paul makes the cross of Christ the means of reconciliation between the hostile races of men. Paul reaches the climax in his conception of the reconciliation wrought by the cross of Christ when he asserts the unifying results of Christ’s death to be cosmic in extent ( Ephesians 1:10).

    The author of Hebrews also implies that Christ’s death secures reconciliation when he regards this death as the ratification of the “better covenant” (8:6 ff), and when he plays on the double meaning of the word ([diaqh>kh, diatheke ], 9:15 ff), now “covenant” and now “will,” “testament.” The death of Christ is necessary to secure the ratification of the new covenant which brings God and man into new relations (8:12). In 2:17 the author uses a word implying propitiation as wrought by the death of Christ. So the doctrine of reconciliation is also in the Epistle to the Hebrews. John teaches reconciliation with God through Christ our Advocate, but does not expressly connect it with His death as the procuring cause ( 1 John 2:1,2). Peter is likewise silent on this point. 3. Remission of Sins:

    Reconciliation implies that God can forgive; yea, has forgiven. Jesus and the New Testament writers declare the death of Christ to be the basis of God’s forgiveness. Jesus in instituting the memorial supper said, “This is my blood of the covenant, which is poured out for many unto remission of sins” ( Matthew 26:28). It is true Mark and Luke do not record this last phrase, “unto remission of sins.” But there is no intimation that this phrase is the result of Matthew’s theologizing on the purpose of Christ’s death (see Wendt, Teaching of Jesus, II, 239 ff, who claims this phrase is not from Jesus; also Allen in “Mt,” ICC, in the place cited.). But Paul leaves no doubt as to the connection between man’s forgiveness by God and Christ’s sacrifice for him. This idea is rooted in the great passage on justification ( Romans 3:21 through 5:21; see especially 4:7); is positively declared in Ephesians 1:7; Colossians 1:14. The author of Hebrews teaches that the shedding of Christ’s blood under the new covenant is as necessary to secure forgiveness as the shedding of animal’s blood under the old. John also implies that forgiveness is based on the blood ( 1 John 1:7-9). 4. The Cancellation of Guilt:

    True reconciliation and forgiveness include the canceling of the offender’s guilt. Jesus has no direct word on the cancellation of guilt. Paul closes his argument for the universality of human sin by asserting that “all the world may be brought under the judgment of God” (the King James Version “guilty before God,” Romans 3:19). Thayer (Greek-English Lexicon, in the place cited.) says this word “guilty” means “owing satisfaction to God” (liable to punishment by God). But in Romans 8:1,3 Paul exclaims, “There is therefore now no condemnation to them that are in Christ Jesus .... God, sending his own Son in the likeness of sinful flesh and for sin” (the English Revised Version and the American Revised Version margin “as an offering for sin”). The guilt, or exposure of the sinner to God’s wrath and so to punishment, is removed by the sin offering which Christ made. This idea is implied by the author of Hebrews (2:15), but is not expressed in Peter and John. 5. Justification or Right Standing with God:

    Right standing with God is also implied in the preceding idea. Forgiving sin and canceling guilt are the negative, bringing into right standing with God the positive, aspects of the same transaction. “Him who knew no sin he made to be sin (i.e. the sin offering; so Augustine and other Fathers, Ewald, Ritschl; see Meyer, Commentary, in loc., who denies this meaning) on our behalf; that we might become the righteousness of God in him” (2 Cor 5:21). In this passage Paul makes justification the divine purpose of the sacrificial death of Christ. This thought is elaborated by the apostle in Galatians and Romans, but is not expressed by Jesus, or in Hebrews, in Peter or in John. 6. Cleansing or Sanctification:

    Jesus does not connect our cleansing or sanctification with His death, but with His word ( John 17:17). The substantive “cleansing” ([kaqarismo>v, katharismos ]) is not used by Paul, and the verb “to cleanse” ([kaqari>zw, katharizo ]) occurs only twice in his later letters ( Ephesians 5:26; Titus 2:14). He does use the idea of sanctification, and in Romans 6 through 8 teaches that sanctification is a logical consequence of justification which is secured by Christ’s sacrificial death.

    In Philippians 3:10,11, he views Christ’s death and resurrection as the dynamic of transformation in the new life. The author of Hebrews (1:3; 9:14,22,23; 10:2), following his Old Testament figures, uses the idea of cleansing for the whole process of putting away sin, from atonement to sanctification (see Westcott, Commentary, in the place cited.). He makes Christ’s death the procuring cause of the cleansing. John does the same ( 1 John 1:7; Revelation 7:14). 7. Sonship:

    Divine sonship of the believer is also traced by Paul to the sacrificial death of Christ ( Romans 8:17), though this thought is not found in other New Testament writers.

    So, we sum up, the whole process of salvation, from reconciliation with God to the adoption of the saved sinner into heaven’s household, is ascribed, to some extent by Jesus, largely by Paul theologian of the New Testament, and, in varying degrees, by other New Testament writers, to the sacrificial death of Christ. Even Holtzmann (Neutest. Theol., II, 111) admits “It is upon the moment of death that the grounding of salvation is exclusively concentrated.” V. How Christ’s Sacrifice Procures Salvation.

    It must be conceded that the New Testament writers, much less Jesus, did not discuss this subject from the philosophical point of view. Jesus never philosophizes except incidentally. Paul, the author of He, and John had a philosophy underlying their theology, the first and second dealing most with the sacrificial work of Christ, the last with His person. But Paul and the author of Hebrews did not write their letters to produce a philosophical system explaining how Christ’s sacrificial death can and does procure man’s salvation. 1. Jesus’ Teaching:

    By some it is claimed that the word “ransom” ( Mark 10:45) gives us the key to the philosophy of the atonement as presented by Jesus Himself. But the rules of exegesis are against this supposition. Jesus in the context is teaching His disciples that sacrificial service is greatness. To illustrate the truth He refers to His own example of coming to “minister, and to give his life a ransom for many.” That is, Jesus is enforcing a practical principle and not elaborating a theoretical truth. Moreover, the word “ransom” is used metaphorically, and the laws of exegesis forbid us to press the literal meaning of a figure. The figure suggests captivity in sin and deliverance by payment of a price (the death of Christ). But Jesus does not tell us how His sacrificial death can and does pay the price for man’s redemption from sin.

    The word “ransom” does give the clue to the development of the vicarious sacrifice elaborated later by Paul. Ritschl (Rechtfertigung und Versohnung, II, 85) does not do the word “ransom” justice when he claims that it merely reproduces the meaning of the Hebrew [ rp,Ko , kopher ], “covering as a protection,” and that Christ’s death, like a covering, delivers us by stimulating us to lead the life of sacrificial service as Christ did. Wendt (Lehre Jesu, II, 237; Teaching of Jesus, II, 226 f) admits the “ransom”-idea in the word, but says Christ delivers us from bondage to suffering and death, not by His death, but by His teaching which is illustrated by His sacrificial death. Beyschlag (Neutest. Theol., I, 153) thinks Christ’s death delivers us from worldly ambitions and such sins by showing us the example of Jesus in sacrifice. Weiss (Biblical Theology of the New Testament, I, 101-3) thinks Christ’s “surrender of His life .... avails as a ransom which He gives instead of the many” who were not able to pay the price themselves. He also adds, “The saying regarding the ransom lays emphasis upon the God-pleasing performance of Jesus which secures the salvation,” etc.

    Nor does Jesus’ saying at the Last Supper, “This is my blood of the covenant” ( Mark 14:24) give us unmistakable evidence of how His death saves men. It does teach that sinners on entering the kingdom come into a new covenant relation with God which implies forgiveness of sin and fellowship with God, and that, as the covenant sacrifices at Mt. Sinai ( Exodus 24:3-8) ratified the legal covenant between God and His people, so the death of Christ as a covenant sacrifice ratifies the covenant of grace between God and lost sinners, by virtue of which covenant God on His part forgives the penitent sinner, and the surrendering sinner on his part presents himself to God for the life of sacrifice. But this statement fails to tell us how God can forgive sin on the basis of a covenant thus ratified by Christ’s death. Does it mean substitution, that as the animal whose blood ratified the covenant was slain instead of the people, so Christ was slain in the place of sinners? Or does it suggest the immutability of the covenant on the basis of the animal’s (and so Christ’s) representing both God and man, and killing signifying loss of life or will to change the covenant (so Westcott, Commentary on Hebrews, 301)? It could scarcely mean that Christ’s sacrifice was the offering of a perfect, acceptable life to God (Wendt, op. cit., II, 237), or that Christ’s death is viewed merely as the common meal sacrifice, that God and His people thus enter into a kind of union and communion (so some evolutionists in the study of comparative religion; see Menzies. Hist of Religion, 416 ff). 2. Paul’s Teaching:

    Ritschl and many modern scholars are disposed to reject all philosophy in religion. They say, “Back to Christ.” Paul was only a human interpreter of Jesus. But he was a divinely-guided interpreter, and we need his first-hand interpretations of Jesus. What has he to say as to how Christ’s death saves men? (1) The Words Expressing the Idea of Redemption.

    See above on the terms of sacrifice. The classical passage containing the idea of redemption is Romans 3:24-26: “Being justified freely by his grace through the redemption that is in Christ Jesus: whom God set forth to be a propitiation, through faith, in his blood, to show his righteousness because of the passing over of the sins done aforetime, in the forbearance of God; for the showing, I say, of his righteousness at this present season: that he might himself be just, and the justifier of him that hath faith in Jesus.” A fair interpretation of this passage gives us the following propositions: (a) The believer obtains right standing with God by means of, through the channel of ( see Thayer, Greek-English Lexicon, [ Dia>, dia], A, III, 2), redemption which is in Christ. (b) This redemption in Christ involves, or is based upon, the divinelypurposed propitiation which Christ made in His death. (c) The design of God in making such a propitiation was the exhibition of His righteousness; i.e., the vindication of that side of His character which demands the punishment of sin, which had not been shown in former generations when His forbearance passed over men’s sins. See Sanday, Commentary on Romans, in the place cited. The classical passage containing the other word to redeem ([ejxagora>zw, exagorazo]) is Galatians 3:13: “Christ redeemed us from the curse of the law, having become a curse for us,” etc. Professor E. D. Burton (AJT, October, 1907) thinks: (a) Law here means “law legalistically understood.” (b) The “curse” was the verdict of the law of pure legalism, “a disclosure to man of his actual status before God on a basis of merit.” (c) The redemption meant is that Christ “brought to an end the regime of law .... rather than deliverance of individuals through release from penalty.” He bases this argument largely on the use of [hJma~v, hemas], “us,” meaning Jews in antithesis with [ta< e[qnh, ta ethne], the Gentiles ( Galatians 3:14). Everett (The Gospel of Paul) thinks that Christ was cursed in that He was “crucified” (the manner not the fact of His death being the curse); that is, as Everett sees it, Christ became ceremonially unclean, and so free from the law. So does His follower by being crucified with Christ become ceremonially unclean and so free from the law. The passage seems to give us the following propositions: (a) Man under law (whether the revealed law of the Old Testament or the moral law) is under a “curse,” that is, liable to the penalty which the broken law demands. (b) Christ by His death on the cross became a “curse for us.” (c) By means of Christ thus becoming a “curse for us” He delivered us, “not the Jews as a nation, but all of us, Jews and Gentiles, who believed,” from the curse incurred by the breaking of the law. Professor Burton admits that the participle [geno>menov, genomenos], “becoming,” may be a “participle of means” (the article cited above, 643), and so we have “Christ redeemed us from the curse of the law by becoming a curse for us.” The passage at least suggests, if it does not declare, that Christ saves us by vicariously enduring the penalty to which we were exposed. (2) The Idea of Reconciliation.

    Paul uses the phrase “wrath of God” ( Romans 1:18, etc.) to express the attitude of God toward sin, an attitude of displeasure and of grief, of revulsion of holy character which demands the punishment of sin. On the other hand, God loves the sinner; love is the prompting cause of redemption through Christ ( Romans 5:8; 8:32). That is, wrath is love grieving and righteousness revolting because of sin, and both phases may act simultaneously (Simon, Redemption of Man, 216, to the contrary). So Paul says, “God was in Christ reconciling the world unto himself, not reckoning unto them their trespasses” (2 Cor 5:19). Now this word “reconcile” (katallassein ) means in the active, “to receive into favor,” in the passive, “to be restored to favor” (Thayer). See also Revelation and The Expositor, October, 1909, 600 ff, where Professor Estes shows, from Sophocles, Xenophon, Josephus, Septuagint and passages in the New Testament like Matthew 5:24, that the word must mean a change in the attitude of God toward men and not merely a change of men toward God.

    Practically the same is taught by Meyer (Commentary on 2 Corinthians); Lipsius (Handcomm. zum New Testament); Sanday (Commentary on Romans); Denney (Exegetical Greek Testament on Romans); Lietzmann (Handbuch zum New Testament); Holtzmann (Neutest. Theol.); Weiss (Religion of the New Testament); Pfleiderer (Paulinism); Stevens (Christian Doctrine of Salvation), and in nearly all the great commentaries on Romans and 2 Corinthians, and by all the writers on New Testament theology except Beyschlag. See also RECONCILIATION; RETRIBUTION. (3) The Idea of Propitiation.

    Only once ( Romans 3:25) does Paul use the word “propitiation.” As saw in (1) above, the redemption in Christ is based upon the propitiation which Christ made in His death. Thayer (Greek-English Lexicon, in the place cited.) says the noun signifies “a means of appeasing, expiating, a propitiation, an expiatory sacrifice.” He thinks it has this meaning in Romans 3:25, but refers it to the “mercy-seat” in Hebrews 9:5.

    Sanday (Comm. on Rom, 88) regards hilasterion as an adjective meaning “propitiatory.” Deuteronomy Wette, Fritzsche, Meyer, Lipsius and many others take it in this sense; Gifford, Vaughan, Liddon, Ritschl think it means “mercy-seat” here as in Hebrews. But with either meaning the blood of Christ is viewed as securing the mercy of God.

    Propitiation of God is made by the blood of Christ, and because of that men have access to the mercy-seat where shines the glory of God in His forgiveness of man’s sins. See ROMANS, EPISTLE TO THE, 9, (3). (4) The Prepositions [uJpe>r, huper ], and [ajnti>, anti ].

    Paul never uses anti (“for,” “instead of,” “in place of,” so Thayer) to express what Christ’s sacrifice does for the sinner, but huper (“for one’s safety or advantage,” primarily, but also “in the place of,” “instead of,” so Thayer). See Romans 5:8; 8:32; 14:15; 1 Corinthians 11:24; Corinthians 5:15; Galatians 3:13; Ephesians 5:2,25; Thessalonians 5:10; 1 Timothy 2:6; Titus 2:14. It is to be noted that in 1 Timothy 2:6 Paul uses antilutron, “ransom,” compounded with the preposition anti , but follows it with huper , which may suggest that huper is here used in the sense of anti , “in the place of.”

    Summing up Paul’s teaching as to how Christ’s sacrifice saves: (a) The propitiatory sacrifice does not “soften God, or assuage the anger of God” (as Bushnell claims the advocates of the satisfaction theories assert, Vicarious Sacrifice, 486). God is already willing to save men, His love makes the propitiatory sacrifice ( Romans 5:8). God’s love makes the sacrifice, not the sacrifice His willingness to save. (b) But man by breaking God’s law had come under the curse, the penalty of the broken law ( Galatians 3:13), and so was under God’s wrath ( Romans 1:18), i.e. man’s sin exposed him to punishment, while at the same time God’s love for the sinner was grieved. (c) Christ by His sacrificial death made it possible for God to show His righteousness and love at the same time; i.e. that He did punish sin, but did love the sinner and wish to save him ( Romans 3:25,26; 5:8). (d) Christ, who was sinless, suffered vicariously for sinful men. His death was not due to His sins but those of men (2 Cor 5:21). (e) His death, followed by His resurrection which marked Him off as the sinless Son of God, and so appointed the Saviour of men ( Romans 1:4), was designed by God to bring men into right relation with God ( Romans 3:26b; 2 Corinthians 5:21b). So, we may say, Paul explained the relation of Christ’s death to the sinner’s spiritual life by thinking of a transfer of the sinner’s “curse” to Christ, which He bore on the cross, and of God’s righteousness through Christ ( Philippians 3:9) to the sinner by faith in Christ. But we must not press this vicarious idea too far into a system of philosophy of the atonement and claim that the system is the teaching of Paul. The quantitative, commercial idea of transfer is not in Paul’s mind. The language of redemption, propitiation, ransom, is largely figurative. We must feel the spiritual truth of a qualitative transfer of sin from man to Christ and of righteousness from Christ to man, and rest the matter there, so far as Paul’s teaching goes. Beyond this our conclusions as to substitution as the method of atonement are results of philosophizing on Paul’s teaching. 3. Teaching of Hebrews:

    The author of Hebrews adds nothing to Paul’s teaching respecting the method whereby Christ’s sacrifice operates in saving men. His purpose to produce an apology showing forth the superior efficacy of Christ’s highpriestly sacrifice over that of the Aaronic priesthood fixes his first thought on the efficacy of the sacrifice rather than on its mode of operation. He does use the words “redemption” (9:12; compare 9:15), “propitiate” (2:17), and emphasizes the opening up of the heavenly holy of holies by the high-priestly sacrifice of Christ (the way of access to the very presence of God by Christ’s death, 10:19,20), which gives us data for forming a system based on a real propitiation for sin and reconciliation of God similar to the Pauline teaching formulated above. 4. Petrine and Johannine Teaching:

    Peter asserts that Christ suffered vicariously (1 Pet 2:22-24), who, although He “did no sin,” “his own self bare our sins in his body upon the tree”; who “suffered for sins once, the righteous for (huper , not anti ) the unrighteous” (1 Pet 3:18). But Peter goes no farther than Paul (perhaps not so far) in elaborating how Jesus’ vicarious suffering saves the sinner. The Johannine writings contain the propitiatory idea ( 1 John 2:2; 4:10), although John writes to emphasize the incarnation and not the work of the Incarnate One ( John 1:1-18; 1 John 4:2,3).

    To sum up the New Testament teachings on the mode or operation: Jesus asserts His vicarious suffering ( Mark 10:45; compare John 10:11) and hints at the mode of its operation by using the “ransom” figure. Paul, Peter and John teach that Christ’s sacrifice was vicarious, and all but Peter suggest the idea of propitiation as to the mode of its operation. There is no direct discussion of what propitiation means. VI. Rationale of the Efficacy of Christ’s Sacrifice. 1. Jesus’ Teaching:

    Jesus emphasizes His voluntary spirit in making the sacrifice. “The Son of man also came .... to give his life a ransom.” The sacrifice was voluntary, not compulsory. God did not force Him to lay down His life; He chose to do so (compare John 10:11). But Jesus gives us no philosophy on this or any other element in His sacrifice as being the ground of its efficacy. 2. Paul’s Teaching:

    Paul also emphasizes the voluntary gift of Christ ( Galatians 2:20), but he urges rather the dignity of Him who makes the sacrifice as a ground of its efficacy. It is the sacrifice of God’s Son, shown to be such in His resurrection ( Romans 1:4; 4:25b). It was no ordinary man but the sinless Son who gave “himself” ( Galatians 2:20). It was not merely a dying Christ but the Son who rose again “in power” ( Romans 1:4), who secures our “justification” ( Romans 4:25b; 1 Corinthians 15:3,4,17b). Paul also emphasizes the sinless life and character of Jesus as a ground of efficacy in Christ’s sacrifice, “who knew no sin” in His life experience (2 Cor 5:21a). 3. The Teaching in Hebrews:

    The author of Hebrews, most of all New Testament writers, elaborates the grounds of efficacy in Christ’s sacrifice. (1) It was a personal not an animal sacrifice (9:12-14; 9:26, “sacrifice of himself”; 10:4). (2) It was the sacrifice of the Son of God (3:5). (3) It was a royal person who made the sacrifice (6:20b; 7:1, “after the order of Melchizedek .... king of Salem”). (4) It was a sinless person (7:26,27; 9:14; 10:10,12). Westcott, Commentary on Hebrews, 298, well says, “It becomes necessary, therefore, in order to gain a complete view of the Sacrifice of Christ, to combine with the crowning act upon the Cross His fulfillment of the will of God from first to last, the Sacrifice of Life with the Sacrifice of Death.” (5) It was an eternal person (6:20, “for ever”; 7:16, “after the power of an endless (margin “indissoluble”) life”). The author of Hebrews reaches the climax of his argument for the superior efficacy of Christ’s sacrifice when he represents Him as entering the holy of holies in the very presence of God to complete the offering for man’s sin (8:1,2; 9:11,12,24).

    Peter and John do not discuss the ground of efficacy, and so add nothing to our conclusions above. The efficacy of the sacrifice is suggested by describing the glory of the person (1 Pet 1:19; 2:22,23; 1 John 1:7b; 2:2).

    To sum up our conclusion as to the efficacy of Christ’s sacrifice: Jesus and the leading New Testament writers intimate that the efficacy of His sacrifice centers in His personality. Jesus, Peter and John do not discuss the subject directly. Paul, though discussing it more extensively, does not do so fully, but the author of Hebrews centers and culminates his argument for the finality of Christianity, in the superior efficacy of Christ’s sacrifice, which is grounded in His personality, divine, royal, sinless, eternal (see Menegoz, Theol. de l’Ep. aux Hebreux). It is easy to see, from the position taken by the author of He, how Anselm in Cur Deus Homo developed his theory of satisfaction, according to which the Divinity in Christ gave His atoning sacrifice its priceless worth in God’s eyes. VII. The Human Conditions of Application. 1. Universal in Objective Potentiality:

    The sacrificial death of Christ is universal in its objective potentiality, according to Jesus ( Luke 24:47, “unto all the nations”); according to Paul ( Romans 1:5; 5:18; 11:32; 2 Corinthians 5:14,15; Galatians 3:14); according to the author of Hebrews (2:9, “taste of death for every man”); according to John ( 1 John 2:2, “propitiation .... for the whole world”). 2. Efficacious When Subjectively Applied:

    But the objective redemption to be efficacious must be subjectively applied.

    The blood of Christ is the universally efficacious remedy for the sin-sick souls of men, but each man must make the subjective application. How is the application made? And the threefold answer is, by repentance, by faith, and by obedience. (1) By Repentance.

    The Baptist and Jesus emphasized repentance (change of mind first of all, then change of relation and of life) as the condition of entrance into the kingdom and of enjoyment of the Messianic salvation ( Matthew 3:2; Mark 1:15). Peter preached repentance at Pentecost and immediately after as a means of obtaining forgiveness ( Acts 2:38; 3:19, etc.). Paul, although emphasizing faith, also stressed repentance as an element in the human condition of salvation ( Acts 20:21; Romans 2:4, etc.). John (Revelation 2; 3, passim) emphasizes repentance, though not stressing it as a means of receiving the benefits of redemption. (2) By Faith.

    Jesus connected faith with repentance ( Mark 1:15) as the condition of receiving the Messianic salvation. Paul makes faith the all-inclusive means of applying the work of Christ. The gospel is “the power of God unto salvation to every one that believeth” ( Romans 1:16); “whom God set forth to be a propitiation, through faith” ( Romans 3:25); “faith (not works) is reckoned for righteousness” ( Romans 4:5); “justified by faith” ( Romans 5:1). In Galatians, the letters to the Corinthians, in the Captivity and the Pastoral Epistles he emphasizes faith as the sole condition of receiving salvation. But what kind of faith is it that appropriates the saving benefit of Christ’s death? Not historical or intellectual but “heart” faith ( Romans 10:10). To Paul “heart” meant the seat or essence of the whole personality, and so faith which applies the redemption Christ is the personal commitment of one’s self to Christ as Saviour and Lord (2 Cor 5:15). See Thayer, Greek-English Lexicon, [pisteu>w, pisteuo ], 1, b, gamma, for a particular discussion of the meaning of faith in this sense. The author of Hebrews discusses especially faith as a conquering power, but also implies that it is the condition of entrance upon the life of spiritual rest and fellowship (chapters 3 and 4, passim). Peter (1 Pet 1:9) and John ( John 3:23; 4:16; 5:1,5, etc.) also regard faith as a means of applying the saving benefits of Christ’s death. (3) By Obedience in Sacrificial Service.

    Jesus said, “If any man would come after me, let him deny himself, and take up his cross, and follow me” ( Mark 8:34). Here He lays down two elements in the conditions of discipleship, denying one’s self and taking up his cross. The former means the renunciation of self as the center of thought, faith, hope and life. The latter means the life of sacrifice. Jesus was stressing this truth when He uttered that incomparable saying, “The Son of man came not to be ministered unto, but to minister, and to give his life a ransom for many” ( Mark 10:45 parallel Matthew 20:28). Paul also emphasizes this phase of the human condition of salvation when he shows how sanctification grows spontaneously out of justification ( Romans 6:8) and when he says that what “avails” is “faith working through love” ( Galatians 5:6). The author of Hebrews says, “He became unto all them that obey him the author (Greek [ai]tiov, aitios ], “cause”) of eternal salvation” (5:9). Peter and John, the latter especially, emphasize the keeping of His commandments, the life of service, as the means of appropriating to the fullest the saving benefits of Christ’s death.

    The theologians in classrooms and preachers in the pulpits have failed to emphasize this aspect of “saving faith” as did Jesus, Paul, the author of He, and John. in the New Testament salvation is a process as well as an instantaneous act on the part of God, and the process is carried on by means of obedience, the life of service, which appropriates by faith the dynamic of Christ’s sacrifice. VIII. The Christian’s Life the Life of Sacrifice.

    This discussion of the faith that “obeys” leads to the consideration of that climactic thought of New Testament writers, namely, that the Christian’s life is sacrificial living based on Christ’s sacrifice for him. We note in outline the following:

    The Christian’s life of sacrifice is the logical consequence of Christ’s sacrificial death. The Christ who sacrificed Himself for the believer is now continuing the sacrifice in the believer’s life ( Galatians 1:20; Philippians 1:21). 1. Consequence of Christ’s Sacrifice:

    Paul was crucified when Christ was crucified (in a bold mystic figure), and the life of Christ which sacrificed itself on the cross and perpetuates itself in resurrection power now operates as a mighty dynamic for the apostle’s moral and spiritual transformation ( Philippians 3:10,11). It is to be noted, Jesus also emphasized this kind of living, though not so expressly connecting the believer’s sacrificial life with His sacrificial death (see Mark 8:34 f). 2. Christ’s Death the Appeal for a Christian’s Sacrifice:

    Christ’s sacrificial death becomes the persuasive appeal for the Christian’s sacrificial life, “Because we thus judge, that one died for all, therefore all died; and he died for all, that they that live should no longer live unto themselves, but unto him who for their sakes died and rose again” (2 Cor 5:14,15). Because He died for us we should live for Him. But what is the appeal which Christ’s sacrificial death makes to the saved sinner? “The love of Christ constraineth us” (2 Cor 5:14). Christ’s death on the cross exhibits His love, unspeakable, unthinkable love, for it was love for His “enemies” ( Romans 5:10), and that matchless love kindles love in the forgiven sinner’s heart. He is willing to do anything, even to die, for his Saviour who died for him ( Acts 21:13; Philippians 1:29,30). It is a greater privilege for the saved sinner to suffer for Christ than it is to believe on Him. Peter (1 Pet 3:17,18), the author of Hebrews (12; 13:13) and John ( 1 John 3:16; 4:16-19) emphasize this truth. 3. Necessary to Fill Out Christ’s Sacrifice:

    The Christian’s sacrifice is necessary to fill out Christ’s sacrifice. “Now I rejoice in my sufferings for your sake, and fill up on my part that which is lacking of the afflictions of Christ in my flesh for his body’s sake, which is the church” ( Colossians 1:24). Roman Catholic exegetes have made the apostle teach that the sufferings of the saints, along with Christ’s sufferings, have atoning efficacy. But Paul nowhere intimates that his sufferings avail for putting away sins. We may hold with Weiss (Comm. on the New Testament) that Paul longed to experience in his life the perfect sacrificial spirit as Christ did; or with Alford (in loc.) that he wished to suffer his part of Christ’s sufferings to be endured by him through His church; or, as it seems to us, he longed to make effective by his ministry of sacrificial service to as many others as possible the sacrificial death of Christ. Christ’s sacrifice avails in saving men only when Christians sacrifice their lives in making known this sacrifice of Christ. 4. Content of the Christian’s Sacrifice: (1) The Christian is to present his personality ( Romans 15:16). Paul commends the Macedonians for “first” giving “their own selves to the Lord” (2 Cor 8:5). (2) Christians must present their “bodies a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable to God” ( Romans 12:1). In the old system of sacrifices the animals were offered as dead; Christians are to offer their bodies, all their members with their powers, to God a “living sacrifice,” i.e. a sacrifice which operates in lives of holiness and service (see also Romans 6:13,19). (3) Christians must offer their money or earthly possessions to God.

    Paul speaks of the gift from the church at Philippi as “a sacrifice acceptable, well-pleasing to God” ( Philippians 4:18). This gift was to the apostle a beautiful expression of the sacrificial spirit imparted to them because they had the “mind” of Christ who “emptied himself, .... becoming obedient even unto death, yea, the death of the cross” ( Philippians 2:5-8). The author of Hebrews (13:16) exhorts his readers, “But to do good and to communicate forget not: for with such sacrifices God is well pleased.” (4) The general exercise of all our gifts and graces is viewed by Peter as sacrificial living (1 Pet 2:5): “Ye also, as living stones, are built up a spiritual house, to be a holy priesthood, to offer up spiritual sacrifices” etc. All Christians are priests and daily offer up their burnt offerings acceptable to God, if they `suffer as Christians’ (1 Pet 2:20; 3:18) in the exercise of their graces and powers.

    But how do these sacrifices of the Christian affect him and God? The New Testament writers never hint that our sacrifices propitiate God, or so win His favor that He will or can on account of our sacrifices forgive our sins.

    They are “well-pleasing” to Him a “sweet odor”; that is, they win His approval of our lives thus lived according to the standard which Christ gives us. Their influence on us is the increase of our spiritual efficiency and power and finally a greater capacity for enjoying spiritual blessings in heaven (1 Cor 3:14). 5. The Supper as a Sacrifice:

    Some scholars (Roman Catholic, Episcopalian, etc.) regard the memorial supper as a kind of sacrifice which the Christian offers in worship. Neither Jesus, Paul, the author of Hebrews, Peter, or John, ever hints that in eating the bread and drinking the wine the Christian offers a sacrifice to God in Christ. Paul teaches that in partaking of the Supper we “proclaim the Lord’s death till he come” (1 Cor 11:26). That is, instead of offering a sacrifice ourselves to God, in partaking of the Supper we proclaim the offering of Christ’s sacrifice for us. Milligan argues that as Christ in heaven perpetually offers Himself for us, so we on earth, in the Supper, offer ourselves to Him (Heavenly Priesthood, 266). Even Cave (Spiritual Doctrine of Sacrifice, 439) maintains, “In a certain loose sense the Lord’s Supper may be called a sacrifice.” See the above books for the argument supporting this position.

    To sum up our conclusions on sacrifice in the New Testament: (1) Jesus and New Testament writers regard the Old Testament sacrificial system as from God, but imperfect, the various sacrifices serving only as types of the one great sacrifice which Christ made. (2) All the writers, except James and Jude, with Jesus, emphasize the sacrificial idea, Jesus less, giving only two hints of His sacrificial death (in the Synoptic Gospels), the author of Hebrews putting the climactic emphasis on Christ’s sacrifice as the sacrifice of atonement. (3) As to the relation of Christ’s sacrifice to man’s salvation, the latter is the achievement of the former, so expressed only twice by Jesus, but emphatically so declared by Paul, the author of Heb, Peter, and John (Paul and Hebrews laying most emphasis on this point). (4) As to how Christ’s sacrifice saves men, Jesus, the author of He, Peter and John suggest the idea of propitiation, while Paul emphatically teaches that man is under a curse, exposed to the displeasure of God, and that Christ’s sacrifice secured the reconciliation of God by vindicating His righteousness in punishing sin and His love in saving sinners. Jesus and the leading New Testament writers agree that Christ saves men through His vicarious suffering. (5) As to the rational basis of efficacy in Christ’s sacrifice, there is no direct discussion in the New Testament except by the author of Hebrews who grounds its final, eternal efficacy in Christ’s personality, divine, royal, sinless and eternal. (6) As to the conditions of applying Christ’s sacrifice, repentance and faith, which lives and fruits in obedience and sacrificial living, are recognized by Jesus and all the leading New Testament writers as the means of appropriating the benefits of Christ’s sacrifice. (7) By Jesus, Paul, the author of He, Peter and John the Christian life is viewed as the life of sacrifice. Christ’s death is at once the cause, motive, measure, and the dynamic of the Christian’s sacrificial life. LITERATURE.

    In addition to the great comms. — ICC, Allen on “Mt,” Gould on “Mk,” Sanday-Headlam on “Rom”; Westcott on the Gospel and Epistles of John, and on the Hebrews; Davidson, Delitzsch and Meyer on Hebrews; Meyer on 2 Corinthians; Lightfoot and Abbott on Colossians; and the standard authors of the Biblical Theology of the New Testament, Weiss, Beyschlag, Bovon, Stevens, Sheldon — see the following special works: Cave, Scriptural Doctrine of Sacrifice, Edinburgh, 1890; Simon, Redemption of Man, 1886; G. Milligan, The Theology of the Epistle to the Hebrews, Edinburgh, 1899; Milligan, The Ascension and Heavenly Priesthood of our Lord, London, 1908; W.P. Du Bose, High-Priesthood and Sacrifice; Everett, The Gospel of Paul, Boston, 1893; Burton, Smith, and Smith, Biblical Ideas of Atonement, Chicago, 1909; Denney, The Death of Christ:

    Its Place and Interpretation in the New Testament, London, 1902; Denney, The Atonement and the Modern Mind, London, 1903; Ritschl, Rechtfertigung und Versohnung (Justification and Reconciliation), Bonn, 1895-1902, English translations of the Bible, 1900; Menegoz, Theol. del’Ep. aux Hebreux; article “Blood,” Hastings, Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, by H. Wheeler Robinson; article “Communion with Deity,” ibid., by Nathan Soderblom; article “Communion with Deity” (Christian), ibid., by Darwell Stone and D. C. Simpson; article “Expiation and Atonement,” ibid., by W. A. Brown (Christian viewpoint), S. R. Driver (Hebrew), H. Loewe (Jewish); article “Redemption from the Curse of the Law,” in AJT, October, 1907, by Professor E. D. Burton; article “Some Thoughts as to the Effects of the Death of Christ,” in Revelation and The Expositor, October, 1909. C. B. Williams SACRIFICE, HUMAN <hu’-man > : As an expression of religious devotion, human sacrifice has been widespread at certain stages of the race’s development. The tribes of Western Asia were deeply affected by the practice, probably prior to the settlement of the Hebrews in Palestine, and it continued at least down to the 5th century BC. At times of great calamity, anxiety and danger, parents sacrificed their children as the greatest and most costly offering which they could make to propitiate the anger of the gods and thus secure their favor and help. There is no intimation in the Bible that enemies or captives were sacrificed; only the offering of children by their parents is mentioned. The belief that this offering possessed supreme value is seen in Micah 6:6 f, where the sacrifice of the firstborn is the climax of a series of offerings which, in a rising scale of values, are suggested as a means of propitiating the angry Yahweh. A striking example of the rite as actually practiced is seen in 2 Kings 3:27, where Mesha the king of Moab (made famous by the Moabite Stone), under the stress of a terrible siege, offered his eldest son, the heir-apparent to the throne, as a burnt offering upon the wall of Kir-hareseth. As a matter of fact this horrid act seems to have had the effect of driving off the allies.

    Human sacrifice was ordinarily resorted to, no doubt, only in times of great distress, but it seems to have been practiced among the old Canaanitish tribes with some frequency ( Deuteronomy 12:31). The Israelites are said to have borrowed it from their Canaanite neighbors ( 2 Kings 16:3; 2 Chronicles 28:3), and as a matter of fact human sacrifices were never offered to Yahweh, but only to various gods of the land. The god who was most frequently worshipped in this way was Moloch or Molech, the god of the Ammonites ( 2 Kings 23:10; Leviticus 18:21; 20:2), but from Jeremiah we learn that the Phoenician god Baal was, at least in the later period of the history, also associated with Molech in receiving this worship ( Jeremiah 19:5; 31:35).

    As in the case of the Canaanites, the only specific cases of human sacrifice mentioned among the Israelites are those of the royal princes, sons of Ahaz and Manasseh, the two kings of Judah who were most deeply affected by the surrounding heathen practices and who, at the same time, fell into great national distress ( 2 Kings 16:3; 2 Chronicles 28:3; 2 Kings 21:6; 2 Chronicles 33:6). But it is clear from many general statements that the custom was widespread among the masses of the people as well. It is forbidden in the Mosaic legislation ( Leviticus 18:21; 20:2-5; Deuteronomy 18:10); it is said in 2 Kings 17:17 that the sacrifice of sons and daughters was one of the causes of the captivity of the ten tribes.

    Jeremiah charges the people of the Southern Kingdom with doing the same thing ( Jeremiah 7:31; 19:5; 31:35); with these general statements agree Isaiah 57:5; Ezekiel 16:2 f; 20:31; 23:37; <19A637> Psalm 106:37 f. A study of these passages makes it certain that in the period immediately before the captivity of Judah, human sacrifice was by no means confined to the royal family, but was rather common among the people. Daughters as well as sons were sacrificed. It is mentioned only once in connection with the Northern Kingdom, and then only in the summary of the causes of their captivity ( 2 Kings 17:17), but the Southern Kingdom in its later years was evidently deeply affected. There were various places where the bloody rite was celebrated ( Jeremiah 19:5), but the special high place, apparently built for the purpose, was in the Valley of Tophet or Hinnom (ge-hinnom , Gehenna) near Jerusalem ( 2 Chronicles 28:3; 33:6). This great high place, built for the special purpose of human sacrifice ( Jeremiah 7:31; 32:35), was defiled by the good king Josiah in the hope of eradicating the cruel practice ( 2 Kings 23:10).

    The Biblical writers without exception look upon the practice with horror as the supreme point of national and religious apostasy, and a chief cause of national disaster. They usually term the rite “passing through fire,” probably being unwilling to use the sacred term “sacrifice” in reference to such a revolting custom. There is no evidence of a continuance of the practice in captivity nor after the return. It is said, however, that the heathen Sepharvites, settled by the Assyrian kings in the depopulated territory of the Northern Kingdom, “burnt their children in the fire to Adrammelech and Anammelech, the gods of Sepharvaim” ( 2 Kings 17:31). The practice is not heard of again, and probably rapidly died out.

    The restored Israelites were not affected by it.

    Compare SACRIFICE (Old Testament), VI, 10. William Joseph McGlothlin SACRILEGE <sak’-ri-lej > : For “commit sacrilege” in Romans 2:22 (the King James Version and the English Revised Version margin), the Revised Version (British and American) has “rob temples,” which more exactly expresses the meaning of the verb (hierosuleo ; compare Acts 19:37, “robbers of temples” (which see)). The noun occurs in 2 Macc 4:39 (the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American)) for the corresponding form hierosulema .

    SADAMIAS <sad-a-mi’-as > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SALEMAS (which see).

    SADAS <sa’-das > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) ASTAD (which see).

    SADDEUS <sa-de’-us > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) LODDEUS (which see).

    SADDLE <sad’-’-l > : As noun ([ bK;r]m, , merkabh ], “a riding seat”) the word occurs in Leviticus 15:9 (margin “carriage”); ordinarily it is used as a verb ([ vb”j; , chabhash ], literally, to “bind up” or “gird about”), to saddle an ass ( Genesis 22:3; Numbers 22:21; Judges 19:10, etc.).

    SADDUCEES <sad’-u-sez > ([ µyqiWDx” , tsadduqim ]; [ Saddoukai~oi, Saddoukaioi ]):

    This prominent Jewish sect, though not so numerous as their opponents, the Pharisees, by their wealth and the priestly descent of many of them had an influence which fully balanced that of their more popular rivals. They were a political party, of priestly and aristocratic tendency, as against the more religious and democratic Pharisees.

    I. INTRODUCTORY. 1. Name: Rival Etymologies. Probably from Zadok the High Priest: The Talmud form suggests derivation from the name of their founder, but the form in New Testament and Josephus would imply connection with the verb “to be righteous.” The probability is, that the name is derived from some person named “Zadok.” The most prominent Zadok in history was the Davidic high priest ( 2 Samuel 8:17; 15:24; 1 Kings 1:35), from whom all succeeding high priests claimed to descend. It is in harmony with this, that in the New Testament the Sadducees are the party to whom the high priests belonged. On the authority of ‘Abhoth de-Rabbi Nathan (circa 1000 AD) another Zadok is asserted to be he from whom the Sadducees received their name. He was a disciple of Antigonus of Socho (circa BC) who taught that love to God should be absolutely disinterested (Pirqe ‘Abhoth, i.3). ‘Abhoth de-Rabbi Nathan’s account of the derivation of the Sadduceanism from this teaching is purely an imaginary deduction (Charles Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers (2) , 112). The majority of authoritative writers prefer to derive the name from Zadok, the colleague of Abiathar, the contemporary of David. 2. Authorities: New Testament, Josephus, Talmud (primary), Church Fathers (secondary): Our main authorities for the teaching of the Sadducees are the New Testament and Josephus. According to the former, the Sadducees denied the resurrection of the body, and did not believe in angels or spirits ( Matthew 22:23; Acts 23:8). More can be learned from Josephus, but his evidence is to be received with caution, as he was a Pharisee and, moreover, had the idea that the Sadducees were to be paralleled with the Epicureans. The Talmud is late. Before even the Mishna was committed to writing (circa 200 AD) the Sadducees had ceased to exist; before the Gemara was completed (circa 700 AD) every valid tradition of their opinions must have vanished. Further, the Talmud is Pharisaic. The Fathers, Origen, Hippolytus, Epiphanius and Jerome, have derived their information from late Pharisaic sources.

    II. ORIGIN AND HISTORY. 1. Early Notices in Josephus: Alleged Relation to Differences between Prophets and Priests: Josephus describes the Sadducees along with the contemporary sects, the Pharisees and the Essenes (Josephus, Ant, XIII, v, 9; X, vi 2; XVIII, i, 4, 5; BJ, II, viii, 14). His earliest notice of them is after his account of the treaties of Jonathan with the Romans and the Lacedemonians. He indicates his belief that the parties were ancient; but if so, they must have formerly had other names. It has been suggested that the earlier form of the conflict between the Sadducees and Pharisees was opposition between the priests and the prophets. This, however, is not tenable; in the Southern Kingdom there was no such opposition; whatever the state of matters in the Northern Kingdom, it could have had no influence on opinion in Judea and Galilee in the time of our Lord. By others the rivalry is supposed to be inherited from that between the scribes and the priests, but Ezra, the earliest scribe, in the later sense of the term, was a priest with strong sacerdotal sympathies. 2. Tendencies of Sadducees toward Hellenism as Causing Rise of Chacidhim: Probably the priestly party only gradually crystallized into the sect of the Sadducees. After the return from the exile, the high priest drew to himself all powers, civil and religious. To the Persian authorities he was as the king of the Jews. The high priest and those about him were the persons who had to do with the heathen supreme government and the heathen nationalities around; this association would tend to lessen their religious fervor, and, by reaction, this roused the zeal of a section of the people for the law. With the Greek domination the power of the high priests at home was increased, but they became still more subservient to their heathen masters, and were the leaders in the Hellenizing movement. They took no part in the Maccabean struggle, which was mainly supported by their opponents the chacidhim, as they were called (the Hasideans of 1 Macc 2:42, etc.). When the chacidhim, having lost sympathy with the Maccabeans, sought to reconcile themselves to the priestly party, Alcimus, the legitimate high priest, by his treachery and cruelty soon renewed the breach. The Hasmoneans then were confirmed in the high-priesthood, but were only lukewarmly supported by the chacidhim . 3. Favored by Janneus: Put in the Background by Alexandra Salome: The division between the Hasmoneans and the chacidhim , or, as they were now called, Pharisees, culminated in the insult offered by Eleazar to John Hyrcanus, the Hasmonean high priest (Josephus, Ant, XIII, x, 5).

    Alexander Janneus, the son of Hyrcanus, became a violent partisan of the Sadducees, and crucified large numbers of the Pharisees. Toward the end of his life he fell out of sympathy with the Sadducees, and on his deathbed recommended his wife Alexandra Salome, who as guardian to his sons succeeded him, to favor the Pharisees, which she did. In the conflict between her two sons, John Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II, the Sadducees took the side of Aristobulus, the younger and abler brother. So long as the contest was between Jews, the Sadducean candidate prevailed. When the Romans were called in, they gave the advantage to Hyrcanus. 4. From a Political, Become Also a Religious Party: Thrown into the background by the overthrow of their candidate for the high-priesthood, they soon regained their influence. They allied themselves with the Herodiana who had supported Hyrcanus, but were subservient to Rome. Though they were not theological at first, they became so, to defend their policy against the attacks of the Pharisees. A historic parallel may be found in the Cavaliers of the reign of Charles I, as over against the Puritans. 5. Fear Roman Interference if Jesus’ Messianic Claims Are Recognized: The Sadducees at first regarded the struggle between our Lord and the Pharisees as a matter with which they had no concern. It was not until our Lord claimed to be the Messiah, and the excitement of the people consequent on this proved likely to draw the attention of the Roman authorities, that they intervened. Should Tiberius learn that there was widespread among the Jews the belief in the coming of a Jewish king who was to rule the world, and that one had appeared who claimed to be this Messiah, very soon would the quasi-independence enjoyed by the Jews be taken from them, and with this the influence of the Sadducees would depart. An oligarchy is proverbially sensitive to anything that threatens its stability; a priesthood is unmeasured in its vindictiveness; and the Sadducees were a priestly oligarchy. Hence, it is not wonderful that only the death of Jesus would satisfy them. 6. Sadducees Antagonistic to the Apostles: Pharisees More Favorable: After the resurrection, the Pharisees became less hostile to the followers of Christ; but the Sadducees maintained their attitude of suspicion and hatred ( Acts 4:1). Although a Pharisee, it was as agent of the Sadducean high priest that Paul persecuted the believers. The Sadducees gained complete ascendancy in the Sanhedrin, and later, under the leadership of Annas, or as he is sometimes called by Josephus, Ananus, the high priest, they put James the brother of our Lord to death (Josephus, Ant, XX, ix, 1) with many others, presumably Christians. The Pharisees were against these proceedings; and even sent messengers to meet Albinus who was coming to succeed Festus as governor to entreat him to remove Annas from the highpriesthood. 7. The Fall of Sadducean Party at Outbreak of Jewish War: With the outbreak of the Jewish war, the Sadducees with their allies the Herodians were driven into the background by the Zealots, John of Gischala and Simon ben Gioras. Annas and Joshua, also called high priest by Josephus, were both put to death by the Zealots and their Idumean allies (Josephus, BJ, IV, v, 2). With the destruction of the temple and the fall of the Jewish state the Sadducean party disappeared.

    III. DOCTRINES OF THE SADDUCEES. 1. Laid Stress on Ceremonial Exactness: As the sacerdotal party, the Sadducees laid great stress on the ceremonial of sacrifice, and rejected the changes introduced by their opponents unless these found support in the words of the Law. 2. Disbelief in the Spiritual World, in a Resurrection, and in Providence:

    Their Materialism: The most prominent doctrine of the Sadducees was the denial of the immortality of the soul and of the resurrection of the body. The Pharisees believed that Moses had delivered these doctrines to the elders, and that they had in turn handed them on to their successors. The Sadducees rejected all these traditions. From Acts (23:8) we learn that they believed in neither “angel or spirit.” As appearances of angels are mentioned in the Law, it is difficult to harmonize their reverence for the Law with this denial. They may have regarded these angelophanies as theophanies.

    Josephus distinctly asserts (Ant., XVIII, i, 4) that the Sadducees believe that the soul dies with the body. They deny, he says, divine providence (BJ, II, viii, 14). Their theology might be called “religion within the limits of mere sensation.” 3. Alleged Belief in Canonicity of the Pentateuch Alone: The Fathers, Hippolytus, Origen and Jerome, credit the Sadducees with regarding the Pentateuch as alone canonical (Hipp., Haer., ix.24; Orig., Contra Celsum, i.49; on Matthew 22:24-31; Jerome on Matthew 22:31,32). This idea may be due to a false identification of the views of the Sadducees with those of the Samaritans. Had they rejected all the rest of Scripture, it is hardly possible that Josephus would have failed to notice this. The Talmud does not mention this among their errors. It is certain that they gave more importance to the Pentateuch than to any other of the books of Scripture. Hence, our Lord, in the passage commented on by Origen and Jerome, appeals to the Law rather than to the Prophets or the Psalms. It follows from the little value they put upon the Prophets that they had no sympathy with the Messianic hopes of the Pharisees. 4. Relation to Epicureanism: It need hardly be said that there was no real connection between Sadduceanism and the doctrines of Epicurus. There was a superficial resemblance which was purely accidental. Their favor for Hellenism would give a color to this identification.

    IV. CHARACTER OF SADDUCEES. 1. Characterized as Rough and Boorish: Josephus says that while the Pharisees have amiable manners and cultivate concord among all, the Sadducees are “very boorish” (BJ, II, viii, 14). This want of manners is not a characteristic usually associated with an aristocracy, or with supple diplomats, yet it suits what we find in the New Testament. The cruel horseplay indulged in when our Lord was tried before the irregular meeting of the Sanhedrin ( Matthew 26:67,68), the shout of Ananias at the trial of Paul before the same tribunal to “smite him on the mouth,” show them to be rough and overbearing. What Josephus relates of the conduct of Annas (or Ananus) in regard to James, above referred to, agrees with this. Josephus, however, does not always speak in such condemnatory terms of Ananus — in Josephus, Jewish Wars (IV, v, 2) he calls him “a man venerable and most just.” Only the violence which, as Josephus relates in the chapter immediately preceding that from which we have quoted, Ananus resorted to against the Zealots better suits the earlier verdict of Josephus than the later. As to their general character Josephus mentions that when the Sadducees became magistrates they conformed their judgments to Pharisaic opinion, otherwise they would not have been tolerated (Ant., XVIII, i, 4). 2. Talmudic Account of the Sadducees: As noted above, the Talmud account is untrustworthy, late and Pharisaic.

    The Gemara from which most of the references are taken was not committed to writing till 7 centuries after Christ — when the traditions concerning the Sadducees, such as had survived, had filtered through generations of Pharisaism. Despite this lengthened time and suspicious medium, there may be some truth in the representations of the Talmudic rabbin. In Pesachim 57a it is said, “Woe’s me on account of the house of Boothus, woe’s me on account of their spears; woe’s me on account of the house of Hanun (Annas), woe’s me on account of their serpent brood; woe’s me on account of the house of Kathros, woe’s me on account of their pen; woe’s me on account of the house of Ishmael ben Phabi; woe’s me on account of their fists. They are high priests and their sons are treasurers of the temple, and their sons-in-law, assistant treasurers; and their servants beat the people with sticks.” As these are Sadducean names, this passage exhibits Pharisaic tradition as to the habits of the Sadducees. 3. Relation to Temple and Worship a Heathenish One: The Sadducean high priests made Hophni and Phinehas too much their models. Annas and his sons had booths in the courts of the temple for the sale of sacrificial requisites, tables for money-changers, as ordinary coins had to be changed into the shekels of the sanctuary. From all these the priests of the high-priestly caste derived profit at the expense of desecrating the temple (Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus, I, 371 ff).

    They did not, as did the Pharisees, pay spiritual religion the homage of hypocrisy; they were frankly irreligious. While officials of religion, they were devoid of its spirit. This, however, represents their last stage. 4. Sadducean Literature: The favor for the memory of John Hyrcanus shown by the writer of Maccabees (16:23,14) renders probable Geiger’s opinion that the author was a Sadducee. He shows the party in its best form: his outlook on life is eminently sane, and his history is trustworthy. He has sympathy with the patriotism of the Hasideans, but none with the religious scruples which led them to desert Judas Maccabeus. That the writer of Ecclesiasticus from his silence as to the national expectation of a Messiah and the hope of a future life was also a Sadducee, is almost certain.

    V. RELATION OF SADDUCEES TO JESUS. 1. Less Denounced by Jesus than the Pharisees: As the doctrines and practices of the Sadducees were quite alien from the teaching of our Lord and the conduct He enjoined, it is a problem why He did not denounce them more frequently than He did. Indeed He never denounces the Sadducees except along with their opponents the Pharisees; whereas He frequently denounces the Pharisees alone. As His position, both doctrinal and practical, was much nearer that of the Pharisees, it was necessary that He should clearly mark Himself off from them. There was not the same danger of His position being confused with that of the Sadducees. Josephus informs us that the Sadducees had influence with the rich; Jesus drew His adherents chiefly from the poor, from whom also the Pharisees drew. The latter opposed Him all the more that He was sapping their source of strength; hence, He had to defend Himself against them.

    Further, the Gospels mainly recount our Lord’s ministry in Galilee, whereas the Sadducees were chiefly to be found in Jerusalem and its neighborhood; hence, there may have been severe denunciations of the Sadducees that have not come down to us. 2. Attitude of Sadducees to Jesus: The Sadducees probably regarded Jesus as harmless fanatic who by His denunciations was weakening the influence of the Pharisees. Only when His claim to be the Messiah brought Him within the sphere of practical politics did they desire to intervene. When they did determine to come into conflict with Jesus, they promptly decreed His arrest and death; only the arrest was to be secret, “lest a tumult arise among the people” ( Matthew 26:5). In their direct encounter with our Lord in regard to the resurrection ( Matthew 22:25 ff; Mark 12:20 ff; Luke 20:29 ff), there is an element of contempt implied in the illustration which they bring, as if till almost the end they failed to take Him seriously. For Literature see PHARISEES. J. E. H. Thomson SADDUK <sad’-uk > (Codex Alexandrinus (Fritzsche), [ Sa>ddoukov, Saddoukos ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Saddou>loukov, Saddouloukos ]; the King James Version Sadduc): The high priest, an ancestor of Ezra (1 Esdras 8:2) = “Zadok” in Ezra 7:2 = “Sadoc” in 2 Esdras 1:1.

    SADOC <sa’-dok > : (1) (Latin Sadoch): An ancestor of Ezra (2 Esdras 1:1) = “Zadok” in Ezra 7:2 = “Sadduk” in 1 Esdras 8:2. (2) ([ Sadw>k, Sadok ]): A descendant of Zerubbabel and ancestor of Jesus ( Matthew 1:14).

    SAFFRON <saf’-run > ([ µKor]K” , karkom ]; [kro>kov, krokos ]): Identical with the Arabic kurqum, the same as za`faran, “saffron.” The source of the true saffron is Crocus sativus (Natural Order, Indaceae), a plant cultivated in Palestine; there are 8 wild varieties in all of which, as in the cultivated species, the orange-colored styles and stigmas yield the yellow dye, saffron. Song 4:14 probably refers to the C. sativus. There is a kind of bastard saffron plant, the Carthamus tinctorius (Natural Order, Compositae), of which the orange-colored flowers yield a dye like saffron. E. W. G. Masterman SAIL; SAILOR <sal > , <sal’-er > . See SHIPS AND BOATS, II, 2, (3); III, 2.

    SAINTS <sants > : In the King James Version 3 words are thus rendered: (1) [ vwOdq; , qadhosh ] (in Daniel the same root occurs several times in its Aramaic form, [ vyDiq” , qaddish ]); (2) [ dysij; , chacidh ], and (3) [a[gioi, hagioi ]. Of these words (2) has in general the meaning of righteousness or goodness, while (1) and (3) have the meaning of consecration and divine claim and ownership. They are not primarily words of character, like chacidh , but express a relation to God as being set apart for His own. Wherever qadhosh refers to angels, the rendering “holy one” or “holy ones” has been substituted in the Revised Version (British and American) for the King James Version “saint” or “saints,” which is the case also in <19A616> Psalm 106:16 margin (compare 34:9), and in 1 Samuel 2:9, as the translation of chacidh .

    While hagioi occurs more frequently in the New Testament than does qadhosh in the Old Testament, yet both are applied with practical uniformity to the company of God’s people rather than to any individual.

    Perhaps the rendering “saints” cannot be improved, but it is necessary for the ordinary reader constantly to guard against the idea that New Testament saintship was in any way a result of personal character, and consequently that it implied approval of moral attainment already made.

    Such a rendering as “consecrate ones,” for example, would bring out more clearly the relation to God which is involved, but, besides the fact that it is not a happy translation, it might lead to other errors, for it is not easy to remember that consecration — the setting apart of the individual as one of the company whom God has in a peculiar way as His own — springs not from man, but from God Himself, and that consequently it is in no way something optional, and admits of no degrees of progress, but, on the contrary, is from the beginning absolute duty. It should also be noted that while, as has been said, to be a saint is not directly and primarily to be good but to be set apart by God as His own, yet the godly and holy character ought inevitably and immediately to result. When God consecrates and claims moral beings for Himself and His service, He demands that they should go on to be fit for and worthy of the relation in which He has placed them, and so we read of certain actions as performed “worthily of the saints” ( Romans 16:2) and as such “as becometh saints” ( Ephesians 5:3). The thought of the holy character of the “saints,” which is now so common as almost completely to obscure the real thought of the New Testament writers, already lay in their thinking very close to their conception of saintship as consecration by God to be His own. David Foster Estes SALA, SALAH <sa’-la > ([ jl”v, , shelach ], “a missile,” “petition”; [ Sala>, Sala ]): A son of Arpachshad (the King James Version Genesis 10:24; 11:13 ff; Chronicles 1:18,24). Luke 3:35,36 follows the Septuagint of Genesis 10:24; 11:12 = SHELAH (which see).

    SALAMIEL <sa-la’-mi-el > (Codex Vaticanus [ Salamih>l, Salamiel ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Samamih>l, Samamiel ]): An ancestor of Judith (Judith 8:1) = the King James Version “Samuel” = “Shelumiel.”

    SALAMIS <sal’-a-mis > ([ Salami>v, Salamis ]): 1. SITE:

    A town on the east coast of Cyprus, situated some 3 miles to the North of the medieval and modern Famagusta. It lay near the river Pediaeus, at the eastern extremity of the great plain of the Mesorea, which runs far into the interior of the island toward Nicosia (Lefkosia), the present capital. It possessed a good harbor and was the most populous and flourishing town of Cyprus in the Hellenic and Roman periods, carrying on a vigorous trade with the ports of Cilicia and Syria. Its population was mixed, consisting of Greek and Phoenician elements. The former, however, gave its tone and color to the city, and the chief cult and temple were those of Salaminian Zeus. 2. EARLY HISTORY:

    Tradition represented Salamis as rounded soon after the fall of Troy by Teucer, the prince of Greek archers according to the narrative of the Iliad, who named it after his home, the island of Salamis off the Attic coast. In the 6th century BC it figures as an important Hellenic city, ruled by a line of kings reputed to be descended from Teucer and strengthened by an alliance with Cyrene (Herodotus iv.162). Gorgus, who was on the throne in 498 BC, refused to join the Ionic revolt against Persia, but the townsmen, led by his brother Onesilus, took up arms in the struggle for freedom. A crushing defeat, however, inflicted udder the walls of Salamis, restored the island to its Persian overlords, who reinstated Gorgus as a vassal prince (Herodotus v.103 ff). In 449 a Greek fleet under Athenian leadership defeated the Phoenician navy, which was in the service of Persia, off Salamis; but the Athenian withdrawal which followed the battle led to a decided anti-Hellenic reaction, until the able and vigorous rule of the Salaminian prince Euagoras, who was a warm friend of the Athenians (Isocrates, Euag.) and a successful champion of Hellenism. In 306 a second great naval battle was fought off Salamis, in which Demetrius Poliorcetes defeated the forces of Ptolemy I (Soter), king of Egypt. But 11 years later the town came into Ptolemy’s hands and, with the rest of the island, remained an appanage of the Egyptian kingdom until the incorporation of Cyprus in the Roman Empire (58 BC). 3. VISIT OF THE APOSTLES:

    When Barnabas and Paul, accompanied by John Mark, set out on their 1st missionary journey, they sailed from Seleucia, the seaport of Antioch, and landed at Salamis, about 130 miles distant, as the harbor nearest to the Syrian coast. There they preached the gospel in the “synagogues of the Jews” ( Acts 13:5); the phrase is worth noting as pointing to the existence of several synagogues and thus of a large Jewish community in Salamis. Of work among the Gentiles we hear nothing, nor is any indication given either of the duration of the apostles’ visit or of the success of their mission; but it would seem that after a short stay they proceeded “through the whole island” ( Acts 13:6 the Revised Version (British and American)) to Paphos. The words seem to imply that they visited all, or at least most, of the towns in which there were Jewish communities. Paul did not return to Salamis, but Barnabas doubtless went there on his 2nd missionary journey ( Acts 15:39), and tradition states that he was martyred there in Nero’s reign, on the site marked by the monastery named after him. 4. LATER HISTORY:

    In 116 AD the Jews in Cyprus rose in revolt and massacred 240,000 Greeks and Romans. The rising was crushed with the utmost severity by Hadrian. Salamis was almost depopulated, and its destruction was afterward consummated by earthquakes in 332 and 342 AD. It was rebuilt, though on a much smaller scale, by the emperor Constantius II (337-61 AD) under the name Constantia, and became the metropolitan see of the island. The most famous of its bishops was Epiphanius, the staunch opponent of heresy, who held the see from 367 to 403. In 647 the city was finally destroyed by the Saracens. Considerable remains of ancient buildings still remain on the site; an account of the excavations carried on there in 1890 by Messrs. J. A.R. Munro and H.A. Tubbs under the auspices of the Cyprus Exploration Fund will be found in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, XII, 59-198. M. N. Tod SALASADAI <sal-a-sad’-a-i > (Codex Alexandrinus [ Salasadai>, Salasadai ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Sarasadai>, Sarasadai ], [ Sarisadai>, Sarisadai ]): An ancestor of Judith (Judith 8:1).

    SALATHIEL <sa-la’-thi-el > : (1) ([ Salaqih>l, Salathiel ]): the King James Version; Greek form of “Shealtiel” (thus the Revised Version (British and American)). The father of Zerubbabel (1 Esdras 5:5,48,56; 6:2; Matthew 1:12; Luke 3:27). (2) Revised Version: Another name of Esdras (2 Esdras 3:1, “Salathiel”).

    SALE <sal > ([ rK;m]mi , mimkar ]): The word is used: (1) in the sense of the transaction ( Leviticus 25:50); (2) in the sense of the limit of time involved in the transaction ( Leviticus 25:27); (3) in the sense of the price paid in the transaction ( Deuteronomy 18:8), though it may be the same as (1) above.

    SALECAH; SALCAH, SALCHAH <sal’-e-ka > , <sal’-ka > ([ hk;l]s” , calekhah ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Sekcai>, Sekchai ], [ jAca>, Acha ], [ Sela>, Sela ] Codex Alexandrinus [ jElca>, Elcha ], [ jAselca>, Aselcha ], [ Selca>, Selcha ]): This place first appears in Deuteronomy 3:10 as marking the eastern boundary of Bashan. It is named as one of the cities in which Og, king of Bashan, ruled ( Joshua 12:5). It must certainly have been included in the portion given to the halftribe of Manasseh, “all the kingdom of Og king of Bashan,” although it is not named among the cities that fell to him ( Joshua 13:29 ff). At a later time we are told that Gad dwelt over against the Reubenites in the land of Bashan unto Salecah ( 1 Chronicles 5:11). The boundaries of the tribes probably changed from time to time.

    The ancient city is represented by the modern Qalkhad, a city in a high and strong position at the southern end of Jebel ed-Druze (the Mountain of Bashan). On a volcanic hill rising some 300 ft. above the town, in what must have been the crater, stands the castle. The view from the battlements, as the present writer can testify, is one of the finest East of the Jordan, including the rich hollow of the Chauran, Mt. Hermon, and all the intervening country to the mountains of Samaria, with vast reaches of the desert to the South and to the East. The old Roman roads are still clearly seen running without curve or deviation across the country to Bozrah and Der’ah, away to the Southeast over the desert to Kal`at el-`Azraq, and eastward to the Persian Gulf. The castle was probably built by the Romans.

    Restored by the Arabs, it was a place of strength in Crusading times. It has now fallen on evil days. The modern town, containing many ancient houses, lies mainly on the slopes Southeast of the castle. The inhabitants are Druzes, somewhat noted for turbulence.

    In the recent rising of the Druzes (1911) the place suffered heavily from bombardment by the Turks. For water-supply it is entirely dependent on cisterns filled during the rainy season. W. Ewing SALEM (1) <sa’-lem > ([ µlev; , shalem ]; [ Salh>m, Salem ]): The name of the city of which Melchizedek was king ( Genesis 14:18; Hebrews 7:1,2; compare Psalm 76:2). 1. IDENTIFICATION AND MEANING:

    To all appearance it lay near “the Vale of Shaveh,” described as “the King’s Vale.” The general opinion among the Jews was that Salem was the same as Jerusalem, as stated by Josephus (Ant., I, x, 2), who adds (VII, iii, 2) that it was known as Solyma ([ So>luma, Saluma ], variants, according to Whiston, Salem and Hierosolyma ) in the time of Abraham. It was also reported that the city and its temple were called Solyma by Homer, and he adds that the name in Hebrew means “security.” This identification with Jerusalem was accepted by Onkelos and all the Targums, as well as by the early Christians. The Samaritans have always identified Salem with Salim, East of Nablus, but Jewish and Christian tradition is more likely to be correct, supported, as it is, by Psalm 76:2. 2. TESTIMONY OF TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS:

    The testimony of the Tell el-Amarna Letters is apparently negative.

    Knudtzon’s number 287 mentions “the land” and “the lands of Urusalim,” twice with the prefix for “city”; number 289 likewise has this prefix twice; and number 290 refers to “the city” or “a city of the land Urusalim called Bit-Ninip” Tablets (Beth-Anusat (?)). As there is no prefix of any kind before the element salim, it is not probable that this is the name of either a man (the city’s founder) or a god (like the Assyrian Sulmanu). The form in Sennacherib’s inscriptions (compare Taylor Cylinder, III, 50), Ursalimmu, gives the whole as a single word in the nominative, the double “m” implying that the “i” was long. As the Assyrians pronounced “s” as “sh”, it is likely that the Urusalimites did the same, hence, the Hebrew yerushalaim , with “sh”. See JERUSALEM.

    T. G. Pinches SALEM (2) ([ Sa>lhmov, Salamos ]; the King James Version Salum): An ancestor of Ezra (1 Esdras 8:1) = “Shallum” in Ezra 7:2 = “Salemas” in 2 Esdras 1:1.

    SALEMAS <sal’-e-mas > , <sa-le’-mas > (Latin Salame; the King James Version Sadamias): An ancestor of Ezra (2 Esdras 1:1) = “Shallum” in Ezra 7:2; called also “Salem” in 1 Esdras 8:1.

    SALIM <sa’-lim > ([ Salei>m, Saleim ]): A place evidently well known, since the position of Aenon, the springs where John was baptizing, was defined by reference to it: they were “near to Salim” ( John 3:23). It must be sought on the West of the Jordan, as will be seen from comparison of John 1:28; 3:26; 10:40. Many identifications have been proposed: e.g. that of Alford with Shilhim and Ain in the South of Judah; that of Busching with `Ain Karim, and that of Barclay, who would place Salim in Wady Suleim near `Anata, making Aenon the springs in Wady Far`ah. These are all ruled out by their distance from the district where John is known to have been at work. If there were no other objection to that suggested by Conder (Tent Work,49 f) following Robinson (BR, III, 333) with Salim in the plain East of Nablus, Aenon being `Ainun in Wady Far`ah, it would be sufficient to say that this is in the very heart of Samaria, and therefore impossible. In any case the position of Aenon, 6 miles distant, with a high ridge intervening, would hardly be defined by the village of Salim, with the important city of Shechem quite as near, and more easily accessible.

    Onomasticon places Aenon 8 Roman miles South of Scythopolis (Beisan), near Salumias (Salim) and the Jordan. This points to Tell Ridhghah, on the northern side of which is a shrine known locally as Sheikh Selim. Not far off, by the ruins of Umm el-`Amdan, there are seven copious fountains which might well be called Aenon, “place of springs.”

    There is reason to believe that this district did not belong to Samaria, but was included in the lands of Scythopolis, which was an important member of the league of ten cities. W. Ewing SALIMOTH <sal’-i-moth > (Codex Vaticanus [ Saleimw>q, Saleimoth ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ jAssalimw>q, ‘Assalimoth ]; the latter is due to a wrong division of syllables; the King James Version Assailmoth): The same as “Shelomith” ( Ezra 8:10). Salimoth, the son of Josaphias, of the family of Banias, and with him 130 men went up to Jerusalem with Ezra (1 Esdras 8:36).

    SALLAI <sal’-a-i > , <sal’-i > ([ yL”s” , callay ]; [ Salw>m, Salom ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Salw>, Salo ], with variants): (1) Eponym of a Benjamite family which settled at Jerusalem after the return, descendants of “Sallu” ( 1 Chronicles 9:7; Nehemiah 11:7,8); the pedigrees of Sallu differ decidedly in the two passages.

    Curtis (ICC) suggests that “son of Hodaviah, the son of Hassenuah” (Chronicles) is a corruption or derivation of “Judah the son of Hassenuah” (Nehemiah). (2) Name of a priestly family ( Nehemiah 12:20), called “Sallu” in Nehemiah 12:7.

    SALLU <sal’-u > . See SALLAI.

    SALLUMUS <sa-lu’-mus > , <sal’-u-mus > [ Sa>lloumov, Salloumos ]): One of the porters who had taken “strange wives” (1 Esdras 9:25) = “Shallum” in Ezra 10:24; called also “Salum” in 1 Esdras 5:28.

    SALMA <sal’-ma > . See SALMON.

    SALMAI <sal’-mi > , <sal’-ma-i > ([ ym”l]c” , salmay ]; the King James Version, Shalmai (the King James Version in Nehemiah 7:48 is “Shalmai” = Ezra 2:46); the Revised Version (British and American) “Salmai”): The eponym of a family of Nethinim, called “Shamlai” in Ezra 2:46 (Qere, [ yl”m]v” , shamlay ], Kethibh, [ ym”l]v” , shalmay ], followed by the King James Version text, “Shalmai”; Codex Vaticanus [ Samaa>n, Samaan ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Selami>, Selami ]; Nehemiah 7:48, Codex Vaticanus [ Salemei>, Salemei ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Selmei>, Selmei ]; Codex Sinaiticus [ Samaei>, Samaei ]). The name suggests a foreign reign. In 1 Esdras 5:30 the corresponding name is “Subai.”

    SALMANASAR <sal-ma-na’-sar > (2 Esdras 13:40) = SHALMANESER (which see).

    SALMON; SALMA <sal’-mon > , ([ ˆwOml]c” , salmon ], “investiture” ( Ruth 4:21), [ hm;l]c” , salmah ], “clothing” ( Ruth 4:20), [ am;l]c” , salma’ ] ( 1 Chronicles 2:11,51,54); [ Salmw>n, Salmon ]): (1) The father of Boaz, the husband of Ruth, and thus the grandfather of Jesse, David’s father ( Ruth 4:20,21). He is mentioned in both the genealogies of Jesus ( Matthew 1:4,5; Luke 3:32). From Matthew 1:5 we learn that he married Rahab, by whom he begat Boaz. (2) In 1 Chronicles 2:51 ff, we read of a Salma, “the father of Bethlehem,” a son of Caleb, the son of Hur. He is also said to be the father of “the Netophathites, Atroth-beth-joab, and half of the Manahathites, the Zorites,” and several “families of scribes.” See also ZALMON.

    S. F. Hunter SALMONE <sal-mo’-ne > ([ Salmw>nh, Salmone ]): Acts 27:7. See PHOENIX.

    SALOAS <sal’-o-as > ([ Salo>av, Saloas ]; the King James Version, Talsus after Lot Thalsas): In 1 Esdras 9:22, for “Elasah” of Ezra 10:22.

    SALOM <sa’-lom > ([ Salw>m, Salom ]): (1) The father of Helkias (Baruch 1:7). Greek form of “Shallum.” (2) the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) “Salu” (1 Macc 2:26).

    SALOME <sa-lo’-me > ([ Salw>mh, Salome ]): (1) One of the holy women who companied with Jesus in Galilee, and ministered to Him ( Mark 15:40,41). She was present at the crucifixion ( Mark 15:40), and was among those who came to the tomb of Jesus on the resurrection morning ( Mark 16:1,2).

    Comparison with Matthew 27:56 clearly identifies her with the wife of Zebedee. It is she, therefore, whose ambitious request for her sons James and John is recorded in Matthew 20:20-24; Mark 10:35-40. From John 19:25 many infer that she was a sister of Mary, the mother of Jesus (thus Meyer, Luthardt, Alford); others (as Godet) dispute the inference. (2) Salome was the name of the daughter of Herodias who danced before Herod, and obtained as reward the head of John the Baptist ( Matthew 14:3-11; Mark 6:17-28; compare Josephus, Ant, XVIII, v, 4). She is not named in the Gospels. James Orr SALT <solt > ([ jl”m, , melach ]; [a[lav, halas ], [a[lv, hals ]): Common salt is considered by most authorities as an essential ingredient of our food. Most people intentionally season their cooking with more or less salt for the sake of palatability. Others depend upon the small quantities which naturally exist in water and many foods to furnish the necessary amount of salt for the body. Either too much salt or the lack of it creates undesirable disturbance in the animal system. Men and animals alike instinctively seek for this substance to supplement or improve their regular diet. The ancients appreciated the value of salt for seasoning food ( Job 6:6). So necessary was it that they dignified it by making it a requisite part of sacrifices ( Leviticus 2:13; Ezra 6:9; 7:22; Ezekiel 43:24; Mark 9:49). In Numbers 18:19; 2 Chronicles 13:5, a “covenant of salt” is mentioned (compare Mark 9:49). This custom of pledging friendship or confirming a compact by eating food containing salt is still retained among Arabic-speaking people. The Arabic word for “salt” and for a “compact” or “treaty” is the same. Doughty in his travels in Arabia appealed more than once to the superstitious belief of the Arabs in the “salt covenant,” to save his life. Once an Arab has received in his tent even his worst enemy and has eaten salt (food) with him, he is bound to protect his guest as long as he remains. See COVENANT OF SALT.

    The chief source of salt in Palestine is from the extensive deposits near the “sea of salt” (see DEAD SEA ), where there are literally mountains and valleys of salt ( 2 Samuel 8:13; 2 Kings 14:7; 1 Chronicles 18:12; 2 Chronicles 25:11). On the seacoast the inhabitants frequently gather the sea salt. They fill the rock crevices with sea water and leave it for the hot summer sun to evaporate. After evaporation the salt crystals can be collected. As salt-gathering is a government monopoly in Turkey, the government sends men to pollute the salt which is being surreptitiously crystallized, so as to make it unfit for eating. Another extensive supply comes from the salt lakes in the Syrian desert East of Damascus and toward Palmyra. All native salt is more or less bitter, due to the presence of other salts such as magnesium sulphate.

    Salt was used not only as a food, but as an antiseptic in medicine. Newborn babes were bathed and salted ( Ezekiel 16:4), a custom still prevailing.

    The Arabs of the desert consider it so necessary, that in the absence of salt they batheir infants in camels’ urine. Elisha is said to have healed the waters of Jericho by casting a cruse of salt into the spring ( 2 Kings 2:20 f). Abimelech sowed the ruins of Shechem with salt to prevent a new city from arising in its place ( Judges 9:45). Lot’s wife turned to a pillar of salt ( Genesis 19:26).

    FIGURATIVE:

    Salt is emblematic of loyalty and friendship (see above). A person who has once joined in a “salt covenant” with God and then breaks it is fit only to be cast out (compare Matthew 5:13; Mark 9:50). Saltness typified barrenness ( Deuteronomy 29:23; Jeremiah 17:6). James compares the absurdity of the same mouth giving forth blessings and cursings to the impossibility of a fountain yielding both sweet and salt water ( James 3:11 f). James A. Patch SALT, CITY OF ([ jl”M,h” ry[i , `ir ha-melach ]; Codex Alexandrinus [aiJ po>l(e)iv aJlw~n, hai pol(e)is halon ]): One of the six cities in the wilderness of Judah mentioned between Nibshan and Engedi ( Joshua 15:62). The site is very uncertain. The large and important Tell el-Milch (i.e. “the salt hill”), on the route from Hebron to Akaba, is possible.

    SALT, COVENANT OF See COVENANT OF SALT.

    SALT, PILLAR OF See LOT; SALT; SIDDIM; SLIME.

    SALT SEA See DEAD SEA.

    SALT, VALLEY OF ([ jl”M,h” ayGe , ge’ ha-melach ]): The scene of battles, firstly, between David or his lieutenant Abishai and the Edomites ( 2 Samuel 8:13; Chronicles 18:12; Psalm 60, title), and later between Amaziah and these same foes ( 2 Kings 14:7; 2 Chronicles 25:11). It is tempting to connect this “Valley of Salt” with es Sebkhah, the marshy, saltimpregnated plain which extends from the southern end of the Dead Sea to the foot of the cliffs, but in its present condition it is an almost impossible place for a battle of any sort. The ground is so soft and spongy that a wide detour around the edges has to be made by those wishing to get from one side to the other. It is, too, highly probable that in earlier times the whole of this low-lying area was covered by the waters of the Dead Sea. It is far more natural to identify ge’ ha-melach with the Wady el-Milch (“Valley of Salt”), one of the three valleys which unite at Beersheba to form the Wady ec-Ceba`. These valleys, el-Milch and ec-Ceba, together make a natural frontier to Canaan. E. W. G. Masterman SALT-WORT <solt’-wurt > ([ j”WLm” , malluach ], a word connected with melach , “salt,” translated [a[limov, halimos ]; the King James Version, mallows):

    The halimos of the Greeks is the sea orache, Atriplex halimus, a silvery whitish shrub which flourishes upon the shores of the Dead Sea alongside the rutm (see JUNIPER). Its leaves are oval and somewhat like those of an olive. They have a sour flavor and would never be eaten when better food was obtainable ( Job 30:4). The translation “mallows” is due to the apparent similarity of the Hebrew malluach to the Greek [mala>ch, malache ], which is the Latin malva and English “mallow.” Certain species of malva known in Arabic, as khubbazeh, are very commonly eaten by the poor of Palestine. E. W. G. Masterman SALU <sa’-lu > ([ aWls; , calu’ ]; Septuagint: Codex Vaticanus [ Salmw>n, Salmon ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Salw>, Salo ]; the King James Version has “Salom” in 1 Macc 2:26): A prince and the head of a house of the tribe of Simeon and the father of Zimri who was slain by Phinehas along with the Midianite woman whom he had brought to the camp of Israel ( Numbers 25:14; 1 Macc 2:26).

    SALUM <sa’-lum > ([ Salou>m, Saloum ]): (1) The head of one of the families of porters (1 Esdras 5:28; omitted in Codex Vaticanus) = “Shallum” in Ezra 2:42; 10:24; Nehemiah 7:45 = “Sallumus” in 1 Esdras 9:25. (2) 1 Esdras 8:1 King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) “Salem.”

    SALUTATION <sal-u-ta’-shun > ([ajspasmo>v, aspasmos ]): A greeting which might be given in person, orally ( Luke 1:29,41,44), or in writing, usually at the close of a letter (1 Cor 16:21; Colossians 4:18; 2 Thessalonians 3:17; compare use of [cai>rein, chairein ], “greeting,” “joy” in James 1:1). The Pharisaic Jews loved salutations in public places ( Matthew 23:7; Mark 12:38, the King James Version “greeting,” the Revised Version (British and American) “salutation”; Luke 11:43; 20:46). Often these salutations were very elaborate, involving much time in prostrations, embracings, etc. When Jesus therefore sent out the Seventy, He forbade salutation by the way ( Luke 10:4), though He ordinarily encouraged proper civilities of this sort ( Matthew 5:47; 10:12). Edward Bagby Pollard SALVATION <sal-va’-shun: > In English Versions of the Bible the words “salvation” “save,” are not technical theological terms, but denote simply “deliverance,” in almost any sense the latter word can have. In systematic theology, however, “salvation” denotes the whole process by which man is delivered from all that would prevent his attaining to the highest good that God has prepared for him. Or, by a transferred sense, “salvation” denotes the actual enjoyment of that good. So, while these technical senses are often associated with the Greek or Hebrew words translated “save,” etc., yet they are still more often used in connection with other words or represented only by the general sense of a passage. And so a collection of the original terms for “save,” etc., is of value only for the student doing minute detailed work, while it is the purpose of the present article to present a general view of the Biblical doctrine of salvation.

    I. IN THE OLD TESTAMENT 1. General: (1) As long as revelation had not raised the veil that separates this life from the next, the Israelite thought of his highest good as long life in a prosperous Palestine, as described most typically in Deuteronomy 28:1-14. But a definite religious idea was present also, for the “land of milk and honey,” even under angelic protection, was worthless without access to God ( Exodus 33:1-4), to know whom gives happiness ( Isaiah 11:9; Habakkuk 2:14; Jeremiah 31:34). Such a concept is normal for most of the Old Testament, but there are several significant enlargements of it. That Israel should receive God’s characteristic of righteousness is a part of the ideal ( Isaiah 1:26; 4:3,4; 32:1-8; 33:24; Jeremiah 31:33,34; Ezekiel 36:25,26; Zechariah 8; Daniel 9:24; Psalm 51:10-12). Good was found in the extension of Israel’s good to the surrounding nations ( Micah 4:1-4; Isaiah 2:2-4; 45:5,6; Zechariah 2:11; 8:22,23; Isaiah 60; 66:19-21; Zechariah 14:16,17, etc.), even to the extension of the legitimate sacrificial worship to the soil of Egypt ( Isaiah 19:19-22).

    Palestine was insufficient for the enjoyment of God’s gifts, and a new heaven and a new earth were to be received ( Isaiah 65:17; 66:22), and a share in the glories was not to be denied even to the dead ( Isaiah 26:19; Daniel 12:2). And, among the people so glorified, God would dwell in person ( Isaiah 60:19,20; Zechariah 2:10-12). (2) Salvation, then, means deliverance from all that interferes with the enjoyment of these blessings. So it takes countless forms — deliverance from natural plagues, from internal dissensions, from external enemies, or from the subjugation of conquerors (the exile, particularly). As far as enemies constitute the threatening danger, the prayer for deliverance is often based on their evil character (Psalm 101, etc.). But for the individual all these evils are summed up in the word “death,” which was thought to terminate all relation to God and all possibility of enjoying His blessings ( <19B517> Psalm 115:17; Isaiah 38:18, etc.). And so “death” became established as the antinomy to “salvation,” and in this sense the word has persisted, although the equation “loss of salvation = physical death” has long been transcended. But death and its attendant evils are worked by God’s wrath, and so it is from this wrath that salvation is sought ( Joshua 7:26, etc.). And thus, naturally, salvation is from everything that raises that wrath, above all from sin ( Ezekiel 36:25,26, etc.). 2. Individualism: (1) At first the “unit of salvation” was the nation (less prominently the family), i.e. a man though righteous could lose salvation through the faults of others. A father could bring a curse on his children ( <102101> Samuel 21:1-14), a king on his subjects (2 Samuel 24), or an unknown sinner could bring guilt on an entire community ( Deuteronomy 21:1-9). (On the other hand, ten righteous would have saved Sodom ( Genesis 18:32).) And the principle of personal responsibility was grasped but slowly. It is enunciated partly in Deuteronomy 24:16 (compare Jeremiah 31:29,30), definitely in Ezekiel 14:12-20; 18; 33:1-20, and fairly consistently in the Psalms. But even Ezekiel still held that five-and-twenty could defile the whole nation (8:16), and he had not the premises for resolving the problem — that temporal disasters need not mean the loss of salvation. (2) But even when it was realized that a man lost salvation through his own fault, the converse did not follow. Salvation came, not by the man’s mere merit, but because the man belonged to a nation peculiarly chosen by God. God had made a covenant with Israel and His fidelity insured salvation: the salvation comes from God because of His promise or (in other words) because of His name. Indeed, the great failing of the people was to trust too blindly to this promise, an attitude denounced continually by the prophets throughout (from, say, Amos 3:2 to Matthew 3:9). And yet even the prophets admit a real truth in the attitude, for, despite Israel’s sins, eventual salvation is certain. Ezekiel 20 states this baldly: there has been nothing good in Israel and there is nothing good in her at the prophet’s own day, but, notwithstanding, God will give her restoration (compare Isaiah 8:17,18; Jeremiah 32:6-15, etc.). 3. Faith: Hence, of the human conditions, whole-hearted trust in God is the most important. (Belief in God is, of course, never argued in the Bible.)

    Inconsistent with such trust are, for instance, seeking aid from other nations ( Isaiah 30:1-5), putting reliance in human skill ( 2 Chronicles 16:12), or forsaking Palestine through fear (Jeremiah 42). In Isaiah 26:20 entire passivity is demanded, and in 2 Kings 13:19 lukewarmness in executing an apparently meaningless command is rebuked. 4. Moral Law: (1) Next in importance is the attainment of a moral standard, expressed normally in the various codes of the Law. But fulfillment of the letter of the commandment was by no means all that was required. For instance, the Law permitted the selling of a debtor into slavery ( Deuteronomy 15:12), but the reckless use of the creditor’s right is sharply condemned ( Nehemiah 5:1-13). The prophets are never weary of giving short formulas that will exclude such supralegalism and reduce conduct to a pure motive: “Hate the evil, and love the good, and establish justice in the gate” ( Amos 5:15); “To do justly, and to love kindness, and to walk humbly with thy God” ( Micah 6:8). And the chief emphasis on the Law as written is found in the later books, especially Psalm (compare <19E720> Psalm 147:20). (2) Certain breaches of the Law had no pardon, but were visited with death at once, even despite repentance and confession (Joshua 7). But for the most part it is promised that repentance will remove the guilt of the sin if the sin be forsaken (Ezekiel 18) or, in the case of a sin that would not be repeated, if contrition be felt (2 Samuel 12). Suffering played a part in salvation by bringing knowledge of sin to the conscience, the exile being the most important example ( Ezekiel 36:31). But almost always it is assumed that the possibility of keeping the Law is in man’s own power, Deuteronomy 30:11-14 stating this explicitly, while the Wisdom Books equate virtue with learning.

    Consequently, an immense advance was made when man felt the need of God’s help to keep the Law, the need of the inscription of the Laws on the heart ( Jeremiah 31:31-34). So an outlook was opened to a future in which God would make the nation righteous (see references in 1, above). 5. Sacrifices: (1) The acceptance of repentance as expiating past sins was an act of God’s mercy. And so His mercy instituted other and additional means of expiation, most notably that of the sacrifices. But a theology of sacrifice is conspicuously absent from the whole Old Testament, for Leviticus 17:11 is too incidental and too obscure to be any exception. The Christian (or very late Jewish) interpretations of the ritual laws lack all solidity of exegetical foundation, despite their onetime prevalence. Nor is the study of origins of much help for the meaning attached to the rites by the Jews in historic times. General ideas of offering, of self-denial, of propitiation of wrath, and of entering into communion with God assuredly existed. But in the advanced stages of the religion there is no evidence that sacrifices were thought to produce their effect because of any of these things, but solely because God had commanded the sacrifices. (2) Most sins required a sacrifice as part of the act of repentance, although in case of injury done the neighbor, only after reparation had been made. It is not quite true that for conscious sins no sacrifices were appointed, for in Leviticus 5:1; 6:1-3, sins are included that could not be committed through mere negligence. And so such rules as Numbers 15:30,31 must not be construed too rigorously. (3) Sacrifices as means of salvation are taught chiefly by Ezekiel, while at the rebuilding of the temple (Haggai, Zechariah) and the depression that followed (Malachi), they were much in the foreground, but the pre-exilic prophets have little to say about their positive value ( Jeremiah 7:22 is the nadir ). Indeed, in preexilic times the danger was the exaltation of sacrifice at the expense of morality, especially with the peace offering, which could be turned into a drunken revel ( Amos 5:21-24; Isaiah 22:13; compare Proverbs 7:14).

    Attempts were made to “strengthen” the sacrifices to Yahweh by the use of ethnic rites ( Hosea 4:14; Isaiah 65:1-5), even with the extreme of human sacrifice ( Jeremiah 7:31; Ezekiel 20:26). But insistence on the strict centralization of worship and increasing emphasis laid on the sin and trespass offerings did away with the worst of the abuses. And many of the Psalms, especially Psalm 66 and Psalm 118, give beautiful evidence of the devotion that could be nourished by the sacrificial rites. 6. Ritual Law: Of the other means of salvation the ritual law (not always sharply distinguishable from the moral law) bulks rather large in the legislation, but is not prominent in the prophets. Requisite to salvation was the abstention from certain acts, articles of food, etc., such abstinence seeming to lie at the background of the term “holiness.” But a ritual breach was often a matter of moral duty (burying the dead, etc.), and, for such breaches, ritual means of purification are provided and the matter dropped. Evidently such things lay rather on the circumference of the religion, even to Ezekiel, with his anxious zeal against the least defilement. The highest ritual point is touched by Zechariah 14:20,21, where all of Jerusalem is so holy that not a pot would be unfit to use in the temple (compare Jeremiah 31:38-40). Yet, even with this perfect holiness, sacrifices would still have a place as a means by which the holiness could be increased. Indeed, this more “positive” view of sacrifices was doubtless present from the first.

    II. INTERMEDIATE LITERATURE. 1. General: (1) The great change, compared with the earlier period, is that the idea of God had become more transcendent. But this did not necessarily mean an increase in religious value, for there was a corresponding tendency to take God out of relation to the world by an intellectualizing process. This, when combined with the persistence of the older concept of salvation in this life only, resulted in an emptying of the religious instinct and in indifferentism. This tendency is well represented in Ecclesiastes, more acutely in Sirach, and in New Testament times it dominated the thought of the Sadducees. On the other hand the expansion of the idea of salvation to correspond with the higher conception of God broke through the limitations of this life and created the new literary form of apocalyptics, represented in the Old Testament especially by Zechariah 9 through 14; Isaiah 24 through 27, and above all by Daniel. And in the intermediate literature all shades of thought between the two extremes are represented. But too much emphasis can hardly be laid on the fact that this intermediate teaching is in many regards simply faithful to the Old Testament.

    Almost anything that can be found in the Old Testament — with the important exception of the note of joyousness of Deuteronomy, etc. — can be found again here. (2) Of the conceptions of the highest good the lowest is the Epicureanism of Sirach. The highest is probably that of 2 Esdras 7:91- 98 Revised Version: “To behold the face of him whom in their lifetime they served” the last touch of materialism being eliminated. Indeed, real materialism is notably absent in the period, even Enoch 10:17-19 being less exuberant than the fancies of such early Christian writers as Papias.

    Individualism is generally taken for granted, but that the opposite opinion was by no means dormant, even at a late period, is shown by Matthew 3:9. The idea of a special privilege of Israel, however, of course pervades all the literature, Sibylline Oracles 5 and Jubilees being the most exclusive books and the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, the most broad-hearted. In place of national privilege, though, is sometimes found the still less edifying feature of party privilege (Psalm Sol; Enoch 94-105), the most offensive case being the assertion of Enoch 90:6-9 that the (inactive) Israel will be saved by the exertions of the “little lamb” Pharisees, before whom every knee shall bow in the Messianic kingdom. 2. The Law: (1) The conceptions of the moral demands for salvation at times reach a very high level, especially in the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs (making every allowance for Christian interpolations). “The spirit of love worketh together with the law of God in long-suffering unto the salvation of men” (Test. Gad 4:7) is hardly unworthy of Paul, and even Jubilees can say, “Let each love his brother in mercy and justice, and let none wish the other evil” (Jub 36:8). But the great tendency is to view God’s law merely as a series of written statutes, making no demands except those gained from a rigid construing of the letter. In Luke 10:29, “Who is my neighbor?” is a real question — if he is not my neighbor I need not love him! So duties not literally commanded were settled by utilitarian motives, as outside the domain of religion, and the unhealthy phenomenon of works of supererogation made its appearance ( Luke 17:10). The writer of Wisdom can feel smugly assured of salvation, because idolatry had been abstained from (Wisd 15:4; contrast Paul’s polemic in Romans 2). And discussions about “greatest commandments” caused character in its relation to religion to be forgotten. (2) As God’s commands were viewed as statutes the distinction between the moral and the ritual was lost, and the ritual law attained enormous and familiar proportions. The beautiful story of Judith is designed chiefly to teach abstinence from ritually unclean food. And the most extreme case is in Jubilees 6:34-38 — all of Israers woes come from keeping the feasts by the actual moon instead of by a correct (theoretical) moon (!). (3) Where self-complacency ceased and a strong moral sense was present, despair makes its appearance with extraordinary frequency.

    The period is the period of penitential prayers, with an undercurrent of doubt as to how far mercy can be expected (Song of Three Children verses 3-22; Proverbs Man; Baruch 3:1-8, etc.). “What profit is it unto us, if there be promised us an immortal time, whereas we have done the works that bring death?” (2 Esdras 7:119 the Revised Version (British and American)). The vast majority of men are lost (2 Esdras 9:16) and must be forgotten (2 Esdras 8:55), and Ezra can trust for his own salvation only by a special revelation (7:77 the Revised Version (British and American)). So, evidently, Paul’s pre-Christian experience was no unique occurrence. (4) Important for the New Testament background is the extreme lack of prominence of the sacrifices. They are never given a theological interpretation (except in Philo, where they cease to be sacrifices).

    Indeed, in Sirach 35 they are explicitly said to be devotions for the righteous only, apparently prized only as an inheritance from the past and “because of the commandment” (Sirach 35:5; yet compare 38:11).

    When the temple was destroyed and the sacrifices ceased, Judaism went on its way almost unaffected, showing that the sacrifices meant nothing essential to the people. And, even in earlier times, the Essenes rejected sacrifices altogether, without losing thereby their recognition as Jews.

    III. THE TEACHING OF CHRIST. 1. The Baptist: The Baptist proclaimed authoritatively the near advent of the kingdom of God, preceded by a Messianic judgment that would bring fire for the wicked and the Holy Spirit for the righteous. Simple but incisive moral teaching and warning against trusting in national privileges, with baptism as an outward token of repentance, were to prepare men to face this judgment securely. But we have no data to determine how much farther (if any) the Baptist conceived his teaching to lead. 2. Kingdom of God: It was in the full heat of this eschatological revival that the Baptist had fanned, that Christ began to teach, and He also began with the eschatological phrase, “The kingdom of God is at hand.” Consequently, His teaching must have been taken at once in an eschatological sense, and it is rather futile to attempt to limit such implications to passages where modern eschatological phrases are used unambiguously. “The kingdom of God is at hand” had the inseparable connotation “Judgment is at hand,” and in this context, “Repent ye” ( Mark 1:15) must mean “lest ye be judged.” Hence, our Lord’s teaching about salvation had primarily a future content: positively, admission into the kingdom of God, and negatively, deliverance from the preceding judgment. So the kingdom of God is the “highest good” of Christ’s teaching but, with His usual reserve, He has little to say about its externals. Man’s nature is to be perfectly adapted to his spiritual environment (see RESURRECTION), and man is to be with Christ ( Luke 22:30) and the patriarchs ( Matthew 8:11). But otherwise — and again as usual — the current descriptions are used without comment, even when they rest on rather materialistic imagery ( Luke 22:16,30). Whatever the kingdom is, however, its meaning is most certainly not exhausted by a mere reformation of the present order of material things. 3. Present and Future: But the fate of man at judgment depends on what man is before judgment, so that the practical problem is salvation from the conditions that will bring judgment; i.e. present and future salvation are inseparably connected, and any attempt to make rigid distinctions between the two results in logomachies. Occasionally even Christ speaks of the kingdom of God as present, in the sense that citizens of the future kingdom are living already on this earth ( Matthew 11:11; Luke 17:21(?); the meaning of the latter verse is very dubious). Such men are “saved” already ( Luke 19:9; 7:50(?)), i.e. such men were delivered from the bad moral condition that was so extended that Satan could be said to hold sway over the world ( Luke 10:18; 11:21). 4. Individualism: That the individual was the unit in this deliverance needs no emphasis: Still, the divine privilege of the Jews was a reality and Christ’s normal work was limited to them ( Matthew 10:5; 15:26, etc.). He admitted even that the position of the Jewish religious leaders rested on a real basis ( Matthew 23:3). But the “good tidings” were so framed that their extension to all men would have been inevitable, even had there not been an explicit command of Christ in this regard. On the other hand, while the message involved in every case strict individual choice, yet the individual who accepted it entered into social relations with the others who had so chosen.

    So salvation involved admission to a community of service ( Mark 9:35, etc.). And in the latter part of Christ’s ministry, He withdrew from the bulk of His disciples to devote Himself to the training of an inner circle of Twelve, an act explicable only on the assumption that these were to be the leaders of the others after He was taken away. Such passages as Matthew 16:18; 18:17 merely corroborate this. 5. Moral Progress: Of the conditions for the individual, the primary (belief in God being taken for granted) was a correct moral ideal. Exclusion from salvation came from the Pharisaic casuistry which had invented limits to righteousness. Exodus 20:13 had never contemplated permitting angry thoughts if actual murder was avoided, and so on. In contrast is set the idea of character, of the single eye ( Matthew 6:22), of the pure heart ( Matthew 5:8). Only so can the spiritual house be built on a rock foundation. But the mere ideal is not enough; persistent effort toward it and a certain amount of progress are demanded imperatively. Only those who have learned to forgive can ask for forgiveness ( Matthew 6:12; 18:35). They who omit natural works of mercy have no share in the kingdom ( Matthew 25:31-46), for even idle words will be taken into account ( Matthew 12:36), and the most precious possession that interferes with moral progress is to be sacrificed ruthlessly ( Matthew 18:8,9, etc.). Men are known by their fruits ( Matthew 7:20); it is he that doeth the will of the Father that shall enter into the kingdom ( Matthew 7:21), and the final ideal — which is likewise the goal — is becoming a son of the Father in moral likeness ( Matthew 5:45). That this progress is due to God’s aid is so intimately a part of Christ’s teaching on the entire dependence of the soul on God that it receives little explicit mention, but Christ refers even His own miracles to the Father’s power ( Luke 11:20). 6. Forgiveness: Moral effort, through God’s aid, is an indispensable condition for salvation.

    But complete success in the moral struggle is not at all a condition, in the sense that moral perfection is required. For Christ’s disciples, to whom the kingdom is promised ( Luke 12:32), the palsied man who receives remission of sins ( Mark 2:5), Zaccheus who is said to have received salvation ( Luke 19:9), were far from being models of sinlessness. The element in the character that Christ teaches as making up for the lack of moral perfection is becoming “as a little child” (compare Mark 10:15).

    Now the point here is not credulousness (for belief is not under discussion), nor is it meekness (for children are notoriously not meek). And it most certainly is not the pure passivity of the newly born infant, for it is gratuitous to assume that only such infants were meant even in Luke 18:15, while in Matthew 18:2 (where the child comes in answer to a call) this interpretation is excluded. Now, in the wider teaching of Christ the meaning is made clear enough. Salvation is for the poor in spirit, for those who hunger and thirst after righteousness, for the prodigal knowing his wretchedness. It is for the penitent publican, while the self-satisfied Pharisee is rejected. A sense of need and a desire that God will give are the characteristics. A child does not argue that it has earned its father’s benefits but looks to him in a feeling of dependence, with a readiness to do his bidding. So it is the soul that desires all of righteousness, strives toward it, knows that it falls short, and trusts in its Father for the rest, that is the savable soul. 7. Person of Christ: Christ speaks of the pardon of the publican ( Luke 18:9 ff) and of the prodigal welcomed by the Father ( Luke 15:20), both without intermediary. And it is perhaps not necessary to assume that all of those finding the strait gate ( Matthew 7:14) were explicitly among Christ’s disciples. But would Christ have admitted that anyone who had come to know Him and refused to obey Him would have been saved? To ask this question is to answer it in the negative ( Mark 9:40 is irrelevant). Real knowledge of the Father is possible only through the unique knowledge of the Son ( Luke 10:21,22), and lack of faith in the Son forfeits all blessings ( Mark 6:5,6; 9:23). Faith in Him brings instant forgiveness of sins ( Mark 2:5), and love directed to Him is an indisputable sign that forgiveness has taken place ( Luke 7:47). But Christ thought of Himself as Messiah and, if the term “Messiah” is not to be emptied of its meaning, this made Him judge of the world (such verses as Mark 8:38 are hardly needed for direct evidence). And, since for Christ’s consciousness an earthly judgeship is unthinkable, a transcendental judgeship is the sole alternative, corroborated by the use of the title Son of Man. But passage from simple humanity to the transcendental glory of the Son-of-Man Messiah involved a change hardly expressible except by death and resurrection. And the expectation of death was in Christ’s mind from the first, as is seen by Mark 2:18,19 (even without 2:20). That He could have viewed His death as void of significance for human salvation is simply inconceivable, and the ascription of Mark 10:45 to Pauline influence is in defiance of the facts. Nor is it credible that Christ conceived that in the interval between His death and His Parousia He would be out of relation to His own. To Him the unseen world was in the closest relation to the visible world, and His passage into glory would strengthen, not weaken, His power. So there is a complete justification of Mark 14:22-25: to Christ His death had a significance that could be paralleled only by the death of the Covenant victim in Exodus 24:6-8, for by it an entirely new relation was established between God and man. 8. Notes: (1) Salvation from physical evil was a very real part, however subordinate, of Christ’s teaching ( Mark 1:34, etc.). (2) Ascetic practices as a necessary element in salvation can hardly claim Christ’s authority. It is too often forgotten that the Twelve were not Christ’s only disciples. Certainly not all of the hundred and twenty of Acts 1:15 (compare 1:21), nor of the five hundred of Corinthians 15:6, were converted after the Passion. And they all certainly could not have left their homes to travel with Christ. So the demands made in the special case of the Twelve (still less in such an extremely special case as Mark 10:21) in no way represent Christ’s normal practice, whatever readiness for self-sacrifice may have been asked of all. So the representations of Christ as ruthlessly exacting all from everyone are quite unwarranted by the facts. And it is well to remember that it is Matthew 11:19 that contains the term of reproach that His adversaries gave Him.

    IV. PAUL.

    Instead of laying primal stress on Paul’s peculiar contributions to soteriology, it will be preferable to start from such Pauline passages as simply continue the explicit teaching of Christ. For it is largely due to the common reversal of this method that the present acute “Jesus-Paulus” controversy exists. 1. General: That Paul expected the near advent of the kingdom of God with a judgment preceding, and that salvation meant to him primarily deliverance from this judgment, need not be argued. And, accordingly, emphasis is thrown sometimes on the future deliverance and sometimes on the present conditions for the deliverance (contrast Romans 5:9 and 8:24), but the practical problem is the latter. More explicitly than in Christ’s recorded teaching the nature and the blessings of the kingdom are described (see KINGDOM OF GOD ), but the additional matter is without particular religious import. A certain privilege of the Jews appears ( Romans 3:1-8; 9-11), but the practical content of the privilege seems to be eschatological only ( Romans 11:26). Individual conversion is of course taken for granted, but the life after that becomes highly corporate. See CHURCH. 2. Moral Progress: (1) The moral ideal is distinctly that of character. Paul, indeed, is frequently obliged to give directions as to details, but the detailed directions are referred constantly to the underlying principle, Romans 14 or 1 Corinthians 8 being excellent examples of this, while “love is the fulfillment of the law” ( Romans 13:10) is the summary. (2) Persistent moral effort is indispensable, and the new life absolutely must bring forth fruit to God ( Romans 6:4; 13:12; Galatians 5:24; Colossians 3:5; Ephesians 2:3; 4:17,22-32; Titus 2:11-14). Only by good conduct can one please God (1 Thess 4:1), and the works of even Christians are to be subjected to a searching test (1 Cor 3:13; 4:5; 2 Corinthians 5:10) in a judgment not to be faced without the most earnest striving (1 Cor 10:12; Philippians 2:12), not even by Paul himself (1 Cor 9:27; Philippians 3:12-14). And the possibility of condemnation because of a lack of moral attainment must not be permitted to leave the mind (1 Cor 3:17; Galatians 5:21; compare Romans 8:12,13; 11:20; 1 Corinthians 10:12; Galatians 6:7-9). Consequently, growth in actual righteousness is as vital in Paul’s soteriology as it is in that teaching of Christ: Christians have “put off the old man with his doings” ( Colossians 3:9). 3. The Spirit: That this growth is God’s work is, however, a point where Paul has expanded Christ’s quiet assumption rather elaborately. In particular, what Christ had made the source of His own supernatural power — the Holy Spirit — is specified as the source of the power of the Christian’s ordinary life, as well as of the more special endowments (see SPIRITUAL GIFTS ).

    In the Spirit the Christian has received the blessing promised to Abraham ( Galatians 3:14); by it the deeds of the body can be put to death and all virtues flow into the soul ( Galatians 5:16-26), if a man walks according to it (1 Cor 6:19,20; 1 Thessalonians 4:8). The palmary passage is Romans 7 through 8. In Romans 7 Paul looks back with a shudder on his pre-Christian helplessness (it is naturally the extreme of exegetical perversity to argue that he dreaded not the sin itself but only God’s penalty on sin). But the Spirit gives strength to put to death the deeds of the body (8:13), to disregard the things of the flesh (8:5), and to fulfill the ordinance of the Law (8:4). Such moral power is the test of Christianity: as many as are led by the Spirit of God, these are the sons of God (8:14). 4. Mystical Union: This doctrine of the Spirit is simply that what Christ did on earth would be carried on with increased intensity after the Passion. That this work could be thought of out of relation to Christ, or that Christ Himself could have so thought of it (see above, III, 7) is incredible. So the exalted Christ appears as the source of moral and spiritual power (Paul speaks even more of Christ’s resurrection than of the Passion), the two sources (Christ and the Spirit) being very closely combined in 2 Corinthians 3:17; Romans 8:9; Galatians 4:6. Our old man has been crucified, so putting an end to the bondage of sin, and we can prevent sin from reigning in our mortal bodies, for our burial into Christ’s death was to enable us to walk in newness of life ( Romans 6:2-14). The resurrection is a source of power, and through Christ’s strength all things can be done ( Philippians 4:13,10). Christ is the real center of the believer’s personality ( Galatians 2:20); the man has become a new creature (2 Cor 5:17; compare Colossians 2:20; 3:3); we were joined to another that we might bring forth fruit to God ( Romans 7:4). And by contact with the glory of the Lord we are transformed into the same image (2 Cor 3:18), the end being conformation to the image of the Son ( Romans 8:30). 5. Forgiveness: (1) This growth in actual holiness, then, is fundamental with Paul: “If any man hath not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his” ( Romans 8:9). And the acquisition of strength through union with Christ is vitally connected with the remission of sins. In Romans 7:1-6 (compare Colossians 2:11,12), the mystical union with Christ makes His death ours (compare Colossians 3:3) and so removes us from the Law (compare Romans 10:4; 1 Corinthians 15:56), which has no relation to the dead. And by the life-giving power of this union the strength of sin is broken ( Romans 6:6). (2) The condition in man that makes forgiveness possible Paul calls “faith” — a very complicated term. Its chief use, however, is in opposition to “works” (most clearly in Romans 9:30 through 10:13). The Jews’ “pursuit after righteousness” — the attempt to wring salvation from God as wages earned — was vain ( Romans 10:13), and in contrast is the appeal to God, the conscious relinquishment of all claim ( Romans 4:5). The soul looks trustingly for salvation to its Father, precisely the attitude of the “children” in the teaching of Christ.

    But no more than in the teaching of Christ is faith a purely passive virtue, for man must be “obedient” to it ( Romans 1:5; 10:16; Thessalonians 2:13). And for the necessary presence of love in faith compare 1 Corinthians 13:2; Galatians 5:6; Ephesians 3:17. 6. Atonement: Because of faith — specifically, faith in Christ (except Romans 4; Galatians 3:6) — God does not visit the penalties of sins on believers, but treats them as if they were righteous ( Romans 5:1, etc.). But this is not because of a quality in the believer or in the faith, but because of an act that preceded any act of Christian faith, the death of Christ (not the cross, specifically, for Paul does not argue from the cross in all of Roman).

    Through this death God’s mercy could be extended safely, while before this the exercise of that mercy had proved disastrous ( Romans 3:25,26).

    And this death was a sacrifice ( Romans 3:25, etc.). And it is certain that Paul conceived of this sacrifice as existing quite independently of its effect on any human being. But he has given us no data for a really complete sacrificial doctrine, a statement sufficiently proved by the hopeless variance of the interpretations that have been propounded. And that Paul ever constructed a theory of the operation of sacrifices must be doubted. There is none in the contemporary Jewish literature, there is none in the Old Testament, and there is none in the rest of the New Testament, not even in Hebrews. Apparently the rites were so familiar that sacrificial terminology was ready to hand and was used without particular reflection and without attempting to give it precise theological content. This is borne out by the ease with which in Romans 3:24,25 Paul passes from a ransom (redemption) illustration to a (quite discordant) propitation illustration. For further discussion see ATONEMENT; JUSTIFICATION . Here it is enough make a juridical theory constructed from Pauline implications and illustrations central in Christianity is to do exactly what Paul did not do. 7. Summary: Summing up, there is a double line of thought in Paul: the remission of penalties through the atoning death of Christ and the destruction of the power of sin through strength flowing from Christ, the human element in both cases being faith. The question of the order of the steps is futile, for “to have faith,” “to be in Christ,” and “to have the Spirit” are convertible terms, i.e. in doctrinal phraseology, the beginnings of sanctification are simultaneous with justification. Attempts to unify the two lines of thought into a single theory cannot claim purely Biblical support. The “ethical” theory, which in its best form makes God’s pardon depend on the fact that the sinner will be made holy (at least in the next world), introduces the fewest extraneous elements, but it says something that Paul does not say.

    On the other hand one may feel that considering Paul as a whole — to say nothing of the rest of the New Testament — the pure justification doctrine has bulked a little too large in our dogmatics. God’s pardon for sin is an immensely important matter, but still more important is the new power of holiness. 8. Notes: (1) Baptism presents another obstacle to a strict unifying of Pauline theology. A very much stronger sacramentarianism is admitted in Paul today than would have been accepted a generation ago, and such passages as Romans 6:1-7; Galatians 3:27; Colossians 2:12 make it certain that he regarded baptism as conferring very real spiritual powers. But that he made a mechanical distinction between the blessings given then and those given at some other time must be doubted. (2) Salvation from the flesh ( Romans 7:24) involves no metaphysical dualism, as “flesh” is the whole of the lower nature from which the power to holiness saves a man ( Romans 8:13). Indeed, the body itself is an object of salvation ( Romans 8:11; and see RESURRECTION). (3) Quite in the background lies the idea of salvation from physical evil (2 Cor 1:10, etc.). Such evils are real evils (1 Cor 11:30), but in God’s hands they may become pure blessings ( Romans 5:3; Corinthians 12:7). (4) Salvation from sin after conversion is due to God’s judging the man in terms of the acquired supernatural nature ( Romans 8:14, etc.).

    Yet certain sins may destroy the union with Christ altogether (1 Cor 3:17, etc.), while others bring God’s chastening judgment (1 Cor 11:30-32). Or proper chastisement may be inflicted by Paul himself (1 Cor 5:1-5; 1 Timothy 1:20) or by the congregation ( Galatians 6:1; 2 Thessalonians 3:10-15; 2 Corinthians 2:6).

    V. REST OF NEW TESTAMENT: SUMMARY. 1. John: (1) John had the task of presenting Christ to Gentiles, who were as unfamiliar with the technical meaning of such phrases as “kingdom of God” or “Son of Man” as is the world today, and to Gentiles who had instead a series of concepts unknown in Palestine. So a “translation of spiritual values” became necessary if the gospel were to make an immediate appeal, a translation accomplished so successfully that the Fourth Gospel has always been the most popular. The Synoptists, especially the extremely literal Mark, imperatively demand a historical commentary, while John has successfully avoided this necessity. (2) The “kingdom of God,” as a phrase (3:3,5; compare 18:36), is replaced by “eternal life.” This life is given in this world to the one who accepts Christ’s teaching (5:24; 6:47), but its full realization will be in the “many mansions” of the Father’s house (14:2), where the believer will be with Christ (17:24). A judgment of all men will precede the establishment of this glorified state (5:28,29), but the believer may face the judgment with equanimity (5:24). So the believer is delivered from a state of things so bad as expressible as a world under Satan’s rule (12:31; 14:30; 16:11), a world in darkness (3:19), in ignorance of God (17:25), and in sin (8:21), all expressible in the one word “death” (5:24). (3) The Jews had real privilege in the reception of Christ’s message (1:11; 4:22, etc.), but the extension of the good tidings to all men was inevitable (12:23,12, etc.). Belief in Christ is wholly a personal matter, but the believers enter a community of service (13:14), with the unity of the Father and Son as their ideal (17:21). (4) The nature of the moral ideal, reduced to the single word “love” (13:34; 15:12), is assumed as known and identified with “Christ’s words” (5:24; 6:63, etc.), and the necessity of progress toward it as sharply pointed as in the Synoptists. The sinner is the servant of sin (8:34), a total change of character is needed (3:6), and the blessing is only on him who does Christ’s commandments (13:17). This “doing” is the proof of love toward Christ (14:15,21); only by bearing fruit and more fruit can discipleship be maintained (15:1-6; compare 14:24), and, indeed, by bearing fruit men actually become Christ’s disciples (15:8, Gr). The knowledge of Christ and of God that is eternal life (17:3) comes only through moral effort (7:17). In John the contrasts are colored so vividly that it would almost appear as if perfection were demanded. But he does not present even the apostles as models of sanctity (13:38; 16:32), and self-righteousness is condemned without compromise; the crowning sin is to say, “We see” (9:41). It is the Son who frees from sin (8:36), delivers from darkness (8:12; 12:46), and gives eternal life (11:25,26; compare 3:16; 5:24; 6:47). This emphasis on the divine side of the process is probably the reason for the omission of the terms “repent,” “repentance,” from the Gospel in favor of “faith” (6:29, especially), but this “faith” involves in turn human effort, for, without “abiding,” faith is useless (8:30,31). (5) An advance on the Synoptists is found in the number of times Christ speaks of His death (3:14,15; 10:11,15; 12:24,32; 17:19) and in the greater emphasis laid on it, but no more than in the Synoptists is there any explanation of how the Atonement became effectual. A real advance consists in the prospect of Christ’s work after His death, when, through the Paraclete (7:38,39; 14:16 ff), a hitherto unknown spiritual power would become available for the world. And spiritual power is due not only to a union of will with Christ but to mystical union with Him (15:1-9). See above, III, 7, for the relation of these thoughts to the synoptic teaching. 2. Hebrews: (1) The emphasis of He is of course on the sacrificial work of Christ, but the Epistle makes practically no contribution to theology of sacrifice. The argument is this: The Old Testament sacrifices certainly had an efficacy; Christ’s sacrifice fulfilled their types perfectly, therefore it had a perfect efficacy ( Hebrews 9:13,14). This must have been a tremendously potent argument for He’s own purpose, but it is of very little help to the modern theologian. (2) More than in Paul is emphasized the human training of Christ for His high-priestly work. Since He laid hold of the seed of Abraham ( Hebrews 2:16), He learned by experience all that man had to suffer ( Hebrews 2:17; 4:15; 5:8, etc.). In He the essence of the sacrifice lies not in the death but in what we call the ascension — the presentation of the blood in the heavenly tabernacle ( Hebrews 9:11-14; see the commentaries). That the death was specifically on the cross ( Hebrews 12:2 only) belonged to the stage of training and had no special significance in the sacrificial scheme. Christ’s intercession for us in heaven receives more emphasis than in the rest of the New Testament ( Hebrews 7:25). 3. Peter: The one other distinct contribution to New Testament soteriology is made in 1 Peter’s evaluation of the vicarious suffering of the “Servant” of Isaiah 53. What Christ did through His sufferings we may do in some degree through our sufferings; as His pains helped not only living mankind, but even departed sinners, so we may face persecution more happily with the thought that our pains are benefiting other men (1 Pet 3:16-20). It is hardly possible that Peter thought of this comparison as conveying an exhaustive description of the Atonement (compare 1 Peter 1:19), but that the comparison should be made at all is significant. 4. Summary: (1) Salvation is both a present and a future matter for us. The full realization of all that God has in store will not be ours until the end of human history (if, indeed, there will not be opened infinite possibilities of eternal growth), but the enjoyment of these blessings depends on conditions fulfilled in us and by us now. But a foretaste of the blessings of forgiveness of sins and growth in holiness is given on this earth. The pardon depends on the fact of God’s mercy through the death of Christ — a fact for religious experience but probably incapable of expression as a complete philosophical dogma. But strength comes from God through the glorified Christ (or through the Spirit), this vital union with God being a Christian fundamental. These two lines are in large degree independent, and the selection of the proportions profitable to a given soul is the task of the pastor. (2) That human effort is an essential in salvation is not to be denied in the face of all the New Testament evidence, especially Paul taken as a whole. And yet no one with the faintest conception of what religion means would think of coming before God to claim merit. Here the purely intellectual discussions of the subiect and its psychological course in the soul run in different channels, and “anti-synergistic” arguments are really based on attempts to petrify psychology experience into terms of pure dogma. (3) Still more true is this of attempts to describe mathematically the steps in salvation — the ordo salutis of the older dogmatics — for this differs with different souls. In particular, New Testament data are lacking for the development of the individual born of Christian parents in a Christian country. (4) Further, the social side of salvation is an essentially Christian doctrine and cannot be detached from the corporate life of the Christian church. Salvation from temporal evils is equally, if secondarily, Christian. Nationalism in salvation is at present much in the background. But it is as true today as it was in ancient Israel that the sins of a nation tend to harm the souls of even those who have not participated actively in those sins.

    LITERATURE.

    The literature of salvation is virtually the literature of theology (see under separate articles, ATONEMENT; JUSTIFICATION; SANCTIFICATION; PERSON OF CHRIST; JOHANNINE THEOLOGY; PAULINE THEOLOGY , etc.), but a few recent works may be mentioned.

    Indispensable are the works of Stevens, The Christian Doctrine of Salvation and The Pauline Theology. Garvie’s Romans in the “New Century” series should be used as a supplement to any other commentary on Romans. The juridical theory has as its best defense in English Denney’s The Death of Christ. The ethical theory is best presented in the works of DuBose, The Gospel in the Gospels, The Gospel according to Paul, and High-Priesthood and Sacrifice (Sanday’s The Expositor reviews of the two former, reprinted in The Life of Christ in Recent Research, should be read in any case). Burton Scott Easton SAMAEL <sam’-a-el > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SALAMIEL (which see).

    SAMAIAS <sa-ma’-yas > ([ Samai>av, Samaias ]): (1) One of the “captains over thousands” prominent at the Passover of Josiah (1 Esdras 1:9) = “Shemaiah” in 2 Chronicles 35:9. (2) One of the heads of families of the sons of Adonikam who returned with Ezra (1 Esdras 8:39) = “Shemaiah” in Ezra 8:13. (3) One of the “men of understanding” whom Ezra commissioned to obtain from Loddeus, the captain, men to execute the priest’s office (1 Esdras 8:44) = “Shemaiah” in Ezra 8:16 (the King James Version Mamaias). (4) the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) “Shemaiah the great,” a kinsman of Tobit and father of Ananias and Jonathan (Tobit 5:13). S. Angus SAMARIA, CITY OF <sa-ma’-ri-a > , ([ ˆwOrm]vo , shomeron ]; [ Sama>reia, Samareia ], [ Semerw>n, Semeron ], and other forms): (1) Shechem was the first capital of the Northern Kingdom ( 1 Kings 12:25). Jeroboam seems later to have removed the royal residence to Tirzah ( 1 Kings 14:17). After the brief reigns of Elah and Zimri came that of Omri, who reigned 6 years in Tirzah, then he purchased the hill of Samaria and built a city there, which was thenceforward the metropolis of the kingdom of Israel ( 1 Kings 16:24). Here the hill and the city are said to have been named after Shemer, the original owner of the land. There is nothing intrinsically improbable in this. It might naturally be derived from shamar, and the name in the sense of “outlook” would fitly apply to a city in such a commanding position.

    The residence, it was also the burying-place, of the kings of Israel ( 1 Kings 16:28; 22:37; 2 Kings 10:35; 13:9,13; 14:16).

    Toward the western edge of the Ephraimite uplands there is a broad fertile hollow called Wady esh-Sha`ir, “valley of barley.” From the midst of it rises an oblong hill to a height of over 300 ft., with a level top. The sides are steep, especially to the Samaria. The greatest length is from East to West. The surrounding mountains on three sides are much higher, and are well clad with olives and vineyards. To the West the hills are lower, and from the crest a wide view is obtained over the Plain of Sharon, with the yellow ribbon of sand that marks the coast line, and the white foam on the tumbling billows; while away beyond stretch the blue waters of the Mediterranean. On the eastern end of the hill, surrounded by olive and cactus, is the modern village of Sebastiyeh, under which a low neck of land connects the hill with the eastern slopes. The position is one of great charm and beauty; and in days of ancient warfare it was one of remarkable strength. While it was overlooked from three sides, the battlements crowning the steep slopes were too far off to be reached by missiles from the only artillery known in those times — the sling and the catapult. For besiegers to attempt an assault at arms was only to court disaster. The methods adopted by her enemies show that they relied on famine to do their work for them ( 2 Kings 6:24 f, etc.). Omri displayed excellent taste and good judgment in the choice he made.

    The city wall can be traced in almost its entire length. Recent excavations conducted by American archaeologists have uncovered the foundations of Omri’s palace, with remains of the work of Ahab and of Herod (probably here was Ahab’s ivory palace), on the western end of the hill, while on the western slope the gigantic gateway, flanked by massive towers, has been exposed to view.

    Under the influence of Jezebel, Samaria naturally became a center of idolatrous worship. Ahab “reared up an altar for Baal in the house of Baal, which he had built in Samaria. And Ahab made the Asherah” ( 1 Kings 16:32 f). Jehoram his son put away the pillar of Baal ( 2 Kings 3:2), and within the temple Jehu made an end at once of the instruments of idolatry and of the priests ( 2 Kings 10:19 f). There are many prophetic references to the enormities practiced here, and to their inevitable consequences ( Isaiah 8:4; 9:9; 10:9; 28:1 ff; 36:19; Jeremiah 23:13; Ezekiel 23:4; Hosea 7:1; 13:16; Amos 3:12; Micah 1:6, etc.).

    Under pressure of Damascus Omri conceded to the Syrians the right to “make streets in Samaria” ( 1 Kings 20:34).

    Ben-hadad II besieged the city, but suffered ignominious defeat ( <112001> Kings 20:1-21; Josephus, Ant, VIII, xiv, 1 f). Persistent attempts by the Syrians to reach the city in the time of Jehoram were frustrated by Elisha ( 2 Kings 6:8 ff; Josephus, Ant, IX, iv, 3). At length, however, Benhadad again invested the city, and the besieged were reduced to dire straits, in which, urged by famine, scenes of awful horror were enacted ( Kings 6:24 ff). A mysterious panic seized the Syrians. Their deserted camp was discovered by despairing lepers who carried the good news to the famished citizens of the plenty to be found there. Probably in the throat of the great western gateway occurred the crush in which the incredulous captain was trampled to death (1 Kings 7; Josephus, Ant, IX, iv, 5).

    Here the 70 sons of Ahab were slain by Jehu in the general destruction of the house of Ahab ( 2 Kings 10:1 ff). In Samaria, the Chronicler tells us, Ahaziah in vain hid from Jehu ( 2 Chronicles 22:9; compare 2 Kings 9:27). Pekah brought hither much spoil from Jerusalem and many captives, whom, at the instance of the prophet Oded, he released (2 Chronicles ff). The siege of Samaria was begun by Shalmaneser in the 7th year of Hoshea, and the city was finally taken by Sargon II at the end of 3 years, 722 BC ( 2 Kings 17:5 f; 18:9 f; Ant, IX, xiv, 1). This marked the downfall of the Northern Kingdom, the people being transported by the conqueror. That this was not done in a thoroughgoing way is evident from the fact recorded in the inscriptions that two years later the country had to be subdued again. Colonists were brought from other parts to take the places of the exiles ( 2 Kings 17:24; Ezra 4:10). Alexander the Great took the city in 331 BC, killed many of the inhabitants, and settled others in Shechem, replacing them with a colony of Syro-Macedonians. He gave the adjoining country to the Jews (Apion, II, 4). The city suffered at the hands of Ptolemy Lagi and Demetrius Poliorcetes, but it was still a place of strength (Josephus, Ant, XIII, x, 2) when John Hyrcanus came against it in 120 BC. It was taken after a year’s siege, and the victor tried to destroy the city utterly. His turning of the water into trenches to undermine the foundations could only refer to the suburbs under the hill. From the only two sources, `Ain Harun and ‘Ain Kefr Rima, to the East of the town, the water could not rise to the hill. The “many fountains of water” which Benjamin of Tudela says he saw on the top, from which water enough could be got to fill the trenches, are certainly not to be seen today; and they have left no trace behind them. The city was rebuilt by Pompey and, having again fallen under misfortune, was restored by Gabinius (Josephus, Ant, XIV, iv, 4; v, 3; BJ, I, vii, 7; viii, 4). To Herod it owed the chief splendor of its later days. He extended, strengthened and adorned it on a scale of great magnificence, calling it Sebaste (= Augusta) in honor of the emperor, a name which survives in the modern Sebastiyeh. A temple also was dedicated to Caesar. Its site is probably marked by the impressive flight of steps, with the pedestal on which stood the gigantic statue of Augustus, which recent excavations have revealed. The statue, somewhat mutilated, is also to be seen. Another of Herod’s temples West of the present village was cleared out by the same explorers. The remains of the great doublecolumned street, which ran round the upper terrace of the hill, bear further testimony to the splendor of this great builder’s work (Josephus, Ant, XV, vii, 3; viii, 5; BJ, I, xxi, 2). It was here that Herod killed perhaps the only human being whom he ever really loved, his wife Mariamne. Here also his sons perished by his hand (Josephus, Ant, XV, vii, 5-7; XVI, iii, 1-3; xi, 7).

    It is commonly thought that this city was the scene of Philip’s preaching and the events that followed recorded in Acts 8, but the absence of the definite article in 8:5 makes this doubtful. A Roman colony was settled here by Septimius Severus. From that time little is known of the history of the city; nor do we know to what the final castastrophe was due. It became the seat of a bishopric and was represented in the councils of Nicea, Constantinople and Chalcedon. Its bishop attended the Synod of Jerusalem in 536 AD.

    The Church of John, a Crusading structure beside the modern village, is now a Moslem mosque. It is the traditional burying-place of John the Baptist’s body. (2) [hJ Sama>reia, he Samareia ]: A town mentioned in 1 Macc 5:66 as on the route followed by Judas from the district of Hebron to the land of the Philistines. The name is probably a clerical error. The margin reads Marisa, and probably the place intended is Mareshah, the site of which is at Tell Sandachannah, about a mile South of Belt Jibrin. W. Ewing SAMARIA, COUNTRY OF ([ ˆwOrm]vo , shomeron ]; [hJ Samarei~tiv cw>ra, he Samareitis chora ]): The name of the city was transferred to the country of which it was the capital, so that Samaria became synonymous with the Northern Kingdom ( Kings 13:32; Jeremiah 31:5, etc.). The extent of territory covered by this appellation varied greatly at different periods. At first it included the land held by Israel East of the Jordan, Galilee and Mt. Ephraim, with the northern part of Benjamin. It was shorn of the eastern portion by the conquest of Tiglath-pileser ( 1 Chronicles 5:26). Judah probably soon absorbed the territory of Daniel in the Samaria. In New Testament times Samaria had shrunk to still smaller dimensions. Then the country West of the Jordan was divided into three portions: Judea in the South, Galilee in the North, and Samaria in the middle. The boundaries are given in general terms by Josephus (BJ, III, iii, 1, 4, 5). The southern edge of the Plain of Esdraelon and the lands of Scythopolis, the city of the Decapolis West of the Jordan, formed the northern boundary. It reached South as far as the toparchy of Acrabatta (modern `Aqrabeh), while on the border between Samaria and Judea lay the villages of Annath and Borceos, the modern Khirbet `Aina and Berqit, about 15 miles South of Nablus. The Jordan of course formed the eastern boundary. On the West the coast plain as far as Acre belonged to Judea. The country thus indicated was much more open to approach than the high plateau of Judah with its steep rocky edges and difficult passes. The road from the North indeed was comparatively easy of defense, following pretty closely the line of the watershed. But the gradual descent of the land to the West with long, wide valleys, offered inviting avenues from the plain. The great trade routes, that to the fords of Jordan and the East, passing through the cleft in the mountains at Shechem, and those connecting Egypt with the North and the Northeast, traversed Samarian territory, and brought her into constant intercourse with surrounding peoples. The influence of the heathen religions to which she was thus exposed made a swift impression upon her, leading to the corruptions of faith and life that heralded her doom ( Jeremiah 23:13; Hosea 7:1 ff, etc.). The Assyrians came as the scourge of God ( Kings 17:5-23). Their attack centered on the capital. Shalmaneser began the siege, and after three years the city fell to Sargon II, his successor.

    With the fall of Samaria the kingdom came to an end. Following the usual Assyrian policy, great numbers of the inhabitants were deported from the conquered country, and their places taken by men brought from “Babylon, and from Cuthah, and from Avva, and from Hamath and Sepharvaim,” cities which had already bowed to the Assyrian power ( 2 Kings 17:24).

    It appears from the Assyrian inscriptions that the number carried away was 27,290. The number afterward deported from Judah was 200,000, and then the poorest of the land were left to be vinedressers and husbandmen ( Kings 25:12). It is evident that a similar policy must have been followed in Samaria, as 27,290 could certainly not include the whole population of the cities and the country. But it would include the higher classes, and especially the priests from whom the victors would have most to fear. The population therefore after the conquest contained a large proportion of Israelites. It was no doubt among these that Josiah exercised his reforming energy ( 2 Kings 23:19 f; 2 Chronicles 34:6 f). Here also must have been that “remnant of Israel,” Manasseh and Ephraim, who contributed for the repair of the house of God ( 2 Chronicles 34:9). These people, left without their religious guides, mingling with the heathen who had brought their gods and, presumably, their priests with them, were apt to be turned from the purity of their faith. A further importation of pagan settlers took place under Esar-haddon and Osnappar ( Ezra 4:9,10). The latter is to be identified with Assur-bani-pal. What the proportions of the different elements in the population were, there is now no means of knowing. That there was some intermarriage is probable; but having regard to racial exclusiveness, we may suppose that it was not common. When the Jews deny to them any relation to Israel, and call them Cuthaeans, as if they were the descendants purely of the heathen settlers, the facts just mentioned should be borne in mind.

    After the Assyrian conquest we are told that the people suffered from lions ( 2 Kings 17:25). Josephus (Ant., IX, xiv, 3) says “a plague seized upon them.” In accordance with the ideas of the time, the strangers thought this due to the anger of the tutelary deity of the land, because they worshipped other gods in his territory, while neglecting him. Ignorant of his special ritual (“manner”), they petitioned the Assyrian king, who sent one (Josephus says “some”) of the priests who had been carried away to teach them “how they should fear the Lord.” How much is implied in this “fearing of the Lord” is not clear. They continued at the same time to serve their own gods. There is nothing to show that the Israelites among them fell into their idolatries. The interest of these in the temple at Jerusalem, the use of which they may now have shared with the Jews, is proved by Chronicles 34:9. In another place we are told that four score men “from Shechem, from Shiloh, and from Samaria,” evidently Israelites, were going up with their offerings to the house of the Lord ( Jeremiah 41:5). Once the people of the country are called Samaritans ( 2 Kings 17:29).

    Elsewhere this name has a purely religious significance. See SAMARITANS.

    Of the history of Samaria under Assyrian and Babylonian rulers we know nothing. It reappears at the return of the Jews under Persian auspices. The Jews refused the proffered assistance of the Samaritans in rebuilding the temple and the walls of Jerusalem ( Ezra 4:1,3). Highly offended, the latter sought to frustrate the purpose of the Jews ( Ezra 4:4 ff; Nehemiah 4:7 ff; 1 Esdras 2:16 ff). That the Samaritans were accustomed to worship in Jerusalem is perhaps implied by one phrase in the letter sent to the Persian king: “The Jews that came up from thee are come to us unto Jerus” ( Ezra 4:12). Perhaps also they may be referred to in Ezra 6:21. Idolatry is not alleged against the “adversaries.” We can hardly err if we ascribe the refusal in some degree to the old antagonism between the North and the South, between Ephraim and Judah. Whatever the cause, it led to a wider estrangement and a deeper bitterness. For the history of the people and their temple on Gerizim, see SAMARITANS .

    Samaria, with Palestine, fell to Alexander after the battle of Issus.

    Antiochus the Great gave it to Ptolemy Epiphanes, as the dowry of his daughter Cleopatra (Josephus, Ant, XII, iv, 1). John Hyrcanus reduced and desolated the country (Josephus, BJ, I, ii, 6 f). After varying fortunes Samaria became part of the kingdom of Herod, at whose death it was given to Archelaus (Josephus, Ant, XVII, xi, 4; BJ, II, vi, 3). When Archelaus was banished it was joined to the Roman province of Syria (Josephus, Ant, XVII, xiii, 5; BJ, II, viii, 1).

    Samaria is a country beautifully diversified with mountain and hill, valley and plain. The olive grows plentifully, and other fruit trees abound. There is much excellent soil, and fine crops of barley and wheat are reaped annually. The vine also is largely cultivated on the hill slopes. Remains of ancient forests are found in parts. As Josephus said, it is not naturally watered by many rivers, but derives its chief moisture from rain water, of which there is no lack (BJ, III, iii, 4). He speaks also of the excellent grass, by reason of which the cows yield more milk than those in any other place.

    There is a good road connecting Nablus with Jaffa; and by a road not quite so good, it is now possible to drive a carriage from Jerusalem to Nazareth, passing through Samaria. W. Ewing SAMARITAN, PENTATEUCH THE <sa-mar’-i-tan > . See PENTATEUCH, THE SAMARITAN.

    SAMARITANS <sa-mar’-i-tanz > ([ µynirom]vo , shomeronim ]; [ Samarei~tai, Samareitai ], New Testament; (singular), [ Samari>thv, Samarites ]): The name “Samaritans” in 2 Kings 17:29 clearly applies to the Israelite inhabitants of the Northern Kingdom. In subsequent history it denotes a people of mixed origin, composed of the peoples brought by the conqueror from Babylon and elsewhere to take the places of the expatriated Israelites and those who were left in the land (722 BC). Sargon claims to have carried away only 27,290 of the inhabitants (KIB, II, 55). Doubtless these were, as in the case of Judah, the chief men, men of wealth and influence, including all the priests, the humbler classes being left to till the land, tend the vineyards, etc. Hezekiah, who came to the throne of Judah probably in BC, could still appeal to the tribes Ephraim, Manasseh, Issachar, Asher and Zebulun ( 2 Chronicles 30:5,10,11,18 ff); and the presence of these tribesmen is implied in the narrative of Josiah’s reformation ( Chronicles 34:6 f). Although the number of the colonists was increased by Esar-haddon and Osnappar (Assur-bani-pal, Ezra 4:2,9 f), the population, it is reasonable to suppose, continued prevailingly Israelite; otherwise their religion would not so easily have won the leading place.

    The colonists thought it necessary for their own safety to acknowledge Yahweh, in whose land they dwelt, as one among the gods to be feared ( 2 Kings 17:24 ff). In the intermixture that followed “their own gods” seem to have fallen on evil days; and when the Samaritans asked permission to share in building the temple under Zerubbabel, they claimed, apparently with a good conscience, to serve God and to sacrifice to Him as the Jews did ( Ezra 4:1 f). Whatever justification there was for this claim, their proffered friendship was turned to deadly hostility by the blunt refusal of their request. The old enmity between north and south no doubt intensified the quarrel, and the antagonism of Jew and Samaritan, in its bitterness, was destined to pass into a proverb. The Samaritans set themselves, with great temporary success, to frustrate the work in which they were not permitted to share ( Ezra 4:4 ff: Nehemiah 4:7 ff. etc.).

    From the strict administration of the Law in Jerusalem malcontents found their way to the freer atmosphere of Samaria. Among these renegades was Manasseh, brother of the high priest, who had married a daughter of Sanballat, the Persian governor of Samaria. According to Josephus, Sanballat, with the sanction of Alexander the Great, built a temple for the Samaritans on Mt. Gerizim, of which Manasseh became high priest (Ant., XI, vii, 2; viii, 2 ff). Josephus, however, places Manasseh a century too late. He was a contemporary of Ezra and Nehemiah ( Nehemiah 13:28).

    When it suited their purpose the Samaritans claimed relationship with the Jews, asserting that their roll of the Pentateuch was the only authentic copy (see PENTATEUCH, THE SAMARITAN ); they were equally ready to deny all connection in times of stress, and even to dedicate their temple to a heathen deity (Josephus, Ant, XII, v, 5). In 128 BC, John Hyrcanus destroyed the temple (XIII, ix, 1). In the time of Christ the Samaritans were ruled by procurators under the Roman governor of Syria. Lapse of years brought no lessening of the hatred between Jews and Samaritans (Ant., XX, vi, 1). To avoid insult and injury at the hands of the latter, Jews from Galilee were accustomed to reach the feasts at Jerusalem by way of Peraea. “Thou art a Samaritan, and hast a demon” was an expression of opprobrium ( John 8:48). Although Jesus forbade the Twelve to go into any city of the Samaritans ( Matthew 10:5), the parable of the Good Samaritan shows that His love overleaped the boundaries of national hatred ( Luke 10:30 ff; compare 17:16; John 4:9).

    During the Jewish war Cerealis treated the Samaritans with great severity.

    On one occasion (67 AD) he slaughtered 11,600 on Mt. Gerizim. For some centuries they were found in considerable numbers throughout the empire, east and west, with their synagogues. They were noted as “bankers” money-changers, For their anti-Christian attitude and conduct Justinian inflicted terrible vengeance on them. From this the race seems never to have recovered. Gradually-dwindling, they now form a small community in Nablus of not more than 200 souls. Their great treasure is their ancient copy of the Law. See SAMARIA.

    LITERATURE.

    The best account of the Samaritans is Mills, Nablus and the Modern Samaritans (Murray, London); compare Montgomery, The Samaritans (1907). A good recent description by J. E. H. Thomson, D. D., of the Passover celebrated annually on Mt. Gerizim will be found in PEFS, 1902, 82 ff. W. Ewing SAMATUS <sam’-a-tus > ([ Sa>matov, Samatos ]): One of the sons of Ezora who put away their “strange wives” (1 Esdras 9:34). It is difficult to say which, if any, name it represents in parallel Ezra 10:34 ff, where no “sons of Ezora” are inserted between “sons of Bani” and “sons of Nebo”: probably Shallurn (10:42), but possibly Shemariah (10:41).

    SAMECH <sam’-ek > ([ s , camekh ]): The 15th letter of the Hebrew alphabet; transliterated in this Encyclopedia as “c”. It came to be used for the number 60. For name, etc., see ALPHABET .

    SAMEIUS <sa-me’-yus > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SAMEUS (which see).

    SAMELLIUS <sa-mel’-i-us > (Codex Vaticanus [ Same>lliov, Samellios ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sebe>lliov, Sebellios ], al [ Seme>lliov, Semellios ]; the King James Version Semellius): “Samellius the scribe,” one of those who wrote a letter of protest to Artaxerxes against the building of Jerusalem by the returned exiles (1 Esdras 2:16,17,25,30) = “Shimshai” in Ezra 4:8.

    SAMEUS <sa-me’-us > (Codex Alexandrinus and Fritzsche, [ Samai~ov, Samaios ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Qamai~ov, Thamaios ]; the King James Version Sameius): One of the sons of Emmer who put away their “strange wives” (1 Esdras 9:21) = “Shemaiah” (the Revised Version margin “Maaseiah”) of the sons of Harim in Ezra 10:21.

    SAMGAR-NEBO <sam-gar-ne’-bo > ([ wObn; rg”m]s” , camgar nebho ], a Babylonian name):

    An officer of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, who, according to the Massoretic Text of Jeremiah 39:3, took his seat with other nobles in the middle gate of Jerusalem after the Chaldean army had taken the city.

    Schrader (COT, ii, 109) holds that the name is a Hebraized form of the Assyrian Sumgirnabu (“be gracious, Nebo”), but Giesebrecht (Comm., 211) conjectures for Samgar a corruption of Sar-mag (Sar-magh), equivalent to Rab-mag (rab-magh), which implies virtual dittography. The number of variant readings exhibited by the Septuagint seems to confirm the belief that the text is corrupt. Nebo (nabu) is there joined with the following Sarsechim to agree with Nebushazban of Jeremiah 39:13. If the name Samgar-nebo is correct, the first Nergal-sharezer “should perhaps be dropped; we would then read: “Samgar-nebo the Sarsechim, Nebushazban the Rab-saris (compare 39:13) and Nergal-sharezer the Rabmag” (Sayce). See RAB-MAG; RAB-SARIS.

    Horace J. Wolf SAMI <sa’-mi > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SABI (which see).

    SAMIS <sa’-mis > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SOMEIS (which see).

    SAMLAH <sam’-la > ([ hl;m]c” , samlah ]; [ Salama>, Salama ]): One of the kings of Edom, of the city of Masrekah. He reigned before the Israelites had kings ( Genesis 36:36,37; 1 Chronicles 1:47,48). The fact that the city is mentioned in connection with the name of the king suggests that Edom was a confederacy at this time and the chief city was the metropolis of the whole country.

    SAMMUS <sam’-us > (Codex Alexandrinus [ Sammou>v, Sammous ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Sammou>, Sammou ]): One of those who stood on Ezra’s right hand as he expounded the Law (1 Esdras 9:43) = “Shema” in Nehemiah 8:4.

    SAMOS <sa’-mos > ([ Sa>mov, Samos ], “height,” “mountain” (see Strabo 346, 457)):

    One of the most famous of the Ionian islands, third in size among the group which includes Lesbos, CHIOS (which see) and Cos (which see). It is situated at the mouth of the bay of Ephesus, between the cities of EPHESUS and MILETUS (which see), and separated from the mainland of Ionia by the narrow strait where the Greeks met and conquered the Persian fleet in the battle of Mycale, 479 BC (Herodotus ix.100 ff). The surface of the island is very rugged and mountainous, Mt. Kerki (modern name) rising to a height of 4,700 ft., and it was due to this that the island received its name (see above). See also SAMOTHRACE.

    Samos was renowned in antiquity as one of the noted centers of Ionjan luxury, and reached its zenith of prosperity under the rule of the famous tyrant Polycrates (533-522 BC), who made himself master of the Aegean Sea. He carried on trade with Egypt, and his intercourse with that country, his friendship with Amasis, the famous “ring” story and the revolting manner of the death of Polycrates arere all told in one of the most interesting stories of Herodotus (Herod. iii.39 ff).

    In 84 BC, the island was joined to the province of Asia, and in 17 BC it became a civitas libera, through the favor of Augustus (Dio Cass. liv.9; Pliny, NH, v.37). Both Marcus Agrippa and Herod visited the island; and according to Josephus (Ant., XVI, ii, 2; BJ, I, xxi, 11) “bestowed a great many benefits” on it. In the Apocrypha, Samos is mentioned among the places to which Lucius, consul of the Romans, wrote, asking their good will toward the Jews (1 Macc 15:23).

    In the New Testament, Paul touched here, after passing CHIOS (which see), on his return from his third missionary journey ( Acts 20:15). In Textus Receptus of the New Testament, we find in this passage [kai< mei>nantev ejn Trwgulli>w|, kai meinantes en Trogullio ] (“and having remained in Trogyllium”). This reading is wanting in the oldest manuscripts, and may be a sort of gloss, or explanation; due to the technical use of paraballein, “to touch land” (compare Josephus, Ant, XVIII, vi, 4), and not necessarily “to make a landing.” Trogyllium lay on the mainland opposite Samos, at the end of the ridge of Mycale. Still there is no particular reason why this reading should be supported, especially as it is not found in the earliest of authorities. Soden’s 1913 text, however, retains the reading in brackets.

    LITERATURE.

    Tozer, Islands of the Aegean (1890). Herodotus and Pausanias have rather full accounts of Samos, and Encyclopedia Brit (11th edition) gives a good bibliography of works both ancient and modern. Arthur J. Kinsella SAMOTHRACE <sam’-o-thras > ([ Samoqra>|kh, Samothrake ], “the Thracian Samos”; the King James Version Samothracia, sam-o-thra’sha; the island was formerly Dardania; for change of name see Pausanias vii.4,3; Strabo x.457, and for a full discussion Conze, Hauser and Benndorf, Neue Untersuchungen auf South, 1880): An island in the Aegean Sea, South of Thrace opposite the mouth of the Hebrus River, and Northwest of Troas. The island is mountainous, as the name indicates (see SAMOS ), and towers above Imbros when viewed from the Trojan coast. The summit is about a mile high. It is mentioned in the Iliad (xiii.12) as the seat of Poseidon and referred to by Virgil Aeneid vii.208.

    The island was always famous for sanctity, and the seat of a cult of the Cabeiri, which Herodotus (ii.51) says was derived from the Pelasgian inhabitants (see also Aristophanes, Pax 277). The mysteries connected with the worship of these gods later rivaled the famous mysteries of Eleusis, and both Philip of Macedon and Olympias his wife were initiated here (Plut.

    Alex. 3).

    Probably because of its sacred character the island did not figure to any extent in history, but in the expedition of Xerxes in 480 BC, one ship at least of the Samothracian contingent is mentioned as conspicuous in the battle of Salamis.

    The famous “Victory of Samothrace” (now in the Louvre) was set up here by Demetrius Poliorcetes circa 300 BC, and was discovered in 1863. Since that time (1873-75), the Austrian government carried on extensive excavations (see Conze, Hauser and Benndorf, op. cit.).

    In the New Testament the island is mentioned in Acts 16:11. From Troas, Paul made a straight run to Samothrace, and the next day sailed to NEAPOLIS (which see) on the Thracian coast, the port of PHILIPPI (which see). At the northern end of Samothrace was a town where the ship could anchor for the night, and on the return journey ( Acts 20:6) a landing may have been made, but no details are given. Pliny characterizes the island as being most difficult for anchorage, but because of the hazards of sailing by night, the ancient navigators always anchored somewhere if possible.

    LITERATURE. See under SAMOS.

    Arthur J. Kinsella SAMPSAMES <samp’-sa-mez > ([ Samya>mhv, Sampsames ]): A place mentioned in Macc 15:23, usually identified with Samsun, on the coast of the Black Sea.

    The Vulgate, with the Revised Version margin, has “Lampsacus.”

    SAMSON <sam’-sun > ([ ˆwOvm]vi , shimshon ]. 1. NAME:

    Derived probably from [ vm,v, , shemesh ], “sun” with the diminutive ending [ ˆwO, -on ], meaning “little sun” or “sunny,” or perhaps “sun-man”; [ Samyw>n, Sampson ]; Latin and English, Samson): His home was near Bethshemesh, which means “house of the sun.” Compare the similar formation [ yv”m]vi , shimshay ] ( Ezra 4:8,9,17,23). 2. CHARACTER:

    Samson was a judge, perhaps the last before Samuel. He was a Nazirite of the tribe of Daniel ( Judges 13:5); a man of prodigious strength, a giant and a gymnast — the Hebrew Hercules, a strange champion for Yahweh!

    He intensely hated the Philistines who had oppressed Israel some 40 years ( Judges 13:1), and was willing to fight them alone. He seems to have been actuated by little less than personal vengeance, yet in the New Testament he is named among the heroes of faith ( Hebrews 11:32), and was in no ordinary sense an Old Testament worthy. He was good-natured, sarcastic, full of humor, and fought with his wits as well as with his fists.

    Milton has graphically portrayed his character in his dramatic poem Samson Agonistes (1671), on which Handel built his oratorio, Samson (1743). 3. STORY OF HIS LIFE:

    The story of Samson’s life is unique among the biographies of the Old Testament. It is related in Judges 13 through 16. Like Isaac, Samuel and John the Baptist, he was a child of prayer (13:8,12). To Manoah’s wife the angel of Yahweh appeared twice (13:3,9), directing that the child which should be born to them should be a Nazirite from the womb, and that he would “begin to save Israel out of the hand of the Philistines” (13:5,7,14).

    The spirit of Yahweh first began to move him in Mahaneh-dan, between Zorah and Eshtaol (13:25). On his arriving at manhood, five remarkable circumstances are recorded of him. (1) His marriage with a Philistine woman of Timnah (Judges 14). His parents objected to the alliance ( Judges 14:3), but Samson’s motive in marrying her was that he “sought an occasion against the Philistines” At the wedding feast Samson propounded to his guests a riddle, wagering that if they guessed its answer he would give them changes of raiment. Dr. Moore felicitously renders the text of the riddle thus: `Out of the eater came something to eat, And out of the strong came something sweet’ ( Judges 14:14).

    The Philistines threatened the life of his bride, and she in turn wrung from Samson the answer; whereupon he retorted (in Dr. Moore’s version): `If with my heifer ye did not plow, Ye had not found out my riddle, I trow’ ( Judges 14:18).

    Accordingly, in revenge, Samson went down to Ashkelon, slew some men, and paid his debt; he even went home without his wife, and her father to save her from shame gave her to Samson’s “best man” ( Judges 14:20). It has been suggested by W. R. Smith (Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, 70-76) that Samson did not from the first intend to take his bride to his home, his marriage being what is known among the Arabs as a tsadiqat, or gift marriage, by which is meant that the husband becomes a part of the wife’s tribe. This assumes that the social relations of the Hebrews at that time were matriarchate, the wife remaining with her family, of which custom there are other traces in the Old Testament, the husband merely visiting the wife from time to time. But this is not so obvious in Samson’s case in view of his pique ( Judges 14:19), and especially in view of his parents’ objection to his marrying outside of Israel ( Judges 14:3). Not knowing that his bride had been given by her father to his friend, Samson went down to Timnah to visit her, with a kid; when he discovered, however, that he had been taken advantage of, he went out and caught 300 jackals, and putting firebrands between every two tails, he burned up the grain fields and olive yards of the Philistines. The Philistines, however, showed they could play with fire, too, and burned his wife and her father. Thereupon, Samson smote the Philistines in revenge, “hip and thigh” ( Judges 15:1-8). (2) When he escaped to Etam, an almost vertical rock cliff in Judah (by some identified with `Araq Ismain) not far from Zorah, Samson’s home, the Philistines invaded Judah, encamped at Lehi above Etam, and demanded the surrender of their arch-enemy. The men of Judah were willing to hand Samson over to the Philistines, and accordingly went down to the cliff Etam, bound Samson and brought him up where the Philistines were encamped ( Judges 15:9-13). When Samson came to Lehi the Philistines shouted as they met him, whereupon the spirit of Yahweh came mightily upon him, so that he broke loose from the two new ropes with which the 3,000 men of Judah had bound him, and seizing a fresh jawbone of an ass he smote with it 1,000 men of the Philistines, boasting as he did so in pun-like poetry, `With the jawbone of an ass, m-ass upon m-ass’; or, as Dr. Moore translates the passage, `With the bone of an ass, I ass-ailed my ass-ailants’ ( Judges 15:16).

    At the same time, Samson reverently gave Yahweh the glory of his victory ( Judges 15:18). Samson being thirsty, Yahweh provided water for him at a place called En-hakkore, or “Partridge Spring,” or “the Spring of the Caller” — another name for partridge ( Judges 15:17-19). (3) Samson next went down to Gaza, to the very stronghold of the Philistines, their chief city. There he saw a harlot, and, his passions not being under control, he went in unto her. It was soon noised about that Samson, the Hebrew giant, was in the city. Accordingly, the Philistines laid wait for him. But Samson arose at midnight and laid hold of the doors of the gate and their two posts, and carried them a full quarter of a mile up to the top of the mountain that looketh toward Hebron ( Judges 16:1-3). (4) From Gaza Samson betook himself to the valley of Sorek where he fell in love with another Philistine woman, named Delilah, through whose machinations he lost his spiritual power. The Philistine lords bribed her with a very large sum to deliver him into their hands. Three times Samson deceived her as to the secret of his strength, but at last he explains that he is a Nazirite, and that his hair, which has never been shorn, is the secret of his wonderful power. J. G. Frazer (Golden Bough, III, 390 ff) has shown that the belief that some mysterious power resides in the hair is still widespread among savage peoples, e.g. the Fiji Islanders. Thus, Samson fell. By disclosing to Delilah this secret, he broke his covenant vow, and the Spirit of God departed from him ( Judges 16:4-20). The Philistines laid hold on him, put out his eyes, brought him down to Gaza, bound him with fetters, and forced him to grind in the prison house. Grinding was women’s work! It is at this point that Milton catches the picture and writes, “Eyeless in Gaza, at the mill with slaves.” Howbeit, the hair of his head began to grow again; but his eyes did not! ( Judges 16:21,22). (5) The final incident recorded of Samson is in connection with a great sacrificial feast which the Philistine lords gave in honor of Dagon, their god. In their joyous celebration they sang in rustic rhythm: `Our god has given us into our hand The foe of our land, Whom even our most powerful band Was never able to withstand’ ( Judges 16:24).

    This song was accompanied probably, as Mr. Macalister suggests, by handclapping (Gezer, 129). When they became still more merry, they called for Samson to play the buffoon, and by his pranks to entertain the assembled multitude. The house of Dagon was full of people; about 3,000 were upon the roof beholding as Samson made sport. With the new growth of his hair his strength had returned to him. The dismantled giant longed to be avenged on his adversaries for at least one of his two eyes ( Judges 16:28). He prayed, and Yahweh heard his prayer. Guided by his attendant, he took hold of the wooden posts of the two middle pillars upon which the portico of the house rested, and slipping them off their pedestals, the house fell upon the lords and upon all the people that were therein. “So the dead that he slew at his death were more than they that he slew in his life” ( Judges 16:29,30). His kinsmen came and carried him up and buried him near his boyhood home, between Zorah and Eshtaol, in the family burying-ground of his father. “And he judged Israel twenty years” ( Judges 16:31). 4. HISTORICAL VALUE:

    The story of Samson is a faithful mirror of his times: “Every man did that which was right in his own eyes” ( Judges 17:6; 21:25). There was no king in those days, i.e. no central government. Each tribe was separately occupied driving out their individual enemies. For 40 years the Philistines had oppressed Samson’s tribal compatriots. Their suzerainty was also recognized by Judah ( Judges 14:4; 15:11). Samson was the hero of his tribe. The general historicity of his story cannot be impeached on the mere ground of improbability. His deeds were those which would most naturally be expected from a giant, filled with a sense of justice. He received the local popularity which a man of extraordinary prowess would naturally be given. All peoples glory in their heroes. The theory that the record in Judges 13 through 16 is based upon some “solar myth” is now generally abandoned. That there are incidents in his career which are difficult to explain, is freely granted. For example, that he killed a lion (14:6) is not without a parallel; David and Benaiah did the same ( 1 Samuel 17:34-36; 2 Samuel 23:20). God always inspires a man in the line of his natural endowments. That God miraculously supplied his thirst ( Judges 15:19) is no more marvelous than what God did for Hagar in the wilderness ( Genesis 21:19). That Samson carried off the doors of the gate of Gaza and their two posts, bar and all, must not confound us till we know more definitely their size and the distance from Gaza of the hill to which he carried them. The fact that he pulled down the roof on which there were 3,000 men and women is not at all impossible, as Mr. Macalister has shown. If we suppose that there was an immense portico to the temple of Dagon, as is quite possible, which was supported by two main pillars of wood resting on bases of stone, like the cedar pillars of Solomon’s house ( 1 Kings 7:2), all that Samson, therefore, necessarily did, was to push the wooden beams so that their feet would slide over the stone base on which they rested, and the whole portico would collapse. Moreover, it is not said that the whole of the 3,000 on the roof were destroyed ( Judges 16:30). Many of those in the temple proper probably perished in the number (R. A. S. Macalister, Bible Side-Lights from the Mound of Gezer, 1906, 127-38). 5. RELIGIOUS VALUE:

    Not a few important and suggestive lessons are deducible from the hero’s life: (1) Samson was the object of parental solicitude from even before his birth. One of the most suggestive and beautiful prayers in the Old Testament is that of Manoah for guidance in the training of his yet unborn child ( Judges 13:8). Whatever our estimate of his personality is, Samson was closely linked to the covenant. (2) He was endowed with the Spirit of Yahweh — the spirit of personal patriotism, the spirit of vengeance upon a foe of 40 years’ standing ( Judges 13:1,25; 14:6:19; 15:14). (3) He also prayed, and Yahweh answered him, though in judgment ( Judges 16:30). But he was prodigal of his strength. Samson had spiritual power and performed feats which an ordinary man would hardly perform. But he was unconscious of his high vocation. In a moment of weakness he yielded to Delilah and divulged the secret of his strength. He was careless of his personal endowment. He did not realize that physical endowments no less than spiritual are gifts from God, and that to retain them we must be obedient. (4) He was passionate and therefore weak. The animal of his nature was never curbed, but rather ran unchained and free. He was given to sudden fury. Samson was a wild, self-willed man. Passion ruled. He could not resist the blandishments of women. In short, he was an overgrown schoolboy, without self-mastery. (5) He accordingly wrought no permanent deliverance for Israel; he lacked the spirit of cooperation. He undertook a task far too great for even a giant single-handed. Yet, it must be allowed that Samson paved the way for Saul and David. He began the deliverance of Israel from the Philistines. He must, therefore, be judged according to his times. In his days there was unrestrained individual independence on every side, each one doing as he pleased. Samson differed from his contemporaries in that he was a hero of faith ( Hebrews 11:32). He was a Nazirite, and therefore dedicated to God. He was given to revenge, yet he was ready to sacrifice himself in order that his own and his people’s enemies might be overthrown. He was willing to lay down his own life for the sake of his fellow-tribesmen — not to save his enemies, however, but to kill them. (Compare Matthew 5:43 f; Romans 5:10.)

    LITERATURE. (1) Comma. on Jgs, notably those by G. F. Moore, ICC, 1895; Budde, Kurzer Handkommentar, 1897; Nowack, Handkommentar, 1900; E. L.

    Curtis, The Bible for Home and School, 1913; Bachmann, 1868; Keil, 1862; Farrar in Ellicott’s Commentaries; Watson, Expositor’s Bible. (2) Articles on “Samson” in the various Bible Dictionaries and Encyclopedias; in particular those by Budde, HDB; C. W. Emmet, in 1- vol HDB; S. A. Cook, New Encyclopedia Brit; Davis, Dict. of the Bible. George L. Robinson SAMUEL <sam’-u-el > ([ laeWmv] , shemu’el ]; [ Samouh>l, Samouel ]): The word “Samuel” signifies “name of God,” or “his name is El” (God). Other interpretations of the name that have been offered are almost certainly mistaken. The play upon the name in 1 Samuel 1:20 is not intended of course to be an explanation of its meaning, but is similar to the play upon the name Moses in Exodus 2:10 and frequently elsewhere in similar instances. Thus, by the addition of a few letters [ lawmv , shemu’el ] becomes [ laeme lWav; , sha’ul me’el ], “asked of God,” and recalls to the mother of Samuel the circumstances of the divine gift to her of a son.

    Outside of 1st Samuel the name of the great judge and prophet is found in Jeremiah 15:1; Psalm 99:6 and in 1 and 2 Chronicles. The reference in Jeremiah seems intended to convey the same impression that is given by the narrative of 1 Samuel, that in some sense Samuel had come to be regarded as a second Moses, upon whom the mantle of the latter had fallen, and who had been once again the deliverer and guide of the people at a great national crisis. 1. SOURCES AND CHARACTER OF THE HISTORY:

    The narrative of the events of the life of Samuel appears to be derived from more than one source (see SAMUEL, BOOKS OF ). The narrator had before him and made use of biographies and traditions, which he combined into a single consecutive history. The completed picture of the prophet’s position and character which is thus presented is on the whole harmonious and consistent, and gives a very high impression of his piety and loyalty to Yahweh, and of the wide influence for good which he exerted. There are divergences apparent in detail and standpoint between the sources or traditions, some of which may probably be due merely to misunderstanding of the true nature of the events recorded, or to the failure of the modern reader rightly to appreciate the exact circumstances and time. The greater part of the narrative of the life of Samuel, however, appears to have a single origin. 2. LIFE:

    In the portion of the general history of Israel contained in 1 Samuel are narrated the circumstances of the future prophet’s birth (chapter 1); of his childhood and of the custom of his parents to make annual visits to the sanctuary at Shiloh (2:11,18-21,26); of his vision, and the universal recognition of him as a prophet enjoying the special favor of Yahweh (3 through 4:1). The narrative is then interrupted to describe the conflicts with the Philistines, the fate of Eli and his sons, and the capture of the ark of God. It is only after the return of the ark, and apparently at the close of the 20 years during which it was retained at Kiriath-jearim, that Samuel again comes forward publicly, exhorting the people to repentance and promising them deliverance from the Philistines. A summary narrative is then given of the summoning of a national council at Mizpah, at which Samuel “judged the children of Israel,” and offered sacrifice to the Lord, and of Yahweh’s response in a great thunderstorm, which led to the defeat and panic-stricken flight of the Philistines. Then follows the narrative of the erection of a commemorative stone or pillar, Eben-ezer, “the stone of help,” and the recovery of the Israelite cities which the Philistines had captured (7:5-14). The narrator adds that the Philistines came no more within the border of Israel all the days of Samuel (7:13); perhaps with an intentional reference to the troubles and disasters of which this people was the cause in the time of Saul. A brief general statement is appended of Samuel’s practice as a judge of going on annual circuit through the land, and of his home at Ramah (7:15-17).

    No indication is given of the length of time occupied by these events. At their close, however, Samuel was an old man, and his sons who had been appointed judges in his place or to help him in his office proved themselves unworthy ( 1 Samuel 8:1-3). The elders of the people therefore came to Samuel demanding the appointment of a king who should be his successor, and should judge in his stead. The request was regarded by the prophet as an act of disloyalty to Yahweh, but his protest was overruled by divine direction, and at Samuel’s bidding the people dispersed ( 1 Samuel 8:4-22).

    At this point the course of the narrative is again interrupted to describe the family and origin of Saul, his personal appearance, and the search for the lost asses of his father ( 1 Samuel 9:1-5); his meeting with Samuel in a city in the land of Zuph, in or on the border of the territory of Benjamin (Zuph is the name of an ancestor of Elkanah, the father of Samuel, in <090101> Samuel 1:1), a meeting of which Samuel had received divine pre-intimation ( 1 Samuel 9:15 f) ; the honorable place given to Saul at the feast; his anointing by Samuel as ruler of Israel, together with the announcement of three “signs,” which should be to Saul assurances of the reality of his appointment and destiny; the spirit of prophecy which took possession of the future king, whereby is explained a proverbial saying which classed Saul among the prophets; and his silence with regard to what had passed between himself and Samuel on the subject of the kingdom ( 1 Samuel 9:6 through 10:16).

    It is usually, and probably rightly, believed that the narrative of these last incidents is derived from a different source from that of the preceding chapters. Slight differences of inconsistency or disagreement lie on the surface. Samuel’s home is not at Ramah, but a nameless city in the land of Zuph, where he is priest of the high place, with a local but, as far as the narrative goes, not a national influence or reputation; and it is anticipated that he will require the customary present at the hands of his visitors ( Samuel 9:6-8). He is described, moreover, not as a judge, nor does he discharge judicial functions, but expressly as a “seer,” a name said to be an earlier title equivalent to the later “prophet” ( 1 Samuel 9:9,11,19).

    Apart, however, from the apparently different position which Samuel occupies, the tone and style of the narrative is altogether distinct from that of the preceding chapters. It suggests, both in its form and in the religious conceptions which are assumed or implied, an older and less elaborated tradition than that which has found expression in the greater part of the book; and it seems to regard events as it were from a more primitive standpoint than the highly religious and monotheistic view of the later accounts. Its value as a witness to history is not impaired, but perhaps rather enhanced by its separate and independent position. The writer or compiler of 1 Samuel has inserted it as a whole in his completed narrative at the point which he judged most suitable. To the same source should possibly be assigned the announcement of Saul’s rejection in 13:8-15a.

    The course of the narrative is resumed at 1 Samuel 10:17 ff, where, in a second national assembly at Mizpah, Saul is selected by lot and accepted by the people as king (10:17-24); after which the people dispersed, and Saul returned to his home at Gibeah (10:25-27). At a solemn assembly at Gilgal, at which the kingship is again formally conferred upon Saul, Samuel delivered a farewell address to his fellow-countrymen. A thunderstorm terrified the people; they were reassured, however, by Samuel with promises of the protection and favor of Yahweh, if they continued to fear and serve Him (11:14 through 12:25). Later the rejection of Saul for disobedience and presumption is announced by Samuel (13:8-15a). The commission to destroy Amalek is delivered to Saul by Samuel; and the rejection of the king is again pronounced because of his failure to carry out the command. Agag is then slain by Samuel with his own hand; and, the latter having returned to his home at Ramah, the narrator adds that he remained there in seclusion until the day of his death, “mourning” for Saul, but refusing to meet him again (1 Samuel 15). Finally the death and burial of Samuel at Ramah, together with the lamentation of the people for him, are briefly recorded in 1 Samuel 25:1, and referred to again in 28:3.

    Two incidents of Samuel’s life remain, in which he is brought into relation with the future king David. No indication of date or circumstance is given except that the first incident apparently follows immediately upon the second and final rejection of Saul as recorded in 1 Samuel 15. In 16:1-13 is narrated the commission of Samuel to anoint a successor to Saul, and his fulfillment of the commission by the choice of David the son of Jesse, the Bethlehemite. And, in a later chapter (19:18-24), a second occasion is named on which the compelling spirit of prophecy came upon Saul, and again the proverbial saying, “Is Saul also among the prophets?” is quoted (19:24; compare 10:11,12), and is apparently regarded as taking its origin from this event.

    The anointing of David by Samuel is a natural sequel to his anointing of Saul, when the latter has been rejected and his authority and rights as king have ceased. There is nothing to determine absolutely whether the narrative is derived from the same source as the greater part of the preceding history. Slight differences of style and the apparent presuppositions of the writer have led most scholars to the conclusion that it has a distinct and separate origin. If so, the compiler of the Books of Samuel drew upon a third source for his narrative of the life of the seer, a source which there is no reason to regard as other than equally authentic and reliable. With the second incident related in 1 Samuel 19:18-24, the case is different. It is hardly probable that so striking a proverb was suggested and passed into currency independently on two distinct occasions. It seems evident that here two independent sources or authorities were used, which gave hardly reconcilable accounts of the origin of a well-known saying, in one of which it has been mistakenly attributed to a similar but not identical occurrence in the life of Saul. In the final composition of the book both accounts were then inserted, without notice being taken of the inconsistency which was apparent between them.

    Yet later in the history Samuel is represented as appearing to Saul in a vision at Endor on the eve of his death ( 1 Samuel 28:11-20). The witch also sees the prophet and is stricken with fear. He is described as in appearance an old man “covered with a robe” ( 1 Samuel 28:14). In characteristically grave and measured tones he repeats the sentence of death against the king for his disobedience to Yahweh, and announces its execution on the morrow; Saul’s sons also will die with him ( 1 Samuel 28:19), and the whole nation will be involved in the penalty and suffering, as they all had a part in the sin.

    The high place which Samuel occupies in the thought of the writers and in the tradition and esteem of the people is manifest throughout the history.

    The different sources from which the narrative is derived are at one in this, although perhaps not to an equal degree. He is the last and greatest of the judges, the first of the prophets, and inaugurates under divine direction the Israelite kingdom and the Davidic line. 3. CHARACTER AND INFLUENCE OF SAMUEL:

    It is not without reason, therefore, that he has been regarded as in dignity and importance occupying the position of a second Moses in relation to the people. In his exhortations and warnings the Deuteronomic discourses of Moses are reflected and repeated. He delivers the nation from the hand of the Philistines, as Moses from Pharaoh and the Egyptians, and opens up for them a new national era of progress and order under the rule of the kings whom they have desired. Thus, like Moses, he closes the old order, and establishes the people with brighter prospects upon more assured foundations of national prosperity and greatness. In nobility of character and utterance also, and in fidelity to Yahweh, Samuel is not unworthy to be placed by the side of the older lawgiver. The record of his life is not marred by any act or word which would appear unworthy of his office or prerogative. And the few references to him in the later literature ( Psalm 99:6; Jeremiah 15:1; 1 Chronicles 6:28; 9:22; 11:3; 26:28; 29:29; 2 Chronicles 35:18) show how high was the estimation in which his name and memory were held by his fellow-countrymen in subsequent ages.

    LITERATURE.

    The literature is given in the article, SAMUEL, BOOKS OF (which see). A. S. Geden SAMUEL, BOOKS OF I. PLACE OF THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL IN THE HEBREW CANON.

    In the Hebrew Canon and enumeration of the sacred books of the Old Testament, the two Books of Samuel were reckoned as one, and formed the third division of the Earlier Prophets ([ µyaiybin] µynivoari , nebhi’im ri’shonim ]). The one book bore the title “Samuel” ([ laeWmv] , shemu’el ]), not because Samuel was believed to be the author, but because his life and acts formed the main theme of the book, or at least of its earlier part. Nor was the Book of Samuel separated by any real division in subject-matter or continuity of style from the Book of Kings, which in the original formed a single book, not two as in the English and other modern versions. The history was carried forward without interruption; and the record of the life of David, begun in Samuel, was completed in Kings. This continuity in the narrative of Israelite history was made more prominent in the Septuagint, where the four books were comprised under one title and were known as the four “Books of the Kingdoms” ([bi>bloi basileiw~n, bibloi basileion ]). This name was probably due to the translators or scholars of Alexandria. The division into four books, but not the Greek title, was then adopted in the Latin translation, where, however, the influence of Jerome secured the restoration of the Hebrew names, 1 and 2 Samuel, and 1 and Kings (Regum). Jerome’s example was universally followed, and the fourfold division with the Hebrew titles found a place in all subsequent versions of the Old Testament Scriptures. Ultimately, the distinction of Samuel and Kings each into two books was received also into printed editions of the Hebrew Bible. This was done for the first time in the editio princeps of the Rabbinic Bible, printed at Venice in 1516-17 AD.

    II. CONTENTS OF THE BOOKS AND PERIOD OF TIME COVERED BY THE HISTORY.

    The narrative of the two Books of Samuel covers a period of about a hundred years, from the close of the unsettled era of the Judges to the establishment and consolidation of the kingdom under David. It is therefore a record of the changes, national and constitutional, which accompanied this growth and development of the national life, at the close of which the Israelites found themselves a united people under the rule of a king to whom all owed allegiance, controlled and guided by more or less definitely established institutions and laws. This may be described as the general purpose and main theme of the books, to trace the advance of the people under divine guidance to a state of settled prosperity and union in the promised land, and to give prominence to theocratic rule which was the essential condition of Israel’s life as the people of God under all the changing forms of early government. The narrative therefore centers itself around the lives of the three men, Samuel, Saul and David, who were chiefly instrumental in the establishment of the monarchy, and to whom it was due more than to any others that Israel emerged from the depressed and disunited state in which the tribes had remained during the period of the rule of the Judges, and came into possession of a combined and effective national life. If the formal separation therefore into two books be disregarded, the history of Israel as it is narrated in “Samuel” is most naturally divided into three parts, which are followed by an appendix recording words and incidents which for some reason had not found a place in the general narrative:

    A. The life and rule of Samuel (1 Samuel 1 through 15) (death <092501> Samuel 25:1).

    B. The life, reign and death of Saul (1 Samuel 16 through 2 Samuel 1).

    C. The reign and acts of David to the suppression of the two rebellions of Absalom and Sheba (2 Samuel 2 through 20).

    D. Appendix; other incidents in the reign of David, the names of his chief warriors and his Song or Psalm of Praise (2 Samuel 21-24).

    III. SUMMARY AND ANALYSIS.

    To present a brief and clear analysis of these Books of Samuel is not altogether easy. For as in the Pentateuch and the earlier historical Books of Joshua and Judges, repetitions and apparently duplicate accounts of the same event are found, which interfere with the chronological development of the narrative. Even the main divisions, as stated above, to a certain extent overlap. 1. Life of Samuel (1 Samuel 1 through 15): (1) Visit of Hannah to Shiloh, and promise of the birth of a son ( <090101> Samuel 1:1-19); birth and weaning of Samuel, and presentation to Eli at Shiloh ( 1 Samuel 1:19-28). (2) Hannah’s song or prayer ( 1 Samuel 2:1-10); ministry of Samuel to Eli the priest ( 1 Samuel 2:11,18-21,26); the evil practices of the sons of Eli and warning to Eli of the consequences to his house ( Samuel 2:12-17,22-25,27-36). (3) Samuel’s vision at the sanctuary and his induction to the prophetic office ( 1 Samuel 3:1 through 4:1). (4) Defeat of the Israelites by the Philistines, capture of the ark of God, death of the two sons of Eli and of Eli himself (1 Samuel 4). (5) Discomfiture of Dagon before the ark of God at Ashdod; return of the ark to Beth-shemesh, with expiatory offerings of golden tumors and golden mice; its twenty years’ sojourn at Kiriath-jearim ( 1 Samuel 5:1 through 7:4). (6) Assembly of Israel under Samuel at Mizpah, and victory over the Philistines ( 1 Samuel 7:5-14); Samuel established as judge over all Israel ( 1 Samuel 7:15-17). (7) Samuel’s sons appointed to be judges and the consequent demand of the people for a king; Samuel’s warning concerning the character of the king for whom they asked (1 Samuel 8). (8) Saul’s search for, the lost asses of his father and meeting with Samuel (1 Samuel 9). (9) Saul is anointed by Samuel to be ruler over the people of Israel, and receives the gift of prophecy ( 1 Samuel 10:1-16); second assembly of the people under Samuel at Mizpah, and election of Saul to be king ( 1 Samuel 10:17-27). (10) Victory of Saul over the Ammonites and deliverance of Jabeshgilead ( 1 Samuel 11:1-13); Saul made king in Gilgal ( 1 Samuel 11:14,15). (11) Samuel’s address to the people in Gilgal, defending his own life and action, and exhorting them to fear and serve the Lord (1 Samuel 12). (12) Saul at Gilgal offers the burnt offering in Samuel’s absence; gathering of the Philistines to battie at Michmash; the Israelites’ lack of weapons of iron (1 Samuel 13). (13) Jonathan’s surprise of the Philistine army, and their sudden panic ( 1 Samuel 14:1-23); Saul’s vow, unwittingly broken by Jonathan, whom the people deliver from the fatal consequences ( 1 Samuel 14:24-45); victories of Saul over his enemies on every side ( Samuel 14:46-52). (14) War against Amalek, and Saul’s disobedience to the divine command to exterminate the Amaleldtes (1 Samuel 15). 2. Reign and Death of Saul (1 Samuel 16 through 2 Samuel 1): (1) Anointing of David as Saul’s successor ( 1 Samuel 16:1-13); his summons to the court of Saul to act as minstrel before the king ( Samuel 16:14-23). (2) David and Goliath (1 Samuel 17). (3) The love of David and Jonathan ( 1 Samuel 18:1-4); the former’s advancement and fame, the jealousy of Saul, and his attempt to kill David ( 1 Samuel 18:5-16,29,30); David’s marriage to the daughter of Saul ( 1 Samuel 18:17-28). (4) Saul’s renewed jealousy of David and second attempt to kill him ( 1 Samuel 19:1-17); David’s escape to Ramah, whither the king followed ( 1 Samuel 19:18-24). (5) Jonathan’s warning to David of his father’s resolve and their parting (1 Samuel 20). (6) David at Nob ( 1 Samuel 21:1-9); and with Achish of Gath ( Samuel 21:10-15). (7) David’s band of outlaws at Adullam ( 1 Samuel 22:1,2); his provision for the safety of his father and mother in Moab ( 1 Samuel 22:3-5); vengeance of Saul on those who had helped David ( Samuel 22:6-23). (8) Repeated attempts of Saul to take David (1 Samuel 23; 24). (9) Death of Samuel ( 1 Samuel 25:1); Abigail becomes David’s wife, after the death of her husband Nabal ( 1 Samuel 25:2-44). (10) Saul’s further pursuit of David (1 Samuel 26). (11) David’s sojourn with Achish of Gath ( 1 Samuel 27:1 through 28:2,29); Saul and the witch of Endor ( 1 Samuel 28:3-25). (12) David’s pursuit of the Amalekites who had raided Ziklag, and victory (1 Samuel 30). (13) Battle between the Philistines and Israel in Mt. Gilboa and death of Saul (1 Samuel 31). (14) News of Saul’s death brought to David at Ziklag ( 2 Samuel 1:1-16); David’s lamentation over Saul and Jonathan ( 2 Samuel 1:17-27). 3. Reign of David (2 Samuel 2 through 20): (1) David’s Seven and a Half Years’ Reign over Judah in Hebron ( <100201> Samuel 2:1 through 5:3). (a) Consecration of David as king in Hebron ( 2 Samuel 2:1-4a); message to the men of Jabesh-gilead ( 2 Samuel 2:4b-7); Ish-bosheth made king over Northern Israel ( 2 Samuel 2:8-11); defeat of Abner and death of Asahel ( 2 Samuel 2:12-32). (b) Increase of the fame and prosperity of David, and the names of his sons ( 2 Samuel 3:1-5); Abner’s submission to David, and treacherous murder of the former by Joab ( 2 Samuel 3:6-39). (c) Murder of Ish-bosheth and David’s vengeance upon his murderers ( 2 Samuel 4:1-3,5-12); notice of the escape of Mephibosheth, when Saul and Jonathan were slain at Jezreel ( 2 Samuel 4:4). (d) David accepted as king over all Israel ( 2 Samuel 5:1-3). (2) Reign of David in Jerusalem over United Israel ( 2 Samuel 5:4 through 20:26). (a) Taking of Jerusalem and victories over the Philistines ( 2 Samuel 5:4-25). (b) Return of the ark to the city of David (2 Samuel 6). (c) David’s purpose to build a temple for the Lord ( 2 Samuel 7:1-3); the divine answer by the prophet Nathan, and the king’s prayer ( 2 Samuel 7:4-29). (d) Victories over the Philistines, Syrians, and other peoples (2 Samuel 8). (e) David’s reception of Mephibosheth (2 Samuel 9). (f) Defeat of the Ammonites and Syrians by the men of Israel under the command of Joab ( 2 Samuel 10:1 through 11:1). (g) David and Uriah, the latter’s death in battle, and David’s marriage with Bath-sheba ( 2 Samuel 11:2-27). (h) Nathan’s parable and David’s conviction of sin ( 2 Samuel 12:1- 15a); the king’s grief and intercession for his sick son ( 2 Samuel 12:15b-25); siege and capture of Rabbah, the Ammonite capital ( Samuel 12:26-31). (i) Amnon and Tamar ( 2 Samuel 13:1-22); Absalom’s revenge and murder of Amnon ( 2 Samuel 13:23-36); flight of Absalom ( Samuel 13:37-39). (j) Return of Absalom to Jerusalem ( 2 Samuel 14:1-24); his beauty, and reconciliation with the king ( 2 Samuel 14:25-33). (k) Absalom’s method of ingratiating himself with the people ( <101501> Samuel 15:1-6); his revolt and the flight of the king from Jerusalem ( 2 Samuel 15:7-31); meeting with Hushai ( 2 Samuel 15:32-37a); Absalom in Jerusalem ( 2 Samuel 15:37b). (l) David’s’ meeting with Ziba ( 2 Samuel 16:1-4), and Shimei ( Samuel 16:5-14); counsel of Ahitophel and Hushai ( 2 Samuel 16:15 through 17:14); the news carried to David ( 2 Samuel 17:15-22); death of Ahitophel ( 2 Samuel 17:23). (m) David at Mahanaim ( 2 Samuel 17:24-29). (n) The revolt subdued, death of Absalom, and reception by David of the tidings ( 2 Samuel 18:1 through 19:8a). (o) Return of the king to Jerusalem, and meetings with Shimei, Mephibosheth, and Barzillai the Gileadite ( 2 Samuel 19:8b-43). (p) Revolt of Sheba the Benjamite, and its suppression by Joab with the death of Amasa ( 2 Samuel 20:1,2,4-22); the king’s treatment of the concubines left at Jerusalem ( 2 Samuel 20:3); the names of his officers ( 2 Samuel 20:23-26). 4. Appendix (2 Samuel 21 through 24): (1) Seven male descendants of Saul put to death at the instance of the Gibeonites ( 2 Samuel 21:1-14); incidents of wars with the Philistines ( 2 Samuel 21:15-22). (2) David’s song of thanksgiving and praise (2 Samuel 22). (3) The “last words” of David ( 2 Samuel 23:1-7); names and exploits of David’s “mighty men” ( 2 Samuel 23:8-39). (4) The king’s numbering of the people, the resulting plague, and the dedication of the threshing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite (2 Samuel 24).

    IV. SOURCES OF THE HISTORY.

    The natural inference from the character and contents of the Books of Samuel, as thus reviewed, is that the writer has made use of authorities, “sources” or “documents,” from which he has compiled a narrative of the events which it was his desire to place on record. The same characteristics are noticeable here which are found in parts of the Pentateuch and of the Books of Joshua and Judges, that in some instances duplicate or parallel accounts are given of one and the same event, which seems to be regarded from different points of view and is narrated in a style which is more or less divergent from that of the companion record. Examples of this so-called duplication are more frequent in the earlier parts of the books than in the later. There are presented, for instance, two accounts of Saul’s election as king, and an act of disobedience is twice followed, apparently quite independently, by the sentence of rejection. Independent also and hardly consistent narratives are given of David’s introduction to Saul ( Samuel 16:14-23; 17:31 ff,55 ff); and the two accounts of the manner of the king’s death can be imperfectly reconciled only on the hypothesis that the young Amalekite told a false tale to David in order to magnify his own part in the matter. In these and other instances little or no attempt seems to be made to harmonize conflicting accounts, or to reconcile apparent discrepancies. In good faith the writer set down the records as he found them, making extracts or quotations from his authorities on the several events as they occurred, and thus building up his own history on the basis of the freest possible use of the materials and language of those who had preceded him.

    However alien such a method of composition may appear to modern thought and usage in the West, it is characteristic of all early oriental writing. It would be almost impossible to find in any eastern literature a work of any length or importance which was not thus silently indebted to its predecessors, had incorporated their utterances, and had itself in turn suffered interpolation at the hands of later editors and transcribers.

    Accordingly, early Hebrew historical literature also, while unique in its spirit, conformed in its methods to the practice of the age and country in which it was composed. It would have been strange if it had been otherwise. Two Main and Independent Sources: Apart from the appendix and minor additions, of which Hannah’s song or psalm in 1 Samuel 2 is one, the main portion of the book is derived from two independent sources, which themselves in all probability formed part of a larger whole, a more or less consecutive history or histories of Israel.

    These sources may, however, have been, as others think, rather of a biographical nature, presenting and enforcing the teaching of the acts and experience of the great leaders and rulers of the nation. The parallelism and duplication of the narrative is perhaps most evident in the history of Saul.

    The broad lines of distinction between the two may be defined without much difficulty or uncertainty. The greater part of the first eight chapters of 1 Samuel is in all probability derived from the later of these two sources, to which is to be assigned more or less completely 1 Samuel 10 through 12:15; 17 through 19; 21 through 25; 28 and 2 Samuel 1 through 7. The earlier source has contributed 1 Samuel 9 with parts of 1 Samuel 10; 11; 13; 14; 16; 20 and considerable portions of 1 Samuel 22; 23; 26 through 27; 29 through 31; 2 Samuel 1 (in part); 2 through 6; 9 through 20. Some details have probably been derived from other sources, and additions made by the editor or editors. This general determination of sources rests upon a difference of standpoint and religious conception, and upon slighter varieties of style which are neither so pronounced nor so readily distinguished as in the books of the Pentateuch. It is reasonable also to bear in mind that a close and exact division or line of demarcation in every detail is not to be expected.

    V. CHARACTER AND DATE OF THE SOURCES.

    Attempts which have been made to determine the date of these two sources, or to identify them with one or other of the principal authorities from which the historical narratives of the Pentateuch are derived, have not been convincing. In the judgment of some, however, the later of the two sources should be regarded as a continuation of the narrative or document known as E, and the earlier be assigned to J. The style of the latter has much in common with the style of J, and is clear, vigorous and poetical; the religious conceptions also that are embodied and taught are of a simple and early type. The later writing has been supposed to give indications of the influence of the prophetic teaching of the 8th century. The indications, however, are not sufficiently decisive to enable a final judgment to be formed. If it is borne in mind that J and E represent rather schools of teaching and thought than individual writers, the characteristics of the two sources of the Books of Sam would not be out of harmony with the view that from these two schools respectively were derived the materials out of which the history was compiled. The “sources” would then, according to the usual view, belong to the 9th and 8th centuries before the Christian era; and to a period not more than a century or a century and a half later should be assigned the final compilation and completion of the book as it is contained in the Hebrew Canon of Scripture.

    VI. GREEK VERSIONS OF THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL.

    For an exact estimate and understanding of the history and text of the Books of Samuel count must further be taken of the Greek version or versions. In the Septuagint there is great divergence from the Hebrew Massoretic text, and it is probable that in the course of transmission the Greek has been exposed to corruption to a very considerable extent. At least two recensions of the Greek text are in existence, represented by the Vatican and Alexandrian manuscripts respectively, of which the latter is nearer to the Hebrew original, and has apparently been conformed to it at a later period with a view to removing discrepancies; and this process has naturally impaired its value as a witness to the primary shape of the Greek text itself. There are therefore three existing types of the text of Samuel; the Massoretic Hebrew and Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus in the Greek. The original form of the Septuagint, if it could be recovered, would represent a text anterior to the Massoretic recension, differing from, but not necessarily superior to, the latter. For the restoration of the Greek text, the Old Latin, where it is available, affords valuable help. It is evident then that in any given instance the agreement of these three types or recensions of the text is the strongest possible witness to the originality and authenticity of a reading; but that the weight attaching to the testimony of A will not in general, on account of the history of its text, be equivalent to that of either of the other two.

    VII. ETHICAL AND RELIGIOUS TEACHING.

    The religious teaching and thought of the two Books of Samuel it is not difficult to summarize. The books are in form a historical record of events; but they are at the same time and more particularly a history conceived with a definite purpose, and made to subserve a definite moral and religious aim. It is not a narrative of events solely, or the preservation of historical detail, that the writer has in view, but rather to elucidate and enforce from Israel’s experience the significance of the divine and moral government of the nation. The duty of king and people alike is to obey Yahweh, to render strict and willing deference to His commands, and on this path of obedience alone will national independence and prosperity be secured. With the strongest emphasis, and with uncompromising severity, sin even in the highest places is condemned; and an ideal of righteousness is set forth in language and with an earnestness which recalls the exhortations of Deuteronomy. Thus the same is true of the Books of Samuel as is manifest in the preceding books of the canonical Old Testament: they are composed with a didactic aim. The experience of the past is made to afford lessons of warning and encouragement for the present. To the writer or writers — the history of the development and upbuilding of the Israelite kingdom is pregnant with a deeper meaning than lies on the surface, and this meaning he endeavors to make plain to his readers through the record. The issues of the events and the events themselves are under the guidance and control of Yahweh, who always condemns and punishes wrong, but approves and rewards righteousness.

    Thus the narrative is history utilized to convey moral truth. And its value is to be estimated, not primarily as recording the great deeds of the past, but as conveying ethical teaching; that by means of the history with all its glamor and interest the people may be recalled to a sense of their high duty toward God, and be warned of the inevitable consequences of disobedience to Him.

    LITERATURE.

    Upon all points of introduction, criticism and interpretation, the commentaries afford abundant and satisfactory guidance. The principal English commentaries. are by H. P. Smith in ICC, Edinburgh, 1899, and S.

    R. Driver, Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel, 2nd edition, Oxford, 1913; A. R. S. Kennedy, “Samuel,” New Century Bible, New York, Frowde, 1905; in German by R. Budde, 1902, W. Nowack, 1902, A.

    Klostermann, 1887. See also the articles “Samuel” in HDB, Encyclopedia Biblica and Jewish Encyclopedia. A. S. Geden SANAAS <san’-a-as > (Codex Alexandrinus and Fritzsche, [ Sana>av, Sanaas ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Sama>, Sama ]; the King James Version, Annaas): The sons of Sanaas returned in large numbers with Zerubbabel (1 Esdras 5:23) = “Senaah” in Ezra 2:35; Nehemiah 7:38. The numbers vary in each case (Esdras, 3,330 or 3,301; Ezra, 3,630; Nehemiah, 3,930).

    SANABASSAR; SANABASSARUS <san-a-bas’-ar > , <san-a-bas’-a-rus > (in 1 Esdras 2:12,15), (in 1 Esdras 6:18,10; a name appearing in many variations, Codex Alexandrinus always reading [ Sanaba>ssarov, Sanabassaros ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Sanamassa>rw|, Sanamassaro ], in 1 Esdras 2:12 (11) (the Revised Version margin, Samanassar), [ Samanassa>rou, Samanassarou ], in Esdras 2:15 (14) , but [ Sabanassa>rw|, Sabanassaro ], in 1 Esdras 6:18 (17) (Revised Version margin) and [ Sanaba>ssarov, Sanabassaros ], in Esdras 6:20 (19) ): He was “governor of Judea” under Cyrus, conveyed the holy vessels of the temple from Babylon to Jerusalem and “laid the foundations of the house of the Lord” for the first time since its destruction (1 Esdras 2:12,15; 6:18-20) = “SHESHBAZZAR (which see) the prince of Judah” ( Ezra 1:8).

    Some identify him with Zerubbabel as the King James Version margin in Esdras 6:18: “Z., which is also Sanabassar the ruler.” This view appears to be favored by the order of the words here, where, in case of two persons, one might expect “Sanabassar the ruler” to come first. Zerubbabel appears as “governor of Judea” also in 1 Esdras 6:27-29. Ezra 3:10 speaks of the foundation of the temple under Zerubbabel and 5:16 as under Sheshbazzar. There is further the analogy of 1 Esdras 5:40, where Nehemias and Attharias refer to the same person. Against this identification: Zerubbabel is not styled ruler or governor either in Nehemiah or Ezra, but in Haggai 1:14; 2:2,21 he is pechah or governor of Judah; no explanation is given of the double name, as in the case of e.g.

    Daniel, Belteshazzar; the language of Ezra 5:14 f seems to refer to work commenced under a different person than Zerubbabel. Nor is there any reason against supposing a first return under Sheshbazzar (Sanabassar) and a foundation of the temple previous to the time of Zerubbabel — an undertaking into which the Jews did not enter heartily, perhaps because Sanabassar may have been a foreigner (though it is uncertain whether he was a Babylonian, a Persian, or a Jew). A later proposal is to identify Sanabassar with Shenazzar, the uncle of Zerubbabel in 1 Chronicles 3:18. But either of these identifications must remain doubtful. See SHENAZZAR; ZERUBBABEL.

    S. Angus SANASIB <san’-a-sib > (Fritzsche, [ Sanasi>b, Sanasib ], but Codex Vaticanus and Swete, [ Sanabei>v, Sanabeis ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ jAnasei>b, Anaseib ]): Found only in 1 Esdras 5:24, where the sons of Jeddu, the son of Jesus, are a priestly family returning “among the sons of Sanasib.” The name is not found in the parallel Ezra 2:36; Nehemiah 7:39, and is perhaps preserved in the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) “Eliasib.”

    SANBALLAT <san-bal’-at > ([ fL”b”n]s” , canebhallaT ]; Greek and Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) Sanaballat; Peshitta, Samballat):

    Sanballat the Horonite was, if the appellation which follows his name indicates his origin, a Moabite of Horonaim, a city of Moab mentioned in Isaiah 15:5; Jeremiah 48:2,5,34; Josephus, Ant, XIII, xxiii; XIV, ii.

    He is named along with Tobiah, the Ammonite slave ( Nehemiah 4:1), and Geshem the Arabian ( Nehemiah 6:1) as the leading opponent of the Jews at the time when Nehemiah undertook to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem ( Nehemiah 2:10; 4:1; 6:1). He was related by marriage to the son of Eliashib, the high priest at the time of the annulment of the mixed marriages forbidden by the Law ( Nehemiah 13:28).

    Renewed interest has been awakened in Sanballat from the fact that he is mentioned in the papyri I and II of Sachau (Die aramaischen Papyrusurkunden aus Elephantine, Berlin, 1908, and in his later work, Aramaische Papyrus und Ostraka, Leipzig, 1911; compare Staerk’s convenient edition in Lietzmanns Kleine Texte, Number 32, 1908) as having been the governor (pachath) of Samaria some time before the 17th year of Darius (Nothus), i.e. 408-407 BC, when Bagohi was governor of Judah. His two sons, Delaiah and Shelemiah, received a letter from Jedoniah and his companions the priests who were in Yeb (Elephantine) in Upper Egypt. This letter contained information concerning the state of affairs in the Jewish colony of Yeb, especially concerning the destruction of the temple or synagogue (agora) which had been erected at that place.

    The address of this letter reads as follows: “To our lord Bagohi, the governor of Judea, his servants Jedoniah and his companions, the priests in the fortress of Yeb (Elephantine). May the God of Heaven inquire much at every time after the peace of our lord and put thee in favor before Darius the king,” etc. The conclusion of the letter reads thus: “Now, thy servants, Jedoniah and his companions and the Jews, all citizens of Yeb, say thus: If it seems good to our lord, mayest thou think on the rebuilding of that temple (the agora which had been destroyed by the Egyptians). Since it has not been permitted us to rebuild it, do thou look on the receivers of thy benefactions and favors here in Egypt. Let a letter with regard to the rebuilding of the temple of the God Jaho in the fortress of Yeb, as it was formerly built, be sent from thee. In thy name will they offer the meal offerings, the incense, and the burnt offerings upon the altar of the God Jaho; and we shall always pray for thee, we and our wives and our children and all the Jews found here, until the temple has been rebuilt. And it will be to thee a meritorious work (tsedhaqah) in the sight of Jaho, the God of Heaven, greater than the meritorious work of a man who offers to him a burnt offering and a sacrifice of a value equal to the value of 1,000 talents of silver. And as to the gold (probably that which was sent by the Jews to Bagohi as a baksheesh) we have sent word and given knowledge. Also, we have in our name communicated in a letter all (these) matters unto Delaiah and Shelemiah, the sons of Sanballat, governor of Samaria. Also, from all that has been done to us, Arsham (the satrap of Egypt) has learned nothing.

    The 20th of Marcheshvan in the 17th year of Darius the king.”

    Sanballat is the Babylonian Sin-uballit, “may Sin give him life,” a name occurring a number of times in the contract tablets from the time of Nebuchadnezzar, Nabonidus, and Darius Hystaspis. (See Tallquist, Neubabylonisches Namenbuch, 183.) R. Dick Wilson SANCTIFICATION <sank-ti-fi-ka’-shun > :

    ETYMOLOGY:

    The root is found in the Old Testament in the Hebrew verb [ vd”q; , qadhash ], in the New Testament in the Greek verb [aJgia>zw, hagoazo ].

    The noun “sanctification” ([aJgiasmo>v, hagiasmos ]) does not occur in the Old Testament and is found but 10 times in the New Testament, but the roots noted above appear in a group of important words which are of very frequent occurrence. These words are “holy,” “hallow,” “hallowed,” “holiness,” “consecrate,” “saint,” “sanctify,” “sanctification.” It must be borne in mind that these words are all translations of the same root, and that therefore no one of them can be treated adequately without reference to the others. All have undergone a certain development. Broadly stated, this has been from the formal, or ritual, to the ethical, and these different meanings must be carefully distinguished.

    I. THE FORMAL SENSE.

    By sanctification is ordinarily meant that hallowing of the Christian believer by which he is freed from sin and enabled to realize the will of God in his life. This is not, however, the first or common meaning in the Scriptures.

    To sanctify means commonly to make holy, that is, to separate from the world and consecrate to God. 1. In the Old Testament: To understand this primary meaning we must go back to the word “holy” in the Old Testament. That is holy which belongs to Yahweh. There is nothing implied here as to moral character. It may refer to days and seasons, to places, to objects used for worship, or to persons. Exactly the same usage is shown with the word “sanctify.” To sanctify anything is to declare it as belonging to God. “Sanctify unto me all the first-born .... it is mine” ( Exodus 13:2; compare Numbers 3:13; 8:17). It applies thus to all that is connected with worship, to the Levites ( Numbers 3:12), the priests and the tent of meeting ( Exodus 29:44), the altar and all that touches it ( Exodus 29:36 f), and the offering ( Exodus 29:27; compare 2 Macc 2:18; Ecclesiasticus 7:31). The feast and holy days are to be sanctified, that is, set apart from ordinary business as belonging to Yahweh (the Sabbath, Nehemiah 13:19-22; a fast, Joel 1:14). So the nation as a whole is sanctified when Yahweh acknowledges it and receives it as His own, “a kingdom of priests, and a holy nation” ( Exodus 19:5,6). A man may thus sanctify his house or his field ( Leviticus 27:14,16), but not the firstling of the flock, for this is already Yahweh’s ( Leviticus 27:26).

    It is this formal usage without moral implication that explains such a passage as Genesis 38:21. The word translated “prostitute” here is from the same root qadhash , meaning literally, as elsewhere, the sanctified or consecrated one (qedheshah ; see margin and compare Deuteronomy 23:18; 1 Kings 14:24; Hosea 4:14). It is the hierodule, the familiar figure of the old pagan temple, the sacred slave consecrated to the temple and the deity for immoral purposes. The practice is protested against in Israel ( Deuteronomy 23:17 f), but the use of the term illustrates clearly the absence of anything essentially ethical in its primary meaning (compare also 2 Kings 10:20, “And Jehu said, Sanctify a solemn assembly for Baal. And they proclaimed it”; compare Joel 1:14).

    Very suggestive is the transitive use of the word in the phrase, “to sanctify Yahweh.” To understand this we must note the use of the word “holy” as applied to Yahweh in the Old Testament. Its meaning is not primarily ethical. Yahweh’s holiness is His supremacy, His sovereignty, His glory, His essential being as God. To say the Holy One is simply to say God.

    Yahweh’s holiness is seen in His might, His manifested glory; it is that before which peoples tremble, which makes the nations dread ( Exodus 15:11-18; compare 1 Samuel 6:20; Psalm 68:35; 89:7; 99:2,3).

    Significant is the way in which “jealous” and “holy” are almost identified ( Joshua 24:19; Ezekiel 38:23). It is God asserting His supremacy, His unique claim. To sanctify Yahweh, therefore, to make Him holy, is to assert or acknowledge or bring forth His being as God, His supreme power and glory, His sovereign claim. Ezekiel brings this out most clearly.

    Yahweh has been profaned in the eyes of the nations through Israel’s defeat and captivity. True, it was because of Israel’s sins, but the nations thought it was because of Yahweh’s weakness. The ethical is not wanting in these passages. The people are to be separated from their sins and given a new heart ( Ezekiel 36:25,26,33). But the word “sanctify” is not used for this. It is applied to Yahweh, and it means the assertion of Yahweh’s power in Israel’s triumph and the conquest of her foes ( Ezekiel 20:41; 28:25; 36:23; 38:16; 39:27). The sanctification of Yahweh is thus the assertion of His being and power as God, just as the sanctification of a person or object is the assertion of Yahweh’s right and claim in the same.

    The story of the waters of Meribah illustrates the same meaning. Moses’ failure to sanctify Yahweh is his failure to declare Yahweh’s glory and power in the miracle of the waters ( Numbers 20:12,13; 27:14; Deuteronomy 32:51). The story of Nadab and Abihu points the same way. Here “I will be sanctified” is the same as “I will be glorified” ( Leviticus 10:1-3). Not essentially different is the usage in Isaiah 5:16: “Yahweh of hosts is exalted in justice, and God the Holy One is sanctified in righteousness.” Holiness again is the exaltedhess of God, His supremacy, which is seen here in the judgment (justice, righteousness) meted out to the disobedient people (compare the recurrent refrain of Isaiah 5:25; 9:12,17,21; 10:4; see JUSTICE; JUSTICE OF GOD). Isaiah 8:13; 29:23 suggest the same idea by the way in which they relate “sanctify” to fear and awe. One New Testament passage brings us the same meaning (1 Pet 3:15): “Sanctify in your hearts Christ as Lord,” that is, exalt Him as supreme. 2. In the New Testament: In a few New Testament passages the Old Testament ritual sense reappears, as when Jesus speaks of the temple sanctifying the gold, and the altar the gift ( Matthew 23:17,19; compare also Hebrews 9:13; Timothy 4:5). The prevailing meaning is that which we found in the Old Testament. To sanctify is to consecrate or set apart. We may first take the few passages in the Fourth Gospel. As applied to Jesus in John 10:36; 17:19, sanctify cannot mean to make holy in the ethical sense. As the whole context shows, it means to consecrate for His mission in the world.

    The reference to the disciples, “that they themselves also may be sanctified in truth,” has both meanings: that they may be set apart, (for Jesus sends them, as the Father sends Him), and that they may be made holy in truth.

    This same meaning of consecration, or separation, appears when we study the word saint, which is the same as “sanctified one.” Aside from its use in the Psalms, the word is found mainly in the New Testament. Outside the Gospels, where the term “disciples” is used, it is the common word to designate the followers of Jesus, occurring some 56 times. By “saint” is not meant the morally perfect, but the one who belongs to Christ, just as the sanctified priest or offering belonged to Yahweh. Thus Paul can salute the disciples at Corinth as saints and a little later rebuke them as carnal and babes, as those among whom are jealousy and strife, who walk after the manner of men (1 Cor 1:2; 3:1-3). In the same way the phrase “the sanctified” or “those that are sanctified” is used to designate the believers.

    By “the inheritance among all them that are sanctified” is meant the heritage of the Christian believer ( Acts 20:32; 26:18; compare Corinthians 1:2; 6:11; Ephesians 1:18; Colossians 1:12). This is the meaning in Hebrews, which speaks of the believer as being sanctified by the blood of Christ. In 10:29 the writer speaks of one who has fallen away, who “hath counted the blood of the covenant wherewith he was sanctified an unholy thing.” Evidently it is not the inner and personal holiness of this apostate that is referred to, especially in view of the tense, but that he had been separated unto God by this sacrificial blood and had then counted the holy offering a common thing. The contrast is between sacred and common, not between moral perfection and sin (compare 10:10; 13:12).

    The formal meaning appears again in 1 Corinthians 7:12-14, where the unbelieving husband is said to be sanctified by the wife, and vice versa. It is not moral character that is meant here, but a certain separation from the profane and unclean and a certain relation to God. This is made plain by the reference to the children: “Else were your children unclean; but now are they holy.” The formal sense is less certain in other instances where we have the thought of sanctification in or by the Holy Spirit or in Christ; as in Romans 15:16, “being sanctified by the Holy Spirit”; 1 Corinthians 1:2, to “them that are sanctified in Christ Jesus”; 1 Peter 1:2, “in sanctification of the Spirit.” Paul’s doctrine of the Spirit as the new life in us seems to enter in here, and yet the reference to 1 Corinthians suggests that the primary meaning is still that of setting apart, the relating to God.

    II. THE ETHICAL SENSE.

    We have been considering so far what has been called the formal meaning of the word; but the chief interest of Christian thought lies in the ethical idea, sanctification considered as the active deed or process by which the life is made holy. 1. Transformation of Formal to Ethical Idea: Our first question is, How does the idea of belonging to God become the idea of transformation of life and character? The change is, indeed, nothing less than a part of the whole movement for which the entire Scriptures stand as a monument. The ethical is not wanting at the beginning, but the supremacy of the moral and spiritual over against the formal, the ritual, the ceremonial, the national, is the clear direction in which the movement as a whole tends. Now the pivot of this movement is the conception of God. As the thought of God grows more ethical, more spiritual, it molds and changes all other conceptions. Thus what it means to belong to God (holiness, sanctification) depends upon the nature of the God to whom man belongs. The hierodules of Corinth are women of shame because of the nature of the goddess to whose temple they belong. The prophets caught a vision of Yahweh, not jealous for His prerogative, not craving the honor of punctilious and proper ceremonial, but with a gracious love for His people and a passion for righteousness. Their great message is: This now is Yahweh; hear what it means to belong to such a God and to serve Him. “What unto me is the multitude of your sacrifices? .... Wash you, make you clean; .... seek justice, relieve the oppressed” ( Isaiah 1:11,16,17). “When Israel was a child, then I loved him. .... I desire goodness, and not sacrifice; and the knowledge of God more than bunt-offerings” ( Hosea 11:1; 6:6).

    In this way the formal idea that we have been considering becomes charged with moral meaning. To belong to God, to be His servant, His son, is no mere external matter. Jesus’ teaching as to sonship is in point here. The word “sanctification” does not occur in the Synoptic Gospels at all, but “sonship” with the Jews expressed this same relation of belonging. For them it meant a certain obedience on the one hand, a privilege on the other.

    Jesus declares that belonging to God means likeness to Him, sonship is sharing His spirit of loving good will ( Matthew 5:43-48). Brother and sister for Jesus are those who do God’s will ( Mark 3:35). Paul takes up the same thought, but joins it definitely to the words “saint” and “sanctify.”

    The religious means the ethical, those “that are sanctified” are “called to be saints” (1 Cor 1:2). The significant latter phrase is the same as in Romans 1:1, “Paul .... called to be an apostle.” In this light we read Ephesians 4:1, “Walk worthily of the calling wherewith ye were called.”

    Compare 1 Thessalonians 2:12; Philippians 1:27. And the end of this calling is that we are “foreordained to be conformed to the image of his Son” ( Romans 8:29). We must not limit ourselves to the words “saint” or “sanctify” to get this teaching with Paul. It is his constant and compelling moral appeal: You belong to Christ; live with Him, live unto Him ( Colossians 3:1-4; 1 Thessalonians 5:10). It is no formal belonging, no external surrender. It is the yielding of the life in its passions and purposes, in its deepest affections and highest powers, to be ruled by a new spirit ( Ephesians 4:13,10,23,24,32; compare Romans 12:1). 2. Our Relation to God as Personal: New Testament Idea: But we do not get the full meaning of this thought of sanctification as consecration, or belonging, until we grasp the New Testament thought of our relation to God as personal. The danger has always been that this consecration should be thought of in a negative or passive way. Now the Christian’s surrender is not to an outer authority but to an inner, living fellowship. The sanctified life is thus a life of personal fellowship lived out with the Father in the spirit of Christ in loving trust and obedient service.

    This positive and vital meaning of sanctification dominates Paul’s thought.

    He speaks of living unto God, of living to the Lord, and most expressively of all, of being alive unto Golf ( Romans 14:8; compare 6:13; Galatians 2:19). So completely is his life filled by this fellowship that he can say, “It is no longer I that live, but Christ liveth in me” ( Galatians 2:20). But there is no quietism here. It is a very rich and active life, this life of fellowship to which we are surrendered. It is a life of sonship in trust and love, with the spirit that enables us to say “Abba, Father” ( Romans 8:15; Galatians 4:6). It is a life of unconquerable kindness and good will ( Matthew 5:43-48). It is a life of “faith working through love” ( Galatians 5:6), it is having the mind of Christ ( Philippians 2:5). The sanctified life, then, is the life so fully surrendered to fellowship with Christ day by day that inner spirit and outward expression are ruled by His spirit. 3. Sanctification as God’s Gift: We come now to that aspect which is central for Christian interest, sanctification as the making holy of life, not by our act, but by God’s deed and by God’s gift. If holiness represents the state of heart and life in conformity with God’s will, then sanctification is the deed or process by which that state is wrought. And this deed we are to consider now as the work of God. Jesus prays that the Father may sanctify His disciples in truth ( John 17:17). So Paul prays for the Thessalonians (1 Thess 5:23), and declares that Christ is to sanctify His church (compare Romans 6:22; 2 Thessalonians 2:13; 2 Timothy 2:21; 1 Peter 1:2). Here sanctification means to make clean or holy in the ethical sense, though the idea of consecration is not necessarily lacking. But aside from special passages, we must take into account the whole New Testament teaching, according to which every part of the Christian life is the gift of God and wrought by His Spirit. “It is God that worketh in you both to will and to work” ( Philippians 2:13; compare Romans 8:2-4,9,14,16-26; Galatians 5:22 f). Significant is the use of the words “creature” (“creation,” see margin) and “workmanship” with Paul (2 Cor 5:17; Galatians 6:15; Ephesians 2:10; 4:24). The new life is God’s second work of creation. 4. Questions of Time and Method: When we ask, however, when and how this work is wrought, there is no such clear answer. What we have is on the one hand uncompromising ideal and demand, and on the other absolute confidence in God. By adding to these two the evident fact that the Christian believers seen in the New Testament are far from the attainment of such Christian perfection, some writers have assumed to have the foundation here for the doctrine that the state of complete holiness of life is a special experience in the Christian life wrought in a definite moment of time. It is well to realize that no New Testament passages give a specific answer to these questions of time and method, and that our conclusions must be drawn from the general teaching of the New Testament as to the Christian life. 5. An Element in All Christian Life: First, it must be noted that in the New Testament view sanctification in the ethical sense is an essential element and inevitable result of all Christian life and experience. Looked at from the religious point of view, it follows from the doctrine of regeneration. Regeneration is the implanting of a new life in man. So far as that is a new life from God it is ipso facto holy. The doctrine of the Holy Spirit teaches the same (see HOLY SPIRIT). There is no Christian life from the very beginning that is not the work of the Spirit. “No man can (even) say, Jesus is Lord, but in the .... Spirit” (1 Cor 12:3).

    But this Spirit is the Holy Spirit, whether with Paul we say Spirit of Christ or Spirit of God ( Romans 8:9). His presence, therefore, in so far forth means holiness of life. From the ethical standpoint the same thing is constantly declared. Jesus builds here upon the prophets: no religion without righteousness; clean hands, pure hearts, deeds of mercy are not mere conditions of worship, but joined to humble hearts are themselves the worship that God desires ( Amos 5:21-25; Micah 6:6-8). Jesus deepened the conception, but did not, change it, and Paul was true to this succession. “If any man hath not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his. And if Christ is in you, .... the spirit is life because of righteousness” ( Romans 8:9,10). There is nothing in Paul’s teaching to suggest that sanctification is the special event of a unique experience, or that there are two kinds or qualities of sanctification. All Christian living meant for him clean, pure, right living, and that was sanctification. The simple, practical way in which he attacks the bane of sexual impurity in his pagan congregations shows this. “This is the will of God, even your sanctification, that ye abstain from fornication; that each one of you know how to possess himself of his own vessel in sanctification and honor. For God called us not for uncleanness, but in sanctification” (1 Thess 4:3,4,7).

    The strength of Paul’s teaching, indeed, lies here in this combination of moral earnestness with absolute dependence upon God. 6. Follows from Fellowship with God: The second general conclusion that we draw from the New Testament teaching as to the Christian life is this: the sanctification which is a part of all Christian living follows from the very nature of that life as fellowship with God. Fundamental here is the fact that the Christian life is personal, that nothing belongs in it which cannot be stated in personal terms. It is a life with God in which He graciously gives Himself to us, and which we live out with Him and with our brothers in the spirit of Christ, which is His Spirit. The two great facts as to this fellowship are, that it is God’s gift, and that its fruit is holiness. First, it is God’s gift. What God gives us is nothing less than Himself. The gift is not primarily forgiveness, nor victory over sin, nor peace of soul, nor hope of heaven. It is fellowship with Him, which includes all of these and without which none of these can be.

    Secondly, the fruit of this fellowship is holiness. The real hallowing of our life can come in no other way. For Christian holiness is personal, not something formal or ritual, and its source and power can be nothing lower than the personal. Such is the fellowship into which God graciously lifts the believer. Whatever its mystical aspects, that fellowship is not magical or sacramental. It is ethical through and through. Its condition on our side is ethical. For Christian faith is the moral surrender of our life to Him in whom truth and right come to us with authority to command. The meaning of that surrender is ethical; it is opening the life to definite moral realities and powers, to love, meekness, gentleness, humility, reverence, purity, the passion for righteousness, to that which words cannot analyze but which we know as the Spirit of Christ. Such a fellowship is the supreme moral force for the molding of life. An intimate human fellowship is an analogue of this, and we know with what power it works on life and character. It cannot, however, set forth either the intimacy or the power of this supreme and final relation where our Friend is not another but is our real self. So much we know: this fellowship means a new spirit in us, a renewed and daily renewing life.

    It is noteworthy that Paul has no hard-and-fast forms for this life. The reality was too rich and great, and his example should teach us caution in the insistence upon theological forms which may serve to compress the truth instead of expressing it. Here are some of his expressions for this life in us: to “have the mind of Christ” (1 Cor 2:16; Philippians 2:5), “the Spirit of Christ” ( Romans 8:9), “Christ is in you” ( Romans 8:10), “the spirit which is from God” (1 Cor 2:12), “the Spirit of God” (1 Cor 3:16), “the Holy Spirit” (1 Cor 6:19), “the Spirit of the Lord” (2 Cor 3:17), “the Lord the Spirit” (2 Cor 3:18). But in all this one fact stands out, this life is personal, a new spirit in us, and that spirit is one that we have in personal fellowship with God; it is His Spirit. Especially significant is the way in which Paul relates this new life to Christ. We have already noted that Paul uses indifferently “Spirit of God” and “Spirit of Christ,” and that in the same passage ( Romans 8:9). Paul’s great contribution to the doctrine of the Holy Spirit lies here. As he states it in 2 Corinthians 3:17: “Now the Lord is the Spirit.” With that the whole conception of the Spirit gains moral content and personal character. The Spirit is personal, not some thing, nor some strange and magical power. The Spirit is ethical; there is a definite moral quality which is expressed when we say Christ. He has the Spirit who has the qualities of Christ. Thus the presence of the Spirit is not evidenced in the unusual, the miraculous, the ecstatic utterance of the enthusiast, or some strange deed of power, but in the workaday qualities of kindness, goodness, love, loyalty, patience, self-restraint ( Galatians 5:22 f). With this identification of the Spirit and the Christ in mind, we can better understand the passages in which Paul brings out the relation of Christ to the sanctification of the believer. He is the goal ( Romans 8:29). We are to grow up in Him ( Ephesians 4:15). He is to be formed in us ( Galatians 4:19). We are to behold Him and be changed into His image (2 Cor 3:17 f). This deepens into Paul’s thought of the mystical relation with Christ. The Christian dies to sin with Him that he may live with Him a new life. Christ is now his real life. He dwells in Christ, Christ dwells in him. He has Christ’s thoughts, His mind. See Romans 6:3-11; 8:9,10; 1 Corinthians 2:16; 15:22; Galatians 2:20.

    This vital and positive conception of the sanctification of the believer must be asserted against some popular interpretations. The symbols of fire and water, as suggesting cleansing, have sometimes been made the basis for a whole superstructure of doctrine. (For the former, note Isaiah 6:6 f; Luke 3:16; Acts 2:3; for the latter, Acts 2:38; 22:16; Corinthians 6:11; Ephesians 5:26; Titus 3:5; Hebrews 10:22; Revelation 1:5; 7:14.) There is a two-fold danger here, from which these writers have not escaped. The symbols suggest cleansing, and their over-emphasis has meant first a negative and narrow idea of sanctification as primarily separation from sin or defilement. This is a falling back to certain Old Testament levels. Secondly, these material symbols have been literalized, and the result has been a sort of mechanical or magical conception of the work of the Spirit. But the soul is not a substance for mechanical action, however sublimated. It is personal life that is to be hallowed, thought, affections, motives, desires, will, and only a personal agent through personal fellowship can work this end. 7. Is It Instantaneous and Entire?: The clear recognition of the personal and vital character of sanctification will help us with another problem. If the holy life be God’s requirement and at the same time His deed, why should not this sanctification be instantaneous and entire? And does not Paul imply this, not merely in his demands but in his prayer for the Thessalonians, that God may establish their hearts in holiness, that He may sanctify them wholly and preserve spirit and soul and body entire, without blame at the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ (1 Thess 3:13; 5:23)?

    In answer to this we must first discriminate between the ideal and the empirical with Paul. Like John ( 1 John 1:6; 3:9), Paul insists that the life of Christ and the life of sin cannot go on together, and he knows no qualified obedience, no graduated standard. He brings the highest Christian demand to the poorest of his pagan converts. Nor have we any finer proof of his faith than this uncompromising idealism. On the other hand, how could he ask less than this? God cannot require less than the highest, but it is another question how the ideal is to be achieved. In the realm of the ideal it is always either .... or. In the realm of life there is another category. The question is not simply, Is this man sinner or saint? It is rather, What is he becoming? This matter of becoming is the really vital issue. Is this man turned the right way with all his power? Is his life wholly open to the divine fellowship? Not the degree of achievement, but the right attitude toward the ideal, is decisive. Paul does not stop to resolve paradoxes, but practically he reckons with this idea. Side by side with his prayer for the Thessalonians are his admonitions to growth and progress (1 Thess 3:12; 5:14). Neither the absolute demand or the promise of grace gives us the right to conclude how the consummation shall take place. 8. Sanctification as Man’s Task: That conclusion we can reach only as we go back again to the fundamental principle of the personal character of the Christian life and the relation thus given between the ethical and the religious. All Christian life is gift and task alike. “Work out your own salvation .... for it is God who worketh in you” ( Philippians 2:12 f). All is from God; we can only live what God gives.

    But there is a converse to this: only as we live it out can God give to us the life. This appears in Paul’s teaching as to sanctification. It is not only God’s gift, but our task. “This is the will of God, even your sanctification” (1 Thess 4:3). “Having therefore these promises .... let us cleanse ourselves from all defilement of flesh and spirit, perfecting holiness (hagiosune ) in the fear of God” (2 Cor 7:1). Significant is Paul’s use of the word “walk.”

    We are to “walk in newness of life,” “by (or in) the Spirit,” “in love,” and “in Christ Jesus the Lord” ( Romans 6:4; Galatians 5:16; Ephesians 5:2; Colossians 2:6). The gift in each case becomes the task, and indeed becomes real and effective only in this activity. It is only as we walk by the Spirit that this becomes powerful in overcoming the lusts of the flesh ( Galatians 5:16; compare 5:25). But the ethical is the task that ends only with life. If God gives only as we live, then He cannot give all at once. Sanctification is then the matter of a life and not of a moment. The life may be consecrated in a moment, the right relation to God assumed and the man stand in saving fellowship with Him. The life is thus made holy in principle. But the real making holy is co-extensive with the whole life of man. It is nothing less than the constant in-forming of the life of the inner spirit and outer deed with the Spirit of Christ until we, “speaking truth in love, may grow up in all things into him, who is the head” ( Ephesians 4:15). (Read also Romans 6; that the Christian is dead to sin is not some fixed static fact, but is true only as he refuses the lower and yields his members to a higher obedience. Note that in Corinthians 5:7 Paul in the same verse declares “ye are unleavened,” and then exhorts “Purge out the old leaven, that ye may be a new lump”; compare also 1 Thessalonians 5:5-10.)

    We may sum up as follows: The word “sanctify” is used with two broad meanings: (1) The first is to devote, to consecrate to God, to recognize as holy, that is, as belonging to God. This is the regular Old Testament usage and is most common in the New Testament. The prophets showed that this belonging to Yahweh demanded righteousness. The New Testament deepens this into a whole-hearted surrender to the fellowship of God and to the rule of His Spirit. (2) Though the word itself appears in but few passages with this sense, the New Testament is full of the thought of the making holy of the Christian’s life by the Spirit of God in that fellowship into which God lifts us by His grace and in which He gives Himself to us. This sanctifying, or hallowing, is not mechanical or magical. It is wrought out by God’s Spirit in a daily fellowship to which man gives himself in aspiration and trust and obedience, receiving with open heart, living out in obedient life. It is not negative, the mere separation from sin, but the progressive hallowing of a life that grows constantly in capacity, as in character, into the stature of full manhood as it is in Christ. And from this its very nature it is not momentary, but the deed and the privilege of a whole life. See also HOLY SPIRIT and the following article.

    LITERATURE.

    The popular and special works are usually too undiscriminating and unhistorical to be of value for the Biblical study. An exception is Beet, Holiness Symbolic and Real. Full Biblical material in Cremer, Biblical Theol. Lexicon, but treated from special points of view. See Systematic Theologies, Old Testament Theologies (compare especially Smend), and New Testament Theologies (compare especially Holtzmann). Harris Franklin Rall WESLEYAN DOCTRINE 1. DOCTRINE STATED:

    Christian perfection, through entire sanctification, by faith, here and now, was one of the doctrines by which John Wesley gave great offense to his clerical brethren in the Anglican church. From the beginning of his work in 1739, till 1760, he was formulating this doctrine. At the last date there suddenly arose a large number of witnesses among his followers. Many of these he questioned with Baconian skill, the result being a confirmation of his theories on various points.

    In public address he used the terms “Christian Perfection,” “Perfect Love,” and “Holiness,” as synonymous, though there are differences between them when examined critically. With Paul he taught that all regenerate persons are saints, i.e. holy ones, as the word “saint,” from Latin sanctus, through the Norman-Fr, signifies (1 Cor 1:2; 2 Corinthians 1:1). His theory is that in the normal Christian the principle of holiness, beginning with the new birth, gradually expands and strengthens as the believer grows in grace and in the knowledge of the truth, till, by a final, all-surrendering act of faith in Christ, it reaches an instantaneous completion through the act of the Holy Spirit, the sanctifier: 2 Corinthians 7:1 “perfecting holiness,” etc.; Ephesians 4:13, the King James Version “Till we all come .... unto a perfect man,” etc. Thus sanctification is gradual, but entire sanctification is instantaneous ( Romans 6:6, “our old man was crucified,” etc., a sudden death; Galatians 2:20, “I have been crucified with Christ; and it is no longer I that live”). In 1 Thessalonians 5:23, the word “sanctify” is a Greek aorist tense, signifying an act and not a process, as also in John 17:19, “that they .... may be sanctified in truth,” or truly. (See Meyer’s note.) Many Christians experience this change on their deathbeds. If death suddenly ends the life of a growing Christian before he is wholly sanctified, the Holy Spirit perfects the work. Wesley’s advice to the preachers of this evangelical perfection was to draw and not to drive, and never to quote any threatenings of God’s word against God’s children. The declaration, “Without sanctification no man shall see the Lord” ( Hebrews 12:14), does not apply to the saints, “the holy ones.”

    Wesley’s perfection of love is not perfection of degree, but of kind. Pure love is perfect love. The gradual growth toward perfect purity of love is beautifully expressed in Monod’s hymn, “O the bitter shame and sorrow!” The first response to the Saviour’s call is, “All of self, and none of Thee.” But after a view of Christ on the cross. the answer is faintly, “Some of self, and some of Thee.” Then, after a period of growing love, the cry is, “Less of self, and more of Thee.” After another period, the final cry is, “None of self, and all of Thee!” an aspiration for pure love, without any selfishness.

    The attainment of this grace is certified by the total cessation of all Servile fear ( 1 John 4:18). Wesley added to this the witness of the Spirit, for which his only proof-text is 1 Corinthians 2:12. 2. OBJECTIONS ANSWERED: (1) Paul, in Philippians 3:12, declares that he is not “made perfect”: (a) in 3:15, he declares that he is perfect; (b) “made perfect” is a term, borrowed from the ancient games, signifying a finished course. This is one of the meanings of teleioo , as seen also in Luke 13:32 margin, “The third day I end my course.”

    Paul no more disclaims spiritual perfection in these words than does Christ before “the third day.” Paul claims in Philippians 3:15, by the use of an adjective, that he is perfect. In 3:12 Paul claims that he is not perfect as a victor, because the race is not ended. In 3:15 he claims that he is perfect as a racer. (2) Paul says (1 Cor 15:31), “I die daily.” This does not refer to death to sin, as some say that it does, but to his daily danger of being killed for preaching Christ, as in Romans 8:36, “we are killed all the day long.” (3) 1 John 1:8: “If we say that we have no sin,” etc. (a) If this includes Christians, it contradicts John himself in the very next verse, and in 3:9, sin,” “Whosoever is begotten of God doeth no and John 8:36, “If .... the Son shall make you free,” etc., and in all those texts in the New Testament declaring sins forgiven. (b) Bishop Westcott says that the expression, “to have sin,” is distinguished from “to sin,” as the sinful principle is distinguished from the sinful act in itself. It includes the idea of personal guilt. Westcott asserts that John refers to the Gnostics, who taught that moral evil exists only in matter, and never touches spirit, which is always holy; and, therefore, though guilty of all manner of vice, their spirits had no need of atonement, because they were untouched by sin, which existed only in their bodies, as it does in all matter. When told that this made the body of Christ sinful, they denied the reality of His body, saying that it was only a phantom. Hence, in the very first verse of this Epistle, John writes evidently against the Gnostic error, quoting three of the five senses to prove the reality of Chrtst’s humanity. (By all means, see “The Epistles of John,” Cambridge Bible for Schools, etc., 17-21.) 3. REQUIRED FOR THE HIGHEST SUCCESS OF THE PREACHER:

    The relation of this doctrine to the Methodist Episcopal church in the United States is seen in the following questions, which have been affirmatively answered in public by all its preachers on their admission to the Conferences: “Are you going on to perfection?”; “Do you expect to be made perfect in love in this life?”; “Are you earnestly striving after it?” The hymns of the Wesleys, still universally sung, are filled with this doctrine, in which occur such expressions as: 4. HYMNOLOGY: “Take away our bent to sinning,” .... “Let us find that second rest,” .... “Make and keep me pure within,” .... “‘Tis done! Thou dost this moment save, With full salvation bless.” .... 5. ITS GLORIOUS RESULTS:

    To the preaching of Christian perfection Wesley ascribed the success of his work in the conversion, religious training and intellectual education of the masses of Great Britain. It furnished him a multitude of consecrated workers, many of them lay preachers, who labored in nearly every hamlet, and who carried the gospel into all the British colonies, including America.

    It is declared by secular historians that this great evangelical movement, in which the doctrine of entire sanctification was so prominent, saved England from a disastrous revolution, like that which drenched France with the blood of its royal family and its nobility, in the last decade of the 18th century. It is certain that the great Christian and humanitarian work of William Booth, originally a Methodist, was inspired by this doctrine which he constantly preached. This enabled his followers in the early years of the Salvation Army to endure the persecutions which befell them at that time. 6. WESLEY’S PERSONAL TESTIMONY:

    On March 6, 1760, Wesley enters in his Journal the following testimony of one Elizabeth Longmore: “`I felt my soul was all love. I was so stayed on God as I never felt before, and knew that I loved Him with all my heart. ....

    And the witness that God had saved me from all my sins grew clearer every hour. .... I have never since found my heart wander from God.’ Now this is what I always did, and do now, mean by perfection. And this I believe many have attained, on the same evidence that I believe many are justified.”

    We have Wesley’s only recorded testimony to his own justification in these words (May 24, 1738): “I felt my heart strangely warmed .... and an assurance was given me that He had taken away my sins,” etc. Daniel Steele SANCTITY, LEGISLATION OF <sank’-ti-ti > , <lej-is-la’-shun > . See ASTRONOMY, I, 5, (6).

    SANCTUARY <sank’-tu-a-ri > , <sank’-tu-a-ri > ([ vD;q]mi , miqdash ], [ vd;Q]mi , miqqedhash ], [ vd,qo , qodhesh ], “holy place”; [a[gion, hagion ]): 1. NATURE OF ARTICLE:

    The present article is designed to supplement the articles on ALTARS; HIGH PLACE; PENTATEUCH; TABERNACLE; TEMPLE , by giving an outline of certain rival views of the course of law and history as regards the place of worship. The subject has a special importance because it was made the turning-point of Wellhausen’s discussion of the development of Israel’s literature, history and religion. He himself writes: “I differ from Graf chiefly in this, that I always go back to the centralization of the cult, and deduce from it the particular divergences. My whole position is contained in my first chapter” (Prolegomena, 368). For the purposes of this discussion it is necessary to use the symbols J, E, D, H, and the Priestly Code (P), which are explained in the article PENTATEUCH .

    It is said that there are three distinct stages of law and history. 2. THE GRAF-WELLHAUSEN HYPOTHESIS: The Three Stages: (1) In the first stage all slaughter of domestic animals for food purposes was sacrificial, and every layman could sacrifice locally at an altar of earth or unhewn stones. The law of JE is contained in Exodus 20:24-26, providing for the making of an altar of earth or stones, and emphasis is laid on the words “in every place (“in all the place” is grammatically an equally possible rendering) where I record my name I will come unto thee and I will bless thee.” This, it is claimed, permits a plurality of sanctuaries. Illustrations are provided by the history. The patriarchs move about the country freely and build altars at various places. Later sacrifices or altars are mentioned in connection with Jethro ( Exodus 18:12), Moses ( Exodus 17:15, etc.), Joshua ( Joshua 8:30), Gideon ( Judges 6:26 etc.), Manoah ( Judges 13:19), Samuel ( 1 Samuel 7:17, etc.), Elijah ( 1 Kings 18:32), to take but a few instances. Perhaps the most instructive case is that of Saul after the battle of Michmash. Observing that the people were eating meat with blood, he caused a large stone to be rolled to him, and we are expressly told that this was the first altar that he built to the Lord ( 1 Samuel 14:35). While some of these examples might be accounted for by theophanies or other special circumstances, they are too numerous when taken together for such an explanation to suffice.

    In many instances they represent the conduct of the most authoritative and religious leaders of the age, e.g. Samuel, and it must be presumed that such men knew and acted upon the Law of their own day. Hence, the history and the Law of Exodus 20 are in unison in permitting a multiplicity of sanctuaries. Wellhausen adds: “Altars as a rule are not built by the patriarchs according to their own private judgment wheresoever they please; on the contrary, a theophany calls attention to, or, at least afterward, confirms, the holiness of the place” (op. cit., 31). (2) The second stage is presented by Deuteronomy in the Law and Josiah’s reformation in the history. Undoubtedly, Deuteronomy permits local non-sacrificial slaughter for the purposes of food, and enjoins the destruction of heathen places of worship, insisting with great vehemence on the central sanctuary. The narrative of Josiah’s reformation in 2 Kings 23 tallies with these principles. (3) The third great body of law (the Priestly Code, P) does not deal with the question (save in one passage, Leviticus 17). In Deuteronomy “the unity of the cult is commanded; in the Priestly Code it is presupposed. .... What follows from this forms the question before us.

    To my thinking, this: that the Priestly Code rests upon the result which is only the aim of Deuteronomy” (Prolegomena, 35). Accordingly, it is later than the latter book and dates from about the time of Ezra. As to Leviticus 17:1-9, this belongs to H (the Law of Holiness, Leviticus 17 through 26), an older collection of laws than the Priestly Code (P), and is taken up in the latter. Its intention was “to secure the exclusive legitimation of the one lawful place of sacrifice. .... Plainly the common man did not quite understand the newly drawn and previously quite unknown distinction between the religious and the profane act” (Prolegomena, 50). Accordingly, this legislator strove to meet the difficulty by the new enactment. See CRITICISM (The Graf-Wellhausen Hypothesis). 3. DIFFICULTIES OF THE THEORY: (1) Slaughter Not Necessarily Sacrificial The general substratum afforded by the documentary theory falls within the scope of the article PENTATEUCH . The present discussion is limited to the legal and historical outline traced above. The view that all slaughter of domestic animals was sacrificial till the time of Josiah is rebutted by the evidence of the early books. The following examples should be noted: in Genesis 18:7 a calf is slain without any trace of a sacrifice, and in 27:9- 14 (Jacob’s substitute for venison) no altar or religious rite can fairly be postulated. In 1 Samuel 28:24 the slaughter is performed by a woman, so that here again sacrifice is out of the question. If Gideon performed a sacrifice when he “made ready a kid” ( Judges 6:19) or when he killed an animal for the broth of which the narrative speaks, the animals in question must have been sacrificed twice over, once when they were killed and again when the food was consumed by flames. Special importance attaches to Exodus 22:1 (Hebrew 21:37), for there the JE legislation itself speaks of slaughter by cattle thieves as a natural and probable occurrence, and it can surely not have regarded this as a sacrificial act.

    Other instances are to be found in Genesis 43:16; 1 Samuel 25:11; 1 Kings 19:21. In 1 Samuel 8:13 the word translated “cooks” means literally, “women slaughterers.” All these instances are prior to the date assigned to Deuteronomy. With respect to Leviticus 17:1-7 also, theory is unworkable. At any time in King Josiah’s reign or after, it would have been utterly impossible to limit all slaughter of animals for the whole race wherever resident to one single spot. This part of theory therefore breaks down. (2) Sacrifice and Theophany The view that the altars were erected at places that were peculiarly holy, or at any rate were subsequently sanctified by a theophany, is also untenable.

    In the Patriarchal age we may refer to Genesis 4:26, where the calling on God implies sacrifice but not theophanies, Abram at Beth-el (12:8) and Mamre (13:18), and Jacob’s sacrifices (31:54; 33:20). Compare later Samuel’s altar at Ramah, Adonijah’s sacrifice at En-rogel (1 Kings 1), Naaman’s earth (2 Kings 5), David’s clan’s sacrifice ( 1 Samuel 20:6,29). It is impossible to postulate theophanies for the sacrifices of every clan in the country, and it becomes necessary to translate Exodus 20:24 “in all the place” (see supra 2, (1) ) and to understand “the place” as the territory of Israel. (3) Alleged Plurality of Sanctuaries The hypothesis of a multiplicity of sanctuaries in JE and the history also leaves out of view many most important facts. The truth is that the word “sanctuary” is ambiguous and misleading. A plurality of altars of earth or stone is not a plurality of sanctuaries. The early legislation knows a “house of Yahweh” in addition to the primitive altars ( Exodus 23:19; 34:26; compare the parts of Joshua 9:23,27 assigned to J). No eyewitness could mistake a house for an altar, or vice versa. (4) The Altar of God’s House Moreover a curious little bit of evidence shows that the “house” had quite a different kind of altar. In 1 Kings 1:50 f; 2:28 ff, we hear of the horns of the altar (compare Amos 3:14). Neither earth nor unhewn stones (as required by the Law of Exodus 20) could provide such horns, and the historical instances of the altars of the patriarchs, religious leaders, etc., to which reference has been made, show that they had no horns. Accordingly, we are thrown back on the description of the great altar of burnt offering in Exodus 27 and must assume that an altar of this type was to be found before the ark before Solomon built his Temple. Thus the altar of the House of God was quite different from the customary lay altar, and when we read of “mine altar” as a refuge in Exodus 21:14, we must refer it to the former, as is shown by the passages just cited. In addition to the early legislation and the historical passages cited as recognizing a House of God with a horned altar, we see such a house in Shiloh where Eli and his sons of the house of Aaron ( 1 Samuel 2:27) ministered. Thus the data of both JE and the history show us a House of God with a horned altar side by side with the multiplicity of stone or earthen altars, but give us no hint of a plurality of legitimate houses or shrines or sanctuaries. (5) Local Altars in Deuteronomy Deuteronomy also recognizes a number of local altars in 16:21 (see ICC, at the place) and so does Later Deuteronomistic editors in Joshua 8:30 ff.

    There is no place for any of these passages ia the Wellhausen theory; but again we find one house side by side with many lay altars. 4. THE ALTERNATIVE VIEW: (1) Lay Sacrifice The alternative view seeks to account for the whole of the facts noted above. In bald outline it is as follows: In pre-Mosaic times customary sacrifices had been freely offered by laymen at altars of earth or stone which were not “sanctuaries,” but places that could be used for the nonce and then abandoned. Slaughter, as shown by the instances cited, was not necessarily sacrificial. Moses did not forbid or discourage the custom he found. On the contrary, he regulated it in Exodus 20:24-26; Deuteronomy 16:21 f to prevent possible abuses. But he also superimposed two other kinds of sacrifice — certain new offerings to be brought by individuals to the religious capital and the national offerings of Numbers 28; 29 and other passages. If the Priestly Code (P) assumes the religious capital as axiomatic, the reason is that this portion of the Law consists of teaching entrusted to the priests, embracing the procedure to be followed in these two classes of offerings, and does not refer at all to the procedure at customary lay sacrifices, which was regulated by immemorial custom. Deuteronomy thunders not against the lay altars — which are never even mentioned in this connection — but against the Canaanite high places. Deuteronomy 12 contemplates only the new individual offerings.

    The permission of lay slaughter for food was due to the fact that the infidelity of the Israelites in the wilderness ( Leviticus 17:5-7) had led to the universal prohibition of lay slaughter for the period of the wanderings only, though it appears to be continued by Deuteronomy for those who lived near the House of God (see Leviticus 12:21, limited to the case “if the place .... be too far from thee”). (2) Three Pilgrimage Festivals.

    The JE legislation itself recognizes the three pilgrimage festivals of the House of God ( Exodus 34:22 f). One of these festivals is called “the feast of weeks, even of the bikkurim (a kind of first-fruits) of wheat harvest,” and as Exodus 23:19 and 34:26 require these bikkurim to be brought to the House of God and not to a lay altar, it follows that the pilgrimages are as firmly established here as in Deuteronomy. Thus we find a House (with a horned altar) served by priests and lay altars of earth or stone side by side in law and history till the exile swept them all away, and by breaking the continuity of tradition and practice paved the way for a new and artificial interpretation of the Law that was far removed from the intent of the lawgiver. 5. THE ELEPHANTINE PAPYRI: The Elephantine Temple.

    Papyri have recently been found at Elephantine which show us a Jewish community in Egypt which in 405 BC possessed a local temple. On the Wellhausen hypothesis it is usual to assume that the Priestly Code (P) and Deuteronomy were still unknown and not recognized as authoritative in this community at that date, although the Deuteronomic law of the central sanctuary goes back at least to 621. It is difficult to understand how a law that had been recognized as divine by Jeremiah and others could still have been unknown or destitute of authority. On the alternative view this phenomenon will have been the result of an interpretation of the Law to suit the needs of an age some 800 years subsequent to the death of Moses in circumstances he never contemplated. The Pentateuch apparently permits sacrifice only in the land of Israel: in the altered circumstances the choice lay between interpreting the Law in this way or abandoning public worship altogether; for the synagogue with its non-sacrificial form of public worship had not yet been invented. All old legislations have to be construed in this way to meet changing circumstances, and this example contains nothing exceptional or surprising.

    LITERATURE J. Wellhausen, Prolegomena to the History of Israel, chapter i, for the critical hypothesis; H. M. Wiener, EPC, chapter vi, PS passim for the alternative view; POT, 173 ff. Harold M. Wiener SAND ([ lwOj , chol ]; [a]mmov, ammos ]; a variant of the more usual [ya>mmov, psammos ]; compare [a]maqov, amathos ], [ya>maqaov, psamathos ]):

    Sand is principally produced by the grinding action of waves. This is accompanied by chemical solution, with the result that the more soluble constituents of the rock diminish in amount or disappear and the sands tend to become more or less purely silicious, silica or quartz being a common constituent of rocks and very Insoluble. The rocks of Palestine are so largely composed of limestone that the shore and dune sands are unusually calcareous, containing from 10 to 20 per cent of calcium carbonate. This is subject to solution and redeposition as a cement between the sand grains, binding them together to form the porous sandstone of the seashore, which is easily worked and is much used in building. See Rock, III, (2).

    FIGURATIVE: (1) Used most often as a symbol of countless multitude; especially of the children of Israel ( Genesis 22:17; 32:12; 2 Samuel 17:11; 1 Kings 4:20; Isaiah 10:22; 48:19; Jeremiah 33:32; Hosea 1:10; Romans 9:27; Hebrews 11:12); also of the enemies of Israel ( Joshua 11:4; Judges 7:12; 1 Samuel 13:5; compare Revelation 20:8). Joseph laid up gram as the sand of the sea ( Genesis 41:49); God gave Solomon wisdom and understanding and largeness of heart as the sand that is on the seashore ( 1 Kings 4:29); Job says “I shall multiply my days as the sand” ( Job 29:18); the multitude of quails provided for the Israelites in the desert is compared to the sand ( Psalm 78:27); the Psalmist says of the thoughts of God, “They are more in number than the sand” ( <19D918> Psalm 139:18); Jeremiah, speaking of the desolation of Jerusalem, says that the number of widows is as the sand ( Jeremiah 15:8). (2) Sand is also a symbol of weight ( Job 6:3; Proverbs 27:3), and (3) of instability ( Matthew 7:26).

    It is a question what is meant by “the hidden treasures of the sand” in Deuteronomy 33:19. Alfred Ely Day SAND FLIES <sand’-fliz > ([ µNiKi , kinnim ] ( Exodus 8:16 margin; The Wisdom of Solomon 19:10 margin)): English Versions of the Bible “lice.” See FLEA; GNAT; INSECTS; LICE.

    SAND, GLOWING <glo’-ing > . See MIRAGE.

    SAND-LIZARD <sand’-liz-ard > . ([ fm,jo , chomeT ]; Septuagint [sau~ra, saura ], “lizard”; the King James Version snail): ChomeT is 7th in the list of unclean “creeping things” in Leviticus 11:29,30, and occurs nowhere else. It is probably a skink or some species of Lacerta. See LIZARD SANDAL <san’-dal > . See DRESS, 6; SHOE; SHOE-LATCHET.

    SANHEDRIN <san’-he-drin > ([ ˆyrid]h,n]s” , canhedhrin ], the Talmudic transcription of the Greek [sune>drion, sunedrion ]): 1. NAME:

    The Sanhedrin was, at and before the time of Christ, the name for the highest Jewish tribunal, of 71 members, in Jerusalem, and also for the lower tribunals, of 23 members, of which Jerusalem had two (Tosephta’ Chaghighah] 11 9; Sanhedrin 1 6; 11 2). It is derived from sun , “together,” and hedra , “seat.” In Greek and Roman literature the senates of Sparta, Carthage, and even Rome, are so called (compare Pausan. iii.11, 2; Polyb. iii.22; Dion Cassius xl.49). In Josephus we meet with the word for the first time in connection with the governor Gabinius (57-55 BC), who divided the whole of Palestine into 5 sunedria (Ant., XIV, v, 4), or sunodoi (B J, I, viii, 5); and with the term sunedrion for the high council in Jerusalem first in Ant, XIV, ix, 3-5, in connection with Herod, who, when a youth, had to appear before the sunedrion at Jerusalem to answer for his doings in Galilee. But before that date the word appears in the Septuagint version of Proverbs (circa 130 BC), especially in 22:10; 31:23, as an equivalent for the Mishnaic beth-din = “judgment chamber.”

    In the New Testament the word sometimes, especially when used in the plural ( Matthew 10:17; Mark 13:9; compare Sanhedrin 1 5), means simply “court of justice,” i.e. any judicatory ( Matthew 5:22). But in most cases it is used to designate the supreme Jewish Court of Justice in Jerusalem, in which the process against our Lord was carried on, and before which the apostles (especially Peter and John, Stephen, and Paul) had to justify themselves ( Matthew 26:59; Mark 14:55; 15:1; Luke 22:66; John 11:47; Acts 4:15; 5:21 ff; 6:12 ff; 22:30; 23:1 ff; 24:20). Sometimes presbuterion ( Luke 22:66; Acts 22:5) and gerousia ( Acts 5:21) are substituted for sunedrion . See SENATE.

    In the Jewish tradition-literature the term “Sanhedrin” alternates with kenishta’ , “meeting-place” (Meghillath Ta’-anith 10, compiled in the 1st century AD), and beth-din , “court of justice” (Sanhedrin 11 2,4). As, according to Jewish tradition, there were two kinds of sunedria , namely, the supreme sunedrion in Jerusalem of 71 members, and lesser sunedria of 23 members, which were appointed by the supreme one, we find often the term canhedhrin gedholah , “the great Sanhedrin,” or beth-din ha-gadhol , “the great court of justice” (Middoth 5 4; Sanhedrin 1 6), or canhedhrin gedholah ha-yoshebheth be-lishekhath hagazith , “the great Sanhedrin which sits in the hall of hewn stone.” 2. ORIGIN AND HISTORY:

    There is lack of positive historical information as to the origin of the Sanhedrin. According to Jewish tradition (compare Sanhedrin 16) it was constituted by Moses ( Numbers 11:16-24) and was reorganized by Ezra immediately after the return from exile (compare the Targum to Song 6:1).

    But there is no historical evidence to show that previous to the Greek period there existed an organized aristocratic governing tribunal among the Jews. Its beginning is to be placed at the period in which Asia was convulsed by Alexander the Great and his successors.

    The Hellenistic kings conceded a great amount of internal freedom to municipal communities, and Palestine was then practically under home rule, and was governed by an aristocratic council of Elders (1 Macc 12:6; Macc 1:10; 4:44; 11:27; 3 Macc 1:8; compare Josephus, Ant, XII, iii, 4; XIII, v, 8; Meghillath Ta`anith 10), the head of which was the hereditary high priest. The court was called Gerousia , which in Greek always signifies an aristocratic body (see Westermann in Pauly’s RE, III, 49). Subsequently this developed into the Sanhedrin.

    During the Roman period (except for about 10 years at the time of Gabinius, who applied to Judea the Roman system of government; compare Marquardt, Romische Staatsverwaltung, I, 501), the Sanhedrin’s influence was most powerful, the internal government of the country being practically in its hands (Ant., XX, x), and it was religiously recognized even among the Diaspora (compare Acts 9:2; 22:5; 26:12). According to Schurer (HJP, div II, volume 1, 171; GJV4, 236) the civil authority of the Sanhedrin, from the time of Archelaus, Herod the Great’s son, was probably restricted to Judea proper, and for that reason, he thinks, it had no judicial authority over our Lord so long as He remained in Galilee (but see G.A. Smith, Jerusalem, I, 416).

    The Sanhedrin was abolished after the destruction of Jerusalem (70 AD).

    The beth-din (court of judgment) in Jabneh (68-80), in Usah (80-116), in Shafran (140-63), in Sepphoris (163-93), in Tiberias (193-220), though regarded in the Talmud (compare Ro’sh ha-shanah 31a) as having been the direct continuation of the Sanhedrin, had an essentially different character; it was merely an assembly of scribes, whose decisions had only a theoretical importance (compare Sotah 9 11). 3. CONSTITUTION:

    The Great Sanhedrin in Jerusalem was formed ( Matthew 26:3,17,59; Mark 14:53; 15:1; Luke 22:66; Acts 4:5 f; 5:21; 22:30) of high priests (i.e. the acting high priest, those who had been high priests, and members of the privileged families from which the high priests were taken), elders (tribal and family heads of the people and priesthood), and scribes (i.e. legal assessors), Pharisees and Sadducees alike (compare Acts 4:1 ff; 5:17,34; 23:6). In Mark 15:43; Luke 23:50, Joseph of Arimathea is called bouleutes , “councillor,” i.e. member of the Sanhedrin.

    According to Josephus and the New Testament, the acting high priest was as such always head and president ( Matthew 26:3,17; Acts 5:17 ff; 7:1; 9:1 f; 22:5; 23:2; 24:1; Ant, IV, viii, 17; XX, x). Caiaphas is president at the trial of our Lord, and at Paul’s trial Ananias is president. On the other hand, according to the Talmud (especially Haghighah 2 2), the Sanhedrin is represented as a juridical tribunal of scribes, in which one scribe acted as nasi’ , “prince,” i.e. president, and another as ‘abh-beth-din , father of the judgment-chamber, i.e. vice-president. So far, it has not been found possible to reconcile these conflicting descriptions (see “Literature,” below).

    Sanhedrin 4 3 mentions the cophere-ha-dayanim , “notaries,” one of whom registered the reasons for acquittal, and the other the reasons for condemnation. In the New Testament we read of huperetai , “constables” ( Matthew 5:25) and of the “servants of the high priest” ( Matthew 26:51; Mark 14:47; John 18:10), whom Josephus describes as “enlisted from the rudest and most restless characters” (Ant., XX, viii, 8; ix, 2). Josephus speaks of the “public whip,” Matthew mentions “tormentors” (18:34), Luke speaks of “spies” (20:20).

    The whole history of post-exilic Judaism circles round the high priests, and the priestly aristocracy always played the leading part in the Sanhedrin (compare Sanhedrin 4 2). But the more the Pharisees grew in importance, the more were they represented in the Sanhedrin. In the time of Salome they were so powerful that “the queen ruled only in name, but the Pharisees in reality” (Ant., XIII, xvi, 2). So in the time of Christ, the Sanhedrin was formally led by the Sadducean high priests, but practically ruled by the Pharisees (Ant., XVIII, i, 4). 4. JURISDICTION:

    In the time of Christ the Great Sanhedrin at Jerusalem enjoyed a very high measure of independence. It exercised not only civil jurisdiction, according to Jewish law, but also, in some degree, criminal. It had administrative authority and could order arrests by its own officers of justice ( Matthew 26:47; Mark 14:43; Acts 4:3; 5:17 f; 9:2; compare Sanhedrin 1 5). It was empowered to judge cases which did not involve capital punishment, which latter required the confirmation of the Roman procurator ( John 18:31; compare the Jerusalem Sanhedrin 1 1; 7 2 (p. 24); Josephus, Ant, XX, ix, 1). But, as a rule, the procurator arranged his judgment in accordance with the demands of the Sanhedrin.

    For one offense the Sanhedrin could put to death, on their own authority, even a Roman citizen, namely, in the case of a Gentile passing the fence which divided the inner court of the Temple from that of the Gentiles (BJ, VI, ii, 4; Middoth 11 3; compare Acts 21:28). The only case of capital punishment in connection with the Sanhedrin in the New Testament is that of our Lord. The stoning of Stephen ( Acts 7:54 ff) was probably the illegal act of an enraged multitude. 5. PLACE AND TIME OF MEETING:

    The Talmudic tradition names “the hall of hewn stone,” which, according to Middoth 5 4, was on the south side of the great court, as the seat of the Great Sanhedrin (Pe’-ah 2 6; `Edhuyoth 7 4, et al.). But the last sittings of the Sanhedrin were held in the city outside the Temple area (Sanhedrin 41a; Shabbath 15a; Ro’sh ha-shanah 31a; Abhodhah zarah 8c). Josephus also mentions the place where the bouleutai , “the councilors,” met as the boule , outside the Temple (BJ, V, iv, 2), and most probably he refers to these last sittings.

    According to the Tosephta’ Sanhedrin 7 1, the Sanhedrin held its sittings from the time of the offering of the daily morning sacrifice till that of the evening sacrifice. There were no sittings on Sabbaths or feast days. 6. PROCEDURE:

    The members of the Sanhedrin were arranged in a semicircle, so that they could see each other (Sanhedrin 4 3; Tosephta’ 8 1). The two notaries stood before them, whose duty it was to record the votes (see 3, above).

    The prisoner had to appear in humble attitude and dressed it, mourning (Ant., XIV, ix, 4). A sentence of capital punishment could not be passed on the day of the trial. The decision of the judges had to be examined on the following day (Sanhedrin 4 1), except in the case of a person who misled the people, who could be tried and condemned the same day or in the night (Tosephta’ Sanhedrin 10). Because of this, cases which involved capital punishment were not tried on a Friday or on any day before a feast.

    A herald preceded the condemned one as he was led to the place of execution, and cried out: “N. the son of N. has been found guilty of death, etc. If anyone knows anything to clear him, let him come forward and declare it” (Sanhedrin 6 1). Near the place of execution the condemned man was asked to confess his guilt in order that he might partake in the world to come (ibid.; compare Luke 23:41-43).

    LITERATURE.

    Our knowledge about the Sanhedrin is based on three sources: the New Testament, Josephus, and the Jewish tradition-literature (especially Mishna, Sanhedrin and Makkoth, best edition, Strack, with German translation, Schriften des Institutum Judaicum in Berlin, N. 38, Leipzig, 1910). See the article, TALMUD.

    Consult the following histories of the Jewish people: Ewald, Herzfeld, Gratz, but especially Schurer’s excellent HJP, much more fully in GJV4; also G. A. Smith, Jerusalem. Special treatises on Sanhedrin: D. Hoffmann, Der oberste Gerichtsh of in der Stadt des Heiligtums, Berlin, 1878, where the author tries to defend the Jewish traditional view as to the antiquity of the Sanhedrin; J. Reifmann, Sanhedrin (in Hebrews), Berditschew, 1888; A. Kuenen, On the Composition of the Sanhedrin, in Dutch, translated into German by Budde, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, etc., 49-81, Freiburg, 1894; Jelski, Die innere Einrichtung des grossen Synedrions zu Jerusalem, Breslau, 1894, who tries to reconcile the Talmudical statements about the composition of the Sanhedrin with those of Josephus and the New Testament (especially in connection with the question of president) by showing that in the Mishna (except Chaghighah 11 2) nasi’ always stands for the political president, the high priest, and ‘abh-beth-din for the scribal head of the Sanhedrin, and not for the vice-president; A. Buchler, Das Synedrium in Jerusalem und das grosse Beth-din in der Quaderkammer des jerusalemischen Tempels, Vienna, 1902, a very interesting but not convincing work, where the author, in order to reconcile the two different sets of sources, tries to prove that the great Sanhedrin of the Talmud is not identical with the Sanhedrin of Josephus and the New Testament, but that there were two Sanhedrins in Jerusalem, the one of the New Testament and Josephus being a political one, the other a religious one. He also thinks that Christ was seized, not by the Sanhedrin, but by the temple authorities. See also W. Bacher’s article in HDB (excellent for sifting the Talmudic sources); Dr. Lauterbach’s article in the Jewish Encyclopedia (accepts fully Biichler’s view); H. Strack’s article in Sch-Herz (concise and exact).

    Paul Levertoff SANSANNAH <san-san’-a > ([ hN;s”n]s” , cancannah ]; [ Sansa>nna, Sansanna ], or [ Seqenna>k, Sethennak ]): One of the uttermost cities in the Negeb of Judah ( Joshua 15:31), identical with Hazar-susah ( Joshua 19:5), one of the cities of Simeon, and almost certainly the same as Hazar-susim ( Chronicles 4:31). It cannot be said to have been identified with any certainty, though Simsim, “a good-sized village with well and pool, surrounded by gardens and having a grove of olives to the north,” has been suggested (PEF, III, 260, Sh XX).

    SAPH <saf > ([ ts” , caph ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Sa>f, Saph ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sefe>, Sephe ]): A Philistine, one of the four champions of the race of Rapha (“giant”) who was slain by Sibbecai, one of David’s heroes ( Samuel 21:18; 1 Chronicles 20:4). It is supposed by some that he was the son of the giant Goliath, but this is not proved. In 1 Chronicles 20:4, the same person is called “Sippai.”

    SAPHAT <sa’-fat > : (1) A and Fritzsche, [ Safa>t, Saphat ]; omitted in Codex Vaticanus (and Swete); Babylonian margin [ jAsa>f, Asaph ]: The eponym of a family which returned with Zerubbabel (1 Esdras 5:9) = “Shephatiah” in Ezra 2:4; Nehemiah 7:9. (2) Codex Alexandrinus [ Safa>t, Saphat ]; Codex Vaticanus, Swete, and Fritzsche, [ Safa>g, Saphag ]; the King James Version Sabat: One of the families of “the sons of the servants of Solomon” who returned with Zerubbabel (1 Esdras 5:34); wanting in the parallel Ezra 2:57; Nehemiah 7:59.

    SAPHATIAS <saf-a-ti’-as > ([ Safati>av, Saphatias ], Codex Vaticanus [ Sofoti>av, Sophotias ]; omitted in Codex Alexandrinus): Name of a family of returning exiles (1 Esdras 8:34) = “Shephatiah” in Ezra 8:8. If Saphatias (1 Esdras 8:34) = Saphat (1 Esdras 5:9), as would appear, then part of the family went up with Zerubbabel and part with Ezra.

    SAPHETH <sa’-feth > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SAPHUTHI (which see).

    SAPHIR <sa’-fer > ([ rypiv; , shaphir ]). See SHAPHIR.

    SAPHUTHI <saf’-u-thi > , <sa-fu’-thi > (Codex Alexandrinus and Fritzsche, [ Safuqi>, Saphuthi ], Codex Vaticanus (and Swete), [ Safuei>, Saphuei ]; the King James Version Sapheth): Name of one of the families of “the sons of the servants of Solomon” (1 Esdras 5:33) = “Shephatiah” in Ezra 2:57; Nehemiah 7:59.

    SAPPHIRA <sa-fi’-ra > ([ ar;yPiv” , shappira’ ]; Aramaic for either “beautiful” or “sapphire”; [ Sapfei>ra, Sappheira ]): Wife of Ananias ( Acts 5:1-10). See ANANIAS, (1).

    SAPPHIRE <saf’-ir > . See STONES, PRECIOUS.

    SARABIAS <sar-a-bi’-as > ([ Sarabi>av, Sarabias ]) : One of the Levites who taught and expounded the Law for Ezra (1 Esdras 9:48) = “Sherebiah” in Nehemiah 8:7, probably identical with the “Asebebias” in 1 Esdras 8:47 ( Ezra 8:18).

    SARAH; SARAI <sa’-ra > , <sa’-ri > : (1) In Genesis 17:15 the woman who up to that time has been known as Sarai ([ yr”c; , Saray ]; [ Sa>ra, Sara ]) receives by divine command the name Sarah ([ hr;v; , Sarah ]; [ Sa>rra, Sarra ]). (This last form in Greek preserves the ancient doubling of the r, lost in the Hebrew and the English forms.)

    The former name appears to be derived from the same root as Israel, if, indeed, Genesis 32:28 is intended as an etymology of Israel. “She that strives,” a contentious person, is a name that might be given to a child at birth (compare Hosea 12:3,4, of Jacob), or later when the child’s character developed; in Genesis 16:6 and 21:10 a contentious character appears. Yet comparison with the history of her husband’s name (see ABRAHAM ) warns us not to operate solely upon the basis of the Hebrew language. Sarai was the name this woman brought with her from Mesopotamia. On the other hand there can be little doubt that the name Sarah, which she received when her son was promised, means “princess,” for it is the feminine form of the extremely common title sar , used by the Semites to designate a ruler of greater or lesser rank. In the verse following the one where this name is conferred, it is declared of Sarah that “kings of peoples shall be of her” ( Genesis 17:16).

    We are introduced to Sarai in Genesis 11:29. She is here mentioned as the wife that Abraham “took,” while still in Ur of the Chaldees, that is, while among his kindred. It is immediately added that “Sarai was barren; she had no child.” By this simple remark in the overture of his narrative, the writer sounds the motif that is to be developed in all the sequel. When the migration to Haran occurs, Sarai is named along with Abram and Lot as accompanying Terah. It has been held that the author (or authors) of Genesis 11 knew nothing of the relationship announced in 20:12. But there can be no proof of such ignorance, even on the assumption of diversity of authorship in the two passages.

    Sarai’s career as described in Genesis 11 was not dependent on her being the daughter of Terah. Terah had other descendants who did not accompany him. Her movements were determined by her being Abram’s wife. It appears, however, that she was a daughter of Terah by a different mother from the mother of Abram. The language of 20:12 would indeed admit of her being Abram’s niece, but the fact that there was but 10 years’ difference between his age and hers ( Genesis 17:17) renders this hypothesis less probable. Marriage with half-sisters seems to have been not uncommon in antiquity (even in the Old Testament compare 2 Samuel 13:13).

    This double relationship suggested to Abraham the expedient that he twice used when he lacked faith in God to protect his life and in cowardice sought his own safety at the price of his wife’s honor. The first of these occasions was in the earlier period of their wanderings (Genesis 12). From Canaan they went down into Egypt. Sarai, though above 60 years of age according to the chronology of the sacred historian, made the impression on the Egyptians by her beauty that Abraham had anticipated, and the result was her transfer to the royal palace. But this was in direct contravention of the purpose of God for His own kingdom. The earthly majesty of Pharaoh had to bow before the divine majesty, which plagued him and secured the stranger’s exodus, thus foreshadowing those later plagues and that later exodus when Abraham’s and Sarah’s seed “spoiled the Egyptians.”

    We meet Sarah next in the narrative of the birth of Ishmael and of Isaac.

    Though 14 years separated the two births, they are closely associated in the story because of their logical continuity. Sarah’s barrenness persisted. She was now far past middle life, even on a patriarchal scale of longevity, and there appeared no hope of her ever bearing that child who should inherit the promise of God. She therefore adopts the expedient of being “builded by” her personal slave, Hagar the Egyptian (see Genesis 16:2 margin).

    That is, according to contemporary law and custom as witnessed by the Code of Hammurabi (see ABRAHAM , IV, 2), a son born of this woman would be the freeborn son and heir of Abraham and Sarah.

    Such was in fact the position of Ishmael later. But the insolence of the maid aroused the vindictive jealousy of the mistress and led to a painful scene of unjustified expulsion. Hagar, however, returned at God’s behest, humbled herself before Sarah, and bore Ishmael in his own father’s house.

    Here he remained the sole and rightful heir, until the miracle of Isaac’s birth disappointed all human expectations and resulted in the ultimate expulsion of Hagar and her son.

    The change of name from Sarai to Sarah when Isaac was promised has already been noted. Sarah’s laughter of incredulity when she hears the promise is of course associated with the origin of the name of Isaac, but it serves also to emphasize the miraculous character of his birth, coming as it does after his parents are both so “well stricken in age” as to make parenthood seem an absurdity.

    Before the birth of this child of promise, however, Sarah is again exposed, through the cowardice of her husband, to dishonor and ruin. Abimelech, king of Gerar, desiring to be allied by marriage with a man of Abraham’s power, sends for Sarah, whom he knows only as Abraham’s sister, and for the second time she takes her place in the harem of a prince. But the divine promise is not to be thwarted, even by persistent human weakness and sin.

    In a dream God reveals to Abimelech the true state of the case, and Sarah is restored to her husband with an indemnity. Thereupon the long-delayed son is born, the jealous mother secures the expulsion of Hagar and Ishmael, and her career comes to a close at the age of 127, at Hebroni long time her home. The grief and devotion of Abraham are broadly displayed in Genesis 23, in which he seeks and obtains a burying-place for his wife. She is thus the first to be interred in that cave of the field of Machpelah, which was to be the common resting-place of the fathers and mothers of the future Israel.

    The character of Sarah is of mingled light and shade. On the one hand we have seen that lapse from faith which resulted in the birth of Ishmael, and that lack of self-control and charity which resulted in a quarrel with Abraham, an act of injustice to Hagar, and the disinheriting of Ishmael. Yet on the other hand we see in Sarah, as the New Testament writers point out ( Hebrews 11:11; 1 Peter 3:6), one who through a long life of companionship with Abraham shared his hope in God, his faith in the promises, and his power to become God’s agent for achieving what was humanly impossible. In fact, to Sarah is ascribed a sort of spiritual maternity, correlative with Abraham’s position as “father of the faithful”; for all women are declared to be the (spiritual) daughters of Sarah, who like her are adorned in “the hidden man of the heart,” and who are “doers of good” and “fearers of no terror” (1 Peter loc. cit., literally rendered).

    That in spite of her outbreak about Hagar and Ishmael she was in general “in subjection to her husband” and of “a meek and quiet spirit,” appears from her husband’s genuine grief at her decease, and still more clearly from her son’s prolonged mourning for her ( Genesis 24:67; compare 17:17 and 23:1 with 25:20). And He who maketh even the wrath of man to praise Him used even Sarah’s jealous anger to accomplish His purpose that “the son of the freewoman,” Isaac, “born through promise,” should alone inherit that promise ( Galatians 4:22-31).

    Apart from the three New Testament passages already cited, Sarah is alluded to only in Isaiah 51:2 (“Sarah that bare you,” as the mother of the nation), in Romans 4:19 (“the deadness of Sarah’s womb”), and in Romans 9:9, where God’s promise in Genesis 18:10 is quoted. Yet her existence and her history are of course presupposed wherever allusion is made to the stories of Abraham and of Isaac.

    To many modern critics Sarah supplies, by her name, a welcome argument in support of the mythical view of Abraham. She has been held to be the local numen to whom the cave near Hebron was sacred; or the deity whose consort was worshipped in Arabia under the title Dusares, i.e. Husband-of- Sarah; or, the female associate of Sin the moon-god, worshipped at Haran.

    On these views the student will do well to consult Baethgen, Beitrage, 94, 157, and, for the most recent point of view, Gressmann’s article, “Sage und Geschichte in den Patriarchenerzahlungen,” ZATW, 1910, and Eerdmans, Alttestamentliche Studien, II, 13. (2) The daughter of Raguel, and wife of Tobias (Tobit 3:7,17, etc.). See TOBIT, BOOK OF.

    J. Oscar Boyd SARAIAS <sa-ra’-yas > , <sa-ri’-as > ([ Sarai>av, Saraias ]; Latin, Sareus): (1) = Seraiah, the high priest in the reign of Zedekiah (1 Esdras 5:5, compare 1 Chronicles 6:14). (2) Sareus the father of Ezra (2 Esdras 1:1) = “Seraiah” in Ezra 7:1, sometimes identified with Saraias under (1) . He is probably identical with the “Azaraias” of 1 Esdras 8:1. (3) the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) “Azaraias” (1 Esdras 8:1).

    SARAMEL <sar’-a-mel > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) ASARAMEL (which see).

    SARAPH <sa’-raf > , <sa’-raf > ([ tr;c; , saraph ], “noble one”; compare [ tr”c; , saraph ], “burn” “shine”): A descendant of Judah through Shelah ( Chronicles 4:22).

    SARCHEDONUS <sar-ked’-o-nus > (Codex Vaticanus [ Sacerdono>v, Sacherdonos ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sacerda>n, Sacherdan ], but [ Sacerdonoso>v, Sacherdonosos ] in Tobit 1:22): An incorrect spelling, both in the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American), for Sacherdonus in Tobit 1:21 f, another form of Esar-haddon.

    SARDEUS <sar-de’-us > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) ZARDEUS (which see).

    SARDIN(E); SARDIUS <sar’-din > , <sar’-din > . See STONES, PRECIOUS.

    SARDIS <sar’-dis > ([ Sa>rdeiv, Sardeis ]): Sardis is of special interest to the student of Herodotus and Xenophon, for there Artaphernes, the brother of Darius, lived, and from there Xerxes invaded Greece and Cyrus marched against his brother Artaxerxes; it is also of interest to the student of early Christian history as the home of one of the Seven Churches of Revelation (1:11; 3:1 ff). It was moreover one of the oldest and most important cities of Asia Minor, and until 549 BC, the capital of the kingdom of Lydia. It stood on the northern slope of Mt. Tmolus; its acropolis occupied one of the spurs of the mountain. At the base flowed the river Pactolus which served as a moat, rendering the city practically impregnable. Through the failure to watch, however, the acropolis had been successfully scaled in 549 BC by a Median soldier, and in 218 by a Cretan (compare Revelation 3:2,3).

    Because of its strength during the Persian period, the satraps here made their homes. However, the city was burned by the Ionians in 501 BC, but it was quickly rebuilt and regained its importance. In 334 BC it surrendered to Alexander the Great who gave it independence, but its period of independence was brief, for 12 years later in 322 BC it was taken by Antigonus. In 301 BC, it fell into the possession of the Seleucidan kings who made it the residence of their governor. It became free again in BC, when it formed a part of the empire of Pergamos, and later of the Roman province of Asia. In 17 AD, when it was destroyed by an earthquake, the Roman emperor Tiberius remitted the taxes of the people and rebuilt the city, and in his honor the citizens of that and of neighboring towns erected a large monument, but Sardis never recovered its former importance (compare Revelation 3:12). Again in 295 AD, after the Roman province of Asia was broken up, Sardis became the capital of Lydia, and during the early Christian age it was the home of a bishop. The city continued to flourish until 1402, when it was so completely destroyed by Tamerlane that it was never rebuilt. Among the ruins there now stands a small village called Sert, a corruption of its ancient name. The ruins may be reached by rail from Smyrna, on the way to Philadelphia.

    The ancient city was noted for its fruits and wool, and for its temple of the goddess Cybele, whose worship resembled that of Diana of Ephesus. Its wealth was also partly due to the gold which was found in the sand of the river Pactolus, and it was here that gold and silver coins were first struck.

    During the Roman period its coins formed a beautiful series, and are found in abundance by the peasants who till the surrounding fields. The ruins of the buildings which stood at the base of the hill have now been nearly buried by the dirt washed down from above. The hill upon which the acropolis stood measures 950 ft. high: the triple walls still surround it. The more imposing of the ruins are on the lower slope of the hill, and among them the temple of Cybele is the most interesting, yet only two of its many stone columns are still standing. Equally imposing is the necropolis of the city, which is at a distance of two hours’ ride from Sert, South of the Gygaean lake. The modern name of the necropolis is Bin Tepe or Thousand Mounds, because of the large group of great mounds in which the kings and nobles were buried. Many of the mounds were long ago excavated and plundered.

    We quote the following from the Missionary Herald (Boston, Massachusetts, August, 1911, pp. 361-62):

    Dr. C. C. Tracy, of Marsovan, has made a visit to ancient Sardis and observed the work of his countryman, Professor Butler, of Princeton University, who is uncovering the ruins of that famous city of the past.

    Already rich “finds” have been made; among them portions of a temple of Artemis, indicating a building of the same stupendous character as those at Ephesus and Baalbec, and a necropolis from whose tombs were unearthed three thousand relics, including utensils, ornaments of gold and precious stones, mirrors, etc. What chiefly impressed Dr. Tracy was the significance of those “Seven Churches of Asia,” of which Sardis held one. “When I think of the myriads of various nationality and advanced civilization for whose evangelization these churches were responsible, the messages to the Christian communities occupying the splendid strategic centers fill me with awe. While established amid the splendors of civilization, they were set as candlesticks in the midst of gross spiritual darkness. Did they fulfill their mission?”

    One of Dr. Butler’s recoveries is the marble throne of the Bishop of Sardis; looking upon it the message to Sardis recurs to mind. A fact of current history quickened the visitor’s appreciation of the word to “the angel” of that church. “Yonder among the mountains overhanging Sardis there is a robber gang led by the notorious Chakirjali. He rules in the mountains; no government force can take him. Again and again he swoops down like an eagle out of the sky, in one quarter of the region or another. From time immemorial these mountains have been the haunts of robbers; very likely it was so when Revelation was written, `I will come upon thee as a thief.’ In each case the message was addressed to `the angel of the church.’ Over every church in the world there is a spirit hovering, as it were — a spirit representing that church and by whose name it can be addressed. The messages are as vital as they were at the first. `He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith unto the churches.’” E. J. Banks SARDITE <sar’-dit > . See SERED.

    SARDIUS <sar’-di-us > . See STONES, PRECIOUS.

    SARDONYX <sar’-do-niks > . See STONES, PRECIOUS.

    SAREPTA <sa-rep’-ta > ([ Sa>repta, Sarepta ]): The name in Luke 4:26 the King James Version, following the Greek, of the Phoenician town to which Elijah was sent in the time of the great famine, in order to save the lives of a widow and her son ( 1 Kings 17:9,10). The Revised Version (British and American) adopts the form of the name based upon the Hebrew, and as found in the Old Testament: ZAREPHATH (which see).

    SARID <sa’-rid > ([ dyric; , saridh ]; Codex Vaticanus [ jEsedekgwla>, Esedekgola ], [ Seddou>k, Seddouk ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sarqi>d, Sarthid ], [ Sari>d, Sarid ]): A place on the southern border of Zebulun to the West of Chisloth-tabor ( Joshua 19:10,12). It is mentioned but not identified in Eusebius, Onomasticon. Probably we should read “Sadid,” and in that case may with Conder locate it at Tell Shaddu, an artificial mound with some modern ruins and good springs, which stands on the plain, about 5 miles West of Iksal.

    SARGON <sar’-gon > (722-705 BC): The name of this ruler is written [ ˆwOGrs” , cargon ], in the Old Testament, Shar-ukin in the cuneiform inscriptions, [ jArna>, Arna ], in the Septuagint, and [ jArkeanov, Arkeanos ], in the Ptolemaic Canon. Sargon is mentioned but once by name in the Old Testament ( Isaiah 20:1), when he sent his Tartan (turtannu) against Ashdod, but he is referred to in 2 Kings 17:6 as “the king of Assyria” who carried Israel into captivity.

    Shalmaneser V had laid siege to Samaria and besieged it three years. But shortly before or very soon after its capitulation, Sargon, perhaps being responsible for the king’s death, overthrew the dynasty, and in his annals credited himself with the capture of the city and the deportation of its inhabitants. Whether he assumed the name of the famous ancient founder of the Accad dynasty is not known.

    Sargon at the beginning of his reign was confronted with a serious situation in Babylon. Merodach-baladan of Kaldu, who paid tribute to previous rulers, on the change of dynasty had himself proclaimed king, New Year’s Day, 721 BC. At Dur-ilu, Sargon fought with the forces of Merodachbalddan and his ally Khumbanigash of Elam, but although he claimed a victory the result was apparently indecisive. Rebellions followed in other parts of the kingdom.

    In 720 BC Ilu-bi’di (or Yau-bi’di), king of Hamath, formed a coalition against Sargon with Hanno of Gaza, Sib’u of Egypt, and with the cities Arpad, Simirra, Damascus and Samaria. He claims that Sib’u fled, and that he captured and flayed Ilu-bi’di, burned Qarqar, and carried Hanno captive to Assyria. After destroying Rapihu, he carried away 9,033 inhabitants to Assyria.

    In the following year Ararat was invaded and the Hittite Carchemish fell before his armies. The territory of Rusas, king of Ararat, as well as a part of Melitene became Assyrian provinces.

    In 710 BC Sargon directed his attention to Merodachbaladan, who no longer enjoyed the support of Elam, and whose rule over Babylon had not been popular with his subjects. He was driven out from Babylon and also from his former capital Bit-Yakin, and Sargon had himself crowned as the shakkanak of Babylon.

    In 706 BC the new city called Dur-Sharrukin was dedicated as his residence. A year later he was murdered. It was during his reign that the height of Assyrian ascendancy had been reached. A. T. Clay SARON <sa’-ron > , ([ Sa>rwn, Saron ]): the King James Version; Greek form of Sharon ( Acts 9:35).

    SAROTHIE <sa-ro’-thi-e > (Codex Alexandrinus [ Sarwqie>, Sarothie ]; Codex Vaticanus and Swete, [ Sarwqei>, Sarothei ]): Name of a family of “the sons of the servants of Solomon” who returned with Zerubbabel (1 Esdras 5:34); it is wanting in the parallel lists in Ezra 2:57; Nehemiah 7:59.

    SARSECHIM <sar’-se-kim > , <sar-se-kim > ([ µykis]r]c” , sarckhim ]): A prince of Nebuchadnezzar, present at the taking of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar in the 11th year of Zedekiah ( Jeremiah 39:3). The versions with their various readings — “Nabousachar” “Nabousarach,” “Sarsacheim” — point to a corrupt text. The best emendation is the reading “Nebhoshazibhon” (= Nabusezib-anni, “Nebo delivers me”); this is based on the reading in Jeremiah 39:13.

    SARUCH <sa’-ruk > ([ Sarou>c, Sarouch ], [ Serou>c, Serouch ]): the King James Version; Greek form of Serug (thus, Luke 3:35 the Revised Version (British and American)).

    SATAN <sa’-tan > ([ ˆf;c; , saTan ]), “adversary,” from the verb [ ˆf”c; , saTan ], “to lie in wait” (as adversary); [ Sata~n, Satan ], [ Satana~v, Satanas ], “adversary,” [dia>bolov, diabolos ], “Devil,” “adversary” or “accuser,” [kath>gwr, kategor ] (altogether unclassical and unGreek) (used once in Revelation 12:10), “accuser”):

    I. DEFINITION.

    A created but superhuman, personal, evil, world-power, represented in Scripture as the adversary both of God and men.

    II. SCRIPTURAL FACTS CONCERNING SATAN. 1. Names of Satan: The most important of these are the Hebrew and Greek equivalents noticed above. These words are used in the general sense justified by their etymological significance. It is applied even to Yahweh Himself ( Numbers 22:22,32; compare 1 Samuel 29:4; 2 Samuel 19:22; <19A906> Psalm 109:6, etc.). The word “Satan” is used 24 times in the Old Testament. In Job (1:6 f) and Zechariah (3:1 f) it has the prefixed definite article. In all cases but one when the article is omitted it is used in a general sense. This one exception is 1 Chronicles 21:1 (compare 2 Samuel 24:1), where the word is generally conceded to be used as a proper name.

    This meaning is fixed in New Testament times. We are thus enabled to note in the term “Satan” (and Devil) the growth of a word from a general term to an appellation and later to a proper name. All the other names of Satan save only these two are descriptive titles. In addition to these two principal names a number of others deserve specific enumeration. Tempter ( Matthew 4:5; 1 Thessalonians 3:5); Beelzebub ( Matthew 12:24); Enemy ( Matthew 13:39); Evil One ( Matthew 13:19,38; John 2:13,14; 3:12, and particularly 5:18); Belial (2 Cor 6:15); Adversary ([ajnti>dikov, antidikos ]), (1 Pet 5:8); Deceiver (literally “the one who deceives”) ( Revelation 12:9); Dragon (Great) ( Revelation 12:3); Father of Lies ( John 8:44); Murderer ( John 8:44); Sinner ( 1 John 3:8) — these are isolated references occurring from 1 to 3 times each. In the vast majority of passages (70 out of 83) either Satan or Devil is used. 2. Character of Satan: Satan is consistently represented in the New Testament as the enemy both of God and man. The popular notion is that Satan is the enemy of man and active in misleading and cursing humanity because of his intense hatred and opposition to God. Matthew 13:39 would seem to point in this direction, but if one were to venture an opinion in a region where there are not enough facts to warrant a conviction, it would be that the general tenor of Scripture indicates quite the contrary, namely, that Satan’s jealousy and hatred of men has led him into antagonism to God and, consequently, to goodness. The fundamental moral description of Satan is given by our Lord when He describes Satan as the “evil one” ( Matthew 13:19,38; compare Isaiah’s description of Yahweh as the “Holy One,” Isaiah 1:4 and often); that is, the one whose nature and will are given to evil. Moral evil is his controlling attribute. It is evident that this description could not be applied to Satan as originally created. Ethical evil cannot be concreated.

    It is the creation of each free will for itself. We are not told in definite terms how Satan became the evil one, but certainly it could be by no other process than a fall, whereby, in the mystery of free personality, an evil will takes the place of a good one. 3. Works of Satan: The world-wide and age-long works of Satan are to be traced to one predominant motive. He hates both God and man and does all that in him lies to defeat God’s plan of grace and to establish and maintain a kingdom of evil, in the seduction and ruin of mankind. The balance and sanity of the Bible is nowhere more strikingly exhibited than in its treatment of the work of Satan. Not only is the Bible entirely free from the extravagances of popular Satanology, which is full of absurd stories concerning the appearances, tricks, and transformations of Satan among men, but it exhibits a dependable accuracy and consistency, of statement which is most reassuring. Almost nothing is said concerning Satanic agency other than wicked men who mislead other men. In the controversy with His opponents concerning exorcism ( Mark 3:22 f and parallel’s) our Lord rebuts their slanderous assertion that He is in league with Satan by the simple proposition that Satan does not work against himself. But in so saying He does far more than refute this slander. He definitely aligns the Bible against the popular idea that a man may make a definite and conscious personal alliance with Satan for any purpose whatever. The agent of Satan is always a victim. Also the hint contained in this discussion that Satan has a kingdom, together with a few other not very definite allusions, are all that we have to go upon in this direction. Nor are we taught anywhere that Satan is able to any extent to introduce disorder into the physical universe or directly operate in the lives of men. It is true that in Luke 13:16 our Lord speaks of the woman who was bowed over as one “whom Satan has bound, lo, these eighteen years,” and that in Corinthians 12:7 Paul speaks of his infirmity as a “messenger of Satan sent to buffet him.” Paul also speaks (1 Thess 2:18) of Satan’s hindering him from visiting the church at Thessalonica. A careful study of these related passages (together with the prologue of Job) will reveal the fact that Satan’s direct agency in the physical world is very limited. Satan may be said to be implicated in all the disasters and woes of human life, in so far as they are more or less directly contingent upon sin (see particularly Hebrews 2:14) On the contrary, it is perfectly evident that Satan’s power consists principally in his ability to deceive. It is interesting and characteristic that according to the Bible Satan is fundamentally a liar and his kingdom is a kingdom founded upon lies and deceit. The doctrine of Satan therefore corresponds in every important particular to the general Biblical emphasis upon truth. “The truth shall make you free” ( John 8:32) — this is the way of deliverance from the power of Satan.

    Now it would seem that to make Satan pre-eminently the deceiver would make man an innocent victim and thus relax the moral issue. But according to the Bible man is particeps criminis in the process of his own deception.

    He is deceived only because he ceases to love the truth and comes first to love and then to believe a lie (2 Cor 1:10). This really goes to the very bottom of the problem of temptation. Men are not tempted by evil, per se, but by a good which can be obtained only at the cost of doing wrong. The whole power of sin, at least in its beginnings, consists in the sway of the fundamental falsehood that any good is really attainable by wrongdoing.

    Since temptation consists in this attack upon the moral sense, man is constitutionally guarded against deceit, and is morally culpable in allowing himself to be deceived. The temptation of our Lord Himself throws the clearest possible light upon the methods ascribed to Satan and The temptation was addressed to Christ’s consciousness of divine sonship; it was a deceitful attack emphasizing the good, minimizing or covering up the evil; indeed, twisting evil into good. It was a deliberate, malignant attempt to obscure the truth and induce to evil through the acceptance of falsehood. The attack broke against a loyalty to truth which made selfdeceit, and consequently deceit from without, impossible. The lie was punctured by the truth and the temptation lost its power (see TEMPTATION OF CHRIST ). This incident reveals one of the methods of Satan — by immediate suggestion as in the case of Judas ( Luke 22:3; John 13:2,27). Sometimes, however, and, perhaps, most frequently, Satan’s devices (2 Cor 2:11) include human agents. Those who are given over to evil and who persuade others to evil are children and servants of Satan (See Matthew 16:23; Mark 8:33; Luke 4:8; John 6:70; 8:44; Acts 13:10; 1 John 3:8). Satan also works through persons and institutions supposed to be on the side of right but really evil. Here the same ever-present and active falseness and deceit are exhibited. When he is called “the god of this world” (2 Cor 4:4) it would seem to be intimated that he has the power to clothe himself in apparently divine attributes. He also makes himself an angel of light by presenting advocates of falsehood in the guise of apostles of truth (2 Cor 11:13,15; 1 John 4:1; Thessalonians 2:9; Revelation 12:9; 19:20). In the combination of passages here brought together, it is clearly indicated that Satan is the instigator and fomenter of that spirit of lawlessness which exhibits itself as hatred both of truth and right, and which has operated so widely and so disastrously in human life. 4. History of Satan: The history of Satan, including that phase of it which remains to be realized, can be set forth only along the most general lines. He belongs to the angelic order of beings. He is by nature one of the sons of [Elohim] ( Job 1:6). He has fallen, and by virtue of his personal forcefulness has become the leader of the anarchic forces of wickedness. As a free being he has merged his life in evil and has become altogether and hopelessly evil.

    As a being of high intelligence he has gained great power and has exercised a wide sway over other beings. As a created being the utmost range of his power lies within the compass of that which is permitted. It is, therefore, hedged in by the providential government of God and essentially limited.

    The Biblical emphasis upon the element of falsehood in the career of Satan might be taken to imply that his kingdom may be less in extent than appears. At any rate, it is confined to the cosmic sphere and to a limited portion of time. It is also doomed. In the closely related passages Peter 2:4 and Jude 1:6 it is affirmed that God cast the angels, when they sinned, down to Tartarus and committed them to pits of darkness, to be reserved unto judgment. This both refers to the constant divine control of these insurgent forces and also points to their final and utter destruction.

    The putting of Satan in bonds is evidently both constant and progressive.

    The essential limitation of the empire of evil and its ultimate overthrow are foreshadowed in the Book of Job (chapters 38 through 41), where Yahweh’s power extends even to the symbolized spirit of evil.

    According to synoptic tradition, our Lord in the crisis of temptation immediately following the baptism (Matthew 4 and parallel) met and for the time conquered Satan as His own personal adversary. This preliminary contest did not close the matter, but was the earnest of a complete victory.

    According to Luke (10:18), when the Seventy returned from their mission flushed with victory over the powers of evil, Jesus said: `I saw Satan fall (not “fallen”; see Plummer, “Luke,” ICC, in the place cited.) as lightning from heaven.’ In every triumph over the powers of evil Christ beheld in vision the downfall of Satan. In connection with the coming of the Hellenists who wished to see Him, Jesus asserted ( John 12:31), “Now is the judgment of this world: now shall the prince of this world be cast out.”

    In view of His approaching passion He says again ( John 14:30), “The prince of the world cometh: and he hath nothing in me.” Once again in connection with the promised advent of the Spirit, Jesus asserted ( John 16:11) that the Spirit would convict the world of judgment, “because the prince of this world hath been judged.” In Hebrews (2:14,15) it is said that Christ took upon Himself human nature in order “that through death he might bring to nought him that had the power of death, that is, the Devil.”

    In 1 John 3:8 it is said, “To this end was the Son of God manifested, that he might destroy the works of the Devil.” In Revelation 12:9 it is asserted, in connection with Christ’s ascension, that Satan was cast down to the earth and his angels with him. According to the passage immediately following (12:10-12), this casting down was not complete or final in the sense of extinguishing his activities altogether, but it involves the potential and certain triumph of God and His saints and the equally certain defeat of Satan. In 1 John 2:13 the young men are addressed as those who “have overcome the evil one.” In Revelation 20 the field of the future is covered in the assertion that Satan is “bound a thousand years”; then loosed “for a little time,” and then finally “cast into the lake of fire.”

    A comparison of these passages will convince the careful student that while we cannot construct a definite chronological program for the career of Satan, we are clear in the chief points. He is limited, judged, condemned, imprisoned, reserved for judgment from the beginning. The outcome is certain though the process may be tedious and slow. The victory of Christ is the defeat of Satan; first, for Himself as Leader and Saviour of men ( John 14:30); then, for believers ( Luke 22:31; Acts 26:18; Romans 16:20; James 4:7; 1 John 2:13; 5:4,18); and, finally, for the whole world ( Revelation 20:10). The work of Christ has already destroyed the empire of Satan.

    III. GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS.

    There are, no doubt, serious difficulties in the way of accepting the doctrine of a personal, superhuman, evil power as Satan is described to be.

    It is doubtful, however, whether these diffificulties may not be due, at least in part, to a misunderstanding of the doctrine and certain of its implications. In addition, it must be acknowledged, that whatever difficulties there may be in the teaching, they are exaggerated and, at the same time, not fairly met by the vague and irrational skepticism which denies without investigation. There are difficulties involved in any view of the world. To say the least, some problems are met by the view of a superhuman, evil world-power. In this section certain general considerations are urged with a view to lessening difficulties keenly felt by some minds. Necessarily, certain items gathered in the foregoing section are here emphasized again. 1. Scripture Doctrine of Satan Not Systematized: The Scriptural doctrine of Satan is nowhere systematically developed. For materials in this field we are shut up to scattered and incidental references.

    These passages, which even in the aggregate are not numerous, tell us what we need to know concerning the nature, history, kingdom and works of Satan, but offer scant satisfaction to the merely speculative temper. The comparative lack of development in this field is due partly to the fact that the Biblical writers are primarily interested in God, and only secondarily in the powers of darkness; and partly to the fact that in the Bible doctrine waits upon fact. Hence, the malign and sinister figure of the Adversary is gradually outlined against the light of God’s holiness as progressively revealed in the providential world-process which centers in Christ. It is a significant fact that the statements concerning Satan become numerous and definite only in the New Testament. The daylight of the Christian revelation was necessary in order to uncover the lurking foe, dimly disclosed but by no means fully known in the earlier revelation. The disclosure of Satan is, in form at least, historical, not dogmatic. 2. Satan and God: In the second place, the relationship of Satan to God, already emphasized, must be kept constantly in mind. The doctrine of Satan merges in the general doctrine concerning angels (see ANGELS). It has often been pointed out that the personal characteristics of angels are very little insisted upon. They are known chiefly by their functions: merged, on the one hand, in their own offices, and, on the other, in the activities of God Himself.

    In the Old Testament Satan is not represented as a fallen and malignant spirit, but as a servant of Yahweh, performing a divine function and having his place in the heavenly train. In the parallel accounts of David’s numbering of Israel ( 1 Samuel 24:1; 1 Chronicles 21:1) the tempting of David is attributed both to Yahweh and Satan. The reason for this is either that `the temptation of men is also a part of his providence,’ or that in the interval between the documents the personality of the tempter has more clearly emerged. In this case the account in Chronicles would nearly approximate the New Testament teaching. In the Book of Job (1:6), however, Satan is among the Sons of God and his assaults upon Job are divinely permitted. In Zechariah (3:1,2) Satan is also a servant of Yahweh.

    In both these passages there is the hint of opposition between Yahweh and Satan. In the former instance Satan assails unsuccessfully the character of one whom Yahweh honors; while in the latter Yahweh explicitly rebukes Satan for his attitude toward Israel (see G. A. Smith, BTP, II, 316 f). The unveiling of Satan as a rebellious world-power is reserved for the New Testament, and with this fuller teaching the symbolic treatment of temptation in Genesis is to be connected. There is a sound pedagogical reason, from the viewpoint of revelation, for this earlier withholding of the whole truth concerning Satan. In the early stages of religious thinking it would seem to be difficult, if not impossible, to hold the sovereignty of God without attributing to His agency those evils in the world which are more or less directly connected with judgment and punishment (compare Isaiah 45:7; Amos 3:6). The Old Testament sufficiently emphasizes man’s responsibility for his own evil deeds, but super-human evil is brought upon him from above. “When willful souls have to be misled, the spirit who does so, as in Ahab’s case, comes from above” (G. A. Smith, op. cit., 317).

    The progressive revelation of God’s character and purpose, which more and more imperatively demands that the origin of moral evil, and consequently natural evil, must be traced to the created will in opposition to the divine will, leads to the ultimate declaration that Satan is a morally fallen being to whose conquest the Divine Power in history is pledged.

    There is, also, the distinct possibility that in the significant transition from the Satan of the Old Testament to that of the New Testament we have the outlines of a biography and an indication of the way by which the angels fell. 3. Satan Essentially Limited: A third general consideration, based upon data given in the earlier section, should be urged in the same connection. In the New Testament delineation of Satan, his limitations are clearly set forth. He is superhuman, but not in any sense divine. His activities are cosmic, but not universal or transcendent. He is a created being. His power is definitely circumscribed.

    He is doomed to final destruction as a world-power. His entire career is that of a secondary and dependent being who is permitted a certain limited scope of power — a time-lease of activity ( Luke 4:6). 4. Conclusions: These three general considerations have been grouped in this way because they dispose of three objections which are current against the doctrine of Satan. (1) The first is, that it is mythological in origin. That it is not dogmatic is a priori evidence against this hypothesis. Mythology is primitive dogma. There is no evidence of a theodicy or philosophy of evil in the Biblical treatment of Satan. Moreover, while the Scriptural doctrine is unsystematic in form, it is rigidly limited in scope and everywhere essentially consistent. Even in the Apocalypse, where naturally more scope is allowed to the imagination, the same essential ideas appear.

    The doctrine of Satan corresponds, item for item, to the intellectual saneness and ethical earnestness of the Biblical world-view as a whole.

    It is, therefore, not mythological. The restraint of chastened imagination, not the extravagance of mythological fancy, is in evidence throughout the entire Biblical treatment of the subject. Even the use of terms current in mythology (as perhaps Genesis 3:1,13,14; Revelation 12:7-9; compare 1 Peter 5:8) does not imply more than a literary clothing of Satan in attributes commonly ascribed to malignant and disorderly forces. (2) The second objection is that the doctrine is due to the influence of Persian dualism (see PERSIAN RELIGION; ZOROASTRIANISM ). The answer to this is plain, on the basis of facts already adduced. The Biblical doctrine of Satan is not dualistic. Satan’s empire had a beginning, it will have a definite and permanent end. Satan is God’s great enemy in the cosmic sphere, but he is God’s creation, exists by divine will, and his power is relatively no more commensurate with God’s than that of men. Satan awaits his doom. Weiss says (concerning the New Testament representation of conflict between God and the powers of evil): “There lies in this no Manichaean dualism,.... but only the deepest experience of the work of redemption as the definite destruction of the power from which all sin in the world of men proceeds” (Biblical Theology New Testament, English tanslations of the Bible, II, 272; compare G.A. Smith, op. cit., II, 318). (3) The third objection is practically the same as the second, but addressed directly to the doctrine itself, apart from the question of its origin, namely, that it destroys the unity of God. The answer to this also is a simple negative. To some minds the reality of created wills is dualistic and therefore untenable. But a true doctrine of unity makes room for other wills than God’s — namely of those beings upon whom God has bestowed freedom. Herein stands the doctrine of sin and Satan. The doctrine of Satan no more militates against the unity of God than the idea, so necessary to morality and religion alike, of other created wills set in opposition to God’s. Just as the conception of Satan merges, in one direction, in the general doctrine of angels, so, in the other, it blends with the broad and difficult subject of evil (compare “Satan,” HDB, IV, 412a).

    LITERATURE.

    All standard works on Biblical Theology, as well as Dictionaries, etc., treat with more or less thoroughness the doctrine of Satan. The German theologians of the more evangelical type, such as Weiss, Lange, Martensen (Danish), Dorner, while exhibiting a tendency toward excessive speculation, discern the deeper aspects of the doctrine. Of monographs known to the writer none are to be recommended without qualification. It is a subject on which the Bible is its own best interpreter. Louis Matthews Sweet SATAN, DEPTHS OF ([ta< baqe>a tou~ Satana~, ta bathea tou Satana ]): Found in Revelation 2:24, and has reference to false teaching at Thyatira. It is a question (that perhaps may not be decided) whether tou Satana , “of Satan,” represents the claim of the false teachers, or is thrown in by the Lord. Did those false teachers claim to know “the depths” of Satan? Or was it that they claimed to know “the depths” of Deity, and the Lord said it was rather “the depths of Satan”? In either case the antithesis to “depths of Satan” is “depths of God,” as referred to in Romans 11:33; 1 Corinthians 2:10. E. J. Forrester SATAN, SYNAGOGUE OF The expression occurs neither in the Hebrew nor in the Greek of the Old Testament, nor in Apocrypha. Three passages in the Old Testament and one in Apocrypha suggest the idea conveyed in the expression. In Numbers 14:27,35, Yahweh expresses His wrath against “the evil congregation” Septuagint [sunagwgh< ponhra>, sunagoge ponera ]) which He threatens to consume in the wilderness. In Psalm 21 (22) :16, we find, “A company of evil doers (the Septuagint [sunagwgh< ponhreuome>nwn, sunagoge ponereuomenon ]) have enclosed me.” In Sirach 16:6, we read, “In the congregation of sinners (the Septuagint [sunagwgh< aJmartwlw~n, sunagoge hamartolon ]) shall a fire be kindled.”

    Only in the New Testament occurs the phrase “synagogue of Satan,” and here only twice ( Revelation 2:9; 3:9). Three observations are evident as to who constituted “the synagogue of Satan” in Smyrna and Philadelphia. (1) They claimed to be Jews, i.e. they were descendants of Abraham, and so laid claim to the blessings promised by Yahweh to him and his seed. (2) But they are not regarded by John as real Jews, i.e. they are not the genuine Israel of God (the same conclusion as Paul reached in Romans 2:28). (3) They are persecutors of the Christians in Smyrna. The Lord “knows their blasphemy,” their sharp denunciations of Christ and Christians.

    They claim to be the true people of God, but really they are “the synagogue of Satan.” The gen. [ Satana~, Satana ], is probably the possessive gen. These Jewish persecutors, instead of being God’s people, are the “assembly of Satan,” i.e. Satan’s people.

    In Polycarp, Mar. xvii.2 (circa 155 AD) the Jews of Smyrna were still persecutors of Christians and were conspicuous in demanding and planning the martyrdom of Polycarp the bishop of Smyrna, the same city in which the revelator calls persecuting Jews “the assembly of Satan.”

    In the 2nd century, in an inscription (CIJ, 3148) describing the classes of population in Smyrna, we find the expression [oiJ pote< jIoudai~oi, hoi pote Ioudaioi ], which Mommsen thinks means “Jews who had abandoned their religion,” but which Ramsay says “probably means those who formerly were the nation of the Jews, but have lost the legal standing of a separate people.”

    LITERATURE.

    Ramsay, The Seven Churches of Asia, chapter xii; Swete, The Apocalypse of John, 31, 32; Polycarp, Mar. xiii ff.17,2; Mommsen, Historische Zeitschrift, XXXVII, 417. Charles B. Williams SATCHEL <sach’-el > . See BAG.

    SATHRABUZANES <sath-ra-bu’-za-nez > , <sath-ra-bu-za’-nez > ([ Saqrabouza>nhv, Sathrabouzanes ]): In 1 Esdras 6:3,7,27 = “Shethar-bozenai” in Ezra 5:3,6; 6:6,13.

    SATISFACTION <sat-is-fak’-shun > : Occurs twice in the King James Version ( Numbers 35:31,32) as a rendering of the Hebrew kopher (the Revised Version (British and American) “ransom”). It means a price paid as compensation for a life, and the passage cited is a prohibition against accepting such, in case of murder, or for the return of the manslayer. Such compensation was permitted in ancient justice among many peoples. Compare [poinh>, poine ], which Liddell and Scott define as “properly quit-money for blood spilt, the fine paid by the slayer to the kinsman of the slain, as a ransom from all consequences.” The same custom prevailed among Teutonic peoples, as seen in the German Wergeld and Old English wergild. The Hebrew lairs of the Old Testament permit it only in the case of a man or woman gored to death by an ox ( Exodus 21:30-32). Benjamin Reno Downer SATRAPS <sa’-traps > , <sat’-raps > ([ µyniP]r]D”v]j”a\ , ‘achashdarpenim ], Ezra 8:36; Est 3:12; 8:9; 9:3, the King James Version “lieutenants”; Daniel 3:2,3,27; 6:1 ff, the King James Version “princes”): The viceroys or vassal rulers to whom was entrusted the government of the provinces in the Persian empire. The word answers to the Old Persian khshathrapavan, “protectors of the realm.”

    SATYR <sat’-er > , <sa’-ter > ([ ry[ic; , sa`ir ], literally “he-goat”; [ r[ic; , sa`ir ], “hairy” ( Genesis 27:11, of Esau), and Arabic sha’r , “hair”; plural [ µyriyic] , se`irim ]): For se`irim in Leviticus 17:7 and 2 Chronicles 11:15, the King James Version has “devils,” the Revised Version (British and American) “he-goats,” the English Revised Version margin “satyrs,” the Septuagint has [toi~v matai>oiv, tois mataiois ], “vain things.” For se`irim in Isaiah 13:21, the King James Version and the English Revised Version have “satyrs,” the English Revised Version margin “he-goats,” the American Standard Revised Version “wild goats,” Septuagint [daimo>nia, daimonia ], “demons.” For sa`ir in Isaiah 34:14, the King James Version and the English Revised Version have “satyr,” the English Revised Version margin “he-goat,” the American Standard Revised Version “wild goat.” Septuagint has [e[terov proheteros pros ton heteron ], “one to another,” referring to daimonia, which here stands for ciyim , “wild beasts of the desert.”

    The text of the American Standard Revised Version in these passages is as follows: Leviticus 17:7, “And they shall no more sacrifice their sacrifices unto the he-goats, after which they play the harlot”; Chronicles 11:15, “And he (Jeroboam) appointed him priests for the high places, and for the he-goats, and for the calves which he had made”; Isaiah 13:21 f (of Babylon), “But wild beasts of the desert (tsiyim ) shall lie there; and their houses shall be full of doleful creatures (‘ochim ); and ostriches (benoth ya`anah ) shall dwell there, and wild goats (se`irim ) shall dance there And wolves (‘iyim ) shall cry in their castles, and jackals (tannim ) in the pleasant palaces”; Isaiah 34:11,13,14,15 (of Edom), “But the pelican (qa’ath ) and the porcupine (kippodh ) shall possess it; and the owl (yanshoph ) and the raven (`orebh ) shall dwell therein: .... and it shall be a habitation of jackals (tannim ), a court for ostriches (benoth ya`anah ). And the wild beasts of the desert (tsiyim ) shall meet with the wolves (‘iyim ), and the wild goat (sa`ir ) shall cry to his fellow; yea, the night monster (lilith ) shall settle there ..... There shall the dart-snake (qippoz ) make her nest .... there shall the kites (dayyoth ) be gathered, every one with her mate.”

    The question is whether sa`ir and se`irim in these passages stand for real or for fabulous animals. In Leviticus 17:7 and 2 Chronicles 11:15, it is clear that they are objects of worship, but that still leaves open the question of their nature, though it may to many minds make “devils” or “demons” or “satyrs” seem preferable to “he-goats.” In Isaiah 13:20 we read, “neither shall the Arabian pitch tent there; neither shall shepherds make their flocks to lie down there.” This may very likely have influenced the American Committee of Revisers to use “wild goat” in Isaiah 13:21 and 34:14 instead of the “he-goat” of the other passages. In the American Standard Revised Version, no fabulous creatures (except perhaps “nightmonster”) are mentioned here, but the Septuagint employs daimonia , “demons” in Isaiah 13:21 for se`irim and in 34:14 for tsiyim; [ojnoke>ntauroi, onokentauroi ], from [o]nov, onos ], “ass,” and [ke>ntaurov, kentauros ], “centaur,” in Isaiah 13:22 and 34:14 for ‘iyim , and again in 34:14 for lilith ; [seirh~nev, seirenes ], “sirens,” in Isaiah 13:21 for benoth ya`anah , and in 34:13 for tannim . We must bear in mind the uncertainty regarding the identity of tsiyim , ‘iyim , ‘ochim and tannim , as well as of some of the other names, and we must recall the tales that are hung about the name lilith (the King James Version “screech owl,” the King James Version margin and the Revised Version (British and American) “night-monster,” the Revised Version margin “Lilith”). While sa`ir is almost alone among these words in having ordinarily a wellunderstood meaning, i.e. “he-goat,” there is good reason for considering that here it is used in an exceptional sense. The translation “satyr” has certainly much to be said for it. See GOAT; JACKAL.

    Alfred Ely Day SAUL <sol > ([ lWav; , sha’ul ]; [ Saou>l, Saoul ]): (1) The first king of Israel.

    I. EARLY HISTORY. 1. Name and Meaning: The name Saul is usually regarded as simply the passive participle of the verb “to ask,” and so meaning “asked” (compare 1 Samuel 8:4 ff), but the gentilic adjective sha’uli ( Numbers 26:13) would point to its having also an intensive connotation, “the one asked importunately,” or perhaps, “the one asking insistently,” “the beggar.” 2. Genealogy: Saul was the son of Kish, a Benjamite. His genealogical tree is given in 1 Samuel 9:1 (compare Septuagint 10:21). In 1 Samuel 9:1 his grandfather is Abiel, but in 1 Chronicles 8:33; 9:39, Ner, who appears as his paternal uncle in 1 Samuel 14:50,51.

    The last verse contains a very curious scribal error, a yodh having slipped out of one word in it into another. It states that both Abner and Ner were sons of Abiel. These apparent inconsistencies are to be explained by the fact that in Hebrew, as in Arabic, “son” is often used in the sense of grandson. Also, with the facility of divorce then prevalent, by “brother” and “sister” we must in most cases understand half-brother and half-sister.

    Moreover, Saul’s mother might have been the wife at different times of Kish and of his brother Ner (compare 1 Samuel 20:30). This was quite common, and in some cases compulsory ( Deuteronomy 25:5-9). 3. Home and Station: Saul’s home was at GIBEAH (which see), which is also called Gibeah of Saul, i.e. Saul’s Hill ( 1 Samuel 11:4; compare also 10:5, God’s Hill, or simply The Hill, 10:10; Hosea 5:8, etc.), or the Hill of Benjamin or of the Benjamites ( 1 Samuel 13:15; 2 Samuel 23:29). It is usually identified with Tell el-Ful, but perhaps its site is marked rather by some ruins near but beneath that eminence. The tribe of Benjamin was the fighting tribe of Israel, and Kish seems to have been one of its most important members. Saul’s remarks in depreciation ( 1 Samuel 9:21) are not to be taken literally. 4. Sources for Life: The circumstances of Saul’s career are too well known to require recapitulation. It will be sufficient to refer to some of the recognized difficulties of the narrative. These difficulties arise from the fact that we appear to have two distinct biographies of Saul in the present Books of Samuel. This may well be the case as it is the practice of the Semitic historian to set down more than one tradition of each event, without attempting to work these up into one consistent account. We shall call the duplicated narratives A and B, without postulating that either is a continuous whole. See SAMUEL, BOOKS OF. 5. Election as King: According to A, Saul was anointed king of Israel at Ramah by the prophet Samuel acting upon an inspiration from Yahweh, not only without consulting anyone, but in the strictest secrecy ( 1 Samuel 9:1 through 10:16). According to B, the sheiks of the tribes demanded a king. Samuel in vain tried to dissuade them. They would not listen, and a king was chosen by lot at Mizpah. The lot fell upon Saul, and Samuel immediately demitted office (1 Samuel 8; 10:17-27, omitting the last clause; and chapter 12). 6. Reasons for It: There are three distinct reasons given in the text for the abolition of theocracy and institution of an elective or hereditary monarchy: first, the incapacity of Samuel’s sons ( 1 Samuel 8:1 ff); second, an invasion of the Ammonites ( 1 Samuel 12:12); and third, the Philistines ( Samuel 9:16). These three motives are not mutually exclusive. The Philistines formed the standing menace to the national existence, which would have necessitated the creation of a monarchy sooner or later. The other two were temporary circumstances, one of which aggravated the situation, while the other showed the hopelessness of expecting any improvement in it in the near future.

    II. REIGN AND FALL. 1. His First Action: The election of Saul at Mizpah was conducted in the presence of the chieftains of the clans; it is not to be supposed that the whole nation was present. As soon as it was over, the electors went home, and Saul also returned to his father’s farm and, like Cincinnatus, once more followed the plow. “Within about a month,” however ( 1 Samuel 10:27 the Septuagint, for Massoretic Text “But he held his peace”), the summons came. A message from the citizens of JABESH-GILEAD (which see) was sent round the tribes appealing for help against the Ammonites under Nahash. They, of course, knew nothing about what had taken place at Mizpah, and it was only by chance that their messengers arrived at Gibeah when they did. Saul rose to the occasion, and immediately after he was acclaimed king by the whole body of the people (1 Samuel 11). This double election, first by the chiefs and then by the people, is quite a regular proceeding. 2. Army Reorganized: This first success encouraged Saul to enter upon what was to be the mission of his life, namely, the throwing off of the Philistine suzerainty.

    From the first he had had the boldest spirits upon his side ( 1 Samuel 10:26, the Septuagint, the Revised Version margin); he was now able to form a standing army of 3,000 men, under the command of himself and his son JONATHAN (which see). The Philistines, the last remnant of the Minoan race, had the advantage of the possession of iron weapons. It was, in fact, they who introduced iron into Palestine from Crete — the Israelites knowing only bronze, and having even been deprived of weapons of the softer metals. They seem to have armed themselves — with the exception of the king and his son — with mattocks and plowshares ( 1 Samuel 13:19 ff). 3. Battle of Michmash: The first encounter was the attack upon the Philistine post at Michmash (1 Samuel 13; 14). The text of the narrative is uncertain, but the following outline is clear. On hearing that the Hebrews had revolted ( 1 Samuel 13:3, the Septuagint), the Philistines gathered in great force, including 3,000 chariots ( 1 Samuel 13:5, the Septuagint; the Massoretic Text has 30,000) at Michmash. In dismay, Saul’s troops deserted ( 1 Samuel 13:6 f), until he was left with only 600 ( 1 Samuel 14:2). In spite of this, Jonathan precipitated hostilities by a reckless attack upon one of the outposts. This was so successful that the whole Philistine army was seized with panic, and the onset of Saul and the desertion of their Hebrew slaves completed their discomfiture. Saul followed up his victory by making predatory excursions on every side ( 1 Samuel 14:47). 4. Defeats the Amalekites: Saul’s next expedition was against the Amalekites under Agag, who were likewise completely defeated. The fight was carried out with all the remorselessness common to tribal warfare. Warning was sent to the friendly Kenites to withdraw out of danger; then the hostile tribe was slaughtered to a man, their chief alone being spared for the time being.

    Even the women and children were not taken as slaves, but were all killed (1 Samuel 15). 5. Deposition Pronounced: It is not clear what was the precise attitude of Samuel toward Saul. As the undoubted head of theocracy he naturally objected to his powers being curtailed by the loss of the civil power ( 1 Samuel 8:6). Even after the elections of Saul, Samuel claimed to be the ecclesiastical head of the state.

    He seems to have objected to Saul’s offering the sacrifice before battle ( 1 Samuel 13:10 ff), and to have considered him merely as his lieutenant ( 1 Samuel 15:3) who could be dismissed for disobedience ( 1 Samuel 15:14 ff). Here again there seem to be two distinct accounts in the traditional text, which we may again call A and B. In A, Saul is rejected because he does not wait long enough for Samuel at Gilgal ( 1 Samuel 13:8; compare 10:8). “Seven days,” of course, means eight, or even more, in short, until Samuel should come, whenever that might be. The expression might almost be omitted in translating. In B Saul is rejected because he did not carry out Samuel’s orders ( 1 Samuel 15:3) to the letter. The two narratives are not mutually exclusive. The second offense was an aggravation of the first, and after it Samuel did not see Saul again ( 1 Samuel 15:35). 6. David Introduced to Saul: He had good reason for not doing so. He had anointed a rival head of the state in opposition to Saul, an act of treason which, if discovered, would have cost him his head (compare 2 Kings 9:6,10). Saul did not at once accept his deposition, but he lost heart. One cannot but admire him, deserted by Samuel, and convinced that he was playing a losing game, and yet continuing in office. To drive away his melancholy, his servants introduced to him a musician who played until his spirits revived ( Samuel 16:14 ff; compare 2 Kings 3:15). 7. Two Accounts: By a strange coincidence (compare I, 5, above) the minstrel was the very person whom Samuel had secretly anointed to supplant Saul. According to what looks like another account, however, it was his encounter with Goliath which led to the introduction of David to Saul ( 1 Samuel 17:1 ff; see DAVID ). In spite of all that has been said to the contrary, the two narratives are not incompatible, since we are not told the order of the events nor over how many years these events were spread. The theory of duplicate narratives rests upon the assumption that all statements made by the dramatis personae in the Bible are to be taken at their face value. If Samuel 16 and 17 had formed part of a play of Shakespeare, they would have been considered a fine example of his genius. Treatises would have been written to explain why Saul did not recognize David, and why Abner denied all knowledge of him. Septuagint, however, omits 1 Samuel 17:12-31,41,50,55 through 18:5. 8. Saul’s Envy of David: Whether Saul actually discovered that David had been anointed by Samuel or not, he soon saw in him his rival and inevitable successor, and he would hardly have been human if he had not felt envious of him. His dislike of David had two motives. The first was jealousy, because the women preferred the military genius of David to his own ( 1 Samuel 18:7 f). His consequent attempt upon the life of David ( 1 Samuel 18:8-11) is omitted in the Septuagint. Not least was the love of his own daughter for David ( 1 Samuel 18:20; in 18:28 read with Septuagint “all Israel”). The second cause was his natural objection to see his son Jonathan supplanted in his rights to the throne, an objection which was aggravated by the devotion of that son to his own rival ( 1 Samuel 20:30). See also DAVID; JONATHAN. 9. Attempts to Get Rid of David: Saul could not believe that David could remain loyal to him ( 1 Samuel 24:9); at the first favorable opportunity he would turn upon him, hurl him from the throne, and exterminate his whole house. In these circumstances, it was his first interest to get rid of him. His first attempt to do so (omitting with Septuagint 1 Samuel 18:8b-11) was to encourage him to make raids on the Philistines in the hope that these might kill him ( 1 Samuel 18:21 ff); his next, assassination by one of his servants ( 1 Samuel 19:1), and then by his own hand ( 1 Samuel 19:9 f). When David was compelled to fly, the quarrel turned to civil war. The superstitious fear of hurting the chosen of Yahweh had given place to blind rage. Those who sheltered the fugitive, even priests, were slaughtered ( 1 Samuel 22:17 ff). From one spot to another David was hunted, as he says, like a partridge ( 1 Samuel 26:20). 10. David Spares Saul: It is generally maintained that here also we have duplicate accounts; for example, that there are two accounts of David taking refuge with Achish, king of Gath, and two of his sparing Saul’s life. The latter are contained in 1 Samuel 24 and 26, but the points of resemblance are slight. Three thousand (24:2; 26:2) was the number of Saul’s picked men (compare 13:2). David uses the simile of “a flea” in 24:14, but in 26:20 for “a flea” Septuagint has “my soul,” which is no doubt original. The few other expressions would occur naturally in any narrative with the same contents. 11. Saul’s Divided Energies: Obviously Saul’s divided energies could not hold out long; he could not put down the imaginary rebellion within, and at the same time keep at bay the foreign foe. No sooner had he got the fugitive within his grasp than he was called away by an inroad of the Philistines ( 1 Samuel 23:27 f); but after his life had been twice spared, he seemed to realize at last that the latter were the real enemy, and he threw his whole strength into one desperate effort for existence. 12. Consults a Necromancer: Saul himself saw that his case was desperate, and that in fact the game was up. As a forlorn hope he determined to seek occult advice. He could no longer use the official means of divination ( 1 Samuel 28:6), and was obliged to have recourse to a necromancer, one of a class whom he himself had taken means to suppress ( 1 Samuel 28:3). The result of the seance confirmed his worst fears and filled his soul with despair ( 1 Samuel 28:7 ff). 13. Battle of Gilboa: It says much for Saul that, hopeless as he was, he engaged in one last forlorn struggle with the enemy. The Philistines had gathered in great force at Shunem. Saul drew up his army on the opposing hill of Gilboa. Between the two forces lay a valley (compare 1 Samuel 14:4). The result was what had been foreseen. The Israelites, no doubt greatly reduced in numbers (contrast 1 Samuel 11:8), were completely defeated, and Saul and his sons slain. Their armor was placed in the temple of Ashtaroth, and their bodies hung on the wall of Bethshan, but Saul’s head was set in the temple of Dagon ( 1 Chronicles 10:10). The citizens of Jabesh-gilead, out of ancient gratitude, rescued the bodies and, in un-Semitic wise, burned them and buried the bones. 14. Double Accounts: Once more we have, according to most present-day critics, duplicate accounts of the death of Saul. According to one, which we may name A, he fell, like Ajax whom he much resembles, upon his own sword, after being desperately wounded by the archers ( 1 Samuel 31:4). According to the second ( 2 Samuel 1:2 ff), an Amalekite, who had been by accident a witness of the battle, dispatched Saul at his own request to save him from the enemy. But B is simply the continuation of A, and tells us how David received the news of the battle. The Amalekite’s story is, of course, a fabrication with a view to a reward. Similar claims for the reward of assassination are common ( 2 Samuel 4:9 ff). 15. Saul’s Posterity: With Saul the first Israelite dynasty began and ended. The names of his sons are given in 1 Samuel 14:49 as Jonathan, Ishvi and Malchishua.

    Ishvi or Ishyo (Septuagint) is Eshbaal, called in 2 Samuel 2:8 ISHBOSHETH (which see). 1 Chronicles 8:33 adds Abinadab. Jonathan left a long line of descendants famous, like himself, as archers ( Chronicles 8:34 ff). The rest of Saul’s posterity apparently died out.

    Malchishua and Abinadab were slain at Gilboa ( 1 Samuel 31:6; Chronicles 10:2), and Ish-bosheth was assassinated shortly after ( Samuel 4:2 ff). Saul had also two natural sons by Rizpah who were put to death by David in accordance with a superstitious custom, as also were the five sons of Saul’s daughter Merab ( 2 Samuel 21:8, not Michal; compare 1 Samuel 18:19). Saurs other daughter Michal apparently had no children. Saul had, it seems, other wives, who were taken into the harem of David in accordance with the practice of the times ( 2 Samuel 12:8), but of them and their descendants we know nothing.

    III. CHARACTER. 1. Book of Chronicles: Saul’s life and character are disposed of in a somewhat summary fashion by the Chronicler (1 Chronicles 10, especially 10:13,14). Saul was rejected because he was disloyal to Yahweh, especially in consulting a necromancer. The major premise of this conclusion, however, is the ancient dictum, “Misfortune presupposes sin.” From a wider point of view, Saul cannot be dismissed in so cavalier a manner. 2. Saul’s Failings: Like everyone else, Saul had his virtues and his failings. His chief weakness seems to have been want of decision of character. He was easily swayed by events and by people. The praises of David ( 1 Samuel 18:7 f) at once set his jealousy on fire. His persecution of David was largely due to the instigation of mischievous courtiers ( 1 Samuel 24:9). Upon remonstrance his repentance was as deep as it was short-lived ( Samuel 24:16; 26:21). His impulsiveness was such that he did not know where to stop. His interdict ( 1 Samuel 14:24 ff) was quite as uncalled for as his religious zeal ( 1 Samuel 15:9) was out of place. He was always at one extreme. His hatred of David was only equal to his affection for him at first ( 1 Samuel 18:2). His pusillanimity led him to commit crimes which his own judgment would have forbidden ( 1 Samuel 22:17). Like most beaten persons, he became suspicious of everyone ( Samuel 22:7 f), and, like those who are easily led, he soon found his evil genius ( 1 Samuel 22:9,18,22). Saul’s inability to act alone appears from the fact that he never engaged in single combat, so far as we know. Before he could act at all his fury or his pity had to be roused to boiling-point ( 1 Samuel 11:6). His mind was peculiarly subject to external influences, so that he was now respectable man of the world, now a prophet ( Samuel 10:11; 19:24). 3. His Virtues: On the other hand, Saul possessed many high qualities. His dread of office ( 1 Samuel 10:22) was only equaled by the coolness with which he accepted it ( 1 Samuel 11:5). To the first call to action he responded with promptitude ( 1 Samuel 11:6 ff). His timely aid excited the lasting gratitude of the citizens of Jabesh-gilead ( 1 Samuel 31:11 ff) If we remember that Saul was openly disowned by Samuel ( 1 Samuel 15:30), and believed himself cast off by Yahweh, we cannot but admire the way in which he fought on to the last. Moreover, the fact that he retained not only his own sons, but a sufficient body of fighting men to engage a large army of Philistines, shows that there must have been something in him to excite confidence and loyalty. 4. David’s Elegy: There is, however, no question as to the honorable and noble qualities of Saul. The chief were his prowess in war and his generosity in peace. They have been set down by the man who knew him best in what are among the most authentic verses in the Bible ( 2 Samuel 1:19 ff). (2) Saul of Tarsus. See PAUL.

    Thomas Hunter Weir SAVARAN <sav’-a-ran > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) AVARAN (which see).

    SAVE <sav > : In the sense “except,” the word came into English through the French (sauf) and is fairly common (38 times, in addition to “saving,” the King James Version Ecclesiastes 5:11; Amos 9:8; Matthew 5:32; Luke 4:27; Revelation 2:17). It represents no particular Hebrew or Greek terms but is employed wherever it seems useful. It is still in good (slightly archaic) use, and the Revised Version (British and American) has few modifications ( Deuteronomy 15:4 the King James Version; Psalm 18:31b, etc.), but the English Revised Version has dropped “saving” in Luke 4:27 and Revelation 2:17 and the American Standard Revised Version also in Ecclesiastes 5:11; Amos 9:8, retaining it only in Matthew 5:32.

    SAVIAS <sa-vi’-as > ([ Saoui>`a, Saouia ]): In 1 Esdras 8:2, for Uzzi, an ancestor of Ezra, in Ezra 7:4.

    SAVIOUR <sav’-yer > : (1) While that “God is the deliverer of his people” is the concept on which, virtually, the whole Old Testament is based (see SALVATION), yet the Hebrews seem never to have felt the need of a title for God that would sum up this aspect of His relation to man. Nearest to our word “Saviour” is a participial form ([ [“yviwOm , moshia` ]) from the verb [ [v”y; , yasha` ] (Qal not used; “save” in Hiphil), but even this participle is not frequently applied to God (some 13 times of which are in Isaiah 43 through 63). (2) In the New Testament, however, the case is different, and [ Swth>r, Soter ], is used in as technical a way as is our “Saviour.” But the distribution of the 24 occurrences of the word is significant, for twothirds of them are found in the later books of the New Testament — in the Pastorals, 5 in 2 Peter, and one each in John, 1 John, and Jude — while the other instances are Luke 1:47; 2:11; Acts 5:31; 13:23; Ephesians 5:23; Philippians 3:20. And there are no occurrences in Matthew, Mark, or the earlier Pauline Epistles. The data are clear enough. As might be expected, the fact that the Old Testament used no technical word for Saviour meant that neither did the earliest Christianity use any such word. Doubtless for our Lord “Messiah” was felt to convey the meaning. But in Greek-speaking Christianity, “Christ,” the translation of Messiah, soon became treated as a proper name, and a new word was needed. (3) Soter expressed the exact meaning and had already been set apart in the language of the day as a religious term, having become one of the most popular divine titles in use. Indeed, it was felt to be a most inappropriate word to apply to a human being. Cicero, for instance, arraigns Verres for using it: “Soter .... How much does this imply? So much that it cannot be expressed in one word in Latin” (Verr. ii.2, 63, 154). So the adoption of Soter by Christianity was most natural, the word seemed ready-made. (4) That the New Testament writers derived the word from its contemporary use is shown, besides, by its occurrence in combination with such terms as “manifestation” (epiphaneia , 2 Timothy 1:10; Titus 2:13), “love toward man” (philanthropia , Titus 3:4), “captain” (archegos , Acts 5:31; compare Hebrews 2:10), etc.

    These terms are found in the Greek sources many times in exactly the same combinations with Sorer . (5) In the New Testament Soter is uniformly reserved for Christ, except in Luke 1:47; Jude 1:25, and the Pastorals. In 1 Timothy (1:1; 2:3; 4:10) it is applied only to the Father, in 2 Timothy (1:10, only) it is applied to Christ, while in Titus there seems to be a deliberate alternation: of the Father in 1:3; 2:10; 3:4; of Christ in 1:4; 2:13; 3:6.

    LITERATURE.

    P. Wendland, “[ Swth>r, Soter ]” Zeitschrift fur neutestamentliche Wissenschaft, V, 335-353, 1904; J. Weiss, “Heiland,” in RGG, II, 1910; H.

    Lietzmann, Der Weltheiland, 1909. Much detailed information is available in various parts of Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, 1910. Burton Scott Easton SAVOR <sa’-ver > ([ j”yre , reach ]; [ojsmh>, osme ]; (1) The primary meaning of the word is “taste,” “flavor” (from Latin sapor, “taste”). So in Matthew 5:13; Luke 14:34, “if the salt have lost its savor” ([mwranqh~|, moranthe ], “become tasteless,” “insipid,” so as to lose its characteristic preserving virtue). (2) But generally it has the meaning of “smell,” “odor”: (a) once of evil odor: “Its stench shall come up, and its ill savor shall come up” ( Joel 2:20); (b) elsewhere in the sense of pleasant smell. In the Old Testament, with the exception of Exodus 5:21 and the King James Version Song 1:3 (the Revised Version (British and American) “fragrance”), it is always accompanied by the adjective “sweet.” It stands for the smell of sacrifices and oblations, in agreement with the ancient anthropomorphic idea that God smells and is pleased with the fragrance of sacrifices (e.g. “Yahweh smelled the sweet savor,” Genesis 8:21; “to make a sweet savor unto Yahweh,” Numbers 15:3; and frequently). In the New Testament, “savor” in the sense of smell is used metaphorically: (a) once the metaphor is borrowed from the incense which attends the victor’s triumphal procession; God is said to make manifest through His apostles “the savor of his knowledge in every place” as He “leadeth” them “in triumph in Christ” (2 Cor 2:14; see TRIUMPH. (b) Elsewhere the metaphor is borrowed from the fragrant smell of the sacrifices. The apostles “are a sweet savor of Christ unto God” (2 Cor 2:15), i.e. they are, as it were, a sweet odor for God to smell, an odor which is pleasing to God, even though its effect upon men varies (to some it is a “savor from death unto death,” i.e. such as is emitted by death and itself causes death; to others it is “a savor from life unto life,” 2 Corinthians 2:16). By the same sacrificial metaphor, Christ’s offering of Himself to God is said to be “for a sweet smelling savor” ( Ephesians 5:2 the King James Version, the Revised Version (British and American) “for an odor of a sweet smell”; the same phrase is used in Philippians 4:18 of acts of kindness to Paul, which were “a sacrifice acceptable, well-pleasing to God”). (3) Once it is used in the figurative sense of reputation: “Ye have made our savor to be abhorred (literally, “our smell to stink”) in the eyes of Pharaoh” ( Exodus 5:21). Compare the English phrase, “to be in bad odor.”

    The verb “to savor” means: (1) intransitively, to taste or smell of, to partake of the quality of something, as in the Preface of the King James Version, “to savour more of curiosity than wisdome,” or (2) transitively, to perceive by the taste or smell, to discern: “thou savourest not the things that be of God” (the King James Version Matthew 16:23; Mark 8:33, the Revised Version (British and American) “mindest”; [fronei~v, phroneis ]; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) sapis). The adjective “savory” occurs only in Genesis 27:4,7,9,14,17,31 (“savory food”) and the Revised Version (British and American) Isaiah 30:24 (margin “salted”). D. Miall Edwards SAW <so > . See TOOLS.

    SAWING ASUNDER <so’-ing > <a-sun’-der > . See PUNISHMENTS.

    SAYEST <sa’-est > : “Thou sayest” ( Matthew 27:11; Mark 15:2; Luke 22:70, “Ye say”; John 18:37), i.e. rightly; “Thou hast said” ( Matthew 26:25,64), = “Yes”; a rabbinical idiom never found in the Old Testament. Mark (14:62) renders by “I am.” All these passages WHm punctuate interrogatively (compare Kethubhoth , f. 103 b).

    SAYINGS, DARK <sa’-ingz > . See DARK SAYINGS.

    SAYINGS, FAITHFUL See FAITHFUL SAYINGS.

    SAYINGS OF JESUS See LOGIA.

    SAYINGS, UNWRITTEN <un-rit’-’-n > . See AGRAPHA.

    SCAB, SCABBED <skab > , <skab’-ed > , <skabd > ([ tp,L,y” , yallepheth ], [ tj”P”s]mi , micpachath ], [ tj”P”s” , cappachath ], verb [ jP”c , sippach ]; [shmasi>a, semasia ], [leich>n, leichen ]): These are generic terms for any skin disease in which there are patches of hard crusts on the surface. The commonest of these are the forms now named eczema, herpes and, perhaps, psoriasis, all of which are common in Bible lands. Milder cases in which the disease was localized and in small patches (the semasia of the Septuagint) did not render the bearer unclean, and they were to be distinguished by the priest ( Leviticus 13:2,6) from the more virulent and spreading eruptions which ( Leviticus 13:7) were regarded as causes of ceremonial uncleanness. These severer forms are the leichen of Septuagint mentioned in Leviticus 21:20, which disqualified any son of Aaron from serving as a priest, and when affecting an animal rendered it unfit to be offered as a burnt offering ( Leviticus 22:22). Hippocrates speaks of these cases as obstinate and persistent, and Galen believed that they might degenerate into leprosy; hence, the terms in which Aeschylus speaks of it (Choephori 281). Celsus, however, recognized that leichen was a papular eruption, not a true scab. The name yallepheth seems to have been given to it on account of the firmness of attachment of the scabs, while the term micpachath refers to its tendency to spread and cover the surface. A cognate word in Ezekiel 13:18 is the name of a large Tallith or prayer veil used by the false prophetesses in Israel (translated “kerchief”). Scabs were especially disfiguring on the head, and this infliction was threatened as a punishment on the daughters of Zion for their wanton haughtiness ( Isaiah 3:17). In Middle English, “scab” is used for itch or mange, and as a term of opprobrium, as in Greene, Bacon and Bungay, 35, 1591. Alexander Macalister SCABBARD, SHEATH <skab’-ard > , <sheth > . See ARMOR, III, 5; WAR, 9.

    SCAFFOLD <skaf’-old > ([ rwOYKi , kiyyor ]): The English word is used once of Solomon’s “brazen scaffold” on which he knelt at the dedication of the temple ( Chronicles 6:13).

    SCALE <skal > . See SIEGE 4, (e); WEIGHTS ANY MEASURES.

    SCALES <skalz > (1) [ tc,q,c]q” , qasqeseth ] “fish-scales”; (2) [ hN;gim] , meghinnah ], [ ˆgem; , maghen ], “scales of the crocodile”; (3) [lepi>v, lepis ], with verb [lepi>zw, lepizo ] “scale away” (Tobit 3:17; 11:13)): (1) The first Hebrew word [qasqeseth] means the imbricated scales of fish, which together with the dorsal fin were a distinguishing mark of all fish allowed as food to the Israelite ( Leviticus 11:9 ff; Deuteronomy 14:9 f). In the figurative sense the word is used of a coat of mail ( 1 Samuel 17:5,38). (2) Meghinnah from maghen , literally, “a buckler” or “small shield” ( 2 Chronicles 23:9; Jeremiah 46:3), is used in the description of the crocodile (see LEVIATHAN ) for the horny scales or scutes imbedded in the skin, not imbricated upon it ( Job 41:15 (Hebrew verse 7)). (3) The Greek lepis , which in classical language has a much wider range of meaning than the above Hebrew words (“rind,” “husk,” “shell,” “fish-scale,” “scale of snake,” “flake of metal and of snow,” etc.), is found in the New Testament description of Paul’s recovery from temporary blindness, “And straightway there fell from his eyes as it were scales, and he received his sight” ( Acts 9:18). There is nothing in the words of the sacred text which compels us to think of literal scales. (In Tobit, however, a literal flaking-off of foreign substance is meant.) We have here rather a description of the sensation which terminated the three days’ period of blindness which the apostle suffered after his meeting with the risen Lord on the road to Damascus.

    The apostle himself does not use this expression in his own graphic description of the same experience: “In that very hour I looked upon him” ( Acts 22:13). The phrase has, however, come into English, for we speak of “scales falling from one’s eyes” when we mean a sudden illumination or remembrance or a dissipation of harassing doubt.

    In Isaiah 40:12; the Revised Version (British and American) Proverbs 16:11 for [ sl,P, , peles ], in the sense of “instrument for weighing.” See BALANCE.

    H. L. E. Luering SCALL <skol > ([ qt,n, , netheq ]; [qrau>sma, thrausma ]): This only occurs in Leviticus 13 and 14 where it is used 14 times to describe bald or scaly patches of eruption on the skin. Such patches are generally the result of the action of parasitic organisms. The common form known now as scalled head is produced by a microscopic plant, Achorion schoenleinii . In Old and Middle English, scall was used for scabbiness of the head (Chaucer and Spenser). See also Skeat, Concise Etymol. Dict. of English Language.

    SCAPE-GOAT <skap’-got > . See AZAZEL.

    SCARLET <skar’-let > . See COLORS; DYEING.

    SCARLET (WORM) ([ yniv; t[“l”wOT, tola`ath shani ] ( Exodus 25:4, etc.)): Cermes vermilio, a scale insect from which a red dye is obtained. See COLOR; DYEING; WORM.

    SCATTERED ABROAD <skat’-erd > <a-brod’ > . See DISPERSION.

    SCENT <sent > : (1) In Hosea 14:7, “The scent (margin “his memorial”) thereof shall be as the wine of Lebanon.” “Scent” is used for [ rk,z, , zekher ] (so Massoretic Text, but the pointing is uncertain), properly “memorial,” whence the Revised Version margin. The English translation comes through the Septuagint which took zkr as “offering of sweet savor,” and so “sweet savor.” For the “wine of Lebanon” see WINE. If this translation is not right, the alternative is “memorial” in the sense of “renown.” (2) Job 14:9; Jeremiah 48:11 for [ j”yre , reach ], “odor.” “Scent” of the water in Job 14:9 is poetic for “contact with.” (3) The Wisdom of Solomon 11:18 the King James Version has “filthy scents of scattered smoke,” where “scent” is used in the obsolete sense of “disagreeable odor.” The translation is, however, very loose, and “scents” is a gloss; the Revised Version (British and American) “noisome smoke.” Burton Scott Easton SCEPTRE, SCEPTER <sep’-ter > ([ fb,ve , shebheT ], [ fybir]v” , sharbhiT ], expanded form in Est 4:11; 5:2; 8:4; [rJa>bdov, rhabdos ] (Additions to Esther 15:11; Hebrews 1:8), [skh~ptov, skeptros ]): A rod or mace used by a sovereign as a symbol of royal authority. The Hebrew shebheT is the ordinary word for rod or club, and is used of an ordinary rod (compare 2 Samuel 7:14), of the shepherd’s crook ( Psalm 23:4), scribe’s baton or marshal’s staff ( Judges 5:14), as well as of the symbol of royalty. Its symbolism may be connected with the use of the shebheT for protection ( 2 Samuel 23:21; Psalm 23:4) or for punishment ( Isaiah 10:24; 30:31). It is used with reference to the royal line descended from Judah ( Genesis 49:10), and figuratively of sovereignty in general and possibly of conquest ( Numbers 24:17, in Israel; Isaiah 14:5, in Babylonia; Amos 1:5,8, in Syria, among Philistines; Zechariah 10:11, in Egypt), the disappearance or cutting off of him that holdeth the scepter being tantamount to loss of national independence. The kingship of Yahweh is spoken of as a scepter ( Psalm 45:6 (Hebrew verse 7) quoted in Hebrews 1:8). The manner of using the scepter by an oriental monarch is suggested in the act of Ahasuerus, who holds it out to Esther as a mark of favor. The subject touches the top of it, perhaps simply as an act of homage or possibly to indicate a desire to be heard. The scepter of Ahasuerus is spoken of as “golden” (Est 5:2), but it is probable that scepters were ordinarily made of straight branches (maTeh ) of certain kinds of vines ( Ezekiel 19:11,14).

    It is sometimes difficult to determine whether the word shebheT is used in figurative passages in the sense of scepter or merely in the ordinary sense of staff (e.g. <19C503> Psalm 125:3, the King James Version “rod,” the Revised Version (British and American) and the American Standard Revised Version “sceptre” (of the wicked); Psalm 2:9, “rod of iron”; Proverbs 22:8, “rod of his wrath”). Another word, mechoqeq , literally, “prescribing” (person or thing), formerly translated uniformly “lawgiver,” is now generally taken, on the basis of parallelism, to mean “sceptre” in four poetic passages ( Genesis 49:10, “ruler’s staff” to avoid repetition; Numbers 21:18; Psalm 60:7; 108:8). Nathan Isaacs SCEVA <se’-va > ([ Skeua~, Skeua ]): A Jew, a chief priest, resident in Ephesus, whose seven sons were exorcists ( Acts 19:14 ff). Ewald regards the name as being Hebrew shekhabhyah . He was not an officiating priest, as there were only synagogues in Asia Minor. He may have belonged to a high-priestly family, or perhaps at one time he had been at the head of one of the 24 courses in the temple.

    In the narrative the construction is loose. There were seven sons ( Acts 19:14), and it would appear ( Acts 19:16) that in this particular case all were present. But ( Acts 19:16) the demon-possessed man overpowered “both of them.” Textus Receptus of the New Testament gets over the difficulty by omitting “both,” but Codices Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus, Vaticanus, Bezae, so Tischendorf, Westcott and Hort, von Soden, and the best critics, retain the difficult reading. The explanation is that Acts 19:14 states the custom: “who did this” being hoi touto poiountes , “who used to do this.” Acts 19:15 and 16 state a particular case in which two took part, but the incident is introduced in a careless manner.

    Ewald would translate amphoteron as “in both sides,” but this is impossible. Baur understood “disciples” for “sons.” Codex Bezae and Syriac have an interesting expansion which Blass considers original ( Acts 19:14): “Among whom also the sons (Syriac `seven’) of a certain Sceva, a priest, wished to do the same, (who) were in the custom of exorcising such. And entering into the demon-possessed man they began to call upon the Name, saying, `We charge you by Jesus whom Paul preaches to come out.’ “ S. F. Hunter SCHISM <siz’-m > ([sci>sma, schisma ]): Only in 1 Corinthians 12:25. The same Greek word, literally, “a split,” is translated “rent” in Matthew 9:16; Mark 2:21; and “division” in John 7:43; 9:16; 10:19. It designates “a separation,” not from, but within, the church, interfering with the harmonious coordination and cooperation of the members described in the preceding verses (1 Cor 12:18 ff). The ecclesiastical meaning is that of a break from a church organization, that may or may not be connected with a doctrinal dissent.

    SCHOOL <skool > ([scolh>, schole ]). See TYRANNUS.

    SCHOOLMASTER <skool’-mas-ter > : Galatians 3:24 f the King James Version reads: “The law was our schoolmaster to bring us unto Christ, that we might be justified by faith. But after that faith is come, we are no longer under a schoolmaster.” “Schoolmaster” is a translation of [paidagwgo>v, paidagogos ], literally, “child-leader.” This paidagagos was not a teacher but a slave, to whom in wealthy families the general oversight of a boy was committed. It was his duty to accompany his charge to and from school, never to lose sight of him in public, to prevent association with objectionable companions, to inculcate moral lessons at every opportunity, etc. He was a familiar figure in the streets, and the (sour) “face of paidagogos ” and “to follow one like a paidagogos ” were proverbial expressions. Naturally, to the average boy the paidagogos must have represented the incorporation of everything objectionable. Hence, Paul’s figure may be paraphrased: “The law was a paidagogos , necessary but irksome, to direct us until the time of Christ. Then was the time of our spiritual coming-of-age, so that the control of the paidagogos ceased.” The word paidagogos was taken over into Aramaic at an early date, and Paul’s language; which is hardly that of a mere adult observer, suggests that he had had personal experience with the institution. Wealthy and intensely orthodox Jewish parents living in a Gentile city may well have adopted such a precaution for the protection of their children.

    No English word renders paidagogos adequately. “Schoolmaster” is quite wrong, but Revised Version’s “tutor” (compare 1 Corinthians 4:15) is little better in modern English. Burton Scott Easton SCHOOLS OF THE PROPHETS See EDUCATION; PROPHETS.

    SCIENCE <si’-ens > : This word as found in the King James Version means simply “knowledge.” “Science” occurs in the King James Version only in two places, Daniel 1:4, “children .... understanding science” ([ t[“d” y[ed]wO, yodhe`edha`ath ], “those who understand science”). The meaning of the term here is “knowledge,” “wisdom.” The only other occurrence of “science” is in the New Testament (1 Tim 6:20, “avoiding .... oppositions of science falsely so called,” [th~v yeudwnu>mou gnw>sewv, tes pseudonumou gnoseos ], “the falsely called gnosis ”). “Science” is the translation of the Greek gnosis , which in the New Testament is usually rendered “knowledge.” The science here referred to was a higher knowledge of Christian and divine things, which false teachers alleged that they possessed, and of which they boasted. It was an incipient form of Gnosticism, and it prevailed to a considerable extent in the churches of proconsular Asia, e.g. in Colosse and Ephesus. Timothy is put on his guard against the teaching of this gnosis falsely so called, for it set itself in opposition to the gospel. See GNOSTICISM. “Science” in the modern sense of the word, as the discovery and orderly classification and exposition of the phenomena and of the laws of Nature, is not found either in the Old Testament or the New Testament unless the passage in Daniel be interpreted as meaning the scientific knowledge which the learned men of Babylon possessed of mathematics and astronomy, etc.

    See also Acts 7:22. To the Hebrew mind all natural phenomena meant the working of the hand of God in the world, directly and immediately, without the intervention of any secondary laws. John Rutherfurd SCIMITAR <sim’-i-tar > , <-ter > ([ajkina>kh, akindke ]): Formerly given as “fauchion” in the King James Version Judith 13:6; 16:9, the weapon which Judith took down from the rail of the bed at Holofernes’ head, and with which she severed his head from his body.

    SCOFF; SCOFFER <skof > , <skof’-er > : The verb indicates the manifestation of contempt by insulting words or actions; it combines bitterness with ridicule. It is much more frequent in the Revised Version (British and American) than in the King James Version, replacing “scorn” of the latter in Psalm 1:1; Proverbs 1:22, etc. “Scorn” refers rather to an inner emotion based on a sense of superiority; “scoff,” to the outward expression of this emotion.

    SCORN <skorn > : Fox Talbot connects this English word with the Danish skarn, “dirt,” “ordure” “mud,” “mire.” As distinguished from such words as “mock,” “deride,” “scoff,” all of which refer specifically to the various ways in which scorn finds outward expression, scorn itself denotes a subjective state or reaction.

    Further, this state or reaction is not simple but complex. It includes a sense of superiority, resentment, and aversion. This reaction occurs when one is confronted with a person or a proposition that by challenging certain things for itself evokes a vivid sense of one’s own superiority and awakens mingled resentment, repulsion and contempt by the hollowness of its claims and its intrinsic inferiority or worse. Scorn is a hotter, fiercer emotion than disdain or contempt. It is obvious that scorn may — indeed, it not uncommonly does — arise in connection with an not grounded, arrogant sense of self-esteem.

    The word, outside of the phrase “laugh to scorn,” is found only in the Old Testament, and then only 4 times (Est 3:6; King James Version, Psalm 44:13; 79:4; Habakkuk 1:10), and it represents three different Hebrew words for none of which it is a suitable rendering. The two words “thought scorn” in Est 3:6 represent but one in Hebrew, namely, bazah , for which “disdain” would be a nearer equivalent. In Habakkuk 1:10 (the King James Version) the word translated “scorn” is micchaq , “an object of laughter,” “laughing-stock.” In Psalm 44:13; 79:4 the Hebrew word is la`agh from a root, probably meaning “to stutter,” “stammer,” for which “mocking” is a better English equivalent. In the King James Version Job 34:7; <19C304> Psalm 123:4, la`agh is rendered “scorning”. (the rendering given in Proverbs 1:22 to latson , a word from a totally different root and one much more nearly approximating the fundamental idea of the English word “Scorn.” In Proverbs 29:8 and Isaiah 28:14 latson is rendered “scornful”).

    As a verb the word is the translation given to la`agh , “to mock” ( Kings 19:21 parallel Isaiah 37:22 Job 22:19; Nehemiah 2:19; Psalm 22:7, “all laugh to scorn”); qalas = “to scoff” ( Ezekiel 16:31, margin “Greek: scoffeth ,” but text still “scorneth”); for the noun tsechoq , “laughter” ( Ezekiel 23:32); sachaq = to laugh,” “laugh at” ( Job 39:7,18; 2 Chronicles 30:10), with the noun sechoq , “laugh to scorn” (the Revised Version (British and American) “laughing-stock,” Job 12:4); luts = “to scoff” (as used in ethical and religious connections) ( Job 16:20; Proverbs 3:34; 9:12, all “scoff” in the Revised Version (British and American)); in Proverbs 19:28 the Revised Version (British and American), not happily, “mock at.” the Revised Version (British and American) is warranted in substituting “scoff” for “scorn” because the context indicates some form of outward expression of the scorn.

    The Revised Version (British and American) always (except Job 12:4; Sirach 6:4; 1 Macc 10:70) retains “laugh to scorn” ( 2 Kings 19:21; Chronicles 30:10; Nehemiah 2:19; Job 22:19; Psalm 22:7; Isaiah 37:22; Ezekiel 16:31; 23:32; 2 Esdras 2:21; Judith 12:12; The Wisdom of Solomon 4:18; Sirach 7:11; 13:7; 20:17; Matthew 9:24; Mark 5:40; Luke 8:53). The verb in Apocrypha and the New Testament is usually [katagela>w, katagelao ], but in The Wisdom of Solomon 4:1 [ejkgela>w, ekgelao ]; in Sirach 13:7 [katamwka>omai, katamokomai ]; and in 2 Esdras 2:21 inrideo . In addition “scorn” is retained in Est 3:6; Job 39:7,18; 2 Esdras 8:56 (contemno). In Proverbs 19:28 “scorn” is changed to “mock at” but elsewhere invariably to “scoff.”

    Scorner is the translation of the participle of luts and once of the participle of latsats . For “scorner” the Revised Version (British and American) everywhere substitutes — properly — “scoffer.” Outside of Proverbs (and Hosea 7:5) the word is to be found only in Psalm 1:2. The force of the word has been well indicated by Cheyne, who says that the “scorner (scoffer) is one who despises that which is holy and avoids the company of the noble `wise men,’ but yet in his own vain way seeks for truth; his character is marked by arrogance as that of the wise is characterized by devout caution.” W. M. McPheeters SCORPION <skor’-pi-un > ([ br;q][“ , aqrabh ]; compare Arabic aqrab , “scorpion”; [ µyBir”q][“ hle[\m” , ma`aleh `aqrabbim ], “the ascent of Akrabbim”; [skorpi>ov, skorpios ]. Note that the Greek and Hebrew may be akin; compare, omitting the vowels, `krb and skrp): In Deuteronomy 8:15, we have, “who led thee through the great and terrible wilderness, wherein were fiery serpents (nachash saraph ) and scorpions (`aqrabh ).” Rehoboam ( 1 Kings 12:11,14; 2 Chronicles 10:11,14) says, “My father chastised you with whips, but I will chastise you with scorpions.” Ezekiel is told to prophesy to the children of Israel (2:6), and “Be not afraid of them, neither be afraid of their words, though briers and thorns are with thee, and thou dost dwell among scorpions.” “The ascent of Akrabbim,” the north end of Wadi-ul-`Arabah, South of the Dead Sea, is mentioned as a boundary 3 times ( Numbers 34:4; Joshua 15:3; Judges 1:36).

    Jesus says to the Seventy ( Luke 10:19), “Behold, I have given you authority to tread upon serpents and scorpions,” and again in Luke 11:12 He says, “Or if he shall ask an egg, will he give him a scorpion?”

    Note that we have here three doublets, the loaf and the stone, the fish and the serpent, and the egg and the scorpion, whereas in the passage in Matthew (7:9 f) we have only the loaf and stone and the fish and serpent.

    Encyclopedia Biblica (s.v. “Scorpion”) ingeniously seeks to bring Luke into nearer agreement with Matthew by omitting from Luke the second doublet, i.e. the fish and the serpent, instancing several texts as authority for the omission, and reading [o]yon, opson ], “fish,” for [wj|o>n, oon ], “egg.”

    In Revelation 9:2-10 there come out of the smoke of the abyss winged creatures (“locusts,” [ajkri>dev, akrides ) like war-horses with crowns of gold, with the faces of men, hair of women, teeth of lions, breastplates of iron, and with stinging tails like scorpions. In Ecclesiasticus 26:7 it is said of an evil wife, “He that taketh hold of her is as one that graspeth a scorpion.” In 1 Macc 6:51 we find mention of “pieces [skorpi>dia, skorpidia ], diminutive of skorpios to cast darts.” In Plutarch skorpios is used in the same sense (Liddell and Scott, under the word [skorpi>ov, skorpios ].

    In the passage cited from Deuteronomy, and probably also in the name “ascent of Akrabbim,” we find references to the abundance of scorpions, especially in the warmer parts of the country. Though there is a Greek proverb, “Look for a scorpion under every stone,” few would agree with the categorical statement of Tristram (NHB) that “every third stone is sure to conceal one.” Nevertheless, campers and people sleeping on the ground need to exercise care in order to avoid their stings, which, though often exceedingly painful for several hours, are seldom fatal.

    Scorpions are not properly insects, but belong with spiders, mites and ticks to the Arachnidae. The scorpions of Palestine are usually 2 or 3 inches long. The short cephalothorax bears a powerful pair of jaws, two long limbs terminating with pincers, which make the creature look like a small crayfish or lobster, and four pairs of legs. The rest of the body consists of the abdomen, a broad part continuous with the cephalothorax, and a slender part forming the long tail which terminates with the sting. The tail is usually carried curved over the back and is used for stinging; the prey into insensibility. Scorpions feed mostly on insects for which they lie in wait. The scorpion family is remarkable for having existed with very little change from the Silurian age to the present time.

    It does not seem necessary to consider that the words of Rehoboam ( Kings 12:11, etc.) refer to a whip that was called a scorpion, but rather that as the sting of a scorpion is worse than the lash of a whip, so his treatment would be harsher than his father’s. Alfred Ely Day SCORPIONS, CHASTISING WITH <skor’-pi-unz > . See PUNISHMENTS 3, (17); SCORPION.

    SCOURGE; SCOURGING <skurj > , <skur’-jing > (ma>stix, mastix ], [mastigo>w, mastigoo ]; in Acts 22:25 [masti>zw, mastizo ], in Mark 15:15 parallel Matthew 27:26 [fragello>w, phragelloo ]): A Roman implement for severe bodily punishment. Horace calls it horribile flagellum. It consisted of a handle, to which several cords or leather thongs were affixed, which were weighted with jagged pieces of bone or metal, to make the blow more painful and effective. It is comparable, in its horrid effects, only with the Russian knout. The victim was tied to a post ( Acts 22:25) and the blows were applied to the back and loins, sometimes even, in the wanton cruelty of the executioner, to the face and the bowels. In the tense position of the body, the effect can easily be imagined. So hideous was the punishment that the victim usually fainted and not rarely died under it. Eusebius draws a horribly realistic picture of the torture of scourging (Historia Ecclesiastica, IV, 15). By its application secrets and confessions were wrung from the victim ( Acts 22:24). It usually preceded capital punishment (Livy xxxiii.36). It was illegal to apply the flagallum to a Roman citizen ( Acts 22:25), since the Porcian and Sempronian laws, 248 and 123 BC, although these laws were not rarely broken in the provinces (Tac. Hist. iv.27; Cic.

    Verr. v.6, 62; Josephus, BJ, II, xiv, 9). As among the Russians today, the number of blows was not usually fixed, the severity of the punishment depending entirely on the commanding officer. In the punishment of Jesus, we are reminded of the words of <19C903> Psalm 129:3. Among the Jews the punishment of flagellation was well known since the Egyptian days, as the monuments abundantly testify. The word “scourge” is used in Leviticus 19:20, but the American Standard Revised Version translates “punished,” the original word biqqoreth expressing the idea of investigation. Deuteronomy 25:3 fixed the mode of a Jewish flogging and limits the number of blows to 40. Apparently the flogging was administered by a rod.

    The Syrians reintroduced true scourging into Jewish life, when Antiochus Epiphanes forced them by means of it to eat swine’s flesh (2 Macc 6:30; 7:1). Later it was legalized by Jewish law and became customary ( Matthew 10:17; 23:34; Acts 22:19; 26:11), but the traditional limitation of the number of blows was still preserved. Says Paul in his “foolish boasting”: “in stripes above measure,” “of the Jews five times received I forty stripes save one,” distinguishing it from the “beatings with rods,” thrice repeated (2 Cor 11:23-25).

    The other Old Testament references ( Job 5:21; 9:23; Isaiah 10:26; 28:15,18 [ fwOv , shot ]; Joshua 23:13 [ ffvo , shotet ]) are figurative for “affliction.” Notice the curious mixture of metaphors in the phrase “overflowing scourge” ( Isaiah 28:15-18). Henry E. Dosker SCRABBLE <skrab’-l > : Occurs only in 1 Samuel 21:13, as the translation of [ hw;T; , tawah ]: “David .... feigned himself mad and scrabbled on the doors of the gate.” “To scrabble” (modern English “scrawl”) is here to make unmeaning marks; tawah means “to make a mark” from taw , “a mark,” especially as a cross ( Ezekiel 9:4), a signature ( Job 31:35, see the Revised Version (British and American)), the name of the Hebrew letter t originally made in the form of a cross; the Revised Version margin has “made marks”; but Septuagint has tumpanizo , “to beat as a drum,” which the Vulgate, Ewald, Driver and others follow (“beat upon” or “drummed on the doors of the city,” which seems more probable).

    SCREECH OWL <skrech > . See NIGHT-MONSTER.

    SCRIBES <skribz > : The existence of law leads necessarily to a profession whose business is the study and knowledge of the law; at any rate, if the law is extensive and complicated. At the time of Ezra and probably for some time after, this was chiefly the business of the priests. Ezra was both priest and scholar ([ rpeso , copher ]). It was chiefly in the interest of the priestly cult that the most important part of the Pentateuch was written. The priests were therefore also in the first instance the scholars and the guardians of the Law; but in the course of time this was changed. The more highly esteemed the Law became in the eyes of the people, the more its study and interpretation became a lifework by itself, and thus there developed a class of scholars who, though not priests, devoted themselves assiduously to the Law. These became known as the scribes, that is, the professional students of the Law. During the Hellenistic period, the priests, especially those of the upper class, became tainted with the Hellenism of the age and frequently turned their attention to paganistic culture, thus neglecting the Law of their fathers more or less and arousing the scribes to opposition.

    Thus, the scribes and not the priests were now the zealous defenders of the Law, and hence, were the true teachers of the people. At the time of Christ, this distinction was complete. The scribes formed a solid profession which held undisputed sway over the thought of the people. In the New Testament they are usually called ([grammatei~v, grammateis ]), i.e. “students of the Scriptures,” “scholars,” corresponding to the Hebrew ([ µyrip]so , copherim ]) = homines literati, those who make a profession of literary studies, which, in this case, of course, meant chiefly the Law.

    Besides this general designation, we also find the specific word ([nomikoi>, nomikoi ]), i.e. “students of the Law,” “lawyers” ( Matthew 22:35; Luke 7:30; 10:25; 11:45,52; 14:3); and in so far as they not only know the Law but also teach it they are called ([nomodida>skaloi, nomodidaskaloi ]), “doctors of the Law” ( Luke 5:17; Acts 5:34).

    The extraordinary honors bestowed on these scholars on the part of the people are expressed in their honorary titles. Most common was the appellative “rabbi” = “my lord” ( Matthew 23:7 and otherwise). This word of polite address gradually became a title. The word “rabboni” ( Mark 10:51; John 20:16) is an extensive form, and was employed by the disciples to give expression to their veneration of Christ. In the Greek New Testament “rabbi” is translated as ([ku>rie, kurie ]) ( Matthew 8:2,6,8,21,25 and otherwise), or ([dida>skale, didaskale ]) ( Matthew 8:19 and otherwise), in Luke by ([ejpista>ta, epistata ]) ( Luke 5:5; 8:24,45; 9:33,19; 17:13). Besides these, we find ([path>r, pater ]), “father,” and ([kaqhgh>thv, kathegetes ]), “teacher” ( Matthew 23:9 f).

    From their students the rabbis demanded honors even surpassing those bestowed on parents. “Let the honor of thy friend border on the honor of thy teacher, and the honor of thy teacher on the fear of God” (‘Abhoth 12). “The honor of thy teacher must surpass the honor bestowed on thy father; for son and father are both in duty bound to honor the teacher” (Kerithoth 6 9). Everywhere the rabbis demanded the position of first rank ( Matthew 23:6 f; Mark 12:38 f; Luke 11:43; 20:46). Their dress equaled that of the nobility. They wore ([stolai>, stolai ]), “tunics,” and these were the mark of the upper class.

    Since the scribes were lawyers (see LAWYER ), much of their time was occupied in teaching and in judicial functions, and both these activities must be pursued gratuitously. Rabbi Zadok said: “Make the knowledge of the Law neither a crown in which to glory nor a spade with which to dig.”

    Hillel used to say: “He who employs the crown (of the Law) for external purposes shall dwindle.” That the judge should not receive presents or bribes was written in the Law ( Exodus 23:8; Deuteronomy 16:19); hence, the Mishna said: “If anyone accept pay for rendering judgment, his judgment is null and void.” The rabbis were therefore obliged to make their living by other means. Some undoubtedly had inherited wealth; others pursued a handicraft besides their study of the Law. Rabbi Gamaliel II emphatically advised the pursuit of a business in addition to the pursuit of the Law. It is well known that the apostle Paul kept up his handicraft even after he had become a preacher of the gospel ( Acts 18:3; 20:34; Corinthians 4:12; 9:6; 2 Corinthians 11:7; 1 Thessalonians 2:9; Thessalonians 3:8), and the same is reported of many rabbis. But in every instance the pursuit of the Law is represented as the worthier, and warning is given not to overestimate the value of the ordinary avocation. It was a saying of Hillel: “He that devotes himself to trade will not become wise.”

    The principle of gratuity was probably carried out in practice only in connection with the judicial activity of the scribes; hardly in connection with their work as teachers. Even the Gospels, in spite of the admonition that the disciples should give without pay because they had received without pay ( Matthew 10:8), nevertheless also state that the workman is worthy of his hire ( Matthew 10:10; Luke 10:7); and Paul (1 Cor 9:14) states it as his just due that he receive his livelihood from those to whom he preaches the gospel, even though he makes use of this right only in exceptional cases (1 Cor 9:3-18; 2 Corinthians 11:8,9; Galatians 6:6; Philippians 4:10,18). Since this appears to have been the thought of the times, we are undoubtedly justified in assuming that the Jewish teachers of the Law also demanded pay for their services. Indeed, the admonitions above referred to, not to make instruction in the Law the object of selfinterest, lead to the conclusion that gratuity was not the rule; and in Christ’s philippics against the scribes and Pharisees He makes special mention of their greed ( Mark 12:40; Luke 16:14; 20:47). Hence, even though they ostensibly gave instruction in the Law gratuitously, they must have practiced methods by which they indirectly secured their fees.

    Naturally the place of chief influence for the scribes up to the year 70 AD was Judea. But not only there were they to be found. Wherever the zeal for the law of the fathers was a perceptible force, they were indispensable; hence, we find them also in Galilee ( Luke 5:17) and in the Diaspora. In the Jewish epitaphs in Rome, dating from the latter days of the empire, grammateis are frequently mentioned; and the Babylonian scribes of the 5th and 6th centuries were the authors of the most monumental work of rabbinical Judaism — the Talmud.

    Since the separation of the Pharisaic and the Sadducean tendencies in Judaism, the scribes generally belonged to the Pharisaic class; for this latter is none other than the party which recognized the interpretations or “traditions” which the scribes in the course of time had developed out of the body of the written Law and enforced upon the people as the binding rule of life. Since, however, “scribes” are merely “students of the Law,” there must also have been scribes of the Sadducee type; for it is not to be imagined that this party, which recognized only the written Law as binding, should not have had some opposing students in the other class. Indeed, various passages of the New Testament which speak of the “scribes of the Pharisees” ( Mark 2:16; Luke 5:30; Acts 23:9) indicate that there were also “scribes of the Sadducees.”

    Under the reign and leadership of the scribes, it became the ambition of every Israelite to know more or less of the Law. The aim of education in family, school and synagogue was to make the entire people a people of the Law. Even the common laborer should know what was written in the Law; and not only know it, but also do it. His entire life should be governed according to the norm of the Law, and, on the whole, this purpose was realized in a high degree. Josephus avers: “Even though we be robbed of our riches and our cities and our other goods, the Law remains our possession forever. And no Jew can be so far removed from the and of his fathers nor will he fear a hostile commander to such a degree that he would not fear his Law more than his commander.” So loyal were the majority of the Jews toward their Law that they would gladly endure the tortures of the rack and even death for it. This frame of mind was due almost wholly to the systematic and persistent instruction of the scribes.

    The motive underlying this enthusiasm for the Law was the belief in divine retribution in the strictest judicial sense. The prophetic idea of a covenant which God had made with His select people was interpreted purely in the judicial sense. The covenant was a contract through which both parties were mutually bound. The people are bound to observe the divine Law literally and conscientiously; and, in return for this, God is in duty bound to render the promised reward in proportion to the services rendered. This applies to the people as a whole as well as to the individual. Services and reward must always stand in mutual relation to each other. He who renders great services may expect from the justice of God that he will receive great returns as his portion, while, on the other hand, every transgression also must be followed by its corresponding punishment.

    The results corresponded to the motives. Just as the motives in the main were superficial, so the results were an exceedingly shallow view of religious and moral life. Religion was reduced to legal formalism. All religious and moral life was dragged down to the level of law, and this must necessarily lead to the following results: (1) The individual is governed by a norm, the application of which could have only evil results when applied in this realm. Law has the purpose of regulating the relations of men to each other according to certain standards. Its object is not the individual, but only the body of society. In the law, the individual must find the proper rule for his conduct toward society as an organism. This is a matter of obligation and of government on the part of society. But religion is not a matter of government; where it is found, it is a matter of freedom, of choice, and of conduct. (2) By reducing the practice of religion to the form of law, all acts are placed on a paragraph with each other. The motives are no longer taken into consideration, but only the deed itself. (3) From this it follows that the highest ethical attainment was the formal satisfaction of the Law, which naturally led to finical literalism. (4) Finally, moral life must, under such circumstances, lose its unity and be split up into manifold precepts and duties. Law always affords opportunity for casuistry, and it was the development of this in the guidance of the Jewish religious life through the “precepts of the elders” which called forth Christ’s repeated denunciation of the work of the scribes. Frank E. Hirsch SCRIP <skrip > : A word connected with “scrap,” and meaning a “bag,” either as made from a “scrap” (of skin) or as holding “scraps” (of food, etc.). the King James Version has “scrip” in 1 Samuel 17:40 and 6 times in New Testament; the English Revised Version has “wallet” in the New Testament, but retains “script” in 1 Samuel 17:40; the American Standard Revised Version has “wallet” throughout. See BAG.

    SCRIPTURE <skrip’-tur > ([hJ grafh>, he graphe ], plural [aiJ grafai>, hai graphai ]):

    The word means “writing.” In the Old Testament it occurs in the King James Version only once, “the scripture of truth,” in Daniel 10:21, where it is more correctly rendered in the Revised Version (British and American), “the writing of truth.” The reference is not to Holy Scripture, but to the book in which are inscribed God’s purposes. In the New Testament, “scripture” and “scriptures” stand regularly for the Old Testament sacred books regarded as “inspired” (2 Tim 3:16), “the oracles of God” ( Romans 3:2). Compare on this usage Matthew 21:42; 22:29; Mark 12:10; Luke 4:21; 24:27,32,45; John 5:39; 10:35; Acts 8:32; 17:2,11; Romans 15:4; 16:26, etc.; in Romans 1:2, “holy scriptures.” See BIBLE. The expression “holy scriptures” in Timothy 3:15 the King James Version represents different words (hiera grammata ) and is properly rendered in the Revised Version (British and American) “sacred writings.” In 2 Peter 3:16, the term “scriptures” is extended to the Eppistle of Paul. In James 4:5, the words occur: “Think ye that the scripture speaketh in vain? Doth the spirit which he made to dwell in us long unto envying?” The passage is probably rather a summary of Scripture teaching than intended as a direct quotation. Others (e.g.

    Westcott) think the word is used in a wide sense of a Christian hymn. James Orr SCRIPTURES, SEARCH THE <skrip’-turz > . See SEARCH THE SCRIPTURES.

    SCROLL <skrol > . See ROLL.

    SCUM <skum > ([ ha;l]j, , chel’ah ]; Septuagint [ijo>v, ios ], “poison” or “verdigris”; compare Plato Rep. 609a): The word is only found in Ezekiel 24:6,11,12, where the Revised Version (British and American) translates it “rust.” The fact, however, that the caldron is of brass and therefore not liable to rust, and the astonishment expressed that the fire did not remove it (24:12), would seem to point to the preferability of the translation “scum,” the residue of dirt adhering to the caldron from previous use.

    SCURVY <skur’-vi > ([ br;G; , garabh ]); [yw>ra ajgri>a, psora agria ] ( Leviticus 21:20; 22:22)): This word is used to denote an itchy, scaly disease of the scalp, probably any of the parasitic diseases which are known as tinea, porrigo or impetigo. These cases have no relation whatever to the disease now known as scorbutus or scurvy. The name was probably derived from its scaliness, and the old Greek physicians believed these diseases to be peculiarly intractable.

    The name “Gareb” is used in Jeremiah 31:39 as the placename of a hill at or near the southeastern corner of Jerusalem, probably from the bare roughness of the surface of its slope at the southern end of the Wady er- Rababi. Another hill of this name is mentioned near Shiloh in the Talmud, and the name is given to one of David’s warriors ( 2 Samuel 23:38).

    Scurvy etymologically means any condition of scaliness of skin which can be scraped off, such as dandruff. Alexander Macalister SCYTHIANS <sith’-i-anz > ([oiJ Sku>qai, hoi Skuthai ]): The word does not occur in the Hebrew of the Old Testament, but Septuagint of Judges 1:27 inserts ([ Skuqw~n po>liv, Skuthon polis ] (Scythopolis), in explanation, as being the same as Beth-shean. The same occurs in Apocrypha (Judith 3:10; Macc 12:29), and the Scythians as a people in 2 Macc 4:47, and the adjective in 3 Macc 7:5. The people are also mentioned in the New Testament ( Colossians 3:11), where, as in Maccabees, the fact that they were barbarians is implied. This is clearly set forth in classical writers, and the description of them given by Herodotus in book iv of his history represents a race of savages, inhabiting a region of rather indefinite boundaries, north of the Black and Caspian seas and the Caucasus Mountains. They were nomads who neither plowed nor sowed (iv.19), moving about in wagons and carrying their dwellings with them (ibid. 46); they had the most filthy habits and never washed in water (ibid. 75); they drank the blood of the first enemy killed in battle, and made napkins of the scalps and drinking bowls of the skulls of the slain (ibid. 64-65). Their deities were many of them identified with those of the Greeks, but the most characteristic rite was the worship of the naked sword (ibid. 62), and they sacrificed every hundredth man taken in war to this deity. War was their chief business, and they were a terrible scourge to the nations of Western Asia. They broke through the barrier of the Caucasus in 632 BC and swept down like a swarm of locusts upon Media and Assyria, turning the fruitful fields into a desert; pushing across Mesopotamia, they ravaged Syria and were about to invade Egypt when Psammitichus I, who was besieging Ashdod, bought them off by rich gifts, but they remained in Western Asia for 28 years, according to Herodotus. It is supposed that a company of them settled in Beth-shean, and from this circumstance it received the name Scythopolis. Various branches of the race appeared at different times, among the most noted of which were the PARTHIANS (which see). H. Porter SCYTHOPOLIS <si-thop’-o-lis > , <si-thop’-o-lis > . See BETH-SHEAN.

    SEA <se > ([ µy; , yam ]; [qa>lassa, thalassa ]; in Acts 27:5 [pe>lagov, pelagos ]): The Mediterranean is called ha-yam ha-gadhol , “the great sea” ( Numbers 34:6; Joshua 1:4; Ezekiel 47:10, etc.); ha-yam ha- ’acharon , “the hinder,” or “western sea” ( Deuteronomy 11:24; 34:2; Joel 2:20; Zechariah 14:8); yam pelishtim , “the sea of the Philis” ( Exodus 23:31); the King James Version translates yam yapho’ in Ezra 3:7 by “sea of Joppa,” perhaps rightly.

    The Dead Sea is called yam ha-melach , “the Salt Sea” ( Numbers 34:3; Deuteronomy 3:17; Joshua 3:16, etc.); ha-yam ha-qadhmoni , “the east sea” ( Ezekiel 47:18; Joel 2:20; Zechariah 14:8); yam ha- `arabhah ,”the sea of the Arabah” ( Deuteronomy 3:17; Joshua 3:16; 12:3; 2 Kings 14:25).

    The Red Sea is called yam cuph , literally, “sea of weeds” ( Exodus 10:19; Numbers 14:25; Deuteronomy 1:1; Joshua 2:10; Judges 11:16; 1 Kings 9:26; Nehemiah 9:9; <19A607> Psalm 106:7; Jeremiah 49:21, etc.); ([ejruqra< qa>lassa, eruthra thalassa ]), literally, “red sea” (The Wisdom of Solomon 19:7; Acts 7:36; Hebrews 11:29); yam mitsrayim , “the Egyptian sea” ( Isaiah 11:15). Yam is used of the Nile in Nah 3:8 and probably also in Isaiah 19:5, as in modern Arabic bachr , “sea,” is used of the Nile and its affluents. Yam is often used for “west” or “westward,” as “look from the place where thou art, .... westward” ( Genesis 13:14); “western border” ( Numbers 34:6). Yam is used for “sea” in general ( Exodus 20:11); also for “molten sea” of the temple ( 1 Kings 7:23).

    The Sea of Galilee is called kinnereth , “Chinnereth” ( Numbers 34:11); kinaroth , “Chinneroth” ( Joshua 11:2); kinneroth , “Chinneroth” ( Kings 15:20); yam kinnereth , “the sea of Chinnereth” ( Numbers 34:11; Joshua 13:27); yam kinneroth , “the sea of Chinneroth ( Joshua 12:3); ([hJ li>mnh Gennhsare>t, he limne Gennesaret ]), “the lake of Gennesaret” ( Luke 5:1); and ([to< u[dwr Gennhsa>r, to hudor Gennesar ]), “the water of Gennesar” (1 Macc 11:67), from late Hebrew [ rs”neGi , ginecar ], or ([ rs”yneG] , genecar ]; [hJ qa>lassa th~v Galilai>av, he thalassa tes Galilaias ]), “the sea of Galilee” ( Matthew 4:18; 15:29; Mark 1:16; 7:31; John 6:1); ([hJ qa>lassa th~v Tiberia>dov, he thalassa tes Tiberiados ]), “the sea of Tiberias” ( John 21:1; compare John 6:1).

    In Jeremiah 48:32 we have yam ya`zer , “the sea of Jazer.” Jazer is a site East of the Jordan, not satisfactorily identified ( Numbers 21:32; 32:1,3,15; Joshua 13:25; 21:39; 2 Samuel 24:5; 1 Chronicles 6:81; 26:31; Isaiah 16:8,9). See SEA OF JAZER.

    In midhbar yam , “the wilderness of the sea” ( Isaiah 21:1), there may perhaps be a reference to the Persian Gulf. Alfred Ely Day SEA, ADRIATIC <a-dri-at’-ic > , <ad-ri-at’-ik > . See ADRIA.

    SEA, BRAZEN <bra’-z’n > . See SEA, THE MOLTEN.

    SEA, DEAD; EASTERN <es’-tern > . See DEAD SEA.

    SEA, FORMER <for’-mer > . See DEAD SEA; FORMER.

    SEA, HINDER; UTMOST; UTTERMOST; WESTERN <hin’-der > ; <ut’-most > ; <ut’-er-most > ; <wes’-tern > . See MEDITERRANEAN SEA.

    SEA, MEDITERRANEAN See MEDITERRANEAN SEA.

    SEA-MEW <se’-mu > ([ tj”v” , shachaph ]; [la>rov, laros ]; Latin, Larus canus):

    The sea-gull. Used by modern translators in the list of abominations in the place of the cuckoo ( Leviticus 11:16; Deuteronomy 14:15). It is very probable that the sea-gull comes closer to the bird intended than the CUCKOO (which see). The sea-gull is a “slender” bird, but not “lean” as the root shachaph implies. However, with its stretch of wing and restless flight it gives this impression. Gulls are common all along the Mediterranean coast and around the Sea of Galilee. They are thought to have more intelligence than the average bird, and to share with some eagles, hawks, vultures and the raven the knowledge that if they find mollusk they cannot break they can carry it aloft and drop it on the rocks.

    Only a wise bird learns this. Most feathered creatures pick at an unyielding surface a few times and then seek food elsewhere. There are two reasons why these birds went on the abomination lists. To a steady diet of fish they add carrion. Then they are birds of such nervous energy, so exhaustless in flight, so daring in flying directly into the face of fierce winds, that the Moslems believed them to be tenanted with the souls of the damned.

    Moses was reared and educated among the Egyptians, and the laws he formulated often are tinged by traces of his early life. History fails to record any instance of a man reared in Egypt who permitted the killing of a gull, ibis, or hoopoe. Gene Stratton-Porter SEA-MONSTER <se’-mon-ster > : Genesis 1:21 ([ µniyNiT” , tanninim ]), “sea monsters,” the King James Version “whales,” Septuagint ([ta< kh>th, ta kete ]), “seamonsters,” “huge fish,” or “whales.” Job 7:12 ([ ˆyNiT” , tannin ]), “seamonster” the King James Version “whale,” the Septuagint [dra>kwn, drakon ], “dragon.” Psalm 74:13 ([ µyniyNiT” , tanninim ]), the American Standard Revised Version and the English Revised Version margin. “seamonsters,” the King James Version and the English Revised Version “dragons,” the King James Version margin “whales” Septuagint [dra>kontev, drakontes ], “dragons” <19E807> Psalm 148:7 ([ µyniyNiT” , tanninim ]), “sea-monsters” the King James Version and the English Revised Version “dragons,” the English Revised Version margin “seamonsters” or “water-spouts,” Septuagint drakontes , “dragons.” Lamentations 4:3 ([ ˆyNiT” , tannin ]) “jackals,” the King James Version “sea monsters” the King James Version margin “sea calves,” Septuagint drakontes . Matthew 12:40 (referring to Jonah) ([kh~tov, ketos ]), English Versions of the Bible “whale,” the Revised Version margin “seamonster.”

    In the Apocrypha, the Revised Version (British and American) changes the King James Version “whale (ketos ) into “sea-monster” in Sirach 43:25 but not in Song of Three Children verse 57. See DRAGON; JACKAL; WHALE.

    Alfred Ely Day SEA OF CHINNERETH <kin’-e-reth > . See GALILEE, SEA OF.

    SEA OF GALILEE See GALILEE, SEA OF.

    SEA OF GLASS See GLASS, SEA OF.

    SEA OF JAZER ([ rze[]y” µy; , yam ya`zer ]): This is a scribal error ( Jeremiah 48:32), yam (“sea”) being accidentally imported from the preceding clause. See JAZER; SEA.

    SEA OF JOPPA See MEDITERRANEAN SEA.

    SEA OF LOT See DEAD SEA; LAKE.

    SEA OF SODOM (SODOMITISH <sod-om-it’-ish > ). See DEAD SEA.

    SEA OF THE ARABAH See DEAD SEA.

    SEA OF THE PHILISTINES See MEDITERRANEAN SEA.

    SEA OF THE PLAIN (ARABAH) <ar’-a-ba > ). See DEAD SEA.

    SEA OF TIBERIAS <ti-be’-ri-as > . See GALILEE, SEA OF.

    SEA, RED See RED SEA.

    SEA, SALT See DEAD SEA.

    SEA, THE See MEDITERRANEAN SEA; SEA, THE GREAT.

    SEA, THE GREAT ([ lwOdG;h” µY;h” , ha-yam ha-gadhol ]): 1. NAMES OF THE SEA:

    This is the name given to the Mediterranean, which formed the western boundary of Palestine ( Numbers 34:6 f; Joshua 15:12,47; Ezekiel 47:19 f; 48:28). It is also called “the hinder sea” (Hebrew ha-yam ha- ’aharon ), i.e. the western sea ( Deuteronomy 11:24; 34:2;, Joel 2:20; Zechariah 14:8), and “the sea of the Philis” ( Exodus 23:31), which, of course, applies especially to the part washing the shore of Philistia, from Jaffa southward. Generally, when the word “sea” is used, and no other is definitely indicated, the Mediterranean is intended ( Genesis 49:13; Numbers 13:29, etc.). It was the largest sheet of water with which the Hebrews had any acquaintance. Its gleaming mirror, stretching away to the sunset, could be seen from many an inland height. 2. ISRAEL AND THE SEA:

    It bulked large in the minds of the landsmen — for Israel produced few mariners — impressing itself upon their speech, so that “seaward” was the common term for “westward” ( Exodus 26:22; Joshua 5:1, etc.). Its mystery and wonder, the raging of the storm, and the sound of “sorrow on the sea,” borne to their upland ears, infected them with a strange dread of its wide waters, to which the seer of Patmos gave the last Scriptural expression in his vision of the new earth, where “the sea is no more” ( Revelation 21:1). 3. THE COAST LINE:

    Along the coast lay the tribal territories assigned to Asher, Zebulun, Manasseh, Daniel and Judah. Many of the cities along the shore they failed to possess, however, and much of the land. The coast line offered little facility for the making of harbors. The one seaport of which in ancient times the Hebrews seem to have made much use was Joppa — the modern Jaffa ( 2 Chronicles 2:16, etc.). From this place, probably, argosies of Solomon turned their prows westward. Here, at least, “ships of Tarshish” were wont to set out upon their adventurous voyages (Jon 1:3). The ships on this sea figure in the beautiful vision of Isaiah (60:8 f). See ACCO; JOPPA. 4. THE SEA IN THE NEW TESTAMENT:

    The boy Jesus, from the heights above Nazareth, must often have looked on the waters of the great sea, as they broke in foam on the curving shore, from the roots of Carmel to the point at Acre. Once only in His journeyings, so far as we know, did He approach the sea, namely on His ever-memorable visit to the “borders of Tyre and Sidon” ( Matthew 15:21; Mark 7:24). The sea, in all its moods, was well known to the great apostle of the Gentiles. The three shipwrecks, which he suffered (2 Cor 11:25), were doubtless due to the power of its angry billows over the frail craft of those old days. See PAUL. 5. DEBT OF PALESTINE TO THE SEA:

    The land owes much to the great sea. During the hot months of summer, a soft breeze from the water springs up at dawn, fanning all the seaward face of the Central Range. At sunset the chilled air slips down the slopes and the higher strata drift toward the uplands, charged with priceless moisture, giving rise to the refreshing dews which make the Palestinian morning so sweet. See, further, MEDITERRANEAN SEA.

    W. Ewing SEA, THE MOLTEN OR BRAZEN <mol’-t’n > , or ([ qx;Wm µy; , yam mutsaq ], [ tv,jK]h” µy; , yam hanechosheth ]): This was a large brazen (bronze) reservoir for water which stood in the court of Solomon’s Temple between the altar and the temple porch, toward the South ( 1 Kings 7:23-26; 2 Chronicles 4:2- 5,10). The bronze from which it was made is stated in 1 Chronicles 18:8 to have been taken by David from the cities Tibhath and Cun. It replaced the laver of the tabernacle, and, like that, was used for storing the water in which the priests washed their hands and their feet (compare Exodus 30:18; 38:8). It rested on 12 brazen (bronze) oxen, facing in four groups the four quarters of heaven. For particulars of shape, size and ornamentation, see TEMPLE. The “sea” served its purpose till the time of Ahaz, who took away the brazen oxen, and placed, the sea upon a pavement ( 2 Kings 16:17). It is recorded that the oxen were afterward taken to Babylon ( Jeremiah 52:20). The sea itself shared the same fate, being first broken to pieces ( 2 Kings 25:13,16). W. Shaw Caldecott SEA, WESTERN <wes’-tern > . See MEDITERRANEAN SEA.

    SEAH <se’-a > ([ ha;s] , ce’ah ]): A dry measure equal to about one and one-half pecks. See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

    SEAL <sel > (substantive [ µt;wOj , chotham ], “seal,” “signet,” [ t[“B”f” , Tabba`ath ], “signet-ring”; Aramaic [ aq;z][i , `izqa’ ]; [sfragi>v, sphragis ]; verb [ µt”j; , chatham ], (Aramaic [ µt”j\ , chatham ]); ([sfragi>zw, sphragizo ]), ([katasfragi>zomai, katasphragizomai ], “to seal”):

    I. LITERAL SENSE.

    A seal is an instrument of stone, metal or other hard substance (sometimes set in a ring), on which is engraved some device or figure, and is used for making an impression on some soft substance, as clay or wax, affixed to a document or other object, in token of authenticity. 1. Prevalence in Antiquity: The use of seals goes back to a very remote antiquity, especially in Egypt, Babylonia and Assyria. Herodotus (i.195) records the Babylonian custom of wearing signets. In Babylonia the seal generally took the form of a cylinder cut in crystal or some hard stone, which was bored through from end to end and a cord passed through it. The design, often accompanied by the owner’s name, was engraved on the curved part. The signet was then suspended by the cord round the neck or waist (compare the Revised Version (British and American) “cord” in Genesis 38:18; “upon thy heart .... upon thine arm,” i.e. one seal hanging down from the neck and another round the waist; Song 8:6). In Egypt, too, as in Babylonia, the cylinder was the earliest form used for the purpose of a seal; but this form was in Egypt gradually superseded by the scarab (= beetle-shaped) as the prevailing type. Other forms, such as the cone-shaped, were also in use.

    From the earliest period of civilization the finger-ring on which some distinguishing badge was engraved was in use as a convenient way of carrying the signet, the earliest extant rings being those found in Egyptian tombs. Other ancient peoples, such as the Phoenicians, also used seals.

    From the East the custom passed into Greece and other western countries.

    Devices of a variety of sorts were in use at Rome, both by the emperors and by private individuals. In ancient times, almost every variety of precious stones was used for seals, as well as cheaper material, such as limestone or terra-cotta. In the West wax came early into use as the material for receiving the impression of the seal, but in the ancient East clay was the medium used (compare Job 38:14). Pigment and ink also came into use. 2. Seals among the Hebrews: That the Israelites were acquainted with the use in Egypt of signets set in rings is seen in the statement that Pharaoh delivered to Joseph his royal signet as a token of deputed authority ( Genesis 41:41 f). They were also acquainted with the use of seals among the Persians and Medes (Est 3:12; 8:8-10; Daniel 6:17). The Hebrews themselves used them at an early period, the first recorded instance being Genesis 38:18,25, where the patriarch Judah is said to have pledged his word to Tamar by leaving her his signet, cord and staff. We have evidence of engraved signets being in important use among them in early times in the description of the two stones on the high priest’s ephod ( Exodus 28:11; 39:6), of his golden plate ( Exodus 28:36; 39:30), and breastplate ( Exodus 39:14). Ben- Sirach mentions as a distinct occupation the work of engraving on signets (Sirach 38:27). From the case of Judah and the common usage in other countries, we may infer that every Hebrew of any standing wore a seal. In the case of the signet ring, it was usual to wear it on one of the fingers of the right hand ( Jeremiah 22:24). The Hebrews do not seem to have developed an original type of signets. The seals so far discovered in Palestine go to prove that the predominating type was the Egyptian, and to a less degree the Babylonian. 3. Uses of Sealing: (1) One of the most important uses of sealing in antiquity was to give a proof of authenticity and authority to letters, royal commands, etc. It served the purposes of a modern signature at a time when the art of writing was known to only a few. Thus Jezebel “wrote letters in Ahab’s name, and sealed them with his seal” ( 1 Kings 21:8); the written commands of Ahasuerus were “sealed with the king’s ring,” “for the writing which is written in the king’s name, and sealed with the king’s ring, may no man reverse” (Est 8:8,10; 3:12). (2) Allied to this is the formal ratification of a transaction or covenant.

    Jeremiah sealed the deeds of the field which he bought from Hanamel ( Jeremiah 32:10-14; compare 32:44); Nehemiah and many others affixed their seal to the written covenant between God and His people ( Nehemiah 9:38; 10:1 ff). (3) An additional use was the preservation of books in security. A roll or other document intended for preservation was sealed up before it was deposited in a place of safety ( Jeremiah 32:14; compare the “book .... close sealed with seven seals,” Revelation 5:1). In sealing the roll, it was wrapped round with flaxen thread or string, then a lump of clay was attached to it impressed with a seal. The seal would have to be broken by an authorized person before the book could be read ( Revelation 5:2,5,9; 6:1,3, etc.). (4) Sealing was a badge of deputed authority and power, as when a king handed over his signet ring to one of his officers ( Genesis 41:42; Est 3:10; 8:2; 1 Macc 6:15). (5) Closed doors were often sealed to prevent the entrance of any unauthorized person. So the door of the lion’s den ( Daniel 6:17; compare Bel and the Dragon verse 14). Herodotus mentions the custom of sealing tombs (ii.121). So we read of the chief priests and Pharisees sealing the stone at the mouth of our Lord’s tomb in order to “make the sepulcher sure” against the intrusion of the disciples ( Matthew 27:66). Compare the sealing of the abyss to prevent Satan’s escape Revelation 20:3). A door was sealed by stretching a cord over the stone which blocked the entrance, spreading clay or wax on the cord, and then impressing it with a seal. (6) To any other object might a seal be affixed, as an official mark of ownership; e.g. a large number of clay stoppers of wine jars are still preserved, on which seal impressions of the cylinder type were stamped, by rolling the cylinder along the surface of the clay when it was still soft (compare Job 38:14).

    II. METAPHORICAL USE OF THE TERM.

    The word “seal,” both substantive and verb, is often used figuratively for the act or token of authentication, confirmation, proof, security or possession. Sin is said not to be forgotten by God, but treasured and stored up with Him against the sinner, under a seal ( Deuteronomy 32:34; Job 14:17). A lover’s signet is the emblem of love as an inalienable possession (Song 8:6); an unresponsive maiden is “a spring shut up, a fountain sealed” (Song 4:12). The seal is sometimes a metaphor for secrecy. That which is beyond the comprehension of the uninitiated is said to be as “a book that is sealed” ( Isaiah 29:11 f; compare the book with seven seals, Revelation 5:1 ff). Daniel is bidden to “shut up the words” of his prophecy “and seal the book, even to the time of the end,” i.e. to keep his prophecy a secret till it shall be revealed ( Daniel 12:4,9; compare Revelation 10:4). Elsewhere it stands for the ratification of prophecy ( Daniel 9:24). The exact meaning of the figure is sometimes ambiguous (as in Job 33:16; Ezekiel 28:12). In the New Testament the main ideas in the figure are those of authentication, ratification, and security. The believer in Christ is said to “set his seal to this, that God is true” ( John 3:33), i.e. to attest the veracity of God, to stamp it with the believer’s own endorsement and confirmation. The Father has sealed the Son, i.e. authenticated Him as the bestower of life-giving bread ( John 6:27). The circumcision of Abraham was a “sign” and “seal,” an outward ratification, of the righteousness of faith which he had already received while uncircumcised ( Romans 4:11; compare the prayer offered at the circumcision of a child, “Blessed be He who sanctified His beloved from the womb, and put His ordinance upon his flesh, and sealed His offering with the sign of a holy covenant”; also Targum Song 38: “The seal of circumcision is in your flesh as it was sealed in the flesh of Abraham”).

    Paul describes his act in making over to the saints at Jerusalem the contribution of the Gentiles as having “sealed to them this fruit” ( Romans 15:28); the meaning of the phrase is doubtful, but the figure seems to be based on sealing as ratifying a commercial transaction, expressing Paul’s intention formally to hand over to them the fruit (of his own labors, or of spiritual blessings which through him the Gentiles had enjoyed), and to mark it as their own property. Paul’s converts are the “seal,” the authentic confirmation, of his apostleship (1 Cor 9:2). God by His Spirit indicates who are His, as the owner sets his seal on his property; and just as documents are sealed up until the proper time for opening them, so Christians are sealed up by the Holy Spirit “unto the day of redemption” ( Ephesians 1:13; 4:30; 2 Corinthians 1:22). Ownership, security and authentication are implied in the words, “The firm foundation of God standeth, having this seal, The Lord knoweth them that are his” (2 Tim 2:19). The seal of God on the foreheads of His servants ( Revelation 7:2-4) marks them off as His own, and guarantees their eternal security, whereas those that “have not the seal of God on their foreheads” ( Revelation 9:4) have no such guaranty.

    On the analogy of the rite of circumcision (see above), the term “seal” (sphragis ) was at a very early period applied to Christian baptism. But there is no sufficient ground for referring such passages as Ephesians 1:13; 4:30; 2 Corinthians 1:22 to the rite of baptism (as some do). The use of the metaphor in connection with baptism came after New Testament times (early instances are given in Gebhardt and Lightfoot on 2 Clem 7:6).

    Harnack and Hatch maintain that the name “seal” for baptism was taken from the Greek mysteries, but Anrich and Sanday-Headlam hold that it was borrowed from the Jewish view of circumcision as a seal. See MYSTERY.

    D. Miall Edwards SEALED, FOUNTAIN <seld > , These words, applied to the bride (Song 4:12), find their explanation under SEAL (which see). Anything that was to be authoritatively protected was sealed. Where water was one of the most precious things, as in the East, fountains and wells were often sealed ( Genesis 29:3; Proverbs 5:15-18).

    SEALSKIN <sel’-skin > : The rendering of the Revised Version (British and American) ( Exodus 25:5; Ezekiel 16:10) for [ vj”T” rwO[ , `or tachash ], the Revised Version margin “porpoise-skin,” the King James Version “badgers’ skin.” A seal, Monachus albiventer, is found in the Mediterranean, though not in the Red Sea, but it is likely that tachash means the dugong, which is found in the Red Sea. See BADGER; PORPOISE.

    SEAM; SEAMLESS <sem > , <sem’-les > : The coat or inner garment ([citw>n, chiton ]) of Jesus is described in John 19:23 as “without seam” ([a]rjrJafov, arrhaphos ]), i.e. woven in one piece.

    SEAR <ser > : In 1 Timothy 4:2 for ([kausthria>zw, kausteriazo ]), “burn with a hot iron” (compare “cauterize”), the King James Version “having their conscience seared with a hot iron,” and the Revised Version margin. “Seared” in this connection means “made insensible,” like the surface of a deep burn after healing. The verb, however, probably means “brand” (so the Revised Version (British and American)). “Criminals are branded on their forehead, so that all men may know their infamy. The consciences of certain men are branded just as truly, so that there is an inward consciousness of hypocrisy.” See the commentaries SEARCH <surch > : Some peculiar senses are: (1) In the books of Moses, especially in Nu, “searching out the land” means to spy out ([ lGer” , raggel ]), to investigate carefully, to examine with a view to giving a full and accurate report on. (2) When applied to the Scriptures, as in Ezra 4:15,19 ([ rqeB” , baqqer ]); John 5:39; 1 Peter 1:11 ([ejrauna>w, eraunao ]), it means to examine, to study out the meaning. In Acts 17:11, the Revised Version (British and American) substitutes “examining” for the “searched” of the King James Version. See SEARCHINGS . (3) “Search out” often means to study critically, to investigate carefully, e.g. Job 8:8; 29:16; Ecclesiastes 1:13; Lamentations 3:40; Matthew 2:8; 1 Corinthians 2:10; Peter 1:10. (4) When the word is applied to God’s searching the heart or spirit, it means His opening up, laying bare, disclosing what was hidden, e.g. 1 Chronicles 28:9; Psalm 44:21; 139:1; Proverbs 20:27; Jeremiah 17:10; Romans 8:27. G. H. Gerberding SEARCH THE SCRIPTURES The sentence beginning with ([ejrauna~te, eraunate ]), in John 5:39 the King James Version has been almost universally regarded as meaning “Search the scriptures, for in them ye think ye have eternal life.” But one cannot read as far as [dokei~te, dokeite ], “ye think,” without feeling that there is something wrong with the ordinary version. This verb is at least a disturbing element in the current of thought (if not superfluous), and only when the first verb is taken as an indicative does the meaning of the writer become clear. The utterance is not a command, but a declaration: “Ye search the scriptures, because ye think that in them,” etc. Robert Barclay as early as 1675, in his Apology for the True Christian Divinity (91 ff), refers to two scholars before him who had handed down the correct tradition: “Moreover, that place may be taken in the indicative mood, Ye search the Scriptures; which interpretation the Greek word will bear, and so Pasor translated it: which by the reproof following seemeth also to be the more genuine interpretation, as Cyrillus long ago hath observed.” So Dr. Edwin A. Abbott, in his Johannine Grammar (London, 1906, section 2439 (i)).

    See also Transactions American Philological Association, 1901, 64 f. J. E. Harry SEARCHINGS <sur’-chingz > ([( ble ) yreq]j , chiqre (lebh) ], from chaqar , to “search,” “explore,” “examine thoroughly”): In the song of Deborah the Reubenites are taunted because their great resolves of heart, chiqeqe lebh , led to nothing but great “searchings” of heart, chiqre lebh , and no activity other than to remain among their flocks ( Judges 5:15 f). The first of the two Hebrew expressions so emphatically contrasted (though questioned by commentators on the authority of 5 manuscripts as a corruption of the second) can with reasonable certainty be interpreted “acts prescribed by one’s understanding” (compare the expressions chakham lebh , nebhon lebh , in which the heart is looked upon as the seat of the understanding).

    The second expression may mean either irresolution or hesitation based on selfish motives, as the heart was also considered the seat of the feelings, or answerability to God (compare Jeremiah 17:10; Proverbs 25:3); this rendering would explain the form liphelaghoth in Judges 5:16, literally, `for the water courses of Reuben, great the searchings of heart!’ Nathan Isaacs SEASONS <se’-z’nz > (summer: [ 6yiq” , qayits ], Chaldaic [ fyiq” , qayiT ] ( Daniel 2:35); ([qe>rov, theros ]; winter: [ wt;s] , cethaw ]) (Song 2:11), ([ tr,j , choreph ]; [ceimw>n, cheimon ]): The four seasons in Palestine are not so marked as in more northern countries, summer gradually fading into winter and winter into summer. The range of temperature is not great. In the Bible we have no reference to spring or autumn; the only seasons mentioned are “summer and winter” ( Genesis 8:22; Psalm 74:17; Zechariah 14:8).

    Winter is the season of rain lasting from November to May. “The winter is past; the rain is over” (Song 2:11). See RAIN . The temperature at sealevel in Palestine reaches freezing-point occasionally, but seldom is less than 40ø F. On the hills and mountains it is colder, depending on the height. The people have no means of heating their houses, and suffer much with the cold. They wrap up their necks and heads and keep inside the houses out of the wind as much as possible. “The sluggard will not plow by reason of the winter” ( Proverbs 20:4). Jesus in speaking of the destruction of Jerusalem says, “Pray ye that your flight be not in the winter” ( Matthew 24:20). Paul asks Timothy to “come before winter” (2 Tim 4:21) as navigation closed then and travel was virtually impossible.

    Summer is very hot and rainless. “(When) the fig tree .... putteth forth its leaves, ye know that the summer is nigh” ( Mark 13:28); “The harvest is past, the summer is ended” ( Jeremiah 8:20). It is the season of harvesting and threshing ( Daniel 2:35). “He that gathereth in summer is a wise son” ( Proverbs 10:5). See COLD; HEAT; ASTRONOMY, I, 5.

    Alfred H. Joy SEAT <set > : This word is used to translate the Hebrew words ([ bv;wOm , moshabh ], [ tb,v, , shebheth ], [ aSeKi , kicce’ ], and [ hn;WkT] , tekhunah ]), once ( Job 23:3). It translates the Greek word ([kaqe>dra, kathedra ]) ( Matthew 21:12; 23:2; Mark 11:15), and “chief seat” translates the compound word ([prwtokaqedri>a, protokathedria ]) ( Matthew 23:6; Mark 12:39; Luke 20:46). In the King James Version it translates ([qro>nov, thronos ]) ( Luke 1:52; Revelation 2:13; 4:4; 11:16; 13:2; 16:10), which the Revised Version (British and American) renders “throne.” It denotes a place or thing upon which one sits, as a chair, or stool ( 1 Samuel 20:18; Judges 3:20). It is used also of the exalted position occupied by men of marked rank or influence, either in good or evil ( Matthew 23:2; Psalm 1:1). Jesse L. Cotton SEATS, CHIEF <sets > . See CHIEF SEATS.

    SEBA <se’-ba > ([ ab;s] , cebha’ ]; [ Saba>, Saba ] ( Genesis 10:7; Chronicles 1:9); Greek ibid., but Codex Vaticanus has ([ Saba>n, Saban ]): 1. FORMS OF NAME, AND PARENTAGE OF SEBA:

    The first son of Cush, his brothers being Havilah, Sabtah, Raamah, and Sabtecha. In Psalm 72:10 and Isaiah 43:3 (where the Greek has [ Soh>nh, Soene ]), Seba is mentioned with Egypt and Ethiopia, and must therefore have been a southern people. In Isaiah 45:14 we meet with the gentilic form, ([ µyaib;s] , csebha’im ]) ([ Sabaei>m, Sabaeim ]), rendered “Sabaeans,” who are described as “men of stature” (i.e. tall), and were to come over to Cyrus in chains, and acknowledge that God was in him — their merchandise, and that of the Ethiopians, and the labor of Egypt, were to be his. 2. POSITION OF THE NATION:

    Their country is regarded as being, most likely, the district of Saba, North of Adulis, on the west coast of the Red Sea. There is just a possibility that the Sabi River, stretching from the coast to the Zambesi and the Limpopo, which was utilized as a waterway by the states in that region, though, through silting, not suitable now, may contain a trace of the name, and perhaps testifies to still more southern extensions of the power and influence of the Sebaim. (See Th. Bent, The Ruined Cities of Mashonaland, 1892.) The ruins of this tract are regarded as being the work of others than the black natives of the country. Dillmann, however, suggests (on Genesis 10:7) that the people of Seba were another branch of the Cushites East of Napatha by the Arabian Sea, of which Strabo (xvi. 4, 8, 10) and Ptolemy (iv.7, 7 f) give information. See SHEBA and HDB, under the word T. G. Pinches SEBAM <se’-bam > ([ µb;c] , sebham ]; [ Sebama>, Sebama ]; the King James Version Shebam): A town in the upland pasture land given to the tribes of Reuben and Gad. It is named along with Heshbon, Elealeh and Nebo ( Numbers 32:3). It is probably the same place as Sibmah (the King James Version “Shibmah”) in Numbers 32:38 (so also Joshua 13:19). In the time of Isaiah and Jeremiah it was a Moabite town, but there is no record of how or when it was taken from Israel. It appears to have been famous for the luxuriance of its vines and for its summer fruits ( Isaiah 16:8 f; Jeremiah 48:32). Eusebius (in Onomasticon) calls it a city of Moab in the land of Gilead which fell to the tribe of Reuben. Jerome (Comm. in Isaiah 5) says it was about 500 paces from Heshbon, and he describes it as one of the strong places of that region. It may be represented by the modern Simia, which stands on the south side of Wady Chesban, about miles from Chesban. The ancient ruins are considerable, with large sarcophagi; and in the neighboring rock wine presses are cut (PEFM, “Eastern Palestine,” 221 f). W. Ewing SEBAT <se-bat’ > , <se’-bat > ( Zechariah 1:7). See SHEBAT.

    SECACAH <se-ka’-ka > , <sek’-a-ka > ([ hk;k;s] , cekhakhah ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Aijcioza>, Aichioza ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sococa>, Sochocha ]): One of the six cities “in the wilderness of Judah” ( Joshua 15:61), that is in the uncultivated lands to the West of the Dead Sea, where a scanty pasturage is still obtained by wandering Bedouin tribes. There are many signs in this district of more settled habitation in ancient times, but the name Secacah is lost. Conder proposed Khirbet edition Diqqeh] (also called Khirbet es Siqqeh), “the ruin of the path,” some 2 miles South of Bethany. Though an ancient site, it is too near the inhabited area; the name, too, is uncertain (PEF, III, 111, Sh XVII). E. W. G. Masterman SECHENIAS <sek-e-ni’-as > : (1) (Codex Alexandrinus [ Seceni>av, Sechenias ]; omitted in Codex Vaticanus and Swete): 1 Esdras 8:29 = “Shecaniah” in Ezra 8:3; the arrangement in Ezra is different. (2) (Codex Alexandrinus Sechenias , but Codex Vaticanus and Swete, [ Eijeconi>av, Eiechonias ]): Name of a person who went up at the head of a family in the return with Ezra (1 Esdras 8:32) = “Shecaniah” in Ezra 8:5.

    SECHU <se’-ku > ([ Wkce , sekhu ]). See SECU.

    SECOND COMING <sek’-und kum’-ing > . See PAROUSIA; ESCHATOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT, V.

    SECOND DEATH See DEATH; ESCHATOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT, X, (6).

    SECOND SABBATH See SABBATH, SECOND.

    SECONDARILY <sek’-un-da-ri-li > : the King James Version for ([deu>teron, deuteron ]) (1 Cor 12:28). Probably without distinction from “secondly” (so the Revised Version (British and American), and so the King James Version also for deuteron in Sirach 23:23). Still the King James Version may have wished to emphasize that the prophets have a lower rank than the apostles.

    SECRET <se’-kret > : In Ezekiel 7:22, English Versions of the Bible has “secret place” for ([ ˆp”x; , tsaphan ]), “hide,” “treasure.” A correct translation is, “They shall profane my cherished place” (Jerusalem), and there is no reference to the Holy of Holies. The other uses of “secret” in the Revised Version (British and American) are obvious, but Revised Version’s corrections of the King James Version in Judges 13:18; 1 Samuel 5:9; Job 15:11 should be noted.

    SECT <sekt > ([ai[resiv, hairesis ]): “Sect” (Latin, secta, from sequi, “to follow”) is in the New Testament the translation of hairesis, from haireo , “to take,” “to choose”; also translated “heresy,” not heresy in the later ecclesiastical sense, but a school or party, a sect, without any bad meaning attached to it.

    The word is applied to schools of philosophy; to the Pharisees and Sadducees among the Jews who adhered to a common religious faith and worship; and to the Christians. It is translated “sect” ( Acts 5:17, of the Sadducees; 15:5, of the Pharisees; 24:5, of the Nazarenes; 26:5, of the Pharisees; 28:22, of the Christians); also the Revised Version (British and American) Acts 24:14 (the King James Version and the English Revised Version margin “heresy”), “After the Way which they call a sect, so serve I the God of our fathers” (just as the Pharisees were “a sect”); it is translated “heresies” (1 Cor 11:19, margin “sects,” the American Standard Revised Version “factions,” margin “Greek: `heresies’ “; the English Revised Version reverses the American Standard Revised Version text and margin; Galatians 5:20, the American Standard Revised Version “parties,” margin “heresies”; the English Revised Version reverses text and margin; 2 Peter 2:1, “damnable heresies,” the Revised Version (British and American) “destructive heresies,” margin “sects of perdition”); the “sect” in itself might be harmless; it was the teaching or principles which should be followed by those sects that would make them “destructive.” Hairesis occurs in 1 Macc 8:30 (“They shall do it at their pleasure,” i.e. “choice”); compare Septuagint Leviticus 22:18,21. See HERESY.

    W. L. Walker SECU <se’-ku > ([ WkCe , sekhu ]; Codex Vaticanus [ejn tw~| Sefei>, en to Sephei ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ejn Sokcw>, en Sokcho ]; the King James Version Sechu): This name occurs only in the account of David’s visit to Samuel ( 1 Samuel 19:22). Saul, we are told, went to “Ramah, and came to the great well that is in Secu,” where he inquired after Samuel and David. It evidently lay between the residence of Saul at Gibeah and Ramah. It is impossible to come to any sure conclusion regarding it. Conder suggested its identification with Khirbet Suweikeh, which lies to the South of Bireh.

    This is possible, but perhaps we should read with the Septuagint’s Codex Vaticanus, “He came to the cistern of the threshing-floor that is on the bare hill” (en to Sephei ). The threshing-floors in the East are naturally on high exposed ground where this is possible, and often form part of the area whence water in the rainy season is conducted to cisterns. This might have been a place actually within the city of Ramah. W. Ewing SECUNDUS <se-kun’-dus > (Westcott-Hort Greek text [ Se>koundov, Se’koundos ], Textus Receptus of the New Testament, [ Sekou~ndov, Sekou’ndos ]): A Thessalonian who was among those who accompanied Paul from Greece to Asia ( Acts 20:4). They had preceded Paul and waited for him at Troas. If he were one of the representatives of the churches in Macedonia and Greece, entrusted with their contributions to Jerusalem ( Acts 24:17; 2 Corinthians 8:23), he probably accompanied Paul as far as Jerusalem. The name is found in a list of politarchs on a Thessalonian inscription.

    SECURE; SECURITY <se-kur’ > , <se-ku’-ri-ti > : The word baTach and its derivatives in Hebrew point to security, either real or imaginary. Thus we read of a host that “was secure” ( Judges 8:11) and of those “that provoke God (and) are secure” ( Job 12:6); but also of a security that rests in hope and is safe ( Job 11:18). The New Testament words ([poie>w ajmeri>mnouv, poieo amerimnous ]), used in Matthew 28:14 (the King James Version “secure you”), guarantee the safety of the soldiers, who witnessed against themselves, in the telling of the story of the disappearance of the body of Christ.

    Securely is used in the sense of “trustful,” “not anticipating danger” ( Proverbs 3:29; Micah 2:8; Ecclesiasticus 4:15).

    The word ([iJkano>n, hikanon ], translated security ( Acts 17:9), may stand either for a guaranty of good behavior exacted from, or for some form of punishment inflicted on, Jason and his followers by the rulers of Thessalonica. Henry E. Dosker SEDECIAS <sed-e-si’-as > :

    The King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SEDEKIAS (which see).

    SEDEKIAS <sed-e-ki’-as > : (1) (Codex Alexandrinus and Codex Vaticanus [ Sedeki>av, Sedekias ]; the King James Version Zedechias): 1 Esdras 1:46 (44) = Zedekiah king of Judah; also in Baruch 1:8 where the King James Version reads “Sedecias.” (2) In Baruch 1:1 (the King James Version “Sedecias”), an ancestor of Baruch, “the son of Asadias,” sometimes (but incorrectly) identified with the false prophet “Zedekiah the son of Maaseiah” ( Jeremiah 29:21).

    SEDITION <se-dish’-un > : The translation in Ezra 4:15,19 for [ rWDT”v]a, , ‘eshtaddur ], “struggling,” “revolt”; in 2 Esdras 15:16 for inconstabilitio, “instability” with “be seditious” for [stasia>zw, stasiazo ], “rise in rebellion” in 2 Macc 14:6. In addition, the King James Version has “sedition” for [sta>siv, stasis ], “standing up,” “revolt” (the Revised Version (British and American) “insurrection”) in Luke 23:19,25; Acts 24:5, with ([dicostasi>a, dichostasia ]), “a standing asunder” (the Revised Version (British and American) “division”) in Galatians 5:20.

    As “sedition” does not include open violence against a government, the word should not have been used in any of the above cases.

    SEDUCE; SEDUCER <se-dus’ > , <se-dus’-er > (Hiphil of ([ h[;f; , Ta`ah ], or [ h[;T; , ta`ah ], “to err”; of [ ht;P; , pathah ], “to be simple”; [plana>w, planao ], [ajpoplana>w, apoplanao ], “to lead astray”): (1) The word “seduce” is only used in the Bible in its general meaning of “to lead astray,” “to cause to err,” as from the paths of truth, duty or religion. It occurs in the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American) Ezekiel 13:10; 2 Kings 21:9; <540401> Timothy 4:1; Revelation 2:20; in the King James Version only, Proverbs 12:26 (the Revised Version (British and American) “causeth to err”); Isaiah 19:13 (the Revised Version (British and American) “caused to go astray”); Mark 13:22; 1 John 2:26 (the Revised Version (British and American) “lead astray”). The noun “seducer” (2 Tim 3:13 the King James Version, [go>hv, goes ]) is correctly changed in the Revised Version (British and American) into “impostor.” (2) It is not found in its specific sense of “to entice a female to surrender her chastity.” Yet the crime itself is referred to and condemned.

    Three cases are to be distinguished: (a) The seduction of an unbetrothed virgin: In this case the seducer cording to J-E ( Exodus 22:16 f) is to be compelled to take the virgin as his wife, if the father consents, and to pay the latter the usual purchase price, the amount of which is not defined. In the Deuteronomic Code ( Deuteronomy 22:28) the amount is fixed at shekels, and the seducer forfeits the right of divorce. (b) The seduction of a betrothed virgin: This case ( Deuteronomy 22:23-27; not referred to in the other codes) is treated as virtually one of adultery, the virgin being regarded as pledged to her future husband as fully as if she were formally married to him; the penalty therefore is the same as for adultery, namely, death for both parties (except in the case where the girl can reasonably be acquitted of blame, in which case the man only is put to death). (c) The seduction of a betrothed bondmaid (mentioned only in Leviticus 19:20-22): Here there is no infliction of death, because the girl was not free; but the seducer shall make a trespass offering, besides paying the fine. See CRIMES; PUNISHMENTS.

    D. Miall Edwards SEE In addition to the ordinary sense of perceiving by the eye, we have (1) [ hz;j; , chazah ], “to see” (in vision): “Words of Amos .... which he saw concerning Israel” ( Amos 1:1). The revelation was made to his inward eye. “The word of Yahweh .... which he (Micah) saw concerning Samaria” ( Micah 1:1), describing what he saw in prophetic vision (compare Habakkuk 1:1); see REVELATION , III, 4; (2) [oJra>w, horao ], “to take heed”: “See thou say nothing” ( Mark 1:44); (3) [ei+don, eidon ], “to know,” “to note with the mind”: “Jesus saw that he answered discreetly” ( Mark 12:34); (4) [qewre>w, theoreo ], “to view,” “to have knowledge or experience of”: “He shall never see death” ( John 8:51). M. O. Evans SEED <sed > (Old Testament always for [ [r”z, , zera` ], Aramaic ( Daniel 2:43) [ [r”z] , zera` ], except in Joel 1:17 for [ twOdruP] , perudhoth ] (plural, the Revised Version (British and American) “seeds,” the King James Version “seed”), and Leviticus 19:19 (the King James Version “mingled seed”) and Deuteronomy 22:9 (the King James Version “divers seeds”) for [ µyia”l]Ki , kil’ayim ], literally, “two kinds,” the Revised Version (British and American) “two kinds of seed.” Invariably in Greek Apocrypha and usually in the New Testament for [spe>rma, sperma ], but Mark 4:26,27; Luke 8:5,11; 2 Corinthians 9:10 for [spo>rov, sporos ], and 1 Peter 1:23 for [spora>, spora ]): (1) For “seed” in its literal sense see AGRICULTURE . Of interest is the method of measuring land by means of the amount of seed that could be sown on it ( Leviticus 27:16). The prohibition against using two kinds of seed in the same field ( Leviticus 19:19; Deuteronomy 22:9) undoubtedly rests on the fact that the practice had some connection with Canaanitish worship, making the whole crop “consecrated” (taboo). Jeremiah 31:27 uses “seed of man” and “seed of beast” as a figure for the means by which God will increase the prosperity of Israel (i.e. “seed yielding men”). (2) For the transferred physiological application of the word to human beings ( Leviticus 15:16, etc.) see CLEAN; UNCLEAN . The conception of Christians as “born” or “begotten” of God (see REGENERATION ) gave rise to the figure in 1 Peter 1:23; John 3:9. If the imagery is to be stressed, the Holy Spirit is meant. In I John 3:9 a doctrine of certain Gnostics is opposed. They taught that by learning certain formulas and by submitting to certain rites, union with God and salvation could be attained without holiness of life.

    John’s reply is that union with a righteous God is meaningless without righteousness as an ideal, even though shortcomings exist in practice ( 1 John 1:8). (3) From the physiological use of “seed” the transition to the sense of “offspring” was easy, and the word may mean “children” ( Leviticus 18:21, etc.) or even a single child ( Genesis 4:25; 1 Samuel 1:11 the Revised Version margin). Usually, however, it means the whole posterity ( Genesis 3:15, etc.); compare “seed royal” ( 2 Kings 11:1, etc.), and “Abraham’s seed” ( 2 Chronicles 20:7, etc.) or “the holy seed” ( Ezra 9:2; Isaiah 6:13; 1 Esdras 8:70; compare Jeremiah 2:21) as designations of Israel. So “to show one’s seed” ( Ezra 2:59;, Nehemiah 7:61) is to display one’s genealogy, and “one’s seed” may be simply one’s nation, conceived of as a single family (Est 10:3). From this general sense there developed a still looser use of “seed” as meaning simply “men” ( Malachi 2:15; Isaiah 1:4; 57:4; The Wisdom of Solomon 10:15; 12:11, etc.).

    In Galatians 3:16 Paul draws a distinction between “seeds” and “seed” that has for its purpose a proof that the promises to Abraham were realized in Christ and not in Israel. The distinction, however, overstresses the language of the Old Testament, which never pluralizes zera` when meaning “descendants” (plural only in 1 Samuel 8:15; compare Romans 4:18; 9:7). But in an argument against rabbinical adversaries Paul was obliged to use rabbinical methods (compare Galatians 4:25). For modern purposes it is probably best to treat such an exegetical method as belonging simply to the (now superseded) science of the times. Burton Scott Easton SEER <se’-er > , <ser > : The word in English Versions of the Bible represents two Hebrew words, [ ha,ro , ro’eh ] ( 1 Samuel 9:9,11,18,19; 2 Samuel 15:27; 1 Chronicles 9:22, etc.), And [ hz,jo , chozeh ] ( 2 Samuel 24:11; 2 Kings 17:13; 1 Chronicles 21:9; 25:5; 29:29, etc.). The former designation is from the ordinary verb “to see”; the latter is connected with the verb used of prophetic vision. It appears from Samuel 9:9 that “seer” (ro’-eh ) was the older name for those who, after the rise of the more regular orders, were called “prophets.” It is not just, however, to speak of the “seers” or “prophets” of Samuel’s time as on the level of mere fortune-tellers. What insight or vision they possessed is traced to God’s Spirit. Samuel was the ro’-eh by pr-eeminence, and the name is little used after his time. Individuals who bear the title “seer” (chozeh ) are mentioned in connection with the kings and as historiographers ( 2 Samuel 24:11; 1 Chronicles 21:9; 25:5; 29:29; 2 Chronicles 9:29; 12:15; 19:2, etc.), and distinction is sometimes made between “prophets” and “seers” ( 2 Kings 17:13; 1 Chronicles 29:29, etc.). Havernick thinks that “seer” denotes one who does not belong to the regular prophetic order (Introductions to Old Testament, 50 ff, English translation), but it is not easy to fix a precise distinction. See PROPHET, PROPHECY.

    James Orr SEETHE <seth > : Old English for “boil”; past tense, “sod” ( Genesis 25:29), past participle, “sodden” ( Lamentations 4:10). See Exodus 23:19 the King James Version.

    SEGUB <se’-gub > ([ bWgc] , seghubh ] (Qere), [ bygic] , seghibh (Kethibh); Codex Vaticanus [ Zegou>b, Zegoub ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Segou>b, Segoub ]): (1) The youngest son of Hiel, the rebuilder of Jericho ( 1 Kings 16:34). The death of Segub is probably connected with the primitive custom of laying foundations with blood, as, indeed, skulls were found built in with the brickwork when the tower of Bel at Nippur was excavated. See GEZER . If the death of the two sons was based on the custom just mentioned, the circumstance was deliberately obscured in the present account. The death of Segub may have been due to an accident in the setting up of the gates. In any event, tradition finally yoked the death of Hiel’s oldest and youngest sons with a curse said to have been pronounced by Joshua on the man that should venture to rebuild Jericho ( Joshua 6:26). (2) Son of Hezron and father of Jair ( 1 Chronicles 2:21). Horace J. Wolf SEIR <se’-ir > : (1) ([ ry[ice rh” , har se’-ir ], “Mt. Seir” ( Genesis 14:6, etc.), [ ry[ce 6r,a, , ‘erets se`-ir ] ( Genesis 32:3, etc.); [to< o]rov Shei>r, to oros Seeir ], [gh~ Shei>r, ge Seeir ]): In Genesis 32:3 “the land of Seir” is equated with “the field of Edom.” The Mount and the Land of Seir are alternative appellations of the mountainous tract which runs along the eastern side of the Arabah, occupied by the descendants of Esau, who succeeded the ancient Horites ( Genesis 14:6; 36:20), “cave-dwellers,” in possession. For a description of the land see EDOM . (2) ([ ry[ce rh” , har se`ir ]; Codex Vaticanus [ jAssa>r, Assar ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Shei>r, Seeir ]): A landmark on the boundary of Judah ( Joshua 15:10), not far from Kiriath-jearim and Chesalon.

    The name means “shaggy,” and probably here denoted a wooded height. It may be that part of the range which runs Northeast from Saris by Karyat el-`Anab and Biddu to the plateau of el-Jib. Traces of an ancient forest are still to be seen here. W. Ewing SEIRAH <se-i’-ra > , <se’-i-ra > ([ hr;y[ic]h” , ha-se`irah ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Seteirwqa>, Seteirotha ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Seeirw~qa, Seeirotha ]; the King James Version, Seirath): The place to which Ehud escaped after his assassination of Eglon, king of Moab ( Judges 3:26). The name is from the same root as the foregoing, and probably applied to some shaggy forest. The quarries by which he passed are said to have been by Gilgal ( Judges 3:19), but there is nothing to guide us to an identification.

    Eusebius, in Onomasticon, gives the name, but no indication of the site.

    SEIRATH <se-i’-rath > , <se’-i-rath > . See SEIRAH.

    SELA <se’-la > ([ [l”s, , sela` ], [ [l”S,h” , ha-cela` ] (with the article); [pe>tra, petra ], [hJ pe>tra, he petra ]; the King James Version Selah ( Kings 14:7)): English Versions of the Bible renders this as the name of a city in 2 Kings 14:7; Isaiah 16:1. In Judges 1:36; 2 Chronicles 25:12; and Obidiah 1:3, it translates literally, “rock”; but the Revised Version margin in each case “Sela.” It is impossible to assume with Hull (HD B, under the word) that this name, when it appears in Scripture, always refers to the capital of Edom, the great city in Wady Musa. In Judges 1:36 its association with the Ascent of Akrabbim shuts us up to a position toward the southwestern end of the Dead Sea. Probably in that case it does not denote a city, but some prominent crag. Moore (“Judges,” ICC, 56), following Buhl, would identify it with es-Safieh, “a bare and dazzlingly white sandstone promontory 1,000 ft. high, East of the mud fiats of es-Sebkah, and 2 miles South of the Dead Sea.” A more probable identification is a high cliff which commands the road leading from Wady el-Milh, “valley of Salt,” to Edom, over the pass of Akrabbim. This was a position of strategic importance, and if fortified would be of great strength. (In this passage “Edomites” must be read for “Amorites.”) The victory of Amaziah was won in the Valley of Salt. He would naturally turn his arms at once against this stronghold ( 2 Kings 14:7); and it may well be the rock from the top of which he hurled his prisoners ( 2 Chronicles 25:12). He called it Jokteel, a name the meaning of which is obscure. Possibly it is the same as Jekuthiel ( 1 Chronicles 4:18), and may mean “preservation of God” (OHL, under the word). No trace of this name has been found. The narratives in which the place is mentioned put identification with Petra out of the question. “The rock” (the Revised Version margin “Sela”) in Obidiah 1:3, in the phrase “thou that dwellest in the clefts of the rock.” is only a vivid and picturesque description of Mt. Edom. “The purple mountains into which the wild sons of Esau clambered run out from Syria upon the desert, some hundred miles by twenty, of porphyry and red sandstone. They are said to be the finest rock scenery in the world. `Salvator Rosa never conceived so savage and so suitable a haunt for banditti.’ .... The interior is reached by defiles so narrow that two horsemen may scarcely ride abreast, and the sun is shut out by the overhanging rocks. .... Little else than wild fowls’ nests are, the villages: human eyries perched on high shelves or hidden away in caves at the ends of the deep gorges” (G. A. Smith. The Book of the Twelve Prophets. II. 178 f).

    In Isaiah 16:1; 42:11 the Revised Version (British and American), perhaps we have a reference to the great city of Petra. Josephus (Ant., IV, vii, 1) tells us that among the kings of the Midianites who fell before Moses was one Rekem, king of Rekem (akre, or rekeme), the city deriving its name from its founder. This he says was the Arabic name; the Greeks called it Petra. Eusebius, Onomasticon says Petra is a city of Arabia in the land of Edom. It is called Jechthoel; but the Syrians call it Rekem. Jokteel, as we have seen, must be sought elsewhere. There can be no doubt that Josephus intended the city in Wady Musa. Its Old Testament name was Bozrah ( Amos 1:12, etc.). Wetzstein (Excursus in Delitzsch’s Isa, ff) hazards the conjecture that the complete ancient nine was Bozrat has- Sela, “Bozrah of the Rock.”

    This “rose-red city half as old as Time” Sela was for long difficult of access, and the attempt to visit it was fraught with danger. In recent years, however, it has been seen by many tourists and exploring parties. Of the descriptions written the best is undoubtedly that of Professor Dalman of Jerusalem (Petra und seine Felsheiligtumer, Leipzig, 1908). An excellent account of this wonderful city, brightly and interestingly written, will be found in Libbey and Hoskins’ book (The Jordan Valley and Petra, New York and London, 1905; see also National Geographic Magazine, May, 1907, Washington, D.C.). The ruins lie along the sides of a spacious hollow surrounded by the many-hued cliffs of Edom, just before they sink into the Arabah on the West. It is near the base of Jebel Harun, about 50 miles from the Dead Sea, and just North of the watershed between that sea and the Gulf of Akaba. The valley owes its modern name, Wady Musa, “Valley of Moses,” to its connection with Moses in Mohammedan legends. While not wholly inaccessible from other directions, the two usual approaches are that from the Southwest by a rough path, partly artificial, and that from the East. The latter is by far the more important. The valley closes to the East, the only opening being through a deep and narrow defile, called the Sik, “shaft,” about a mile in length. In the bottom of the Sik flows westward the stream that rises at `Ain Musa, East of the cleft is the village of Elji, an ancient site, corresponding to Gaia of Eusebius (Onomasticon). Passing this village, the road threads its way along the shadowy winding gorge, overhung by lofty cliffs. When the valley is reached, a sight of extraordinary beauty and impressiveness opens to the beholder. The temples, the tombs, theater, etc., hewn with great skill and infinite pains from the living rock, have defied to an astonishing degree the tooth of time, many of the carvings being as fresh as if they had been cut yesterday. An idea of the scale on which the work was done may be gathered from the size of theater, which furnished accommodation for no fewer than 3,000 spectators.

    Such a position could not have been overlooked in ancient times; and we are safe to assume that a city of importance must always have existed here.

    It is under the Nabateans, however, that Petra begins to play a prominent part in history. This people took possession about the end of the 4th century BC, and continued their sway until overcome by Hadrian, who gave his own name to the city — Hadriana. This name, however, soon disappeared. Under the Romans Petra saw the days of her greatest splendor.

    According to old tradition Paul visited Petra when he went into Arabia ( Galatians 1:17). Of this there is no certainty; but Christianity was early introduced, and the city became the seat of a bishopric. Under the Nabateans she was the center of the great caravan trade of that time. The merchandise of the East was brought hither; and hence, set out the caravans for the South, the West, and the North. The great highway across the desert to the Persian Gulf was practically in her hands. The fall of the Nabatean power gave Palmyra her chance; and her supremacy in the commerce of Northern Arabia dates from that time. Petra shared in the declining fortunes of Rome; and her death blow was dealt by the conquering Moslems, who desolated Arabia Petrea in 629-32 AD. The place now furnishes a retreat for a few poor Bedawy families. W. Ewing SELA-HAMMAHLEKOTH <se-la-ha-ma’-le-koth > , <-koth > ([ twOql]j]M”h” [l”s, , cela`hamachleqoth ]; [pe>tra hJ merisqei~sa, petra he meristheisa ]): “The rock of divisions (or, escape)” ( 1 Samuel 23:28 margin). “Saul .... pursued after David in the wilderness of Maon. And Saul went on this side of the mountain, and David and his men on that side of the mountain: and David made haste to get away for fear of Saul” ( 1 Samuel 23:25,26). The name seems to survive in Wady Malaki, “the great gorge which breaks down between Carmel and Maon eastward, with vertical cliffs” (PEF, III, 314, Sh. XXI).

    SELAH <se’-la > . See MUSIC, II, 1.

    SELED <se’-led > ([ dl,s, , tseledh ]): A Jerahmeelite ( 1 Chronicles 2:30 twice).

    SELEMIA <sel-e-mi’-a > : One of the swift scribes whose services Ezra was commanded to secure (2 Esdras 14:24). The name is probably identical with SELEMIAS of 1 Esdras 9:34 (which see).

    SELEMIAS <sel-e-mi’-as > ([ Selemi>av, Selemias ]): One of those who put away their “strange wives” (1 Esdras 9:34) = “Shelemiah”. in Ezra 10:39, and probably identical with “Selemia” in 2 Esdras 14:24.

    SELEUCIA <se-lu’-shi-a > ([ Seleuki>a, Seleukia ]): The seaport of Antioch from which it is 16 miles distant. It is situated 5 miles North of the mouth of the Orontes, in the northwestern corner of a fruitful plain at the base of Mt.

    Rhosus or Pieria, the modern Jebel Musa, a spur of the Amanus Range.

    Built by Seleucus Nicator (died 280 BC) it was one of the Syrian Tetrapolis, the others being Apameia, Laodicea and Antioch. The city was protected by nature on the mountain side, and, being strongly fortified on the South and West, was considered invulnerable and the key to Syria (Strabo 751; Polyb. v.58). It was taken, however, by Ptolemy Euergetes (1 Macc 11:8) and remained in his family till 219 BC, when it was recovered for the Seleucids by Antiochus the Great, who then richly adorned it.

    Captured again by Ptolemy Philometor in 146 BC, it remained for a short time in the hands of the Egyptians. Pompey made it a free city in 64 BC in return for its energy in resisting Tigranes (Pliny, NH, v.18), and it was then greatly improved by the Romans, so that in the 1st century AD it was in a most flourishing condition.

    On their first missionary journey Paul and Barnabas passed through it ( Acts 13:4; 14:26), and though it is not named in Acts 15:30,39, this route is again implied; while it is excluded in Acts 15:3.

    The ruins are very extensive and cover the whole space within the line of the old walls, which shows a circuit of four miles. The position of the Old Town, the Upper City and the suburbs may still be identified, as also that of the Antioch Gate, the Market Gate and the King’s Gate, which last leads to the Upper City. There are rock-cut tombs, broken statuary and sarcophagi at the base of the Upper City, a position which probably represents the burial place of the Seleucids. The outline of a circus or amphitheater can also be traced, while the inner harbor is in perfect condition and full of water. It is 2,000 ft. long by 1,200 ft. broad, and covers 47 acres, being oval or pear-shaped. The passage seaward, now silted up, was protected by two strong piers or moles, which are locally named after Barnabas and Paul. The most remarkable of the remains, however, is the great water canal behind the city, which the emperor Constantius cut through the solid rock in 338 AD. It is 3,074 ft. long, has an average breadth of 20 ft., and is in some places 120 ft. deep. Two portions of 102 and 293 ft. in length are tunneled. The object of the work was clearly to carry the mountain torrent direct to the sea, and so protect the city from the risk of flood during the wet season.

    Church synods occasionally met in Seleucia in the early centuries, but it gradually sank into decay, and long before the advent of Islam it had lost all its significance. W. M. Christie SELEUCIDAE <se-lu’-si-de > . See SELEUCUS.

    SELEUCUS <se-lu’-kus > ([ Se>leukov, Seleukos ]): (1) Seleucus I (Nicator, “The Conqueror”), the founder of the Seleucids or House of Seleucus, was an officer in the grand and thoroughly equipped army, which was perhaps the most important part of the inheritance that came to Alexander the Great from his father, Philip of Macedon. He took part in Alexander’s Asiatic conquests, and on the division of these on Alexander’s death he obtained the satrapy of Babylonia. By later conquests and under the name of king, which he assumed in the year 306, he became ruler of Syria and the greater part of Asia Minor. His rule extended from 312 to 280 BC, the year of his death; at least the Seleucid era which seems to be referred to in 1 Macc 1:16 is reckoned from Seleucus I, 312 BC to 65 BC, when Pompey reduced the kingdom of Syria to a Roman province. He followed generally the policy of Alexander in spreading Greek civilization. He founded Antioch and its port Seleucia, and is said by Josephus (Ant., XII, iii, 1) to have conferred civic privileges upon the Jews. The reference in Daniel 11:5 is usually understood to be to this ruler. (2) Seleucus II (Callinicus, “The Gloriously Triumphant”), who reigned from 246 to 226 BC, was the son of Antiochus Soter and is “the king of the north” in Daniel 11:7-9, who was expelled from his kingdom by Ptolemy Euergetes. (3) Seleucus III (Ceraunus, “Thunderbolt”), son of Seleucus II, was assassinated in a campaign which he undertook into Asia Minor. He had a short reign of rather more than 2 years (226-223 BC) and is referred to in Daniel 11:10. (4) Seleucus IV (Philopator, “Fond of his Father”) was the son and successor of Antiochus the Great and reigned from 187 to 175 BC. He is called “King of Asia” (2 Macc 3:3), a title claimed by the Seleucids even after their serious losses in Asia Minor (see 1 Macc 8:6; 11:13; 12:39; 13:32). He was present at the decisive battle of Magnesia (190 BC). He was murdered by HELIODORUS (which see), one of his own courtiers whom he had sent to plunder the Temple (2 Macc 3:1-40; Daniel 11:20).

    For the connection of the above-named Seleucids with the “ten horns” of Daniel 7:24, the commentators must be consulted.

    Seleucus V (125-124 BC) and Seleucus VI (95-93 BC) have no connection with the sacred narrative. J. Hutchison SELF-CONTROL <self-kon-trol’ > ([ejgkra>teia, egkrateia ]): Rendered in the King James Version “temperance” (compare Latin temperario and continentia), but more accurately “self-control,” as in the Revised Version (British and American) ( Acts 24:25; Galatians 5:23; 2 Peter 1:6); adjective of same, [ejgkrath>v, egkrates ], “self-controlled” ( Titus 1:8 the Revised Version (British and American)); compare verb forms in 1 Corinthians 7:9, “have .... continency”; 9:25, the athlete “exerciseth self-control.” Selfcontrol is therefore repeatedly set forth in the New Testament as among the important Christian virtues.

    SELF-RIGHTEOUSNESS <self-ri’-chus-nes > : A term that has come to designate moral living as a way of salvation; or as a ground for neglecting the redemptive work of Jesus Christ. The thought is present in the teaching of Jesus, who spoke one parable particularly to such as reckoned themselves to be righteous ( Luke 18:9 ff). The Pharisees quite generally resented the idea of Jesus that all men needed repentance and they most of all. They regarded themselves as righteous and looked with contempt on “sinners.” Paul in all his writings, especially Romans 3; Galatians 3; Ephesians 2; Philippians 3, contrasts the righteousness that is God’s gift to men of faith in Jesus Christ, with righteousness that is “of the law” and “in the flesh.” By this latter he means formal conformity to legal requirements in the strength of unregenerate human nature. He is careful to maintain (compare Romans 7) that the Law is never really kept by one’s own power. On the other hand, in full agreement with Jesus, Paul looks to genuine righteousness in living as the demand and achievement of salvation based on faith. God’s gift here consists in the capacity progressively to realize righteousness in life (compare Romans 8:1 ff). See also SANCTIFICATION.

    William Owen Carver SELF-SURRENDER <self-su-ren’-der > : The struggle between the natural human impulses of selfseeking, self-defence and the like, on the one hand, and the more altruistic impulse toward self-denial, self-surrender, on the other, is as old as the race. All religions imply some conception of surrender of self to deity, ranging in ethical quality from a heathen fanaticism which impels to complete physical exhaustion or rapture, superinduced by more or less mechanical means, to the high spiritual quality of self-sacrifice to the divinest aims and achievements. The Scriptures represent self-surrender as among the noblest of human virtues.

    I. IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. 1. Illustrious Examples: In the Old Testament self-surrender is taught in the early account of the first pair. Each was to be given to the other ( Genesis 2:24; 3:16b) and both were to be surrendered to God in perfect obedience ( Genesis 3:1-15). The faithful ones, throughout the Bible narratives, were characterized by self-surrender. Abraham abandons friends and native country to go to a land unknown to him, because God called him to do so ( Genesis 12:1).

    He would give up all his cherished hopes in his only son Isaac, at the voice of God ( Genesis 22:1-18). Moses, at the call of Yahweh, surrenders self, and undertakes the deliverance of his fellow-Hebrews ( Exodus 3:1 through 4:13; compare Hebrews 11:25). He would be blotted out of God’s book, if only the people might be spared destruction ( Exodus 32:32). 2. The Levitical System: The whole Levitical system of sacrifice may be said to imply the doctrine of self-surrender. The nation itself was a people set apart to Yahweh, a holy people, a surrendered nation ( Exodus 19:5,6; 22:31; Leviticus 20:7; Deuteronomy 7:6; 14:2). The whole burnt offering implied the complete surrender of the worshipper to God (Leviticus 1). The ceremony for the consecration of priests emphasized the same fundamental doctrine (Leviticus 8); so also the law as to the surrender of the firstborn child ( Exodus 13:13 ff; 22:29). 3. The Prophets: In the divine call to the prophets and in their life-work self-surrender is prominent. The seer, as such, must be receptive to the divine impress, and as mouthpiece of God, he must speak not his own words, but God’s: “Thus saith the Lord.” He was to be a “man of God,” a “man of the spirit.” `The hand of the Lord was upon me’ ( Ezekiel 1:3; 3:14) implies complete divine mastery. Isaiah must submit to the divine purification of his lips, and hearken to the inquiry, “who will go for us?” with the surrendered response, “Here am I; send me” ( Isaiah 6:8). Jeremiah must yield his protestations of weakness and inability to the divine wisdom and the promise of endowment from above ( Jeremiah 1:1-10). Ezekiel surrenders to the dangerous and difficult task of becoming messenger to a rebellious house ( Ezekiel 2:1 through 3:3). Jonah, after flight from duty, at last surrenders to the divine will and goes to the Ninevites (Jon 3:3). 4. Post-exilic Examples: On the return of the faithful remnant from captivity, self-giving for the sake of Israel’s faith was dominant, the people enduring great hardships for the future of the nation and the accomplishment of Yahweh’s purposes. This is the spirit of the great Messianic passage, Isaiah 53:7: “He was oppressed, yet when he was afflicted he opened not his mouth; as a lamb that is led to the slaughter, and as a sheep that before its shearers is dumb, so he opened not his mouth.” Nehemiah surrendered position in Shushan to help reestablish the returned exiles in Jerusalem ( Nehemiah 2:5). Esther was ready to surrender her life in pleading for the safety of her people (Est 4:16).

    II. IN THE NEW TESTAMENT. 1. Christ’s Teaching and Example: In the New Testament self-surrender is still more clearly set forth. Christ’s teachings and example as presented in the Gospels, give to it special emphasis. It is a prime requisite for becoming His disciple ( Matthew 10:38 f; 16:24; Luke 9:23,24,59 f; 14:27,33; compare Matthew 19:27; Mark 8:34). When certain of the disciples were called they left all and followed ( Matthew 4:20; 9:9; Mark 2:14; Luke 5:27 f).

    His followers must so completely surrender self, as that father, mother, kindred, and one’s own life must be, as it were, hated for His sake ( Luke 14:26). The rich young ruler must renounce self as an end and give his own life to the service of men ( Matthew 19:21; Mark 10:21; compare Luke 12:33). But this surrender of self was never a loss of personality; it was the finding of the true selfhood ( Mark 8:35; Matthew 10:39). our Lord not only taught self-surrender, but practiced it. As a child, He subjected Himself to His parents ( Luke 2:51). Selfsurrender marked His baptism and temptation ( Matthew 3:15; 4:1 ff). It is shown in His life of physical privation ( Matthew 8:20). He had come not to do His own will, but the Fathers ( John 4:34; 5:30; 6:38). He refuses to use force for His own deliverance ( Matthew 26:53; John 18:11). In His person God’s will, not His own, must be done ( Matthew 26:29; Luke 22:42); and to the Father He at last surrendered His spirit ( Luke 23:46). So that while He was no ascetic, and did not demand asceticism of His followers, He “emptied himself .... becoming obedient even unto death, yea, the death of the cross” ( Philippians 2:7 f). See KENOSIS. 2. Acts of Apostles: The early disciples practiced the virtue of self-surrender. Counting none of their possessions their own, they gave to the good of all ( Acts 2:44,45; 4:34,35,37). Stephen and others threw themselves into their witnessing with the perfect abandon of the martyr; and Stephen’s successor, Paul, counted not his life dear unto himself that he might finish the divinelyappointed course ( Acts 20:22-24). 3. Epistles of Paul: The Epistles are permeated with the doctrine of self-surrender. The Pauline Epistles are particularly full of it. The Christian life is conceived of as a dying to self and to the world — a dying with Christ, a crucifixion of the old man, that a new man may live ( Galatians 2:20; 6:14; Colossians 2:20; 3:3; Romans 6:6), so that no longer the man lives but Christ lives in him ( Galatians 2:20; Philippians 1:21). The Christian is no longer his own but Christ’s (1 Cor 6:19,20). He is to be a living sacrifice ( Romans 12:1); to die daily (1 Cor 15:31). As a corollary to surrender to God, the Christian must surrender himself to the welfare of his neighbor, just as Christ pleased not Himself ( Romans 15:3); also to leaders (1 Cor 16:16), and to earthly rulers ( Romans 13:1). 4. Epistles of Peter: In the Epistles of Peter self-surrender is taught more than once. Those who were once like sheep astray now submit to the guidance of the Shepherd of souls (1 Pet 2:25). The Christian is to humble himself under the mighty hand of God (1 Pet 5:6); the younger to be subject to the elder (1 Pet 5:5); and all to civil ordinances for the Lord’s sake (1 Pet 2:13).

    So also in other Epistles, the Christian is to subject himself to God ( James 4:7; Hebrews 12:9). Edward Bagby Pollard SELF-WILL <self-wil’ > ([ ˆwOxr; , ratson ]; [aujqa>dhv, authades ]): Found once in the Old Testament ( Genesis 49:6, “In their self-will they hocked an ox”) in the death song of Jacob (see HOCK). The idea is found twice in the New Testament in the sense of “pleasing oneself”: “not self-willed, not soon angry” ( Titus 1:7); and “daring, self-willed, they tremble not to rail at dignities” (2 Pet 2:10). In all these texts it stands for a false pride, for obstinacy, for “a pertinacious adherence to one’s will or wish, especially in opposition to the dictates of wisdom or propriety or the wishes of others.” Henry E. Dosker SELL, SELLER <sel’-er > . See TRADE; LYDIA.

    SELVEDGE <sel’-vej > ([ hx;q; , qatsah ]): The word occurs only in the description of the tabernacle ( Exodus 26:4; 36:11). It has reference to the ten curtains which overhung the boards of the sanctuary. Five of these formed one set and five another. These were “coupled” at the center by 50 loops of blue connected by “clasps” (which see) with 50 others on the opposite side. The “selvedge” (self-edge) is the extremity of the curtain in which the loops were.

    SEM <sem > ([ Sh>m, Sem ]): the King James Version from the Greek form of Shem; thus the Revised Version (British and American) ( Luke 3:36).

    SEMACHIAH <sem-a-ki’-a > ([ Why;k]m”s] , cemakhyahu ], “Yah has sustained”): A Korahite family of gatekeepers ( 1 Chronicles 26:7). Perhaps the same name should be substituted for “Ismachiah” in 2 Chronicles 31:13 (see HPN, 291, 295).

    SEMEI <sem’-e-i > : (1) (Codex Alexandrinus [ Semei>, Semei ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Semeei>, Semeei ]): One of those who put away their “strange wives” (1 Esdras 9:33) = “Shimei” “of the sons of Hashum” in Ezra 10:33. (2) the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) “Semeias” (Additions to Esther 11:2). (3) the King James Version form of the Revised Version (British and American) “Semein” ( Luke 3:26).

    SEMEIAS <se-me-i’-as > (Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Semei>av, Semeias ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Semeei>av, Semeeias ]; the King James Version Semei): An ancestor of Mordecai (Additions to Esther 11:2) = “Shimei” (Est 2:5).

    SEMEIN <se-me’-in > (Codex Sinaiticus, Codex Vaticanus [ Semeei>n, Semeein ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Semeei>, Semeei ], Textus Receptus of the New Testament, [ Semei>`, Semei ]; the King James Version, Semei): An ancestor of Jesus in Luke’s genealogy ( Luke 3:26).

    SEMEIS <sem’-e-is > (Codex Alexandrinus and Fritzsche, [ Semei>v, Semeis ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Sensei>v, Senseis ]; the King James Version, Semis): One of the Levites who put away their “strange wives” (1 Esdras 9:23) = “Shimei” in Ezra 10:23.

    SEMELLIUS <se-mel’-i-us > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SAMELLIUS (which see).

    SEMIS <se’-mis > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SEMEIS (which see).

    SEMITES, SEMITIC RELIGION <sem’-its > , <sem-it’-ik > , 1. BIBLICAL REFERENCES:

    The words “Semites,” “Semitic,” do not occur in the Bible, but are derived from the name of Noah’s oldest son, Shem ( Genesis 5:32; 6:10; 9:18,23 ff; 10:1,21 f; 11:10 f; 1 Chronicles 1). Formerly the designation was limited to those who are mentioned in Genesis 10; 11 as Shem’s descendants, most of whom can be traced historically and geographically; but more recently the title has been expanded to apply to others who are not specified in the Bible as Semites, and indeed are plainly called Hamitic, e.g. the Babylonians ( Genesis 10:10) and the Phoenicians and Canaanites ( Genesis 10:15-19). The grounds for the inclusion of these Biblical Hamites among the Semites are chiefly linguistic, although political, commercial and religious affinities are also considered. History and the study of comparative philology, however, suggest the inadequacy of a linguistic argument. 2. THE FIVE SONS OF SHEM:

    The sons of Shem are given as Elam, Assbur, Arpachshad, Lud and Aram ( Genesis 10:22). All except the third have been readily identified, Elam as the historic nation in the highlands East of the Tigris, between Media and Persia; Asshur as the Assyrians; Lud as the Lydians of Asia Minor; and Aram as the Syrians both East and West of the Euphrates. The greatest uncertainty is in the identification of Arpachshad, the most prolific ancestor of the Semites, especially of those of Biblical and more recent importance.

    From him descended the Hebrews and the Arab tribes, probably also some East African colonies ( Genesis 10:24-30; 11:12-26). The form of his name [ dv”k]P”r]a” , ‘arpakhshadh ]) has given endless trouble to ethnographers. McCurdy divides into two words, Arpach or Arpath , unidentified, and kesedh , the singular of kasdim , i.e. the Chaldeans; Schrader also holds to the Chaldean interpretation, and the Chaldeans themselves traced their descent from Arpachshad (Josephus, Ant, I, vi, 4); it has been suggested also to interpret as the “border of the Chaldeans” (BDB; Dillmann, in the place cited.). But the historic, ordinary and most satisfactory identification is with Arrapachitis, Northeast of Assyria at the headwaters of the Upper Zab in the Armenian highlands (so Ptolemy, classical geographers, Gesenius, Delitzsch). Delitzsch calls attention to the Armenian termination shadh (Commentary on Genesis, in the place cited.). 3. ORIGINAL HOME OF THE SEMITES:

    If we accept, then, this identification of Arpachshad as the most northeasterly of the five Semitic families ( Genesis 10:22), we are still faced by the problem of the primitive home and racial origin of the Semites.

    Various theories of course have been proposed; fancy and surmise have ranged from Africa to Central Asia. (1) The most common, almost generally accepted, theory places their beginnings in Arabia because of the conservative and primitive Semitic of the Arabic language, the desert characteristics of the various branches of the race, and the historic movements of Semitic tribes northward and westward from Arabia. But this theory does not account for some of the most significant facts: e.g. that the Semitic developments of Arabia are the last, not the first, in time, as must have been the case if Arabia was the cradle of the race. This theory does not explain the Semitic origin of the Elamites, except by denial; much less does it account for the location of Arpachshad still farther north. It is not difficult to understand a racial movement from the mountains of the Northeast into the lowlands of the South and West. But how primitive Arabs could have migrated uphill, as it were, to settle in the Median and Armenian hills is a much more difficult proposition. (2) We must return to the historic and the more natural location of the ancient Semitic home on the hillsides and in the fertile valleys of Armenia. Thence the eldest branch migrated in prehistoric times southward to become historic Elam; Lud moved westward into Asia Minor; Asshur found his way down the Tigris to become the sturdy pastoral people of the middle Mesopotamian plateau until the invasion of the Babylonian colonists and civilization; Aram found a home in Upper Mesopotamia; while Arpachshad, remaining longer in the original home, gave his name to at least a part of it. There in the fertile valleys among the high hills the ancient Semites developed their distinctively tribal life, emphasizing the beauty and close relationship of Nature, the sacredness of the family, the moral obligation, and faith in a personal God of whom they thought as a member of the tribe or friend of the family. The confinement of the mountain valleys is just as adequate an explanation of the Semitic traits as the isolation of the oasis. So from the purer life of their highland home, where had been developed the distinctive and virile elements which were to impress the Semitic faith on the history of mankind, increasing multitudes of Semites poured over the mountain barriers into the broader levels of the plains. As their own-mountain springs and torrents sought a way to the sea down the Tigris and Euphrates beds, so the Semitic tribes followed the same natural ways into their future homes: Elam, Babylonia, Assyria, Mesopotamia, Arabia, Palestine. Those who settled Arabia sent further migrations into Africa, as well as rebounding into the desert west of the Euphrates, Syria and Palestine. Thus Western Asia became the arena of Semitic life, whose influences also reached Egypt and, through Phoenicia, the far-away West-Mediterranean. 4. CONFUSION WITH OTHER RACES:

    While we may properly call Western and Southwestern Asia the home of the Semitic peoples, there still remains the difficulty of separating them definitely from the other races among whom they lived. The historic Babylonians, e.g., were Semites; yet they dispossessed an earlier non- Semitic people, and were themselves frequently invaded by other races, such as the Hittites, and even the Egyptians. It is not certain therefore which gods, customs, laws, etc., of the Babylonians were Semites, and not adopted from those whom they superseded.

    Assyria was racially purely Semitic, but her laws, customs, literature, and many of her gods were acquired from Babylonia; to such an extent was this true that we are indebted to the library of the Assyrian Ashurbanipal for much that we know of Babylonian religion, literature and history. In Syria also the same mixed conditions prevailed, for through Syria by the fords of the Euphrates lay the highway of the nations, and Hittite and Mitannian at times shared the land with her, and left their influence. Possibly in Arabia Semitic blood ran purest, but even in Arabia there were tribes from other races; and the table of the nations in Genesis divides that land among the descendants of both Ham and Shem (see TABLE OF NATIONS ). Last of all, in Palestine, from the very beginning of its historic period, we find an intermingling and confusion of races and religions such as no other Semitic center presents. A Hamitic people gave one of its common names to the country — Canaan, while the pagan and late-coming Philistine gave the most used name — Palestine. The archaic remains of Horite, Avite and Hivite are being uncovered by exploration; these races survived in places, no doubt, long after the Semitic invasion, contributing their quota to the customs and religious practices of the land. The Hittite also was in the land, holdling outposts from his northern empire, even in the extreme south of Palestine. If the blue eyes and fair complexions of the Amorites pictured on Egyptian monuments are true representations, we may believe that the gigantic Aryans of the North had their portion also in Palestine 5. RELIABILITY OF GENESIS 10:

    It is customary now in Biblical ethnology to disregard the classification of Genesis 10, and to group all the nations of Palestine as Semitic, especially the Canaanite and the Phoenician along with the Hebrew. McCurdy in the Standard BD treats the various gods and religious customs of Palestine as though they were all Semitic, although uniformly these are represented in the Old Testament as perversions and enormities of alien races which the Hebrews were commanded to extirpate. The adoption of them would be, and was, inimical to their own ancestral faith. Because the Hebrews took over eventually the language of the Phoenician, appropriated his art and conveniences, did traffic in his ships, and in Ahab’s reign adopted his Baal and Astarte, we are not warranted at all in rushing to the conclusion that the Phoenicians represented a primitive Semitic type. Racial identification by linguistic argument is always precarious, as history clearly shows. One might as well say that Latin and the gospel were Saxon. There are indications that the customs and even the early language of the Hebrews were different from those of the people whom they subdued and dispossessed. Such is the consistent tradition of their race, the Bible always emphasizing the irreconcilable difference between their ancestral faith and the practices of the people of Canaan. We may conclude that the reasons for disregarding the classification of Genesis with reference to the Semites and neighboring races are not final. Out from that fruitful womb of nations, the Caucasus, the Semites, one branch of the C Caucasian peoples, went southwestward — as their cousins the Hamites went earlier toward the South and as their younger relatives, the Aryans, were to go northward and westward — with marked racial traits and a pronounced religious development, to play a leading part in the life of man. 6. SEMITIC LANGUAGES:

    The phrase Semitic Languages is used of a group of languages which have marked features in common, which also set them off from other languages.

    But we must avoid the unnecessary inference that nations using the same or kindred languages are of the same ancestry. There are other explanations of linguistic affinity than racial, as the Indians of Mexico may speak Spanish, and the Germans of Milwaukee may speak English. So also neighboring or intermingled nations may just as naturally have used branches of the Semitic language stock. However, it is true that the nations which were truly Semitic used languages which are strikingly akin. These have been grouped as (1) Eastern Sere, including Babylonian and Assyrian; (2) Northern, including Syriac and Aramaic; (3) Western, including Canaanite, or Phoenician, and Hebrew, and (4) Southern, including Arabic, Sabean and Ethiopic (compare Geden, Introduction to the Hebrew Bible, 14-28). The distinctive features of this family of languages are (1) the tri-literal root, (2) the consonantal writing, vowel indications being unnecessary so long as the language was spoken, (3) the meager use of moods and tenses in verbal inflection, every action being graphically viewed as belonging to one of two stages in time: completed or incomplete, (4) the paucity of parts of speech, verb and noun covering nearly all the relations of words, (5) the frequent use of internal change in the inflection of words, e.g. the doubling of a consonant or the change of a vowel, and (6) the use of certain letters, called “serviles,” as prefixes or suffixes in inflection; these are parts of pronouns or the worn-down residua of nouns and particles. The manner of writing was not uniform in these languages, Babylonian and Assyrian being ideographic and syllabic, and written from left to right, while Aramaic, Hebrew and Arabic were alphabetic and written from right to left. The primitive forms and inflections of the group are best preserved in the Arabic by reason of the conservatism of the desert peoples, and in the Assyrian by the sudden destruction of that empire and the burial of the records of that language in a comparatively pure state, to be brought back to light by 19th-century exploration. All the characteristics given above are clearly manifest in the Hebrew of the Old Testament. 7. SEMITIC RELIGION:

    In the study of Semitic Religion there are two tendencies toward error: (1) the Western pragmatical and unsympathetic overtaxing of oriental Nature-symbols and vividly imaginative speech. Because the Semite used the figure of the rock ( Deuteronomy 32:4,18,30) in describing God, or poetically conceived of the storm-cloud as Yahweh’s chariot ( <19A403> Psalm 104:3), we must not be led into believing that his religion was a savage animism, or that Yahweh of Israel was only the Zeus of the Greeks. How should an imaginative child of Nature speak of the unseen Spiritual Power, except in the richest analogies of Nature? (2) The second error is the tendency to treat the accretions acquired by contact with other nations as of the essence of Semitic religion, e.g. the golden calf following the Egyptian bondage, and the sexual abominations of the Canaanite Baal and Astarte.

    The primitive and distinctive beliefs of the Semitic peoples lie still in great uncertainty because of the long association with other peoples, whose practices they readily took over, and because of the lack of records of the primitive periods of Semitic development, their origin and dispersion among the nations being prehistoric. Our sources of information are the Babylonian and Assyrian tablets and monuments, the Egyptian inscriptions, Phoenician history, Arabian traditions and inscriptions, and principally the Old Testament Scriptures. We can never know perhaps how much the pure Semitism ofBabylonians and Assyrians was diverted and corrupted by the developed civilization which they invaded and appropriated; Egypt was only indirectly affected by Semitic life; Semitic development in Arabia was the latest in all the group, besides which the monuments and reste of Arabian antiquity which have come down to us are comparatively few; and the Phoenician development was corrupted by the sensuality of the ancient Canaanitish cults, while the Bible of the Hebrews emphatically differentiated from the unwholesome religions of Palestine their own faith, which was ancestral, revealed and pure. Was that Bible faith the primitive Semitic cult? At least we must take the Hebrew tradition at its face value, finding in it the prominent features of an ancestral faith, preserved through one branch of the Semitic group. We are met frequently in these Hebrew records by the claim that the religion they present is not a new development, nor a thing apart from the origin of their race, but rather the preservation of an ancient worship, Abraham, Moses and the prophets appearing not as originators, but reformers, or revivers, who sought to keep their people true to an inherited religion. Its elemental features are the following: (1) Its Peculiar Theism: It was pronouncedly theistic; not that other religions do not affirm a god; but theism of the Semites was such as to give their religion a unique place among all others. To say the least, it had the germ of monotheism or the tendency toward monotheism, if we have not sufficient evidence to affirm its monotheism, and to rate the later polytheistic representations of Babylonia and Assyria as local perversions. If the old view that Semitic religion was essentially monotheistic be incapable of proof, it is true that the necessary development of their concept of God must ultimately arrive at monotheism. This came to verification in Abram the Hebrew, Jesus the Messiah ( John 4:21-24) and Mohammed the false prophet. A city-state exclusively, a nation predominantly, worshipped one god, often through some Nature-symbol, as sun or star or element. With the coming of worldconquest, intercourse and vision, the one god of the city or the chief god of the nation became universalized. The ignorant and materialistic Hebrew might localize the God of Israel in a city or on a hilltop; but to the spiritual mind of Amos or in the universal vision of Isaiah He was Yahweh, Lord of all the earth. (2) Personality of God: Closely related to this high conception of Deity was the apparently contradictory but really potent idea of the Deity as a personality. The Semite did not grossly materialize his God as did the savage, nor vainly abstract and etherealize Him and so eliminate Him from the experience of man as did the Greek; but to him God universal was also God personal and intimate. The Hebrew ran the risk of conditioning the spirituality of God in order to maintain His real personality. Possibly this has been the most potent element in Semitic religion; God was not far from every one of them. He came into the closest relations as father or friend. He was the companion of king and priest. The affairs of the nation were under His immediate care; He went to war with armies, was a partner in harvest rejoicings; the home was His abode. This conception of Deity carried with it the necessary implication of revelation ( Amos 3:8). The office, message and power of the Hebrew prophet were also the logical consequence of knowing God as a Person. (3) Its View of Nature: Its peculiar view of Nature was another feature of Semitic religion. God was everywhere and always present in Nature; consequently its symbolism was the natural and ready expression of His nature and presence. Simile, parable and Nature-marvels cover the pages and tablets of their records.

    Unfortunately this poetic conception of Nature quickly enough afforded a ready path in which wayward feet and carnal minds might travel toward Nature-worship with all of its formalism and its degrading excesses. This feature of Semitic religion offers an interesting commentary on their philosophy. With them the doctrine of Second Causes received no emphasis; God worked directly in Nature, which became to them therefore the continuous arena of signs and marvels. The thunder was His voice, the sunshine reflected the light of His countenance, the winds were His messengers. And so through this imaginative view of the world the Semite dwelt in an enchanted realm of the miraculous. (4) The Moral Being of God: The Semite believed in a God who is a moral being. Such a faith in the nature of it was certain to influence profoundly their own moral development, making for them a racial character which has been distinctive and persistent through the changes of millenniums. By it also they have impressed other nations and religions, with which they have had contact.

    The Code of Hammurabi is an expression of the moral issues of theism.

    The Law and the Prophets of Israel arose out of the conviction of God’s righteousness and of the moral order of His universe ( Exodus 19:5,6; Isaiah 1:16-20). The Decalogue is a confession of faith in the unseen God; the Law of Holiness (Leviticus 17 through 26) is equally a moral code.

    While these elements are not absent altogether from other ancient religions, they are pronouncedly characteristic of the Semitic to the extent that they have given to it its permanent form, its large development, and its primacy among the religions of the human race. To know God, to hear His eternal tread in Nature, to clothe Him with light as with a garment, to establish His throne in righteousness, to perceive that holiness is the all-pervading atmosphere of His presence — such convictions were bound to affect the life and progress of a rate, and to consecrate them as a nation of priests for all mankind.

    LITERATURE.

    For discussion of the details of Semitic peoples and religions reference must be made to the particular articles, such as ARPACHSHAD; EBER; ABRAHAM; HAMMURABI; ASSYRIA; BABYLONIA; BAAL; ASHTORETH; ASHERIM; MOLOCH; CHEMOSH; CHIUN; ISRAEL, RELIGION OF etc. The literature on the subject is vast, interesting and far from conclusive. Few of the Bible Dictionaries have articles on this particular subject; reference should be made to those in the Standard and in the HDB, volume both by McCurdy; “Semites” in Catholic Encyclopedia skims the surface; articles in International Eric are good. In Old Testament Theologies, Davidson, pp. 249-52; Schultz, chapter iii of volume I; Riehm, Alttestamentliche Theologie; Delitzsch, Psychology of the Old Testament.

    For language see Wright’s Comparative Grammar of Semitic Languages.

    For history and religion: Maspero’s three volumes; McCurdy, HPM; Hommel. Ancient Hebrew Tradition, and Semitic Volker u. Sprache; Jastrow, Comparative Semitic Religion; Friedr. Delitzsch, Babel u. Bibel; W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites. Edward Mack SENAAH <se-na’-a > , <sen’-a-a > ([ ha;n;s] , cena’ah ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Saana>, Saana ]; [ Sanana>t, Sananat ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sanana>, Sanana ], [ Sennaa>, Sennaa ], [ JAsa>n, Hasan ]): The children of Senaah are mentioned as having formed part of the company returning from the captivity with Zerubbabel ( Ezra 2:35; Nehemiah 7:38). The numbers vary as given by Ezra (3,630) and Nehemiah (3,930), while 1 Esdras 5:23 puts them at 3,330. In the last place the name is Sanaas, the King James Version “Annaas” (Codex Vaticanus [ Sama>, Sama ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sana>av, Sanaas ]). In Nehemiah 3:3 the name occurs with the definite article, ha-senaah . The people may be identical with the Benjamite clan Hassenuah ( 1 Chronicles 9:7). Eusebius, in Onomasticon, speaks of Magdalsenna a village about 7 miles North of Jericho, which may be the place intended; but the site is not known. W. Ewing SENATE; SENATOR <sen’-at > , <sen’-a-ter > : In <19A522> Psalm 105:22, “teach his senators (the Revised Version (British and American) “elders”) wisdom.” The Hebrew is [ ˆqez; , zaqen ], “elder” Septuagint [presbu>teroi, presbuteroi ]). In Acts 5:21, “called the council together and all the senate of the children of Israel.” The Greek [gerousi>a, gerousia ], is here evidently used as a more precise equivalent of the foregoing “council” ([sune>drion, sunedrion ]), to which it is added by [kai>, kai ], explicative. Reference is had to the Sanhedrin. See SANHEDRIN. This term gerousia occurs in Septuagint Exodus 3:16, etc., and in 1 Macc 12:6; 2 Macc 1:10; 4:44 of the supreme council of the Jews (see GOVERNMENT ). In 1 Macc 8:15; 12:3, [bouleuth>rion, bouleuterion ], is used of the Roman senate, which is said to consist of 320 members meeting daily, consulting always for the people, to the end that they may be well governed. These statements are not quite accurate, since the senate consisted normally of 300 members, and met not daily, but on call of the magistrates. Originally, like the gerousia of the Jews, the representatives of families and clans (gentes), the senators were subsequently the ex-magistrates, supplemented, to complete the tale of members, by representatives of patrician (in time also of plebeian) families selected by the censor. The tenure was ordinarily for life, though it might be terminated for cause by the censor. Although constitutionally the senate was only an advisory body, its advice (senatus consultum, auctoritas) in fact became in time a mandate which few dared to disregard. During the republican period the senate practically ruled Rome; under the empire it tended more and more to become the creature and subservient tool of the emperors. William Arthur Heidel SENEH <se’-ne > ([ hn,s, , ceneh ]; [ Senna>, Senna ]): This was the name attaching to the southern of the two great cliffs between which ran the gorge of Michmash ( 1 Samuel 14:4). The name means “acacia,” and may have been given to it from the thorn bushes growing upon it. Josephus (BJ, V, ii, 1) mentions the “plain of thorns” near Gabathsaul. We may hear an echo of the old name in that of Wady Suweinit, “valley of the little thorn tree,” the name by which the gorge is known today. The cliff must have stood on the right side of the wady; see BOZEZ . Conder gives an excellent description of the place in Tent Work in Palestine, II, 112-14. W. Ewing SENIR <se’-nir > ([ yrnic] , senir ]; [ Savei>r, Saneir ]): This was the Amorite name of Mt. Hermon, according to Deuteronomy 3:9 (the King James Version “Shenir”).’ But in 1 Chronicles 5:23; Song 4:8, we have Senir and Hermon named as distinct mountains. It seems probable, however, that Senir applied to a definite part of the Anti-Lebanon or Hermon range. An inscription of Shalmaneser tells us that Hazael, king of Damascus, fortified Mt. Senir over against Mt. Lebanon. So in Ezekiel 27:5, Senir, whence the Tyrians got planks of fir trees, is set over against Lebanon, where cedars were obtained. The Arab geographers give the name Jebel Sanir to the part of the Anti-Lebanon range which lies between Damascus and Homs (Yakut, circa 1225 AD, quoted by Guy le Strange in Palestine under the Moslems, 79. He also quotes Mas`udi, 943 AD, to the effect that Baalbek is in the district of Senir, 295). W. Ewing SENNACHERIB <se-nak’-er-ib > ([ byrijen]s” , cancheribh ]; [ Sennachrei>m, Sennachereim ], Assyrian Sin-akhierba, “the moon-god Sin has increased the brothers”): Sennacherib (704-682 BC) ascended the throne of Assyria after the death of his father Sargon. Appreciating the fact that Babylon would be difficult to control, instead of endeavoring to conciliate the people he ignored them. The Babylonians, being indignant, crowned a man of humble origin, Marduk-zakir-shum by name. He ruled only a month, having been driven out by the irrepressible Merodach-baladan, who again appeared on the scene.

    In order to fortify himself against Assyria the latter sent an embassy to Hezekiah, apparently for the purpose of inspiring the West to rebel against Assyria ( 2 Kings 20:12-19).

    Sennacherib in his first campaign marched into Babylonia. He found Merodach-baladan entrenched at Kish, about 9 miles from Babylon, and defeated him; after which he entered the gates of Babylon, which had been thrown open to him. He placed a Babylonian, named Bel-ibni, on the throne.

    This campaign was followed by an invasion of the country of the Cassites and Iasubigalleans. In his third campaign he directed his attention to the West, where the people had become restless under the Assyrian yoke.

    Hezekiah had been victorious over the Philistines ( 2 Kings 18:8). In preparation to withstand a siege, Hezekiah had built a conduit to bring water within the city walls ( 2 Kings 20:20). Although strongly opposed by the prophet Isaiah, gifts were sent to Egypt, whence assistance was promised ( Isaiah 30:1-4). Apparently also the Phoenicians and Philistines, who had been sore pressed by Assyria, had made provision to resist Assyria. The first move was at Ekron, where the Assyrian governor Padi was put into chains and sent to Hezekiah at Jerusalem.

    Sennacherib, in 701 BC, moved against the cities in the West. He ravaged the environs of Tyre, but made no attempt to take the city, as he was without a naval force. After Elulaeus the king of Sidon fled, the city surrendered without a battle, and Ethbaal was appointed king. Numerous cities at once sent presents to the king of Assyria. Ashkelon and other cities were taken. The forces of Egypt were routed at Eltekeh, and Ekron was destroyed. He claims to have conquered 46 strongholds of Hezekiah’s territory, but he did not capture Jerusalem, for concerning the king he said, in his annals, “himself like a bird in a cage in Jerusalem, his royal city, I penned him.” He states, also, how he reduced his territory, and how Hezekiah sent to him 30 talents of gold and 800 talents of silver, besides hostages.

    The Biblical account of this invasion is found in 2 Kings 18:13 through 19:37; Isaiah 36; 37. The Assyrian account differs considerably from it; but at the same time it corroborates it in many details. One of the striking parallels is the exact amount of gold which Hezekiah sent to the Assyrian king (see The Expository Times, XII, 225,405; XIII, 326).

    In the following year Sennacherib returned to Babylonia to put down a rebellion by Bal-ibni and Merodach-baladan. The former was sent to Assyria, and the latter soon afterward died. Ashurnadin-shum, the son of Sennacherib, was then crowned king of Babylon. A campaign into Cilicia and Cappadocia followed.

    In 694 BC Sennacherib attacked the Elamites, who were in league with the Babylonians. In revenge, the Elamites invaded Babylonia and carried off Ashur-nadin-shum to Elam, and made Nergalushezib king of Babylon. He was later captured and in turn carried off to Assyria. In 691 BC Sennacherib again directed his attention to the South, and at Khalute fought with the combined forces. Two years later he took Babylon, and razed it to the ground.

    In 681 BC Sennacherib was murdered by his two sons ( 2 Kings 19:37; see SHAREZER ). Esar-haddon their younger brother, who was at the time conducting a campaign against Ararat, was declared king in his stead. A. T. Clay SENSES <sen’-siz > : The translation of [aijsqhth>rion, aistheterion ] ( Hebrews 5:14, “those who by reason of use have their senses exercised to discern good and evil”). The word means, primarily, the seat of the senses, the region of feeling; in the Septuagint of Jeremiah 4:19, it represents the Hebrew qir , “the walls of the heart” (see the Revised Version (British and American)), and is used to denote the internal sense or faculty of perceiving and judging, which in Hebrews 5:14 is regarded as becoming perfected by use or exercise (compare Ephesians 4:12 f; 1 Timothy 4:7; 2 Peter 3:18).

    In 2 Esdras 10:36 we have “Or is my sense deceived, or my soul in a dream?” Latin sensus, here “mind” rather than “sense.” W. L. Walker SENSUAL <sen’-shoo-al > ([yuciko>v, psuchikos ], “animal,” “natural”): Biblical psychology has no English equivalent for this Greek original. Man subject to the lower appetites is [sarkiko>v, sarkikos ], “fleshly”; in the communion of his spirit with God he is [pneumatiko>v, pneumatikos ], “spiritual.” Between the two is the [yuch>, psuche ], “soul,” the center of his personal being. This ego or “I”in each man is bound to the spirit, the higher nature; and to the body or lower nature.

    The soul (psuche ) as the seat of the senses, desires, affections, appetites, passions, i.e. the lower animal nature common to man with the beasts, was distinguished in the Pythagorean and Platonic philosophy from the higher rational nature (nous , pneuma ).

    The subjection of the soul to the animal nature is man’s debasement, to the spirit indwelt of God is his exaltation. The English equivalent for psuchikos , “psychic” does not express this debasement. In the New Testament “sensual” indicates man’s subjection to self and self-interest, whether animal or intellectual — the selfish man in whom the spirit is degraded into subordination to the debased psuche , “soul.” This debasement may be (1) intellectual, “not wisdom .... from above, but .... earthly, sensual” ( James 3:15); (2) carnal (and of course moral), “sensual, having not the Spirit” ( Jude 1:19). It ranges all the way from sensuous self-indulgence to gross immorality. In the utter subjection of the spirit to sense it is the utter exclusion of God from the life. Hence, “the natural (psuchikos ) man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of God” (1 Cor 2:14). The term is equivalent to “the mind of the flesh” ( Romans 8:7) which “is not subject to the law of God.” See PSYCHOLOGY.

    Dwight M. Pratt SENT ([ jl”v; , shalach ]; [ajposte>llw, apostello ]): “Sent” in the Old Testament is the translation of shalach , “to send” (of presents, messengers, etc., Genesis 32:18; 44:3; Judges 6:14; 1 Kings 14:6; Est 3:13; Proverbs 17:11; Jeremiah 49:14; Ezekiel 3:5; 23:40; Daniel 10:11; Obidiah 1:1); of shelach , Aramaic ( Ezra 7:14; Daniel 5:24); of shilluchim , “sending” ( Exodus 18:2); in the New Testament of apostello , “to send off” or “away,” “to send forth” ( John 9:7, “the pool of Siloam (which is by interpretation, Sent)”); compare Luke 13:4; Nehemiah 3:15, the pool of Siloah, the Revised Version (British and American) “Shelah”; Isaiah 8:6, “the waters of Shiloah that go softly,” where Septuagint has Siloam for Hebrew shiloach , “a sending,” which, rather than “Sent,” is the original meaning — a sending forth of waters. See SILOAM. “Sent” is also the translation of apostolos , “one sent forth” (the original of the familiar word “apostle”); in John 13:16, “one that is sent” (margin, “Greek `an apostle’”); compare Hebrews 1:14. W. L. Walker SENTENCE <sen’-tens > : Eight Hebrew and three Greek words are thus translated in the King James Version. Sometimes it points to a mystery ( Daniel 5:12; 8:23); then again to the contents of the Law ( Deuteronomy 17:11); then again to the idea of judgment ( Psalm 17:2) or of a judicial sentence (2 Cor 1:9; Luke 23:24), or of judicial advice ( Acts 15:19, the American Standard Revised Version “judgment”).

    SENUAH <se-nu’-a > , <sen’-u-a > ([ ha;Wns] , cenu’ah ]): In the King James Version “A Benjamite” ( Nehemiah 11:9); the Revised Version (British and American) has “Hassenuah,” transliterating the definite article the King James Version is to be preferred (compare 1 Chronicles 9:7).

    SEORIM <se-o’-rim > , <se-or’-im > ([ µyri[oc] , se`orim ]): The name borne by one of the (post-exilic) priestly courses ( 1 Chronicles 24:8).

    SEPARATE <sep’-a-rat > : The translation of a number of Hebrew and Greek words, [ ld”B; , badhal ] ( Leviticus 20:24, etc.), and [ajfori>zw, aphorizo ] ( Matthew 25:32, etc.), being the most common. “To separate” and “to consecrate” were originally not distinguished (e.g. Numbers 6:2 margin), and probably the majority of the uses of “separate” in English Versions of the Bible connote “to set apart for God.” But precisely the same term that is used in this sense may also denote the exact opposite (e.g. the use of nazar in Ezekiel 14:7 and Zechariah 7:3). See HOLY; NAZIRITE; SAINT.

    SEPARATION <sep-a-ra’-shun > : In the Pentateuch the word niddah specially points to a state of ceremonial uncleanness ( Leviticus 12:2,5; 15:20 ff; Numbers 6:4 ff; 12:13; 19:21). For a description of the “water of purification,” used for cleansing what was ceremonially unclean (Numbers 19), see HEIFER, RED; UNCLEANNESS . For “separation” in the sense of nezer, see NAZIRITE .

    SEPHAR <se’-far > : Only in Genesis 10:30 [ hr;p;s] , cepharah ], “toward Sephar”), as the eastern limit of the territory of the sons of Yoktan (Joktan). From the similarity between the names of most of Yoktan’s sons and the names of South Arabian towns or districts, it can hardly be doubted that Sephar is represented by the Arabic Qafar. The appropriateness of the site seems to outweigh the discrepancy between Arabic “z” and Hebrew “s”. But two important towns in South Arabia bear this name. The one lies a little to the South of San`a’. According to tradition it was founded by Shammir, one of the Sabean kings, and for a long time served as the royal seat of the Tubbas. The other Zafar stands on the coast in the district of Shichr, East of Chadramaut. The latter is probably to be accepted as the Biblical site. A. S. Fulton SEPHARAD <se-fa’-rad > , <sef’-a-rad > ([ dr;p;s] , cepharadh ]): Mentioned in Obidiah 1:20 as the place of captivity of certain “captives of Jerusalem,” but no clear indication is given of locality. Many conjectures have been made. The Targum of Jonathan identifies with Spain; hence, the Spanish Jews are called Sephardim. Others (Pusey, etc.) have connected it with the “(Tsparda” of the Behistun Inscription, and some have even identified it with “Sardis.” The now generally accepted view is that which connects it with the “Saparda” of the Assyrian inscriptions, though whether this is to be located to the East of Assyria or in Northern Asia Minor is not clear.

    See Schrader, Cuneiform Inscriptions, II, 145-46; Sayce, HCM, 482-84; articles in DB, HDB, EB, etc. James Orr SEPHARVAIM <sef-ar-va’-im > , <se-far-va’-im > ([ µyiw”r]p”s] , cepharwayim ]: [ Seffaroua>im, Sephpharouaim ], [ Sepfaroua>im, Seppharouaim ], [ Sepfarou>n, Seppharoun ], [ Sepfarouma>in, Seppharoumain ], [ jEpfaroua>im, Eppharouaim ], [ Sepfarei>m, Sepphareim ], the first two being the forms in manuscripts Alexandrinus and Vaticanus respectively, of the passages in Kings, and the last two in Isaiah): 1. FORMERLY IDENTIFIED WITH THE TWO BABYLONIAN SIPPARS:

    This city, mentioned in 2 Kings 17:24; 18:34; 19:13; Isaiah 36:19; 37:13, is generally identified with the Sip(p)ar of the Assyrians-Babylonian inscriptions (Zimbir in Sumerian), on the Euphrates, about 16 miles Southwest of Bagdad. It was one of the two great seats of the worship of the Babylonian sun-god Samas, and also of the goddesses Ishtar and Anunit, and seems to have had two principal districts, Sippar of Samas, and Sippar of Anunit, which, if the identification were correct, would account for the dual termination -ayim , in Hebrew. This site is the modern ‘Abu- Habbah , which was first excavated by the late Hormuzd Rassam in 1881, and has furnished an enormous number of inscriptions, some of them of the highest importance. 2. DIFFICULTIES OF THAT IDENTIFICATION:

    Besides the fact that the deities of the two cities, Sippar and Sepharvaim, are not the same, it is to be noted that in 2 Kings 19:13 the king of Sepharvaim is referred to, and, as far as is known, the Babylonian Sippar never had a king of its own, nor had Akkad, with which it is in part identified, for at least 1,200 years before Sennacherib. The fact that Babylon and Cuthah head the list of cities mentioned is no indication that Sepharvaim was a Babylonian town — the composition of the list, indeed, points the other way, for the name comes after Ava and Hamath, implying that it lay in Syria. 3. ANOTHER SUGGESTION:

    Joseph Halevy therefore suggests (ZA, II, 401 ff) that it should be identified with the Sibraim of Ezekiel 47:16, between Damascus and Hamath (the dual implying a frontier town), and the same as the Sabara’in of the Babylonian Chronicle, there referred to as having been captured by Shalmaneser. As, however, Sabara’in may be read Samara’in, it is more likely to have been the Hebrew [Shomeron] (Samaria), as pointed out by Fried. Delitzsch.

    LITERATURE. See Schrader, The Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament, I, 71 f; Kittel on K; Dillmann-Kittel on Isa, at the place; HDB, under the word T. G. Pinches SEPHARVITES <se’-far-vits > , se-far’-vits> ([ µywir]p”s] , cepharwim ]): In 2 Kings 17:31, the inhabitants of SEPHARVAIM (which see), planted by the king of Assyria in Samaria. They continued there to burn their children to their native gods.

    SEPPHORIS <sef’-o-ris > : A city of Galilee, taken by Josephus (Vita, IX, lxvii, 71) and later destroyed by the son of Varus (Ant., XVII, x, 9).

    SEPTUAGINT <sep’-tu-a-jint > :

    I. IMPORTANCE.

    The Greek version of the Old Testament commonly known as the Septuagint holds a unique place among translations. Its importance is manysided. Its chief value lies in the fact that it is a version of a Hebrew text earlier by about a millennium than the earliest dated Hebrew manuscript extant (916 AD), a version, in particular, prior to the formal rabbinical revision of the Hebrew which took place early in the 2nd century AD. It supplies the materials for the reconstruction of an older form of the Hebrew than the Massoretic Text reproduced in our modern Bibles. It is, moreover, a pioneering work; there was probably no precedent in the world’s history for a series of translations from one language into another on so extensive a scale. It was the first attempt to reproduce the Hebrew Scriptures in another tongue. It is one of the outstanding results of the breaking-down of international barriers by the conquests of Alexander the Great and the dissemination of the Greek language, which were fraught with such vital consequences for the history of religion. The cosmopolitan city which he founded in the Delta witnessed the first attempt to bridge the gulf between Jewish and Greek thought. The Jewish commercial settlers at Alexandria, forced by circumstances to abandon their language, clung tenaciously to their faith; and the translation of the Scriptures into their adopted language, produced to meet their own needs, had the further result of introducing the outside world to a knowledge of their history and religion. Then came the most momentous event in its history, the startingpoint of a new life; the translation was taken over from the Jews by the Christian church. It was the Bible of most writers of the New Testament.

    Not only are the majority of their express citations from Scripture borrowed from it, but their writings contain numerous reminiscences of its language. Its words are household words to them. It laid for them the foundations of a new religious terminology. It was a potent weapon for missionary work, and, when versions of the Scriptures into other languages became necessary, it was in most cases the Septuagint and not the Hebrew from which they were made. Preeminent among these daughter versions was the Old Latin which preceded the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390- 405 A.D.), for the most part a direct translation from the Hebrew, was in portions a mere revision of the Old Latin; our Prayer-book version of the Psalter preserves peculiarities of the Septuagint, transmitted through the medium of the Old Latin. The Septuagint was also the Bible of the early Greek Fathers, and helped to mold dogma; it furnished proof-texts to both parties in the Arian controversy. Its language gives it another strong claim to recognition. Uncouth and unclassical as much of it appears, we now know that this is not wholly due to the hampering effects of translation. “Biblical Greek,” once considered a distinct species, is now a rather discredited term. The hundreds of contemporary papyrus records (letters, business and legal documents, etc.) recently discovered in Egypt illustrate much of the vocabulary and grammar and go to show that many so-called “Hebraisms” were in truth integral parts of the koine , or “common language,” i.e. the international form of Greek which, since the time of Alexander, replaced the old dialects, and of which the spoken Greek of today is the lineal descendant. The version was made for the populace and written in large measure in the language of their everyday life.

    II. NAME.

    The name “Septuagint” is an abbreviation of Interpretatio secundum (or juxta) Septuaginta seniores (or viros), i.e. the Greek translation of the Old Testament of which the first installment was, according to the Alexandrian legend (see III, below), contributed by 70 (or 72) elders sent from Jerusalem to Alexandria for the purpose at the request of Ptolemy II. The legend in its oldest form restricts their labors to the Pentateuch but they were afterward credited with the translation of the whole Bible, and before the 4th century it had become customary to apply the title to the whole collection: Aug., Deuteronomy Civ. Dei, xviii.42, “quorum interpretatio ut Septuaginta vocetur iam obtinuit consuetudo” (“whose translation is now by custom called the Septuagint”). The manuscripts refer to them under the abbreviation [oiJ o>, hoi o’ ] (“the seventy”), or [oiJ ob >, hoi ob’ ], (“the seventy-two”). The “Septuagint” and the abbreviated form “LXX” have been the usual designations hitherto, but, as these are based on a now discredited legend, they are coming to be replaced by “the Old Testament in Greek,” or “the Alexandrian version” with the abbreviation “G”.

    III. TRADITIONAL ORIGIN.

    The traditional account of the translation of the Pentateuch is contained in the so-called letter of Aristeas (editions of Greek text, P. Wendland, Teubner series, 1900, and Thackeray in the App. to Swete’s Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek, 1900, etc.; Wendland’s sections cited below appear in Swete’s Introduction, edition 2; English translation by Thackeray, Macmillan, 1904, reprinted from JQR, XV, 337, and by H. T.

    Andrews in Charles’ Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament, II, 83-122, Oxford, 1913). 1. Letter of Aristeas: The writer professes to be a high official at the court of Ptolemy Philadelphus (285-247 BC), a Greek interested in Jewish antiquities.

    Addressing his brother Philocrates he describes an embassy to Jerusalem on which he has recently been sent with another courtier Andreas.

    According to his narrative, Demetrius of Phalerum, a prominent figure in later Athenian history, who here appears as the royal librarian at Alexandria, convinced the king of the importance of securing for his library a translation of the Jewish Law. The king at the same time, to propitiate the nation from whom he was asking a favor, consented, on the suggestion of Aristeas, to liberate all Jewish slaves in Egypt. Copies follow of the letters which passed between Ptolemy and Eleazar, the high priest at Jerusalem. Ptolemy requests Eleazar to select and dispatch to Alexandria 72 elders, proficient in the Law,6 from each tribe, to undertake the translation the importance of the task requiring the services of a large number to secure an accurate version Eleazar complies with the request and the names of the selected translators are appended to his letter.

    There follow: (1) a detailed description of votive offerings sent by Ptolemy for the temple; (2) a sketch of Jerusalem, the temple and its services, and the geography of Palestine, doubtless reflecting in part the impressions of an eyewitness and giving a unique picture of the Jewish capital in the Ptolemaic era; (3) an exposition by Eleazar of portions of the Law.

    The translators arrive at Alexandria, bringing a copy of the Law written in letters of gold on rolls of skins, and are honorably received by Ptolemy. A seven days’ banquet follows, at which the king tests the proficiency of each in turn with hard questions. Three days later Demetrius conducts them across the mole known as the Heptastadion to the island of Pharos, where, with all necessaries provided for their convenience, they complete their task, as by a miracle, in 72 days; we are expressly told that their work was the result of collaboration and comparison. The completed version was read by Demetrius to the Jewish community, who received it with enthusiasm and begged that a copy might be entrusted to their leaders; a solemn curse was pronounced on any who should venture to add to or subtract from or make any alteration in the translation. The whole version was then read aloud to the king who expressed his admiration and his surprise that Greek writers had remained in ignorance of its contents; he directed that the books should be preserved with scrupulous care. 2. Evidence of Aristobulus and Philo: To set beside this account we have two pre-Christian allusions in Jewish writings. Aristobulus, addressing a Ptolemy who has been identified as Philometor (182-146 BC), repeats the statement that the Pentateuch was translated under Philadelphus at the instance of Demetrius Phalereus (Eusebius, Praep. Ev., XIII, 12,664b); but the genuineness of the passage is doubtful. If it is accepted, it appears that some of the main features of the story were believed at Alexandria within a century of the date assigned by “Aristeas” to the translation Philo (Vit. Moys, ii.5 ff) repeats the story of the sending of the translators by Eleazar at the request of Philadelphus, adding that in his day the completion of the undertaking was celebrated by an annual festival on the isle of Pharos. It is improbable that an artificial production like the Aristeas letter should have occasioned such an anniversary; Philo’s evidence seems therefore to rest in part on an independent tradition. His account in one particular paves the way for later accretions; he hints at the inspiration of the translators and the miraculous agreement of their separate VSS: “They prophesied like men possessed, not one in one way and one in another, but all producing the same words and phrases as though some unseen prompter were at the ears of each.” At the end of the 1st century AD Josephus includes in his Antiquities (XII, ii, 1 ff) large portions of the letter, which he paraphrases, but does not embellish. 3. Later Accretions: Christian writers accepted the story without suspicion and amplified it. A catena of their evidence is given in an Appendix to Wendland’s edition.

    The following are their principal additions to the narrative, all clearly baseless fabrications. (1) The translators worked independently, in separate cells, and produced identical versions, Ptolemy proposing this test of their trustworthiness. So Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Augustine, the Chronicon Paschale and the Cohortatio ad Graecos (wrongly attributed to Justin); the author of the last work asserts that he had seen the cells and heard the tradition on the spot. (2) A modification of this legend says that the translators worked in pairs in 36 cells. So Epiphanius (died 403 AD), and later G. Syncellus, Julius Pollux and Zonaras. Epiphanius’ account is the most detailed.

    The translators were locked up in sky-lighted cells in pairs with attendants and shorthand writers; each pair was entrusted with one book, the books were then circulated, and 36 identical versions of the whole Bible, canonical and apocryphal books, were produced; Ptolemy wrote two letters, one asking for the original Scriptures, the second for translators. (3) This story of the two embassies appears already in the 2nd century AD, in Justin’s Apology, and (4) the extension of the translators’ work to the Prophets or the whole Bible recurs in the two Cyrils and in Chrysostom. (5) The miraculous agreement of the translators proved them to be no less inspired than the authors (Irenaeus, etc.; compare Philo). (6) As regards date, Clement of Alexandria quotes an alternative tradition referring the version back to the time of the first Ptolemy (322-285 BC); while Chrysostom brings it down to “a hundred or more years (elsewhere “not many years”) before the coming of Christ.”

    Justin absurdly states that Ptolemy’s embassy was sent to King Herod; the Chronicon Paschale calls the high priest of the time Onias Simon, brother of Eleazar.

    Jerome was the first to hold these later inventions up to ridicule, contrasting them with the older and more sober narrative. They indicate a growing oral tradition in Jewish circles at Alexandria. The origin of the legend of the miraculous consensus of the 70 translators has been reasonably sought in a passage in Exodus 24 Septuagint to which Epiphanius expressly refers. We there read of 70 elders of Israel, not heard of again, who with Aaron, Nadab and Abihu form a link between Moses and the people. After reciting the Book of the Covenant Moses ascends to the top of the mount; the 70, however, ascend but a little way and are bidden to worship from afar: according to the Septuagint text “They saw the place where the God of Israel stood .... and of the elect of Israel not one perished” ( Exodus 24:11), i.e. they were privileged to escape the usual effect of a vision of the Deity ( Exodus 33:20). But the verb used for “perish” (diaphonein ) was uncommon in this sense; “not one disagreed” would be the obvious meaning; hence, apparently the legend of the agreement of the translators, the later intermediaries between Moses and Israel of the Dispersion. When the translations were recited, “no difference was discoverable,” says Epiphanius, using the same verb, cavedwellings in the island of Pharos probably account for the legend of the cells. A curious phenomenon has recently suggested that there is an element of truth in one item of Epiphanius’ obviously incredible narrative, namely, the working of the translators in pairs. The Greek books of Jeremiah and Ezekiel fall into two nearly equal parts, apparently the work of separate translators (see VIII, 1, (2) , below); while in Exodus, Leviticus and Psalms orthographical details indicate a similar division of the books for clerical purposes. There was, it seems, a primitive custom of transcribing each book on 2 separate rolls, and in the case of Jeremiah and Ezekiel the practice goes back to the time of translation (JTS, IV, 245 ff, 398 ff; IX, 88 ff). 4. Criticism of the Aristeas Story: Beside the later extravagances, the story of Aristeas appears comparatively rational. Yet it has long been recognized that much of it is unhistorical, in particular the professed date and nationality of the writer. Its claims to authenticity were demolished by Dr. Hody two centuries ago (Deuteronomy bibliorum textibus originalibus, Oxon., 1705). Clearly the writer is not a Greek, but a Jew, whose aim is to glorify his race and to disseminate information about their sacred books. Yet the story is not wholly to be rejected, though it is difficult to disentangle truth from fiction.

    On one side his veracity has since Hody’s time been established; his court titles, technical terms, epistolary formulas, etc., reappear in Egyptian papyri and inscriptions, and all his references to Alexandrian life and customs are probably equally trustworthy (sections 28, 109 ff, measures to counteract the ill effects upon agriculture of migration from country to town; section 167, treatment of informers (compare section 25); section 175 reception of foreign embassies (compare section 182)). The import of this discovery has, however, since its announcement by Lombroso (Recherches sur l’economie politique de l’Egypte, Turin, 1870), been somewhat modified by the new-found papyri which show that Aristeas’ titles and formulas are those of the later, not the earlier, Ptolemaic age. 5. Date: The letter was used by Josephus and probably known to Philo. How much earlier is it? Schurer (HJP, II, iii, 309 f (GJV4,III, 608-16)), relying on (1) the questionable Aristobulus passage, (2) the picture drawn of Palestine as if still under Ptolemaic rule, from which it passed to the Seleucids circa 200 BC, argued that the work could not be later than that date. But it is hard to believe that a fictitious story (as he regards it to be) could have gained credence within little more than half a century of the period to which it relates, and Wendland rightly rejects so ancient an origin. The following indications suggest a date about 100-80 BC. (1) Many of Aristeas’ formulas, etc. (see above), only came into use in the 2nd century BC (Strack, Rhein. Mus., LV, 168 ff; Thackeray, Aristeas, English translation, pp. 3, 12). (2) The later Maccabean age or the end of the 2nd century BC is suggested by some of the translators’ names (Wendland, xxvi), and (3) by the independent position of the high priest. (4) Some of Ptolemy’s questions indicate a tottering dynasty (section 187, etc.). (5) The writer occasionally forgets his role and distinguishes between his own time and that of Philadelphus (sections 28, 182). (6) He appears to borrow his name from a Jewish historian of the 2nd century BC and to wish to pass off the latter’s history as his own (section 6). (7) He is guilty of historical inaccuracies concerning Demetrius, etc. (8) The prologue to the Greek Ecclesiasticus (after 132 BC) ignores and contradicts the Aristeas story, whereas Aristeas possibly used this prologue (Wendland, xxvii; compare Hart, Ecclesiasticus in Greek, 1909). (9) The imprecation upon any who should alter the translation (section 311) points to divergences of text which the writer desired to check; compare section 57, where he seems to insist on the correctness of the Septuagint text of Exodus 25:22, “gold of pure gold,” as against the Hebrew. (10) Allusions to current criticisms of the Pentateuch (sections 128, 144) presuppose a familiarity with it on the part of non-Jewish readers only explicable if the Septuagint had long been current. (11) Yet details in the Greek orthography preclude a date much later than 100 BC. 6. Credibility: The probable amount of truth in the story is ably discussed by Swete (Intro, 16-22). The following statements in the letter may be accepted: (1) The translation was produced at Alexandria, as is conclusively proved by Egyptian influence on its language. (2) The Pentateuch was translated first and, in view of the homogeneity of style, as a whole. (3) The Greek Pentateuch goes back to the first half of the 3rd century BC; the style is akin to that of the 3rd-century papyri, and the Greek Genesis was used by the Hellenist Demetrius toward the end of the century. (4) The Hebrew rolls were brought from Jerusalem. (5) Possibly Philadelphus, the patron of literature, with his religious impartiality, may have countenanced the work. But the assertion that it owed its inception wholly to him and his librarian is incredible; it is known from other sources that Demetrius Phalereus did not fill the office of librarian under that monarch. The language is that of the people, not a literary style suitable to a work produced under royal patronage. The importation of Palestinian translators is likewise fictitious. Dr. Swete acutely observes that Aristeas, in stating that the translation was read to and welcomed by the Jewish community before being presented to the king, unconsciously reveals its true origin. It was no doubt produced to meet their own needs by the large Jewish colony at Alexandria. A demand that the Law should be read in the synagogues in a tongue “understanded of the people” was the originating impulse.

    IV. EVIDENCE OF PROLOGUE TO SIRACH.

    The interesting, though in places tantalizingly obscure, prologue to Ecclesiasticus throws light on the progress made with the translation of the remaining Scriptures before the end of the 2nd century BC.

    The translator dates his settlement in Egypt, during which he produced his version of his grandfather’s work, as “the 38th year under Euergetes the king.” The words have been the subject of controversy, but, with the majority of critics, we may interpret this to mean the 38th year of Euergetes II, reckoning from the beginning (170 BC) of his joint reign with Philometor, i.e. 132 BC. Euergetes I reigned for 25 years only. Others, in view of the superfluous preposition, suppose that the age of the translator is intended, but the cumbrous form of expression is not unparalleled. A recent explanation of the date (Hart, Ecclesiasticus in Greek) as the 38th year of Philadelphus which was also the 1st year of Euergetes I (i.e. BC) is more ingenious than convincing.

    The prologue implies the existence of a Greek version of the Law; the Prophets and “the rest of the books.” The translator, craving his readers’ indulgence for the imperfections of his own work, due to the difficulty of reproducing Hebrew in Greek, adds that others have experienced the same difficulties: “The Law itself and the prophecies and the rest of the books have no small difference when spoken in their original language.” From these words we may understand that at the time of writing (132-100 BC) Alexandrian Jews possessed Greek versions of a large part (probably not the whole) of “the Prophets,” and of some of “the Writings” or Hagiographa. For some internal evidence as to the order in which the several books were translated see VIII, below.

    V. TRANSMISSION OF THE SEPTUAGINT TEXT.

    The main value of the Septuagint is its witness to an older Hebrew text than our own. But before we can reconstruct this Hebrew text we need to have a pure Greek text before us, and this we are at present far from possessing. The Greek text has had a long and complex history of its own.

    Used for centuries by both Jews and Christians it underwent corruption and interpolation, and, notwithstanding the multitude of materials for its restoration, the original text has yet to be recovered. We are much more certain of the ipsissima verba of the New Testament writers than of the original Alexandrian version of the Old Testament. This does not apply to all portions alike. The Greek Pentateuch, e.g., has survived in a relatively pure form. But everywhere we have to be on our guard against interpolations, sometimes extending to whole paragraphs. Not a verse is without its array of variant readings. An indication of the amount of “mixture” which has taken place is afforded by the numerous “doublets” or alternative renderings of a single Hebrew word or phrase which appear side by side in the transmitted text. 1. Early Corruption of the Text: Textual corruption began early, before the Christian era. We have seen indications of this in the letter of Aristeas (III, 5, (9) above). Traces of corruption appear in Philo (e.g. his comment, in Quis Rer. Div. Her. 56, on Genesis 15:15, shows that already in his day tapheis, “buried,” had become trapheis, “nurtured,” as in all our manuscripts); doublets already exist. Similarly in the New Testament the author of Hebrews quotes (12:15) a corrupt form of the Greek of Deuteronomy 29:18. 2. Official Revision of Hebrew Text circa 100 AD: But it was not until the beginning of the 2nd century AD that the divergence between the Greek and the Palestinian Hebrew text reached an acute stage. One cause of this was the revision of the Hebrew text which took place about this time. No actual record of this revision exists, but it is beyond doubt that it originated in the rabbinical school, of which Rabbi Akiba was the chief representative, and which had its center at Jamnia in the years following the destruction of Jerusalem. The Jewish doctors, their temple in ruins, concentrated their attention on the settlement of the text of the Scriptures which remained to them. This school of eminent critics, precursors of the Massoretes, besides settling outstanding questions concerning the Canon, laid down strict rules for Biblical interpretation, and in all probability established an official text. 3. Adoption of Septuagint by Christians: But another cause widened still farther the distance between the texts of Jerusalem and Alexandria. This was the adoption of the Septuagint by the Christian church. When Christians began to cite the Alexandrian version in proof of their doctrines, the Jews began to question its accuracy. Hence, mutual recriminations which are reflected in the pages of Justin’s Dialogue with Trypho. “They dare to assert,” says Justin (Dial., 68), “that the interpretation produced by your seventy elders under Ptolemy of Egypt is in some points inaccurate.” A crucial instance cited by the Jews was the rendering “virgin” in Isaiah 7:14, where they claimed with justice that “young woman” would be more accurate. Justin retaliates by charging the Jews with deliberate excision of passages favorable to Christianity. 4. Alternative 2nd Century Greek Versions: That such accusations should be made in those critical years was inevitable, yet there is no evidence of any material interpolations having been introduced by either party. But the Alexandrian version, in view of the revised text and the new and stricter canons of interpretation, was felt by the Jews to be inadequate, and a group of new translations of Scripture in the 2nd century AD supplied the demand. We possess considerable fragments of the work of three of these translators, namely, Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion, besides scanty remnants of further anonymous versions 5. Aquila: The earliest of “the three” was Aquila, a proselyte to Judaism, and, like his New Testament namesake, a native of Pontus. He flourished, according to Epiphanius (whose account of these later translators in his Deuteronomy mens. et pond. is not wholly trustworthy), under Hadrian (117-38 AD) and was related to that emperor; there is no, probability in Epiphanius’ further statement that Hadrian entrusted to Aquila the superintendence of the building of Aelia Capitolina on the site of Jerusalem, that there he was converted to Christianity by Christian exiles returning from Pella, but that refusing to abandon astrology he was excommunicated, and in revenge turned Jew and was actuated by a bias against Christianity in his version of the Old Testament. What is certain is that he was a pupil of the new rabbinical school, in particular of Rabbi Akiba (95-135 AD), and that his version was an attempt to reproduce exactly the revised official text. The result was an extraordinary production, unparalleled in Greek literature, if it can be classed under that category at all. No jot or tittle of the Hebrew might be neglected; uniformity in the translation of each Hebrew word must be preserved and the etymological kinship of different Hebrew words represented. Such were some of his leading principles. The opening words of his translation ( Genesis 1:1) may be rendered: “In heading rounded God with the heavens and with the earth.” “Heading” or “summary” was selected because the Hebrew word for “beginning” was a derivative of “head.” “With” represents an untranslatable word (‘eth ) prefixed to the accusative case, but indistinguishable from the preposition “with.” The Divine Name (the tetragrammaton, YHWH ) was not translated, but written in archaic Hebrew characters. “A slave to the letter,” as Origen calls him, his work has aptly been described by a modern writer as “a colossal crib” (Burkitt, JQR, October, 1896, 207 ff). Yet it was a success. In Origen’s time it was used by all Jews ignorant of Hebrew, and continued in use for several centuries; Justinian expressly sanctioned its use in the synagogues (Nov., 146). Its lack of style and violation of the laws of grammar were not due to ignorance of Greek, of which the writer shows, in vocabulary at least, a considerable command. Its importance lay and lies (so far as it is preserved) in its exact reproduction of the rabbinical text of the 2nd century AD; it may be regarded as the beginning of the scientific study of the Hebrew Scriptures. Though “a bold attempt to displace the Septuagint,” it cannot be charged with being intentionally antagonistic to Christianity. Of the original work, previously known only from extracts in manuscripts, some palimpsest fragments were recovered from the Cairo Genizah in 1897 and edited by F. C. Burkitt (Fragments of the Books of Kings, 1897) and by C. Taylor (Sayings of the Jewish Fathers2, 1897; Hebrew-Greek Cairo Genizah Palimpsests, 1900). The student of Swete’s Old Testament will trace Aquila’s unmistakable style in the footnotes to the Books of Samuel and Kings; the older and shorter B text in those books has constantly been supplemented in the A text from Aquila. A longer specimen of his work occurs in the Greek Ecclesiastes, which has no claim to be regarded as “Septuagint”; Jerome refers to a second edition of Aquila’s version, and the Greek Ecclesiastes is perhaps his first edition of that book, made on the basis of an unrevised Hebrew text (McNeile, Introduction to Ecclesiastes, Cambridge, 1904, App. I). The suggested identification of Aquila with Onkelos, author of the Targum of that name, has not been generally accepted. 6. Theodotion: Epiphanius’ account of the dates and history of Theodotion and Symmachus is untrustworthy. He seems to have reversed their order, probably misled by the order of the translations, in the columns of the Hexapla (see below). He also apparently confused Aquila and Theodotion in calling the latter a native of Pontus. As regards date, Theodotion, critics are agreed, preceded Symmachus and probably flourished under M.

    Aurelius (161-80), whereas Symmachus lived under Commodus (180-92); Irenaeus mentions only the versions of Aquila and Theodotion, and that of Symmachus had in his day either not been produced or at least not widely circulated. According to the more credible account of Irenaeus, Theodotion was an Ephesian and a convert to Judaism. His version constantly agrees with the Septuagint and was rather a revision of it, to bring it into accord with the current Hebrew text, than an independent work. The supplementing of lacunae in the Septuagint (due partly to the fact that the older version of some books did not aim at completeness) gave scope for greater originality. These lacunae were greatest in Job and his version of that book was much longer than the Septuagint. The text of Job printed in Swete’s edition is a patchwork of old and new; the careful reader may detect the Theodotion portions by transliterations and other peculiarities. Long extracts from Theodotion are preserved in codex Q in Jeremiah. As regards the additional matter contained in Septuagint, Theodotion was inconsistent; he admitted, e.g., the additions to Daniel (Sus, Bel and the Dragon, and the Song of Three Children), but did not apparently admit the non-canonical books as a whole. The church adopted his Daniel in place of the inadequate Septuagint version, which has survived in only one Greek manuscript; but the date when the change took place is unknown and the early history of the two Greek texts is obscure.

    Theodotion’s renderings have been found in writings before his time (including the New Testament), and it is reasonably conjectured that even before the 2nd century AD the Septuagint text had been discarded and that Theodotion’s version is but a working over of an older alternative version Theodotion is free from the barbarisms of Aquila, but is addicted to transliteration, i.e. the reproduction of Hebrew words in Greek letters: His reasons for this habit are not always clear; ignorance of Hebrew will not account for all (compare VIII, 1, (5) , below). 7. Symmachus and Others: Beside the two versions produced by, and primarily intended for, Jews was a third, presumably to meet the needs of a Jewish Christian sect who were dissatisfied with the Septuagint. Symmachus, its author, was, according to the more trustworthy account, an Ebionite, who also wrote a commentary on Matthew, a copy of which was given to Origen by Juliana, a lady who received it from its author (Euseb., HE, VI, 17). Epiphanius’ description of him as a Samaritan convert to Judaism may be rejected. The date of his work, as above stated, was probably the reign of Commodus (180-192 AD). In one respect the version resembled Aquila’s, in its faithful adherence to the sense of the current Hebrew text; its style, however, which was flowing and literary, was a revolt against Aquila’s monstrosities.

    It seems to have been a recasting of Aquila’s version, with free use of both Septuagint and Theodotion. It carried farther a tendency apparent in the Septuagint to refine away the anthropomorphisms of the Old Testament.

    Of three other manuscripts discovered by Origen (one at Nicopolis in Greece, one at Jericho) and known from their position in the Hexapla as Quinta, Sexta, and Septima, little is known. There is no reason to suppose that they embraced the whole Old Testament. Quinta is characterized by Field as the most elegant of the Greek versions F.C. Burkitt has discussed “the so-called Quinta of 4 Kings” in PSBA, June, 1902. The Christian origin of Sexta betrays itself in Habakkuk 3:13 (“Thou wentest forth to save thy people for the sake of (or “by”) Jesus thy anointed One”). 8. Origen and the Hexapla: These later versions play a large part in the history of the text of the Septuagint. This is due to the labors of the greatest Septuagint scholar of antiquity, the celebrated Origen of Alexandria, whose active life covers the first half of the 3rd century. Origen frankly recognized, and wished Christians to recognize, the merits of the later VSS, and the divergences between the Septuagint and the current Hebrew. He determined to provide the church with the materials for ascertaining the true text and meaning of the Old Testament. With this object he set himself to learn Hebrew — a feat probably unprecedented among non-Jewish Christians of that time — and to collect the later versions The idea of using these versions to amend the Septuagint seemed to him an inspiration: “By the gift of God we found a remedy for the divergence in the copies of the Old Testament, namely to use the other editions as a criterion” (Commentary on Matthew 15:14).

    The magnum opus in which he embodied the results of his labors was known as the Hexapla or “six-column” edition. This stupendous work has not survived; a fragment was discovered toward the end of the 19th century in the Ambrosian Library at Milan (Swete, Introduction, 61 ff) and another among the Cairo Genizah palimpsests (ed C. Taylor, Cambridge, 1900). The material was arranged in six parallel columns containing (1) the current Hebrew text, (2) the same in Greek letters, (3) the version of Aquila, (4) that of Symmachus, (5) that of the Septuagint, (6) that of Theodotion. The text was broken up into short clauses; not more than two words, usually one only, stood in the first column. The order of the columns doubtless represents the degree of conformity to the Hebrew; Aquila’s, as the most faithful, heads the VSS, and Symmachus’ is on the whole a revision of Aquila as Theodotion’s is of the Septuagint. But Origen was not content with merely collating the VSS; his aim was to revise the Septuagint and the 5th column exhibited his revised text. The basis of it was the current Alexandrian text of the 3rd century AD; this was supplemented or corrected where necessary by the other versions Origen, however, deprecated alteration of a text which had received ecclesiastical sanction, without some indication of its extent, and the construction of the 5th column presented difficulties.

    There were (1) numerous cases of words or paragraphs contained in the Septuagint but not in the Hebrew, which could not be wholly rejected, (2) cases of omission from the Septuagint of words in the Hebrew, (3) cases of paraphrase and minor divergences, (4) variations in the order of words or chapters. Origen here had recourse to a system of critical signs, invented and employed by the grammarian Aristarchus (3rd century BC) in his edition of Homer.

    Passages of the first class were left in the text, but had prefixed to them an obelus, a sign of which the original form was a “spit” or “spear,” but figuring in Septuagint manuscripts as a horizontal line usually with a dot above and a dot below; there are other varieties also. The sign in Aristarchus indicated censure, in the Hexapla the doubtful authority of the words which followed. The close of the obelized passage was marked by the metobelus, a colon (:), or, in the Syriac VSS, shaped like a mallet. Passages missing in the Septuagint were supplied from one of the other versions (Aquila or Theodotion), the beginning of the extract being marked by an asterisk — a sign used by Aristarchus to express special approval — the close, by the metobelus. Where Septuagint and Hebrew widely diverged, Origen occasionally gave two VSS, that of a later translator under an asterisk, that of Septuagint obelized. Divergence in order was met by transposition, the Hebrew order being followed; in Proverbs, however, the two texts kept their respective order, the discrepancy being indicated by a combination of signs. Minor supposed or real corruptions in the Greek were tacitly corrected. Origen produced a minor edition, the Tetrapla, without the first two columns of the larger work. The Heptapla and Octapla, occasionally mentioned, appear to be alternative names given to the Hexapla at points where the number of columns was increased to receive other fragmentary versions. This gigantic work, which according to a reasonable estimate must have filled 5,000 leaves, was probably never copied in extenso. The original was preserved for some centuries in the library of Pamphilus at Caesarea; there it was studied by Jerome, and thither came owners of Biblical manuscripts to collate their copies with it, as we learn from some interesting notes in our uncial manuscripts (e.g. a 7th-century note appended to Esther in codex S). The Library probably perished circa 638 AD, when Caesarea fell into the hands of the Saracens. 9. Hexaplaric Manuscripts: But, though the whole work was too vast to be copied, it was a simple task to copy the 5th column. This task was performed, partly in prison, by Pamphilus, a martyr in the Diocletian persecution, and his friend Eusebius, the great bishop of Caesarea. Copies of the “Hexaplaric” Septuagint, i.e.

    Origen’s doctored text with the critical signs and perhaps occasional notes, were, through the initiative of these two, widely circulated in Palestine in the 4th century. Naturally, however, the signs became unintelligible in a text detached from the parallel columns which explained them; scribes neglected them, and copies of the doctored text, lacking the precautionary symbols, were multiplied. This carelessness has wrought great confusion; Origen is, through others’ fault, indirectly responsible for the production of manuscripts in which the current Septuagint text and the later versions are hopelessly mixed. No manuscripts give the Hexaplaric text as a whole, and it is preserved in a relatively pure form in very few: the uncials G and M (Pentatruch and some historical books), the cursives 86 and 88 (Prophets).

    Other so-called Hexaplaric manuscripts, notably codex Q (Marchalianus:

    Proph.) preserve fragments of the 5th and of the other columns of the Hexapla. (For the Syro-Hexaplar see below, VI, 1.) Yet, even did we possess the 5th column entire, with the complete apparatus of signs, we should not have “the original Septuagint,” but merely, after removing the asterisked passages, a text current in the 3rd century. The fact has to be emphasized that Origen’s gigantic work was framed on erroneous principles. He assumed (1) the purity of the current Hebrew text, (2) the corruption of the current Septuagint text where it deviated from the Hebrew. The modern critic recognizes that the Septuagint on the whole presents the older text, the divergences of which from the Hebrew are largely attributable to an official revision of the latter early in the Christian era. He recognizes also that in some books (e.g. Job) the old Greek version was only a partial one. To reconstruct the original text he must therefore have recourse to other auxiliaries beside Origen. 10. Recensions Known to Jerome: Such assistance is partly furnished by two other recensions made in the century after Origen. Jerome (Praef. in Paralipp.; compare Adv. Ruf., ii.27) states that in the 4th century three recensions circulated in different parts of the Christian world: “Alexandria and Egypt in their Septuagint acclaim Hesychius as their authority, the region from Constantinople to Antioch approves the copies of Lucian the martyr, the intermediate Palestinian provinces read the manuscripts which were promulgated by Eusebius and Pamphilus on the basis of Origen’s labors, and the whole world is divided between these three varieties of text.” 11. Hesychian Recension: Hesychius is probably to be identified with the martyr bishop mentioned by Eusebius (Historia Ecclesiastica, VIII, 13) along with another scholar martyr, Phileas bishop of Thmuis, and it is thought that these two were engaged in prison in revising the Egyptian text at the time when Pamphilus and Eusebius were employed on a similar task under similar conditions.

    How far existing manuscripts preserve the Hesychian recension is uncertain; agreement of their text with that of Egyptian versions and Fathers (Cyril in particular) is the criterion. For the Prophets Ceriani has identified codex Q and its kin as Hesychian. For the Octateuch N. McLean (JTS, II, 306) finds the Hesychian text in a group of cursives, 44, 74, 76, 84, 106, 134, etc. But the first installments of the larger Cambridge Septuagint raise the question whether Codex B (Vaticanus) may not itself be Hesychian; its text is more closely allied to that of Cyril Alex. than to any other patristic text, and the consensus of these two witnesses against the rest is sometimes ( Exodus 32:14) curiously striking. In the Psalter also Rahlfs (Septuaginta-Studien, 2. Heft, 1907, 235) traces the Hesychian text in B and partially in Codex Sinaiticus. Compare von Soden’s theory for the New Testament. See TEXT AND MANUSCRIPTS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 12. Lucianic Recension: The Lucianic recension was the work of another martyr, Lucian of Antioch (died 311-12), probably with the collaboration of the Hebraist Dorotheus.

    There are, as Hort has shown, reasons for associating Lucian with a “Syrian” revision of the New Testament in the 4th century, which became the dominant type of text. That he produced a Syrian recension of the Greek Old Testament is expressly stated by Jerome, and we are moreover able with considerable certainty to identify the extant manuscripts which exhibit it. The identification, due to Field and Lagarde, rests on these grounds: (1) certain verses in 2 Kings are in the Arabic Syro-Hexaplar marked with the letter L, and a note explains that the letter indicates Lucianic readings; (2) the readings so marked occur in the cursives 19, 82, 93, 108, 118; (3) these manuscripts in the historical books agree with the Septuagint citations of the Antiochene Fathers Chrysostom and Theodoret. This clue enabled Lagarde to construct a Lucianic text of the historical books (Librorum Vet. Test. canonic. pars prior, Gottingen, 1883); his death prevented the completion of the work. Lagarde’s edition is vitiated by the fact that he does not quote the readings of the individual manuscripts composing the group, and it can be regarded only as an approximate reconstruction of “Lucian.” It is evident, however, that the Lucianic Septuagint possessed much the same qualities as the Syrian revision of the New Testament; lucidity and completeness were the main objects. It is a “full” text, the outcome of a desire to include, so far as possible, all recorded matter; “doublets” are consequently numerous. While this “conflation” of texts detracts from its value, the Lucianic revision gains importance from the fact that the sources from which it gleaned include an element of great antiquity which needs to be disengaged; where it unites with the Old Latin version against all other authorities its evidence is invaluable.

    VI. RECONSTRUCTION OF SEPTUAGINT TEXT; VERSIONS, MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTED EDITIONS.

    The task of restoring the original text is beset with difficulties. The materials (MSS, VSS, patristic citations) are abundant, but none has escaped “mixture,” and the principles for reconstruction are not yet securely established (Swete, Introduction, I, iv-vi; III, vi). 1. Ancient Versions Made from Septuagint: Among the chief aids to restoration are the daughter versions made from the Septuagint, and above all the Old Latin (pre-Hieronymian) version, for the earliest (African) Old Latin version dates from the 2nd century AD, i.e. before Origen, and contains a text from which the asterisked passages in Hexaplaric manuscripts are absent; it thus “brings us the best independent proof we have that the Hexaplar signs introduced by Origen can be relied on for the reconstruction of the LXX” (Burkitt). The Old Latin also enables us to recognize the ancient element in the Lucianic recension. But the Latin evidence itself is by no means unanimous. Augustine (Deuteronomy Doctr. Christ., ii.16) speaks of the infinite variety of Latin VSS; though they may ultimately prove all to fall into two main families, African and European. Peter Sabatier’s collection of patristic quotations from the Old Latin is still useful, though needing verification by recent editions of the Fathers. Of Old Latin manuscripts one of the most important is the codex Lugdunensis, edited by U. Robert (Pentateuchi e codex Lugd. versio Latin antiquissima, Paris, 1881; Heptateuchi partis post. versio Latin antiq. e codex Lugd., Lyons, 1900). The student should consult also Burkitt’s edition of The Rules of Tyconius (“Texts and Studies,” III, 1, Cambridge, 1894) and The Old Latin and the Itala (ibid., IV, 3, 1896).

    Jerome’s Vulgate is mainly a direct translation from the Hebrew, but the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) Psalter, the so-called Gallican, is one of Jerome’s two revisions of the Old Latin, not his later version from the Hebrew, and some details in our Prayer-book Psalter are ultimately derived through the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) Psalter from the Septuagint. Parts of the Apocrypha (Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch,1 and 2 Maccabees) are also pure Old Latin, untouched by Jerome.

    The early date (2nd century AD) once claimed for the Egyptian or Coptic versions (Bohairic, i.e. in the dialect of Lower Egypt, Sahidic or Upper Egyptian and Middle Egyptian) has not been confirmed by later researches, at least as regards the first-named, which is probably not earlier than the 3rd or 4th century AD. Rahlfs (Sept-Studien, II, 1907) identifies the Bohairic Psalter as the Hesychian recension. The Sahidic version of Job has fortunately preserved the shorter text lacking the later insertions from Theodotion (Lagarde, Mittheilungen, 1884, 204); this does not conclusively prove that it is pre-Origenic; it may be merely a Hexaplaric text with the asterisked passages omitted (Burkitt, EB, IV, 5027). The influence bf the Hexapla is traceable elsewhere in this version The Ethiopic version was made in the main from the Greek and in part at least from an early text; Rahlfs (Sept. Stud., I, 1904) considers its text of S-K, with that of codex B, to be pre-Origenic.

    The Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) or Peshitta Syriac version was made from the Hebrew, though partly influenced by the Septuagint. But another Syriac version is of primary importance for the Septuagint text, namely, that of Paul, bishop of Tella (Constantine in Mesopotamia), executed at Alexandria in 616-17 and known as the Syro- Hexaplar. This is a bald Syriac version of the Septuagint column of the Hexapla, containing the Hexaplar signs. A manuscript of the poetical and prophetical books is in the Ambrosian Library at Milan and has been edited by Ceriani (Monumenta sacra et profana, 1874); fragments of the historical books are also extant (Lagarde and Rahlfs, Bibliothecae Syriacae, Gottingen, 1892). This version supplements the Greek Hexaplaric manuscripts and is the principal authority for Origen’s text. For the original version of Daniel, which has survived in only one late MS, the Syro- Hexaplar supplies a second and older authority of great value.

    The Armenian version (ascribed to the 5th century) also owes its value to its extreme literalness; its text of the Octateuch is largely Hexaplaric.

    A bare mention must suffice of the Arabic version (of which the prophetical and poetical books, Job excluded, were rendered from the Septuagint); the fragments of the Gothic version (made from the Lucianic recension), and the Slavonic (partly from Septuagint, also Lucianic) and the Georgian versions. 2. Manuscripts: For a full description of the Greek manuscripts see Swete, Introduction, I, chapter V. They are divided according to their script (capitals or minuscules) into uncials and cursives, the former ranging from the 4th century (four papyrus scraps go back to the 3rd century; Nestle in Hauck- Herzog, Realencyklopadie fur protestantische Theologie und Kirche, XXIII, 208) to the 10th century AD, the latter from the 9th to the 16th century AD. Complete Bibles are few; the majority contain groups of books only, such as the Pentateuch, Octateuch (Gen-Ruth), the later historical books, the Psalter, the 3 or 5 “Solomonic” books, the Prophets (major, minor or both). Uncials are commonly denoted by capital letters (in the edition of Holmes and Parsons by Roman figures); cursives, of which over 300 are known, by Arabic figures; in the larger Cambridge Septuagint the selected cursives are denoted by small Roman letters.

    The following are the chief uncials containing, or which once contained, the whole Bible: B (Vaticanus, at Rome, 4th century AD), adopted as the standard text in all recent editions; Codex Sinaiticus, at Petersburg and Leipzig, 4th century AD), discovered by Tischendorf in 1844 and subsequent years in Catherine’s Convent, Mt. Sinai; A (Alexandrinus, British Museum, probably 5th century AD); C (Ephraemi rescriptus, Paris, probably 5th century), a palimpsest, the older Biblical matter underlying a medieval Greek text of works of Ephrem the Syrian. For the Octateuch and historical books: D (Cottonianus, British Museum, probably 5th or 6th century), fragments of an illuminated Gen, the bulk of which perished in a fire at Ashburnham House in 1731, but earlier collations of Grabe and others are extant, which for the lost portions are cited in the Cambridge texts as D (Dsil, i.e. silet Grabius, denotes an inference from Grabe’s silence that the manuscript did not contain a variant); F (Ambro-sianus, Milan, 4th to 5th century), fragments of the Octateuch; G (Sarravianus, fragments at Leyden, Paris and Petersburg, 4th to 5th century), important as containing an Origenic text with the Hexaplar signs; L (Purpureus Vindobonensis, Vienna, 5th to 6th century), fragments of an illuminated manuscript Genesis on purple vellum; M (Coislinianus, Paris, 7th century), important on account of its marginal Hexaplaric matter. For the Prophets, Q (Marchalianus, Rome, 6th century) is valuable, both for its text, which is “Hesychian” (see above), and for its abundant marginal Hexaplaric matter.

    A curious mixture of uncial and cursive writing occurs in E (Bodleianus, probably 10th century), fragments of the historical books (to 3 R 16 28) preserved at Oxford, Cambridge (1 leaf), Petersburg and London; Tischendorf, who brought the manuscript from the East, retained the telltale Cambridge leaf, on which the transition from uncial to cursive script occurs, until his death. The long-concealed fact that the scattered fragments were part of a single manuscript came to light through Swete’s identification of the Cambridge leaf as a continuation of the Bodleian fragment. Many of the cursives still await investigation, as do also the lectionaries. The latter, though the manuscripts are mainly late, should repay study. The use of the Septuagint for lectionary purposes was inherited by the church from the synagogue, and the course of lessons may partly represent an old system; light may also be expected from them on the local distribution of various types of text. 3. Printed Texts: Of the printed text the first four editions were (1) the Complutensian Polyglot of Cardinal Ximenes, 1514-17, comprising the Greek, Hebrew and Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) texts, the last in the middle place of honor being compared to Jesus in the midst between the two thieves (!). The Greek was based on manuscripts from the Vatican and one from Venice; it exhibits on the whole the Lucianic recension, as the Hesychian is by a curious coincidence represented in (2) the Aldine edition of 1518, based on Venetian manuscripts. (3) The monumental Sixtine edition, published at Rome in 1586 under the auspices of Pope Sixtus V and frequently reprinted, was mainly based on the codex Vaticanus, the superiority of which text is justly recognized in the interesting preface (printed in Swete’s Intro). (4) The English edition (Oxford, 1707-20) begun by Grabe (died 1712) was based on the codex Alexandrinus, with aid from other manuscripts, and had the peculiarity that he employed Origen’s critical signs and different sizes of type to show the divergence between the Greek and the Hebrew. Of more recent editions three are preeminent. (5) The great Oxford edition of Holmes and Parsons (Oxford, 1798- 1827, 5 volumes, folio) was the first attempt to bring together in a gigantic apparatus criticus all the evidence of uncial and cursire manuscripts (upward of 300), versions and early Citations from Philo and Josephus onward. As a monumental storehouse of materials “H. and P.” will not be wholly superseded by the latest edition now (1913) in preparation. (6) The serviceable Cambridge “manual,” edition of Swete (lst edition 1887-94, edition 3, 1901-7, 3 volumes, 8vo), is in the hands of all serious Septuagint students. The text is that of B, or (where B fails) of A, and the apparatus contains the readings of the principal uncial manuscripts. New materials discovered since the edition of H. and P., especially codex S, are employed, and greater accuracy in the presentation of the other evidence has been made possible by photography. The fact that the text here printed is but a provisional one is sometimes overlooked. Swete’s edition was designed as a precursor to (7) the larger Cambridge Septuagint, of which three installments embracing the Pentateuch have (1913) appeared (The Old Testament in Greek, edition A.E. Brooke and N. McLean, Cambridge, 1911 pt. III.

    Numbers and Deuteronomy). The text is a reprint of Swete’s except that from Exodus onward a few alterations of errors in the primary manuscript have been corrected, a delicate task in which the editors have rejected a few old readings without sufficient regard to the peculiarities of Hellenistic Greek. The importance of the work lies in its apparatus, which presents the readings of all the uncials, versions and early citations, and those of a careful representative selection of the cursives. The materials of H (Law of Holiness, Lev. 17 through 26) and P (the Priestly Code) are brought up to date and presented in a more reliable and convenient form. Besides these there is (8) Lagarde’s reconstruction of the Lucianic recension of the historical books, which, as stated, must be used with caution (see above) 4. Reconstruction of Original Text: The task of reconstructing the Oldest text is still unaccomplished. Materials have accumulated, and much preliminary “spade-work” has been done, by Lagarde in particular (see his “axioms” in Swete, Introduction, 484, ff) and more recently by Nestle and Rahlfs; but the principles which the editor must follow are not yet finally determined. The extent to which “mixture” has affected the documents is the stumbling-block. Clearly no single Moabite Stone presents the oldest text. That of codex B, as in the New Testament, is on the whole the purest. In the 4 books of “Reigns” (1 Samuel through 2 Kings), e.g., it has escaped the grosser interpolations found in most manuscripts, and Rahlfs (Sept.-Studien, I, 1904) regards its text as pre-Origenic. It is, however, of unequal value and by no means an infallible guide; in Judges, e.g., its text is undoubtedly late, no earlier than the 4th century AD, according to one authority (Moore,” Jgs,” ICC). In relation to two of the 4th-century recensions its text is neutral, neither predominantly Lucianic nor Hexaplaric; but it has been regarded by some authorities as Hesychian. Possibly the recension made in the country which produced the Septuagint adhered more closely than others to the primitive text; some “Hesychian” features in the B text may prove to be original. Still even its purest portions contain marks of editorial revision and patent corruptions. Codex Alexandrinus presents a quite different type of text, approximating to that of the Massoretic Text. In the books of “Reigns” it is practically a Hexaplaric text without the critical signs, the additional matter being mainly derived from Aquila. Yet that it contains an ancient element is shown by the large support given to its readings by the New Testament and early Christian writers. Individual manuscripts must give place to groups.

    In order to reconstruct the texts current before Origen’s time, it is necessary to isolate the groups containing the three 4th-century recensions, and to eliminate from the recensions thus recovered all Hexaplaric matter and such changes as appear to have been introduced by the authors of those recensions. Other groups brought to light by the larger Cambridge text have also to be taken into account. The attempt to Renetrate into the earlier stages of the history is the hardest task. The Old Latin version is here the surest guide; it has preserved readings which have disappeared from all Greek manuscripts, and affords a criterion as to the relative antiquity of the Greek variants. The evidence of early Christian and Jewish citations is also valuable. Ultimately, after elimination of all readings proved to be “recensional” or late, the decision between outstanding variants must depend on internal evidence. These variants will fall into two classes: (1) those merely affecting the Greek text, by far the larger number and presenting less difficulty; (2) those which imply a different Hebrew text. In adjudicating on the latter Lagarde’s main axioms have to be borne in mind, that a free translation is to be preferred to a slavishly literal one, and a translation presupposing another Hebrew original to one based on the Massoretic Text.

    VII. NUMBER, TITLES AND ORDER OF BOOKS. 1. Contents: In addition to the Hebrew canonical books, the Septuagint includes all the books in the English Apocrypha except 2 Esdras (The Prayer of Manasseh only finds a place among the canticles appended in some manuscripts to the Psalms) besides a 3rd and 4th book of Maccabees. Swete further includes in his text as an appendix of Greek books on the borderland of canonicity the Psalm of Sol (found in some cursives and mentioned in the list in codex A), the Greek fragments of the Book of Enoch and the ecclesiastical canticles above mentioned. Early Christian writers in quoting freely from these additional books as Scripture doubtless perpetuate a tradition inherited from the Jews of Alexandria. Most of the books being original Greek compositions were ipso facto excluded from a place in the Hebrew Canon. Greater latitude as regards canonicity prevailed at Alexandria; the Pentateuch occupied a place apart, but as regards later books no very sharp line of demarcation between “canonical” and “uncanonical” appears to have been drawn. 2. Titles: Palestinian Jews employed the first word or words of each book of the Pentateuch to serve as its title; Genesis e.g. was denoted “in the beginning,” Exodus “(and these are the) names”; a few of the later books have similar titles. It is to the Septuagint, through the medium of the Latin VSS, that we owe the familiar descriptive titles, mostly suggested by phrases in the Greek version. In some books there are traces of rival titles in the Ptolemaic age. Exodus (“outgoing”) is also called Exagoge (“leading out”) by Philo and by the Hellenist Ezekiel who gave that name to his drama on the deliverance from Egypt. Philo has also alternative names for Deuteronomy — Epinomis (“after-law”) borrowed from the title of a pseudo-Platonic treatise, and for Judgess “the Book of Judgments.” The last title resembles the Alexandrian name for the books of Samuel and Kings, namely, the four Books of Kingdoms or rather Reigns; the name may have been given in the first place to a partial version including only the reigns of the first few monarchs. Jerome’s influence in this case restored the old Hebrew names as also in Chronicles (= Hebrew “Words of Days,” “Diaries”), which in the Septuagint is entitled Paraleipomena , “omissions,” as being a supplement to the Books of Reigns. 3. Bipartition of Books: Another innovation, due apparently to the Greek translators or later editors, was the breaking up of some of the long historical narratives into volumes of more manageable compass. In the Hebrew manuscripts, Samuel, Kings, Chronicles, Ezra-Nehemiah form respectively one book apiece. In the Septuagint the first three of these collections are subdivided into two volumes as in modern Bibles; an acquaintance with the other arrangement is, however, indicated in Codex B by the insertion at the end of 1 R, 3 R, 1 Chronicles of the first sentence of the succeeding book, a reminder to the reader that a continuation is to follow. Ezra-Nehemiah, the Greek version (2 Esdras) being made under the influence of Palestinian tradition, remains undivided. Originally Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah formed a unit, as was apparently still the case when the oldest Greek version (1 Esdras) was made. 4. Grouping and Order of Books: In the arrangement of books there is a radical departure from Palestinian practice. There were three main unalterable divisions in the Hebrew Bible, representing three stages in the formation of the Canon: Law, Prohets “Former” i.e. Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, and “Latter”) and “Writings.” This arrangement was known at Alexandria at the end of the 2nd century BC (Sir, prol.) but was not followed. The “Writings” were a miscellaneous collection of history and poetry with one prophetical book (Daniel). Alexandrian scholars introduced a more literary and symmetrical system, bringing together the books of each class and arranging them with some regard to the supposed chronological order of their authors. The Law, long before the Greek translation, had secured a position of supreme sanctity; this group was left undisturbed, it kept its precedence and the individual books their order (Leviticus and Numbers, however, exchange places in a few lists). The other two groups are broken up. Ruth is removed from the “Writings” and attached to Judges. Chronicles and Ezra- Nehemiah are similarly transferred to the end of the historical group. This group, from chronological considerations, is followed by the poetical and other “Writings,” the Prophets coming last (so in Codex Vaticanus, etc.; in Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Alexandrinus, prophets precede poets). The internal order of the Greek Hagiographa, which includes quasi-historical (Esther, Tobit, Judith) and Wisdom books, is variable. Daniel now first finds a place among the Prophets. The 12 minor prophets usually precede the major (Codex Sinaiticus and Western authorities give the four precedence), and the order of the first half of their company is shuffled, apparently on chronological grounds, Hosea being followed by Amos, Micah, Joel, Obadiah, Jonah, Jeremiah has his train of satellites, Baruch, Lamentation (transferred from the “Writings”) and Epistle of Jeremiah; Susanna and Bel and the Dragon consort with and form integral parts of Daniel. Variation in the order of books is partly attributable to the practice of writing each book on a separate papyrus roll, kept in a cylindrical case; rolls containing kindred matter would tend to be placed in the same case, but there would be no fixed order for these separate items until the copying of large groups in book-form came into vogue (Swete, Introduction, 225 f, 229 f).

    VIII. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE VERSION AND ITS COMPONENT PARTS.

    Notwithstanding the uncertain state of the text, some general characteristics of the version are patent. It is clear that, like the Hebrew itself, it is not a single book, but a library. It is a series of versions and Greek compositions covering well-nigh 400 years, since it includes a few productions of the 2nd century AD; the bulk of the translations, however, fall within the first half of the period (Sirach, prolegomena). 1. Grouping of Septuagint Books on Internal Evidence: The translations may be grouped and their chronological order approximately determined from certain characteristics of their style. (1) We may inquire how a Hebrew word or phrase is rendered in different parts of the work. Diversity of renderings is not an infallible proof that different hands have been employed, since invariable uniformity in translation is difficult of attainment and indeed was not the aim of the Pentateuch translators, who seem rather to have studied variety of expression. If, however, a Hebrew word is consistently rendered by one Greek word in one portion and by another elsewhere, and if each of the two portions has other features peculiar to itself, it becomes highly probable that the two portions are the work of different schools. Among “test-words” which yield results of this kind are “servant” in “Moses the servant of the Lord,” “Hosts” in “Lord of Hosts,” “Philistines” (Swete, Introduction, 317 f; Thackeray, Grammar of the Old Testament, 7 ff). (2) We may compare the Greek with that of dated documents of the Ptolemaic age. The translations were written in the koine or “common” Greek, most of them in the vernacular variety of it, during a period when this new cosmopolitan language was in the making; the abundant dated papyri enable us to trace some stages in its evolution. The Petrie and Hibeh papyri of the 3rd century BC afford the closest parallels to the Greek Pentateuch. The following century witnessed a considerable development or “degeneracy” in the language, of which traces may be found in the Greek of the prophetical books. Beside the vernacular Greek was the literary language of the “Atticistic” school which persistently struggled, with indifferent success, to recover the literary flavor of the old Greek masterpieces. This style is represented in the Septuagint by most of the original Greek writings and by the paraphrases of some of the “Writings.” (3) We may compare the Greek books as translations, noting in which books Iicense is allowed and which adhere strictly to the Hebrew. The general movement is in the direction of greater literalism; the later books show an increasing reverence for the letter of Scripture, resulting in the production of pedantically literal VSS; the tendency culminated in the 2nd century AD in the barbarisms of Aquila. Some of the “Writings” were freely handled, because they had not yet obtained canonical rank at the time of translation. Investigation on these lines goes to show that the order of the translation was approximately that of the Hebrew Canon. The Greek Hexateuch may be placed in the 3rd century BC, the Prophets mainly in the 2nd century BC, the “Writings” mainly in the 2nd and 1st centuries BC. (1) The Hexateuch.

    The Greek Pentateuch should undoubtedly be regarded as a unit: the Aristeas story may so far be credited. It is distinguished by a uniformly high level of the “common” vernacular style, combined with faithfulness to the Hebrew, rarely lapsing into literalism. It set the standard which later translators tried to imitate. The text was more securely established in this portion and substantial variant readings are comparatively few. The latter part of Exodus is an exception; the Hebrew had here not reached its final form in the 3rd century BC, and there is some reason for thinking that the version is not the work of the translator of the first half. In Deuteronomy a few new features in vocabulary appear (e.g. ekklesia ; see Hort, Christian Ecclesia, 4 ff). The Greek version of Josephus forms a link between the Pentateuch and the later historical books. The text was not yet fixed, and variants are more abundant than in the Pentateuch. The earliest VS, probably of selections only, appears from certain common features to have been nearly coeval with that of the Law. (2) The “Latter” Prophets.

    There is little doubt that the next books to be translated were the Prophets in the narrower sense, and that Isaiah came first. The style of the Greek Isaiah has a close similarity, not wholly attributable to imitation, to that of the Pentateuch: a certain freedom of treatment connects it with the earlier translation period: it was known to the author of Wisdom ( Isaiah 3:10 with Ottley’s note). The translation shows “obvious signs of incompetence” (Swete), but the task was an exacting one. The local Egyptian coloring in the translation is interesting (R. R. Ottley, Book of Isaiah according to the Septuagint, 2 volumes, Greek text of A, translation and notes, Cambridge, 1904-6, with review in JTS, X, 299). Jeremiah, Ezekiel and the Minor Prophets were probably translated en bloc or nearly so. The Palestinian Canon had now been enlarged by a second group of Scriptures and this stimulated a desire among Alexandrian Jews to possess the entire collection of the Prophets in Greek. The undertaking seems to have been a formal and quasi-official one, not a haphazard growth. For it has been ascertained that Jeremiah and Ezekiel were divided for translation purposes into two nearly equal parts; a change in the Greek style occurs at the junctures. In Jeremiah the break occurs in chapter 29 Septuagint order); the clearest criterion of the two styles is the twofold rendering of “Thus saith the Lord.” The last chapter (Jeremiah 52) is probably a later addition in the Greek. The translator of the second half of Jeremiah also translated the first half of Baruch (1:1-3:8); he was incompetent and his work, if our text may be relied on, affords flagrant examples of Greek words being selected to render words which he did not understand merely because of their similar sound. Ezekiel is similarly divided, but here the translator of the first half (chapters 1 through 27) undertook the difficult last quarter as well (chapters 40 through 48), the remainder being left to a second worker. An outstanding test is afforded by the renderings of the refrain, “They shall know that I am the Lord.” The Greek version of “the twelve” shows no trace of a similar division; in its style it is closely akin to the first half of Ezekiel and is perhaps by the same hand (JTS, IV, 245, 398, 578). But this official version of the Prophets had probably been preceded by versions of short passages selected to be read on the festivals in the synagogues. Lectionary requirements occasioned the earliest versions of the Prophets, possibly of the Pentateuch as well. Two indications of this have been traced. There exists in four manuscripts a Greek version of the Psalm of Habakkuk (Habakkuk 3), a chapter which has been a Jewish lesson for Pentecost from the earliest times, independent of and apparently older than the Septuagint and made for synagogue use.

    Similarly in Ezekiel of the Septuagint there is a section of sixteen verses (36:24-38) with a style quite distinct from that of its context. This passage was also an early Christian lesson for Pentecost, and its lectionary use was inherited from Judaism. Here the Septuagint translators seem to have incorporated the older version, whereas in Habakkuk 3 they rejected it (JTS, XII, 191; IV, 407). (3) Partial Version of the “Former” Prophets.

    The Greek style indicates that the history of the monarchy was not all translated at once. Ulfilas is said to have omitted these books from the Gothic version as likely to inflame the military temper of his race; for another reason the Greek translators were at first content with a partial version. They omitted as unedifying the more disastrous portions, David’s sin with the subsequent calamities of his reign and the later history of the divided monarchy culminating in the captivity. Probably the earliest versions embraced only (1) 1 R, (2) 2 R 1 1 through 11 1 (David’s early reign), (3) 3 R 2 12 through 21 13 (Solomon and the beginning of the divided monarchy); the third book of “Reigns” opened with the accession of Solomon (as in Lucian’s text), not at the point where 1 Kings opens.

    These earlier portions are written in a freer style than the rest of the Greek “Reigns,” and the Hebrew original differed widely in places from that translated in the English Bible (JTS, VIII, 262). (4) The “Writings.”

    The Hagiographa at the end of the 2nd century BC were regarded as national literature. (Sirach, prolegomena “the other books of our fathers”), but not as canonical. The translators did not scruple to treat these with great freedom, undeterred by the prohibition against alteration of Scripture ( Deuteronomy 4:2; 12:32). Free paraphrases of extracts were produced, sometimes with legendary additions. A partial version of Job (one-sixth being omitted) was among the first; Aristeas, the historian of the 2nd century BC, seems to have been acquainted with it (Freudenthal, Hellenistische Studien, 1875, 136 ff). The translator was a student of the Greek poets; his version was probably produced for the general reader, not for the synagogues. Hatch’s theory (Essays in Biblical Greek, 1889, 214) that his Hebrew text was shorter than ours and was expanded later is untenable; avoidance of anthropomorphisms explains some omissions, the reason for others is obscure. The first Greek narrative of the return from exile (1 Esdras) was probably a similar version of extracts only from Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah, grouped round a fable of non-Jewish origin, the story of the 3 youths at the court of Darius. The work is a fragment, the end being lost, and it has been contended by some critics that the version once embraced the whole of Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah (C. C.

    Torrey, Ezra Studies, Chicago, 1910). The Greek is obviously earlier than Esdras B and is of great value for the reconstruction of the Hebrew. The same translator appears from peculiarities of diction to have produced the earliest version of Dnl, treating it with similar freedom and incorporating extraneous matter (the Song of Three Children, Susanna, Bel). The maximum of interpolation is reached in Esther, where the Greek additions make up two-thirds of the story. The Greek Proverbs (probably 1st century BC) includes many maxims not in the Hebrew; some of these appear to be derived from a lost Hebrew collection, others are of purely Greek origin.

    This translator also knew and imitated the Greek classics; the numerous fragments of iambic and hexameter verse in the translation cannot be accidental (JTS, XIII, 46). The Psalter is the one translation in this category in which liberties have not been taken; in Psalm 13 (14) :3 the extracts from other parts of Psalms and from Isaiah included in the B text must be an interpolation possibly made before Paul’s time ( Romans 3:13 ff), or else taken from Romans. The little Psalm 151 in Septuagint, described in the title as an “autograph” work of David and as “outside the number,” is clearly a late Greek production, perhaps an appendix added after the version was complete. (5) The Latest Septuagint Translations.

    The latest versions included in the Septuagint are the productions of the Jewish translators of the 2nd century AD; some books may be rather earlier, the work of pioneers in the new school which advocated strict adherence to the Hebrew. The books of “Reigns” were now completed, by Theodotion, perhaps, or by one of his school; the later portions (2 R 11 through 3 R 2 11, David’s downfall, and 3 R 22-4 R end, the downfall of the monarchy) are by one hand, as shown by peculiarities in style, e.g. “I am have with child” (2 R 11 5) = “I am with child,” a use which is due to desire to distinguish the longer form of the pronoun ‘anokhi (“I,” also used for “I am”) from the shorter ‘ani . A complete version of Judges was now probably first made. In two cases the old paraphrastic versions were replaced. Theodotion’s Daniel, as above stated, superseded in the Christian church the older version A new and complete version of Chronicles-Ezra- Nehemiah was made (Esdras B), though the older version retained its place in the Greek Bible on account of the interesting legend imbedded in it; the new version is here again possibly the work of Theodotion; the numerous transliterations are characteristic of him (Torrey, Ezra Studies; theory had previously been advanced by Sir H. Howorth). In the Greek Ecclesiastes we have a specimen of Aquila’s style (see McNeile’s edition, Cambridge, 1904). Canticles is another late version 2. General Characteristics: A marked feature of the whole translation is the scrupulous avoidance of anthropomorphisms and phrases derogatory to the divine transcendence.

    Thus Exodus 4:16, “Thou shalt be to him in things pertaining to God” (Hebrew “for” or “as God”); 15:3, “The Lord is a breaker of battles” (Hebrew “a Man of war”); 24:10, “They saw the place where the God of Israel stood” (Hebrew “they saw the God of Israel”); 24:11, “Of the elect of Israel not one perished and they were seen in the place of God” (Hebrew “Upon the nobles .... He laid not His hand, and they beheld God”). The comparison of God to a rock was consistently paraphrased as idolatrous, as was sometimes the comparison to the sun from fear of sunworship (Psalm 83 (84) :12, “The Lord loves mercy and truth” for Hebrew “The Lord is a sun and shield”). “The sons of God” ( Genesis 6:2) becomes “the angels of God.” For minor liberties, e.g. slight amplifications, interpretation of difficult words, substitution of Greek for Hebrew coinage, translation of place-names, see Swete, Introduction, 323 ff. Blunders in translation are not uncommon, but the difficulties which these pioneers had to face must be remembered, especially the paleographical character of the Hebrew originals. These were written on flimsy papyrus rolls, in a script probably in a transitional stage between the archaic and the later square characters; the words were not separated, and there were no vowel-points; two of the radicals (waw and yodh) were also frequently omitted. Add to this the absence at Alexandria, for parts at least of the Scriptures, of any sound tradition as to the meaning. On the other hand the vocalization adopted by the translators, e.g. in the proper names, is of great value in the history of early Semitic pronunciation. It must further be remembered that the Semitic language most familiar to them was not Hebrew but Aramaic, and some mistakes are due to Aramaic or even Arabic colloquialisms (Swete, Introduction, 319).

    IX. SALIENT DIFFERENCES BETWEEN GREEK AND HEBREW TEXTS.

    Differences indicating a Hebrew original other than the Massoretic Text affect either the sequence or the subject-matter (compare Swete, Introduction, 231 ff). 1. Sequence: The most extensive discrepancies in arrangement of materials occur in (1) Exodus 35 through 39, the construction of the Tabernacle and the ornaments of its ministers, (2) 3 R 4 through 11, Solomon’s reign, (3) Jeremiah (last half), (4) Proverbs (end). (1) In Exodus the Septuagint gives precedence to the priests’ ornaments, which in the Hebrew follow the account of the Tabernacle, and omits altogether the altar of incense. The whole section describing the execution of the instructions given in the previous chapters in almost identical words is one of the latest portions of the Pentateuch and the text had clearly not been finally fixed in the 3rd century BC; the section was perhaps absent from the oldest Greek version In Exodus 20:13-15 Codex B arranges three of the commandments in the Alexandrian order (7, 8, 6), attested in Philo and in the New Testament. (2) Deliberate rearrangement has taken place in the history of Solomon, and the Septuagint unquestionably preserves the older text. The narrative of the building of the Temple, like that of the Tabernacle, contains some of the clearest examples of editorial revision in the Massoretic Text (Wellhausen, Hist of Israel,67, 280, etc.). At the end of 3 R Septuagint places chapters 20 and 21 in their proper order; Massoretic Text reverses this, interposing the Naboth story in the connected account of the Syriac wars and justifying the change by a short preface. (3) In Jeremiah the chapter numbers differ from the middle of chapter 25 to the end of chapter 51, the historical appendix (chapter 52) concluding both texts. This is due to the different position assigned to a group of prophecies against the nations: Septuagint places them in the center, Massoretic Text at the end. The items in this group are also rearranged. The diversity in order is earlier than the Greek translation; see JTS, IV; 245. (4) The order of some groups of maxims at the end of Proverbs was not finally fixed at the time of the Greek translation; like Jeremiah’s prophecies against the nations, these little groups seem to have circulated as late as the 2nd or 1st century BC as separate pamphlets.

    The Psalms numbers from 10 to 147 differ by one in Septuagint and Massoretic Text, owing to discrepancies in the lines of demarcation between individual psalms. 2. Subject Matter: Excluding the end of Exodus, striking examples of divergence in the Pentateuch are few. Septuagint alone preserves Cain’s words to his brother, “Let us go into the field” ( Genesis 4:8). The close of Moses’ song appears in an expanded form in Septuagint ( Deuteronomy 32:43).

    Similarly Hannah’s song in 1 R 2 (? originally a warrior’s triumph-song) has been rendered more appropriate to the occasion by the substitution in verse 8c of words about the answer to prayer, and enlarged by the insertion of a passage from Jeremiah; the changes in both songs may be connected with their early use as canticles. In Joshua the larger amount of divergence suggests that this book did not share the peculiar sanctity of the Law. But the books of “Reigns” present the widest differences and the fullest scope for the textual critic. The Septuagint here proves the existence of two independent accounts of certain events. Sometimes it incorporates both, while the Massoretic Text rejects one of them; thus Septuagint gives (3 R 35a ff,46a ff) a connected summary of events in Solomon’s personal history; most of which appear elsewhere in a detached form, 3 R 12 24a-z is a second account of the dismemberment of the kingdom; 16:28a-h a second summary of Jehoshaphat’s reign (compare 22 41 ff); 4 R 1 18a another summary of Joram’s reign (compare 3 1 ff). Conversely in 1 R through 18, Massoretic Text has apparently preserved two contradictory accounts of events in David’s early history, while Septuagint presents a shorter and consistent narrative (Swete, Intro, 245 f). An “addition” in Septuagint of the highest interest appears in 3 R 8 53b, where a stanza is put into the mouth of Solomon at the Temple dedication, taken from “the Song-book” (probably the Book of Jashar); the Massoretic Text gives the stanza in an edited form earlier in the chapter (8 12 f); for the reconstruction of the original Hebrew see JTS, X, 439; XI, 518. The last line proves to be a title, “For the Sabbath — On Alamoth” (i.e. for sopranos), showing that the song was set to music for liturgical purposes.

    In Jeremiah, besides transpositions, the two texts differ widely in the way of excess and defect; the verdict of critics is mainly in favor of the priority of the Septuagint (Streane, Double Text of Jeremiah, 1896). For divergences in the “Writings” see VIII, above; for additional titles to the Psalms see Swete, Introduction, 250 f.

    LITERATURE.

    The most important works have been mentioned in the body of the article.

    See, further, the very full lists in Swete’s Introduction and the bibliographies by Nestle in PRE3, III, 1-24, and XXIII, 207-10 (1913); HDB, IV, 453-54. H. St. J. Thackeray SEPULCHRE <sep’-ul-ker > ( 2 Chronicles 21:20; 32:33; John 19:41 f; Acts 2:29, etc.). See BURIAL; JERUSALEM, VIII.

    SERAH <se’-ra > ([ jr”c, , serach ], “abundance”): Daughter of Asher ( Genesis 46:17; Numbers 26:46, the King James Version “Sarah”; Chronicles 7:30).

    SERAIAH <se-ra’-ya > , <se-ri’-a > ([ Why;r;c] , serayahu ], “Yah hath prevailed”; Septuagint [ Sarai>av, Saraias ], or [ Sarai>a, Saraia ]): (1) Secretary of David ( 2 Samuel 8:17); in 2 Samuel 20:25 he is called Sheva; in 1 Kings 4:3 the name appears as Shisha. This last or Shasha would be restored elsewhere by some critics; others prefer the form Shavsha, which is found in 1 Chronicles 18:16. (2) A high priest in the reign of Zedekiah; executed with other prominent captives at Riblah by order of Nebuchadnezzar ( 2 Kings 25:18,21; Jeremiah 52:24,27). Mentioned in the list of high priests ( 1 Chronicles 6:14). Ezra claims descent from him ( Ezra 7:1 (3) ). See AZARAIAS; SARAIAS. (3) The son of Tanhumeth the Netophathite, and one of the heroic band of men who saved themselves from the fury of Nebuchadnezzar when he stormed Jerusalem. They repaired to Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam, but killed him on account of his allegiance to the Chaldeans ( Kings 25:23,25). (4) Son of Kenaz, and younger brother of Othniel, and father of Joab, the chief of Ge-harashim ( 1 Chronicles 4:13,14). (5) Grandfather of Jehu, of the tribe of Simeon ( 1 Chronicles 4:35). (6) A priest, the third in the list of those who returned from Babylon to Jerusalem with Zerubbabel ( Ezra 2:2; Nehemiah 7:7, here called Azariah; 12:1), and third also (if the same person is meant) in the record of those who sealed the covenant binding all Jews not to take foreign wives ( Nehemiah 10:2). As the son of Hilkiah, and consequently a direct descendant of the priestly family, he became governor of the temple when it was rebuilt ( Nehemiah 11:11). He is mentioned (under the name Azariah) also in 1 Chronicles 9:11. Nehemiah 12:2 adds that “in the days of Joiakim” the head of Seraiah’s house was Meraiah. (7) Son of Azriel, one of those whom Jehoiakim commanded to imprison Jeremiah and Baruch, the son of Neriah ( Jeremiah 36:26). (8) The son of Neriah, who went into exile with Zedekiah. He was also called Sar Menuchah (“prince of repose”). The Targum renders Sar Menuchah by Rabh Tiqrabhta , “prince of battle, and Septuagint by [a]rcwn dw>rwn, archon doron ], “prince of gifts,” reading Minchah for Menuchah . At the request of Jeremiah he carried with him in his exile the passages containing the prophet’s warning of the fall of Babylon, written in a book which he was bidden to bind to a stone and cast into the Euphrates, to symbolize the fall of Babylon ( Jeremiah 51:59-64). Horace J. Wolf SERAPHIM <ser’-a-fim > ([ µypir;c] , seraphim ]): A plural word occurring only in Isaiah 6:2 ff — Isaiah’s vision of Yahweh. The origin of the term in Hebrew is uncertain. Saraph in Numbers 21:6; Isaiah 14:29, etc., signifies a fiery serpent. A Babylonian name for the fire-god, Nergal, was Sharrapu. In Egypt there have been found eagle-lion-shaped figures guarding a grave, to which is applied the name seref. The equivalent English term is “griffin.”

    It is probable enough that popular mythology connected fire with the attendants of the deity in various ways among different peoples, and that burning lies at the base of the idea in all these suggested etymologies. It remains, however, that in Isaiah’s use there is nothing of the popular legend or superstition. These seraphim are august beings whose forms are not at all fully described. They had faces, feet, hands and wings. The six wings, in three pairs, covered their faces and feet in humility and reverence, and were used for sustaining them in their positions about the throne of Yahweh. One of them is the agent for burning (with a coal off the altar, not with his own power or person) the sin from the lips of the prophet.

    Seraphim are in Jewish theology connected with cherubim and ophanim as the three highest orders of attendants on Yahweh, and are superior to the angels who are messengers sent on various errands. As the cherubim in popular fancy were represented by the storm-clouds, so the seraphim were by the serpentine flashes of the lightning; but none of this appears in Isaiah’s vision.

    In the New Testament the only possible equivalent is in “the living ones” (“beasts” of the King James Version) in Revelation 4; 5, etc. Here, as in Isaiah, they appear nearest Yahweh’s throne, supreme in praise of His holiness. William Owen Carver SERAR <se’-rar > ([ Sera>r, Serar ]; the King James Version Aserer): Name of one of the families which returned with Zerubbabel (1 Esdras 5:32) = “Sisera” of Ezra 2:53; Nehemiah 7:55.

    SERED <se’-red > ([ dr,s, , ceredh ]): Son of Zebulun ( Genesis 46:14; Numbers 26:26).

    SERGIUS PAULUS <sur’-ji-us po’-lus > . See PAULUS, SERGIUS.

    SERJEANTS <sar’-jents > , <-jants > ([rJabdou~coi, rhabdouchoi ]): In Acts 16:35,38 the word (literally, “holders of rods,” corresponding to Roman “lictors,” thus the Revised Version margin) is used of the officers in attendance on the Philippian magistrates, whose duty it was to execute orders in scourging, etc., in this case in setting prisoners free. Paul and Silas, however, as Romans, refused thus to be “privily” dismissed.

    SERMON, ON THE MOUNT, THE <sur’-num > , The Sermon on the Mount is the title commonly given to the collection of sayings recorded in Matthew 5 through 7 and in Luke 6:20-49. The latter is sometimes called the Sermon on the Plain from the fact that it is said to have been delivered on a level space somewhere on the descent of the mountain. The Sermon appears to be an epitome of the teachings of Jesus concerning the kingdom of heaven, its subjects and their life. For this reason it has always held the first place of attention and esteem among the sayings of Jesus. See SERMON ON THE PLAIN.

    I. PARALLEL ACCOUNTS.

    As indicated above, the Sermon is reported by both Matthew and Luke. A comparison of the two accounts reveals certain striking differences. A total of 47 verses of the account in Matthew have no parallel in Luke, while but 4 1/2 verses of the latter are wanting in the former. On the other hand, many of the sayings in Matthew that are lacking in the Sermon of Luke, amounting in all to 34 verses, appear elsewhere distributed throughout the Lukan narrative and in some instances connected with different incidents and circumstances.

    These facts give rise to some interesting literary and historical questions:

    Do the two accounts represent two distinct discourses dealing with the same general theme but spoken on different occasions, or are they simply different reports of the same discourse? If it be held that the Sermon was delivered but once, which of the accounts represents more closely the original address? Is the discourse in Matthew homogeneous or does it include sayings originally spoken on other occasions and early incorporated in the Sermon in the gospel tradition?

    II. HISTORICITY OF THE DISCOURSE.

    There have been and are today scholars who regard the sermons recorded in Matthew and Luke as collections of sayings spoken on different occasions, and maintain that they do not represent any connected discourse ever delivered by Jesus. In their view the Sermon is either a free compilation by the evangelists or a product of apostolic teaching and oral tradition.

    The prevailing opinion among New Testament scholars is, however, that the gospel accounts represent a genuine historical discourse. The Sermon as recorded in Matthew bears such marks of inner unity of theme and exposition as to give the appearance of genuineness. That Jesus should deliver a discourse of this kind accords with all the circumstances and with the purpose of His ministry. Besides, we know that in His teaching He was accustomed to speak to the multitudes at length, and we should expect Him to give early in His ministry some formal exposition of the kingdom, the burden of His first preaching. That such a summary of one of His most important discourses should have been preserved is altogether probable.

    On the other hand, it may be conceded that the accounts need not necessarily be regarded as full or exact reports of the discourse but possibly and probably rather summaries of its theme and substance. our Lord was accustomed to teach at length, but this discourse could easily be delivered in a few minutes. Again, while His popular teaching was marked by a unique wealth of illustration the Sermon is largely gnomic in form.

    This gnomic style and the paucity of the usual concrete and illustrative elements suggest the probability of condensation in transmission.

    Moreover, it is hardly probable that such an address of Jesus would be recorded at the time of its delivery or would be remembered in detail.

    There is evidence that the account in Matthew 5 through 7 contains some sayings not included in the original discourse. This view is confirmed by the fact that a number of the sayings are given in Luke’s Gospel in settings that appear more original. It is easy to believe that related sayings spoken on other occasions may have become associated with the Sermon in apostolic teaching and thus handed down with it, but if the discourse were well known in a specific form, such as that recorded in Matthew, it is hardly conceivable that Luke or anyone else would break it up and distribute the fragments or associate them with other incidents, as some of the sayings recorded in both Gospels are found associated in Luke.

    III. TIME AND OCCASION.

    Both Matthew and Luke agree in assigning the delivery of the Sermon to the first half of the Galilean ministry. The former apparently places it a little earlier than the latter, in whose account it follows immediately after the appointment of the twelve apostles. While the time cannot be accurately determined, the position assigned by the Gospels is approximately correct and is supported by the internal evidence. Portions of the Sermon imply that the opposition of the religious teachers was already in evidence, but it clearly belongs to the first year of our Lord’s ministry before that opposition had become serious. On the other hand, the occasion was sufficiently late for the popularity of the new Teacher to have reached its climax. In the early Galilean ministry Jesus confined His teaching to the synagogues, but later, when the great crowds pressed about Him, He resorted to open-air preaching after the manner of the Sermon. Along with the growth in His popularity there is observed a change in the character of His teaching. His earlier message may be summed up in the formula, “Repent ye; for the kingdom of heaven is at hand” ( Matthew 4:17).

    Later, both in His public discourses and in His more intimate conferences with His disciples, He was occupied with the principles of the kingdom.

    The Sermon on the Mount belongs to this later type of teaching and fits naturally into the circumstances to which it has been assigned. Luke probably gives the true historical occasion, i.e. the appointment of the Twelve.

    IV. SCENE.

    According to the evangelists, the scene of the delivery of the Sermon was one of the mountains or foothills surrounding the Galilean plain. Probably one of the hills lying Northwest of Capernaum is meant, for shortly after the Sermon we find Jesus and His disciples entering that city. There are no data justifying a closer identification of the place. There is a tradition dating from the time of the Crusades that identifies the mount of the Sermon with Karn Chattin], a two-peaked hill on the road from Tiberias to Nazareth, but there are no means of confirming this late tradition and the identification is rather improbable.

    V. THE HEARERS.

    The Sermon was evidently addressed, primarily, to the disciples of Jesus.

    This is the apparent meaning of the account of both evangelists. According to Matthew, Jesus, “seeing the multitudes, .... went up into the mountain: and when he had sat down, his disciples came unto him: and he opened his mouth and taught them.” The separation from the multitudes and the direction of His words to the disciples seem clear, and the distinction appears intentional on the part of the writer. However, it must be observed that in the closing comments on the Sermon the presence of the multitudes is implied. In Luke’s account the distinction is less marked. Here the order of events is: the night of prayer in the mountain, the choice of the twelve apostles, the descent with them into the presence of the multitude of His disciples and a great number of people from Judea, Jerusalem and the coast country, the healing of great numbers, and, finally, the address. While the continued presence of the multitudes is implied, the plain meaning of the words, “And he lifted up his eyes on his disciples, and said,” is that his address was intended especially for the latter. This view is borne out by the address itself as recorded in both accounts. Observe the use of the second person in the reference to suffering, poverty and persecution for the sake of the Son of Man. Further the sayings concerning the “salt of the earth” and “the light of the world” could hardly have been addressed to any but His disciples. The term disciple, however, was doubtless employed in the broader sense by both evangelists. This is clearly the case in Matthew’s account, according to which the Twelve had not yet been appointed.

    VI. THE MESSAGE: SUMMARY.

    It is hardly proper to speak of the Sermon on the Mount as a digest of the teaching of Jesus, for it does not include any reference to some very important subjects discussed by our Lord on other occasions in the course of His ministry. It is, however, the most comprehensive and important collection or summary of His sayings that is preserved to us in the gospel record. For this reason the Sermon properly holds in Christian thought the first place of esteem among all the New Testament messages. As an exposition of the ideal life and the program of the new society which Jesus proposed to create, its interpretation is of the deepest interest and the profoundest concern. 1. Analysis: It may assist the student of the Sermon in arriving at a clear appreciation of the argument and the salient features of the discourse if the whole is first viewed in outline. There is some difference of opinion among scholars as to certain features of the analysis, and consequently various outlines have been presented by different writers. Those of C. W. Votaw in HDB, Canon Gore in The Sermon on the Mount, and H. C. King in The Ethics of Jesus are worthy of special mention. The following analysis of the Sermon as recorded by Matthew is given as the basis of the present discussion.

    It is not implied that there was any such formal plan before the mind of Jesus as He spoke, but it is believed that the outline presents a faithful syllabus of the argument of the Sermon as preserved to us.

    THEME: THE KINGDOM OF GOD (HEAVEN), ITS SUBJECTS AND ITS RIGHTEOUSNESS (MATTHEW 5:3 THROUGH 7:27) I. The subjects of the kingdom ( Matthew 5:3-16). 1. The qualities of character essential to happiness and influence ( Matthew 5:3-12). 2. The vocation of the subjects ( Matthew 5:13-16).

    II. The relation of the new righteousness to the Mosaic Law ( Matthew 5:17-48). 1. The relation defined as that of continuance in a higher fulfillment ( Matthew 5:17-20). 2. The higher fulfillment of the new righteousness illustrated by a comparison of its principles with the Mosaic Law as currently taught and practiced (Mat 5:21-48) (1) The higher law of brotherhood judges ill-will as murder ( Matthew 5:21-26). (2) The higher law of purity condemns lust as adultery ( Matthew 5:27-32). (3) The higher law of truth forbids oaths as unnecessary and evil ( Matthew 5:33-37). (4) The higher law of rights substitutes self-restraint and generosity for retaliation and resistance ( Matthew 5:38-42). (5) The higher law of love demands universal good will of a supernatural quality like that of the Father ( Matthew 5:43-48).

    III. The new righteousness. Its motives as applied to religious, practical and social duties, or the principles of conduct ( Matthew 6:1 through 7:12). 1. Reverence toward the Father essential in all acts of worship ( Matthew 6:1-18). (1) In all duties ( Matthew 6:1). (2) In almsgiving ( Matthew 6:2-4). (3) In prayer ( Matthew 6:5-15). (4) In fasting ( Matthew 6:16-18). 2. Loyalty toward the Father fundamental in all activities ( Matthew 6:19-34). (1) In treasure-seeking ( Matthew 6:19-24). (2) In trustful devotion to the kingdom and the Father’s righteousness ( Matthew 6:25-34). 3. Love toward the Father dynamic in all social relations ( Matthew 7:1-12). (1) Critical estimate of self instead of censorious judgment of others ( Matthew 7:1-5). (2) Discrimination in the communication of spiritual values ( Matthew 7:6). (3) Kindness toward others in all things like the Father’s kindness toward all His children ( Matthew 7:7-12).

    IV. Hortatory conclusion ( Matthew 7:13-27). 1. The two gates and the two ways ( Matthew 7:13-14). 2. The tests of character ( Matthew 7:15-27). 2. Argument: The Kingdom of God (Heaven): (1) Characteristics of the Subjects ( Matthew 5:3-12).

    The Sermon opens with the familiar Beatitudes. Unlike many reformers, Jesus begins the exposition of His program with a promise of happiness, with a blessing rather than a curse. He thus connects His program directly with the hopes of His hearers, for the central features in the current Messianic conception were deliverance and happiness. But the conditions of happiness proposed were in strong contrast with those in the popular thought. Happiness does not consist, says Jesus, in what one possesses, in lands and houses, in social position, in intellectual attainments, but in the wealth of the inner life, in moral strength, in self-control, in spiritual insight, in the character one is able to form within himself and in the service he is able to render to his fellowmen. Happiness, then, like character, is a by-product of right living. It is presented as the fruit, not as the object of endeavor.

    It is interesting to note that character is the secret of happiness both for the individual and for society. There are two groups of Beatitudes. The first four deal with personal qualities: humility, penitence, self-control, desire for righteousness. These are the sources of inner peace. The second group deals with social qualities; mercifulness toward others, purity of heart or reverence for personality, peacemaking or solicitude for others, selfsacrificing loyalty to righteousness. These are the sources of social rest.

    The blessings of the kingdom are social as well as individual. (2) Vocation of the Subjects ( Matthew 5:13-16).

    Men of the qualities described in the Beatitudes are called “the salt of the earth,” “the light of the world.” Their happiness is not, then, in themselves or for themselves alone. Their mission is the hope of the kingdom. Salt is a preservative element; light is a life-giving one; but the world is not eager to be preserved or willing to receive life. Therefore such men must expect opposition and persecution, but they are not on that account to withdraw from the world. On the contrary, by the leaven of character and the light of example they are to help others in the appreciation and the attainment of the ideal life. By their character and deeds they are to make their influence a force for good in the lives of men. In this sense the men of the kingdom are the salt of the earth, the light of the world. See BEATITUDES. (3) Relation of the New Righteousness to Mosaic Law ( Matthew 5:17-48). (a) The Relation Defined ( Matthew 5:17-20):

    The qualities of character thus set before the citizens of the kingdom were so surprising and revolutionary as to suggest the inquiry: What is the relation of the new teaching to the Mosaic Law? This Jesus defines as continuance and fulfillment. His hearers are not to think that He has come to destroy the law. On the contrary, He has come to conserve and fulfil.

    The old law is imperfect, but God does not despair of what is imperfect.

    Men and institutions are judged, not by the level of present attainment, but by character and direction. The law moves in the right direction and is so valuable that those who violate even its least precepts have a very low place in the kingdom.

    The new righteousness then does not set aside the law or offer an easier religion, but one that is more exacting. The kingdom is concerned, not so much with ceremonies and external rules, as with motives and with social virtues, with self-control, purity, honesty and generosity. So much higher are the new standards of righteousness that Jesus is constrained to warn His hearers that to secure even a place in the kingdom, their righteousness must exceed that of the scribes and Pharisees. (b) The Relation Illustrated ( Matthew 5:21-48):

    In illustration of the deeper meaning of the new righteousness and its relation to the Mosaic Law, Jesus proceeds to deal in detail with the precepts of the old moral law, deepening it as He proceeds into the higher law of the kingdom. In each instance the standard of judgment is raised and the individual precepts are deepened into spiritual principles that call for perfect fulfillment. In considering specific precepts no account is taken of overt acts, for in the new righteousness they are impossible. All acts are treated as expressions of the inner life. The law is carried back to the impulse and the will to sin, and these are judged as in the old law the completed acts were judged. Therefore, all anger and lust in the heart are strictly enjoined. Likewise every word is raised to a sacredness equal with that of the most solemn religious vow or oath. Finally, the instinct to avenge is entirely forbidden, and universal love like that of the Father is made the fundamental law of the new social life. Thus Jesus does not abrogate any law but interprets its precepts in terms that call for a deeper and more perfect fulfillment. (4) Motives and Principles of Conduct ( Matthew 6:1 through 7:12).

    The relation of His teaching to the law defined, Jesus proceeds to explain the motives and principles of conduct as applied to religious and social duties. (a) In Worship ( Matthew 6:1-18):

    In the section Matthew 6:1 through 7:12 there is one central thought.

    All righteousness looks toward God. He is at once the source and the aim of life. Therefore worship aims alone at divine praise. If acts of worship are performed before men to be seen of them there is no reward for them before the Father. In this Jesus is passing no slight on public worship. He Himself instituted the Lord’s Supper and authorized the continuance of the rite of baptism. Such acts have their proper value. His censure is aimed at the love of ostentation so often associated with them. The root of ostentation is selfishness, and selfishness has no part in the new righteousness. Any selfish desire for the approval of men thwarts the purpose of all worship. The object of almsgiving, of prayer or of fasting is the expression of brotherly love, communion with God or spiritual enrichment. The possibility of any of these is excluded by the presence of the desire for the approval of men. It is not merely a divine fiat but one of the deeper laws of life which decrees that the only possible reward for acts of worship performed from such false motives is the cheap approval of men as well as the impoverishment of the inner life. (b) In Life’s Purpose ( Matthew 6:19-34):

    The same principle holds, says Jesus, in the matter of life’s purpose. There is only one treasure worthy of man’s search only one object worthy of his highest endeavor, and that is the kingdom of God and His righteousness.

    Besides, there can be no division of aim. God will be first and only.

    Material blessings must not be set before duty to Him or to men. With any lower aim the new righteousness would be no better than that of the Gentiles. And such a demand is reasonable, for God’s gracious providence is ample guaranty that He will supply all things needful for the accomplishment of the purposes He has planned for our lives. So in our vocations as in our worship, God is the supreme and effectual motive. (c) In Social Relations ( Matthew 7:1-12):

    Then again because God is our Father and the supreme object of desire for all men, great reverence is due toward others. Considerate helpfulness must replace the censorious spirit. For the same reason men will have too great reverence for spiritual values to cast them carelessly before the unworthy.

    Moreover, because God is so gracious and ready to bestow the best gifts freely upon His children, the men of the kingdom are under profound obligation to observe the higher law of brotherhood expressed in the Golden Rule: “All things .... whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, even so do ye also unto them.” Thus in the perfect law of the Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of men the new righteousness makes perfect the Law and the Prophets. (5) Hortatory Conclusion ( Matthew 7:13-27). (a) The Narrow Way ( Matthew 7:13-14):

    In the hortatory conclusion ( Matthew 7:13-27), Jesus first of all warns His hearers that the way into the kingdom is a narrow one. It might seem that it ought to be different; that the way to destruction should be narrow and difficult, and the way to life broad and easy, but it is not so. The way to all worthy achievement is the narrow way of self-control, self-sacrifice and infinite pains. Such is the way to the righteousness of the kingdom, the supreme object of human endeavor. “Narrow is the gate, and straitened the way, that leadeth unto life.” (b) The Tests of Character ( Matthew 7:15-27):

    The test of the higher fulfillment is fruit. By their fruits alone the subjects of the kingdom will be known. In the presence of the Father there is no room for those who bring nothing but the leaves of empty professions. The kingdom is for those alone who do His will. The test of righteousness is illustrated in conclusion by the beautiful parable of the Two Builders. The difference between the two is essentially one of character. It is largely a question of fundamental honesty. The one is superficial and thinks only of that which is visible to the eye and builds only for himself and for the present. The other is honest enough to build well where only God can see, to build for others and for all time. Thus he builds also for himself. The character of the builder is revealed by the building.

    VII. PRINCIPLES.

    The Sermon on the Mount is neither an impractical ideal nor a set of fixed legal regulations. It is, instead, a statement of the principles of life essential in a normal society. Such a society is possible in so far as men attain the character and live the life expressed in these principles. Their correct interpretation is therefore important.

    Many of the sayings of the Sermon are metaphorical or proverbial statements, and are not to be understood in a literal or legal sense. In them Jesus was illustrating principles in concrete terms. Their interpretation literally as legal enactments is contrary to the intention and spirit of Jesus.

    So interpreted, the Sermon becomes in part a visionary and impractical ideal. But rather the principles behind the concrete instances are to be sought and applied anew to the life of the present as Jesus applied them to the life of His own time.

    The following are some of the leading ideas and principles underlying and expressed in the Sermon: (1) Character Is the Secret of Happiness and Strength.

    Men of the qualities described in the Beatitudes are called “blessed.”

    Happiness consists, not in external blessings, but in the inner poise of a normal life. The virtues of the Beatitudes are also the elements of strength.

    Humility, self-control, purity and loyalty are the genuine qualities of real strength. Men of such qualities are to inherit the earth because they are the only ones strong enough to possess and use it. (2) Righteousness Is Grounded in the Inner Life.

    Character is not something imposed from without but a life that unfolds from within. The hope of a perfect morality and a genuine fulfillment of the law lies in the creation of a sound inner life. Therefore, the worth of all religious acts and all personal and social conduct is judged by the quality of the inner motives. (3) The Inner Life Is a Unity.

    The spiritual nature is all of a piece, so that a moral slump at one point imperils the whole life. Consequently, a rigid and exacting spiritual asceticism, even to the extent of extreme major surgery, is sometimes expedient and necessary. “If thy right eye causeth thee to stumble, pluck it out, and cast it from thee: for it is profitable for thee that one of thy members should perish, and not thy whole body be cast into Gehenna” ( Matthew 5:29 margin). (4) Universal Love Is the Fundamental Social Law.

    It is the dynamic principle of true character and right conduct. In this respect, at least, the perfection of the Father is set as the standard for men.

    Kindliness in disposition, in word and in act is an obligation binding on all.

    We may not feel alike toward all, but our wills must be set to do good even to our enemies. In this the supernatural quality of the Christian life may be known. (5) The Sermon Sets the Fact of God the Father at the Center of Life.

    Character and life exist in and for fellowship with the Father. All worship and conduct look toward God. His service is the supreme duty, His perfection the standard of character, His goodness the ground of universal love. Given this fact, all the essentials of religion and life follow as a matter of course. God is Father, all men are brothers. God is Father, all duties are sacred. God is Father, infinite love is at the heart of the world and life is of infinite worth. (6) Fulfillment Is the Final Test of Life.

    The blossoms of promises must ripen into the fruit of abiding character.

    The leaves of empty professions have no value in the eyes of the Father.

    Deeds and character are the only things that abide, and endurance is the final test. The life of perfect fulfillment is the life anchored on the rock of ages. See further ETHICS; ETHICS OF JESUS; KINGDOM OF GOD.

    LITERATURE.

    The standard commentaries and Lives of Christ. Among the most important encyclopaedic articles are those of C. W. Votaw in HDB, James Moffatt in Encyclopedia Biblica and W. F. Adeney in DCG. The following are a few of the most helpful separate volumes on the subject: A. Tholuck, Exposition of Christ’s Sermon on the Mount; Canon Gore, The Sermon on the Mount; B. W. Bacon, The Sermon on the Mount; W. B. Carpenter, The Great Charter of Christ; Hubert Foston, The Beatitudes and the Contrasts; compare H. C. King, The Ethics of Jesus, and Stalker, The Ethic of Jesus. The following periodical articles are worthy of notice:

    Franklin Johnson, “The Plan of the Sermon on the Mount,” Homiletic Review, XXIV, 360; A. H. Hall, “The Gospel in the Sermon on the Mount,” Biblical Sac., XLVIII, 322; The Bishop of Peterborough (W. C.

    Magee), “The State and the Sermon on the Mount,” Fortnightly Review, LIII, 32; J. G. Pyle, “The Sermon on the Mount,” Putnam’s Magazine, VII, 285. Russell Benjamin Miller SERMON ON THE PLAIN, THE This title is sometimes given to the discourse recorded in Luke 6:20-49, because according to the Gospel (6:17) it was delivered on a plain at the foot of the mountain. In many respects this address resembles the one recorded in Matthew 5 through 7, but in general the two are so different as to make it uncertain whether they are different reports of the same discourse or reports of different addresses given on different occasions. See SERMON ON THE MOUNT. 1. THE OCCASION:

    In contrast with the Sermon on the Mount which is assigned a place early in the Galilean ministry, and prior to the appointment of the Twelve, that event is represented as the occasion of this discourse. If the two accounts are reports of the same address the setting of Luke is probably the historical one. 2. CONTENTS:

    The Sermon of Luke includes a little less than one-third of the matter recorded in the Sermon on the Mount. The Lukan discourse includes only a portion of the Beatitudes, with a set of four “woes,” a rather brief section on the social duties, and the concluding parable of the Two Houses. 3. MESSAGE:

    The Gospel of Luke has been called the social Gospel because of its sympathy with the poor and its emphasis on the duty of kindliness of spirit.

    This social interest is especially prominent in the Sermon. Here the Beatitudes deal with social differences. In Matthew they refer to spiritual conditions. Here Jesus speaks of those who hunger now, probably meaning bodily hunger. In Matthew the reference is to hunger and thirst after righteousness. In Matthew the invectives are addressed against the selfsatisfied religious teachers and their religious formalism. Here the rich and their unsocial spirit are the subject of the woes. This social interest is further emphasized by the fact that in addition to this social bearing of the Beatitudes, Luke’s discourse omits the remainder of the Sermon on the Mount, except those portions that deal with social relations, such as those on the Golden Rule, the duty of universal love, the equality of servant and master, and the obligation of a charitable spirit. Russell Benjamin Miller SERON <se’-ron > ([ Sh>rwn, Seron ]): “The commander of the host of Syria” of Antiochus Epiphanes, who was defeated at Beth-horon by Judas in 166 BC (1 Macc 3:13 ff). Not a Greek name; “perhaps it represents the Phoenician Hiram” (Rawlinson, at the place).

    SERPENT <sur’-pent > : 1. GENERAL:

    Serpents are not particularly abundant in Palestine, but they are often mentioned in the Bible. In the Hebrew there are 11 names. The New Testament has four Greek names and the Septuagint employs two of these and three others as well as several compound expressions, such as [o]fiv peta>menov, ophis petamenos ], “flying serpent,” [o]fiv qanatw~n, ophis thanaton ], “deadly serpent,” and [o]fiv da>knwn, ophis daknon ], “biting” or “stinging serpent.” Notwithstanding this large vocabulary, it is impossible to identify satisfactorily a single species. Nearly every reference states or implies poisonous qualities, and in no case is there so much as a hint that a snake may be harmless, except in several expressions referring to the millennium, where their harmlessness is not natural but miraculous.

    In Arabic there is a score or more of names of serpents, but very few of them are employed at all definitely. It may be too much to say that the inhabitants of Syria and Palestine consider all snakes to be poisonous, but they do not clearly distinguish the non-poisonous ones, and there are several common and well-known species which are universally believed to be poisonous, though actually harmless. Of nearly 25 species which are certainly known to be found in Syria and Palestine, four are deadly poisonous, five are somewhat poisonous, and the rest are absolutely harmless. With the exception of qippoz , “dart-snake” ( Isaiah 34:15) which is probably the name of a bird and not of a snake, every one of the Hebrew and Greek names occurs in passages where poisonous character is expressed or implied. The deadly poisonous snakes have large perforated poison fangs situated in the front of the upper jaw, an efficient apparatus like a hypodermic syringe for conveying the poison into the depths of the wound. In the somewhat poisonous snakes, the poison fangs are less favorably situated, being farther back, nearly under the eye. Moreover, they are smaller and are merely grooved on the anterior aspect instead of being perforated. All snakes, except a few which are nearly or quite toothless, have numerous small recurved teeth for holding and helping to swallow the prey, which is usually taken into the stomach while living, the peculiar structure of the jaws and the absence of a breast-bone enabling snakes to swallow animals which exceed the ordinary size of their own bodies. 2. SERPENTS OF PALESTINE AND SYRIA:

    The following list includes all the serpents which are certainly known to exist in Palestine and Syria, omitting the names of several which have been reported but whose occurrence does not seem to be sufficiently confirmed.

    The range of each species is given. (1) Harmless Serpents.

    Typhlops vermicularis Merr., Greece and Southwestern Asia; T. simoni Bttgr., Palestine; Eryx jaculus L., Greece, North Africa, Central and Southwestern Asia; Tropidonotus tessellatus Laur., CentraI and Southeastern Europe, Central and Southwestern Asia; Zamenis gemonensis Laur., Central and Southeastern Europe, Greek islands, Southwestern Asia; Z. dahlii Fitz., Southeastern Europe, Southwestern Asia, Lower Egypt; Z. rhodorhachis Jan., Egypt, Southwestern Asia, India; Z. ravergieri Menatr., Southwestern Asia: Z. nummifer Renss., Egypt, Syria, Palestine, Cyprus, Asia Minor; Oligodon melanocephalus Jan., Syria, Palestine, Sinai, Lower Egypt; Contia decemlineata D. and B., Syria, Palestine; C. collaris Menerr., Greek islands, Cyprus, Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine; C. rothi Jan., Syria, Palestine; C. coronella Schleg., Syria, Palestine (2) Somewhat Poisonous Serpents.

    Tarbophis savignyi Blgr., Syria, Palestine, Egypt; T. fallax Fleischm., Balkan Peninsula, Greek islands, Cyprus, Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine; Coelopeltis monspessulana Herre., Mediterranean countries, Caucasus, Persia; Psammophis schokari Forsk., North Africa, Southwestern Asia; Micrelaps muelleri Bttgr., Syria, Palestine (3) Deadly Poisonous Serpents.

    Vipera ammodytes L., Southeastern Europe, Asia Minor, Syria; Vipera lebetina L., North Africa, Greek islands, Southwestern Asia; Cerastes cornutus Forsk., Egypt, Sinai, Arabia; Echis coloratus Gthr., Southern Palestine, Arabia, Socotra.

    To this list should be added the scheltopusik, a large snake-like, limbless lizard, Ophiosaurus apus, inhabiting Southeastern Europe, Asia Minor, Persia, Syria and Palestine, which while perfectly harmless is commonly classed with vipers.

    Of all these the commonest is Zamenis nummifer, Arabic `aqd-ul-jauz, “string of walnuts,” a fierce but non-poisonous snake which attains the length of a meter. Its ground color is pale yellow and it has a dorsal series of distinct diamond-shaped dark spots. Alternating with spots of the dorsal row are on each side two lateral rows of less distinct dark spots. It is everywhere considered to be fatal. Another common snake is Zamenis gemonensis, Arabic chanash, which attains the length of two meters. It is usually black and much resembles the American black snake, Zamenis constrictor. Like all species of Zamenis, these ire harmless. Other common harmless snakes are Zamenis dahlii, Tropidonotus tessellatus which is often found in pools and streams, Contia collaris, Oligodon melanocephalus, a small, nearly toothless snake with the crown of the head coal black.

    Among the somewhat poisonous snakes, a very common one is Coelopeltis monspessulana, Arabic al-chaiyat ul-barshat, which is about two meters long, as larke as the black snake. It is uniformly reddish brown above, paler below. Another is Psammophis schokari. Arabic an-nashshab, “the arrow.”

    It is about a meter long, slender, and white with dark stripes. Many marvelous and utterly improbable tales are told of its jumping powers, as for instance that it can shoot through the air for more than a hundred feet and penetrate a tree like a rifle bullet.

    The commonest of the deadly poisonous snakes is Vipera lebetina, which attains the length of a meter, has a thick body, a short tail, a broad head and a narrow neck. It is spotted somewhat as Zamenis nummifer, but the spots are less regular and distinct and the ground color is gray rather than yellow. It does not seem to have a distinct name. Cerastes cornutus, having two small horns, which are modified scales, over the eyes, is a small but dangerous viper, and is found in the south. Not only are the species of poisonous serpents fewer than the non-poisonous species, but the individuals also appear to be less numerous. The vast majority of the snakes which are encountered are harmless. 3. NAMES:

    As stated above, all of the Hebrew and Greek names except qippoz , which occurs only in Isaiah 34:15, are used of snakes actually or supposedly poisonous. This absence of discrimination between poisonous and nonpoisonous kinds makes determination of the species difficult. Further, but few of the Hebrew names are from roots whose meanings are clear, and there is little evident relation to Arabic names. (1) The commonest Hebrew word is [ vj;n; , nachash ], which occurs times and seems to be a generic word for serpent. While not always clearly indicating a venomous serpent, it frequently does: e.g. Psalm 58:4; 140:3; Proverbs 23:32; Ecclesiastes 10:8,11; Isaiah 14:29; Jeremiah 8:17; Amos 5:19. According to BDB it is perhaps from an onomatopoetic [ vj”n; , nachash ], “to hiss.” It may be akin to the Arabic chanash, which means “snake” in general, or especially the black snake. Compare Ir-nahash ( 1 Chronicles 4:12); Nahash (a) ( 1 Samuel 11:1; 2 Samuel 10:2), (b) ( 2 Samuel 17:27), (c) ( 2 Samuel 17:25); also [ tv,jn] , nechosheth ], “copper” or “brass”; and [ ˆT;v]jun] , nechushtan ], “Nehushtan,” the brazen serpent ( 2 Kings 18:4). But BDB derives the last two words from a different root. (2) [ tr;c; , saraph ], apparently from [ tr”c; , saraph ], “to burn,” is used of the fiery serpents of the wilderness. In Numbers 21:8, it occurs in the singular: “Make thee a fiery serpent, and set it upon a standard.” In 21:6 we have [ µypir;C]h” µyvij;N]h” , ha-nechashim haseraphim ], “fiery serpents”; in Deuteronomy 8:15 the same in the singular: [ tr;c; vj;n; , nachash saraph ], also translated “fiery serpents”; in Isaiah 14:29; 30:6 we have [ tpewO[m] tr;c; , saraph me`opheph ], “fiery flying serpent.” The same word in the plural [ µypir;c] , seraphim ], is translated “seraphim” in Isaiah 6:2,6. (3) [ ˆyNiT” , tannin ], elsewhere “dragon” or “seamonster” (which see), is used of the serpents into which the rods of Aaron and the magicians were transformed ( Exodus 7:9,10,12), these serpents being designated by nachash in Exodus 4:3; 7:15. Tannin is rendered “serpent” (the King James Version “dragon”) in Deuteronomy 32:33, “Their wine is the poison of serpents,” and Psalm 91:13, “The young lion and the serpent shalt thou trample under foot.” On the other hand, nachash seems in three passages to refer to a mythical creature or dragon: “His hand hath pierced the swift serpent” ( Job 26:13); “In that day Yahweh .... will punish leviathan the swift serpent and leviathan the crooked serpent” ( Isaiah 27:1); “.... though they be hid from my sight in the bottom of the sea, thence will I command the serpent, and it shall bite them” ( Amos 9:3). (4) [ ylej\zO, zochale ] is translated “crawling things” in Deuteronomy 32:24 (the King James Version “serpents”) and in Micah 7:17 (the King James Version “worms”). (5) [ bWvk][“ , `akhshubh ], occurs only in <19E003> Psalm 140:3, where it is translated “adder” Septuagint [ajspi>v, aspis ], Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) aspis ), “adders’ poison is under their lips.” It has been suggested (BDB) that the reading should be [ vybiK;[“ , `akkabhish ], “spider” (which see). The parallel word in the previous line is nachash . (6) [ ˆt;P, , pethen ], like most of the other names a word of uncertain etymology, occurs 6 times and it is translated “asp,” except in Psalm 91:13, “Thou shalt tread upon the lion and adder.” According to Liddell and Scott, aspis is the name of the Egyptian cobra, Naia haje L., which is not included in (2) above, because it does not certainly appear to have been found in Palestine The name “adder” is applied to various snakes all of which may perhaps be supposed to be poisonous but some of which are actually harmless. Aspis occurs in Romans 3:13 in a paraphrase of <19E003> Psalm 140:3 (see (5) above); it occurs frequently, though not uniformly, in Septuagint for (2), (5), (6), (7), (8) and (10). (7) [ [p”x, , tsepha `], occurs only in Isaiah 14:29 where it is translated “adder” (the King James Version “cockatrice,” the English Revised Version “basilisk,” Septuagint [e]kgona ajspi>dwn, ekgona aspidon ], Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) regulus). The root tsapha `, of (7) and (8) may be an onomatopoetic word meaning “to hiss” (BDB). (8) [ yniwO[p]xi ], or [ yni[op]xi , tsiph`oni ], occurs in Proverbs 23:32, “At the last it biteth like a serpent (nachash ), and stingeth like an adder” (tsiph`oni ). In Isaiah 11:8; 59:5, and Jeremiah 8:17, the American Standard Revised Version has “adder,” while the King James Version has cockatrice” and the English Revised Version has “basilisk.” (9) [ ˆpoypiv] , shephiphon ], occurs only in Genesis 49:17: “Daniel shall be a serpent ( nachash) in the way, An adder ( shephiphon) in the path, That biteth the horse’s heels, So that his rider falleth backward.” This has been thought to be Cerastes cornulus, on the authority of Tristram (NHB), who says that lying in the path it will attack the passer-by, while most snakes will glide away at the approach of a person or large animal.

    He adds that his horse was much frightened at seeing one of these serpents coiled up in a camel’s footprint. The word is perhaps akin to the Arabic siff, or suff, which denotes a spotted and deadly snake. (10) [ h[,p]a, , ‘eph’eh ], is found in Job 20:16; Isaiah 30:6; 59:5, and in English Versions of the Bible is uniformly translated “viper.” It is the same as the Arabic ‘af`a, which is usually translated “viper,” though the writer has never found anyone who could tell to what snake the name belongs. In Arabic as in Hebrew a poisonous snake is always understood. (11) [ zwOPqi , qippoz ], the American Standard Revised Version “dart-snake,” the English Revised Version “arrowsnake,” the King James Version “great owl,” only in Isaiah 34:15, “There shall the dart-snake make her nest, and lay, and hatch, and gather under her shade; yea, there shall the kites be gathered, every one with her mate.” “This is the concluding verse in a vivid picture of the desolation of Edom. The renderings “dart-snake” and “arrowsnake” rest on the authority of Bochert, but Septuagint has [ejci~nov, echinos ], “hedgehog,” and Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) ericeus, “hedgehog.” The rendering of the King James Version “great owl” seems preferable to the others, because the words “make her nest, and lay, and hatch, and gather under her shade” are as a whole quite inapplicable to a mammal or to a reptile. The derivation from [ zp”q; , qaphaz ] (compare Arabic qafaz ), “to spring,” “to dart,” suits, it is true, a snake, and not a hedgehog, but may also suit an owl. Finally, the next word in Isaiah 34:15 is “kites,” [ twOYd” , dayyoth ]; compare Arabic chida’at . See BITTERN; OWL; PORCUPINE. (12) [o]fiv, ophis ], a general term for “serpent,” occurs in numerous passages of the New Testament and Septuagint, and is fairly equivalent to nachash . (13) [ajspi>v, aspis ], occurs in the New Testament only in Romans 3:13 parallel to <19E003> Psalm 140:3. See under (5) `akhshubh and (6) pethen . It is found in Septuagint for these words, and also for ‘eph`eh ( Isaiah 30:6). (14) [e]cidna, echidna ], occurs in Acts 28:3, “A viper came out .... and fastened on his (Paul’s) hand,” and 4 times in the expression “offspring (the King James Version “generation”) of vipers,” [gennh>mata ejcidnw~n, gennemata echidnon ] ( Matthew 3:7; 12:34; 23:33; Luke 3:7). The allied (masculine?) form [e]civ, echis ], occurs in Sirach 39:30, the Revised Version (British and American) “adder.” (15) [eJrpeto>n, herpeton ], “creeping thing,” the King James Version “serpent,” is found in James 3:7.

    That the different Hebrew and Greek names are used without clear distinction is seen from several examples of the employment of two different names in parallel expressions: “Their poison is like the poison of a serpent (nachash ); They are like the deaf adder (pethen ) that stoppeth her ear” ( Psalm 58:4). “They have sharpened their tongue like a serpent (nachash ); Adders’ (`akhshubh ) poison is under their lips” ( <19E003> Psalm 140:3). “For, behold, I will send serpents (nechashim ), adders (tsiph`onim ), among you, which will not be charmed; and they shall bite you, saith Yahweh” ( Jeremiah 8:17). “They shall lick the dust like a serpent (nachash ): like crawling things of the earth (zohale ‘erets ) they shall come trembling out of their close places” ( Micah 7:17). “He shall suck the poison of asps (pethen ): The viper’s (‘eph`eh ) tongue shall slay him” ( Job 20:16). “Their wine is the poison of serpents (tanninim), and the cruel venom of asps (pethanim )” ( Deuteronomy 32:33). “And the sucking child shall play on the hole of the asp (pethen ), and the weaned child shall put his hand on the adder’s (tsiph`oni ) den” ( Isaiah 11:8). See also (8) an (9) above. 4. FIGURATIVE:

    Most of the Biblical references to serpents are of a figurative nature, and they usually imply poisonous qualities. The wicked ( Psalm 58:4), the persecutor ( <19E003> Psalm 140:3), and the enemy ( Jeremiah 8:17) are likened to venomous serpents. The effects of wine are compared to the bites of serpents ( Proverbs 23:32). Satan is a serpent (Genesis 3; Revelation 12:9; 20:2). The term “offspring of vipers” is applied by John the Baptist to the Pharisees and Sadducees ( Matthew 3:7) or to the multitudes ( Luke 3:7) who came to hear him; and by Jesus to the scribes and Pharisees ( Matthew 12:34; 23:33). Daniel is a “serpent in the way .... that biteth the horse’s heels” ( Genesis 49:17). Serpents are among the terrors of the wilderness ( Deuteronomy 8:15; Isaiah 30:6). Among the signs accompanying believers is that “they shall take up serpents” ( Mark 16:18; compare Acts 28:5). It is said of him that trusts in Yahweh: “Thou shalt tread upon the lion and adder: The young lion and the serpent shalt thou trample under foot” ( Psalm 91:13).

    In the millennium, “the sucking child shall play on the hole of the asp, and the weaned child shall put his hand on the adder’s den” ( Isaiah 11:8).

    The serpent is subtle ( Genesis 3:1; 2 Corinthians 11:3); wise ( Matthew 10:16); accursed ( Genesis 3:14); eats dust ( Genesis 3:14; Isaiah 65:25; Micah 7:17). The adder is deaf ( Psalm 58:4).

    The serpent lurks in unexpected places ( Genesis 49:17; Ecclesiastes 10:8; Amos 5:19). Serpents may be charmed ( Psalm 58:5; Ecclesiastes 10:11; Jeremiah 8:17). Among four wonderful things is “the way of a serpent upon a rock” ( Proverbs 30:19). Alfred Ely Day SERPENT, BRAZEN <bra’-z’-n > . See NEHUSHTAN.

    SERPENT-CHARMING <-charm’-ing > : Allusion to this art, widely practiced by the ancients (see references in DB, under the word; especially Bothart, Hieron., III, 161, 164, etc.), as by modern Orientals, is found in Psalm 58:5; Ecclesiastes 10:11; Jeremiah 8:17; Sirach 12:13, perhaps in James 3:7. The skill displayed in taming snakes, often without removing the poison fangs, is very surprising. Bruce, Davy, and other travelers give striking illustrations. See especially the interesting account of serpentcharming in Hengstenberg’s Egypt and the Books of Moses, English Translation, 100-104.

    SERPENT, CROOKED <krook’-ed > : With reference to the constellation round the North Pole, in Job 26:13, the Revised Version (British and American) “the swift serpent,” margin “fleeing”; and Isaiah 27:1, the Revised Version margin “winding.” In the first part of the latter passage, the King James Version “piercing serpent” is changed in the Revised Version (British and American) to “swift serpent,” margin “gliding” or “fleeing.” See ASTRONOMY, II, 1.

    SERPENT, FIERY See SERPENT, 3, (2).

    SERPENT WORSHIP <wur’-ship > : Traces of this superstition are thought by certain critics to be discoverable in the religion of Israel. Stade mentions that W. R. Smith supposed the serpent to be the totem of the house of David (Geschichte, I, 465). H. P. Smith says: “We know of a Serpent’s Stone near Jerusalem, which was the site of a sanctuary ( 1 Kings 1:9), and this sanctuary was dedicated to Yahweh” (Hist of Old Testament, 239, 240). Special reliance is placed on the narrative of the brazen serpent, which Hezekiah is recorded to have destroyed as leading to idolatry, ( 2 Kings 18:4). “In that case,” says H. P. Smith, “we must treat the Nehushtan as a veritable idol of the house of Israel, which had been worshipped in the temple from the time of its erection. Serpent worship is so widespread that we should be surprised not to find traces of it in Israel” (ut supra). In the same line, see G. B. Gray, Nu, 275-76. The fancifulness of these deductions is obvious. See NEHUSHTAN.

    James Orr SERUG <se’-rug > ([ gWrc] , serugh ]; [ Serou>c, Serouch ]): Son of Reu and greatgrandfather of Abraham ( Genesis 11:20 ff; 1 Chronicles 1:26; Luke 3:35).

    SERVANT <sur’-vant > ([ db,[, , ‘ebhedh ]; [dou~lov, doulos ]): A very common word with a variety of meanings, all implying a greater or less degree of inferiority and want of freedom: (1) The most frequent usage is as the equivalent of “slave” (which see), with its various shades in position ( Genesis 9:25; 24:9; Exodus 21:5; Matthew 10:24; Luke 17:7, and often); but also a hired workman where “hired servant” translates Hebrew and Greek expressions which differ from the above. (2) An attendant in the service of someone, as Joshua was the “servant” the Revised Version (British and American) “minister” of Moses ( Numbers 11:28). (3) As a ‘term of respectful self-depreciation referring to one’s self, “thy servant.” or “your servant” is used in place of the personal pronoun of the first person: (a) in the presence of superiors ( Genesis 19:2; 32:18, and often); (b) in addressing the Supreme Being ( 1 Samuel 3:9; Psalm 19:11; 27:9; Luke 2:29, and often). (4) Officials of every grade are called the “servants” of kings, princes, etc. ( 1 Samuel 29:3; 2 Samuel 16:1; 1 Kings 11:26; Proverbs 14:35, and often). (5) The position of a king in relation to his people ( 1 Kings 12:7). (6) One who is distinguished as obedient and faithful to God or Christ ( Joshua 1:2; 2 Kings 8:19; Daniel 6:20; Colossians 4:12; 2 Timothy 2:24). (7) One who is enslaved by sin ( John 8:34). William Joseph Mcglothlin SERVANT OF YAHWEH (THE LORD) 1. HISTORICAL SITUATION:

    A century and a half had passed since the great days of Isaiah in Jerusalem.

    The world had vastly changed during those long decades when politicians had planned, armies surged back and forth, and tribes and nations had lost or won in the struggle for existence, place and power. The center of the world had changed — for Assyria had gone to its long home, and the city claiming preeminence was not Nineveh but Babylon.

    Nowhere perhaps had time laid a heavier hand than on the city of Jerusalem and the country of Judah. For city and land had come to desolation, and the inhabitants of the country had become familiar with the strange sights and sounds of Babylonia, whither they had been carried by their conquerors. Many had found graves in the land of the exile, and new generations had arisen who had no memory of the hill country of their fathers. It is the situation of these captive Jews in Babylonia which is reflected and they who are addressed at the waning of the long night of captivity by the stirring message recorded in Isaiah 40 through 66 (leaving out of account here disputed passages in Isaiah 40 through 66). 2. THE AUTHORSHIP OF ISAIAH, CHAPTERS 40 THROUGH 66:

    The more one studies the problem of the authorship of these chapters, the more unlikely does it seem that their author penned them 150 years before the time with which they are vitally connected. It is obviously impossible to treat that problem in a detailed way here, but one may sum up the arguments by saying that in theological ideas, in style, and use of words they show such differences from the assured productions of Isaiah’s pen as to point to a different authorship. And the great argument, the argument which carries the most weight to the author of this article, is that these late chapters are written from the standpoint of the exile. The exile is assumed in what is said. These chapters do not prophesy the exile, do not say it is to come; they all the time speak as though it had come. The message is not that an exile is to be, but beginning with the fact that the exile already is, it foretells deliverance. Now of course it is conceivable that God might inspire a man to put himself forward 150 years, and with a message to people who were to live then, assuming their circumstances as a background of what he said, but it is improbable to the last degree. To put it in plain, almost gruff, English, it is not the way God did things. The prophet’s message was always primarily a message to his own age. Then there is no claim in the chapters themselves that Isaiah was their author.

    And having once been placed so that it was supposed they were by Isaiah — placed so through causes we do not know — the fact that in speaking of passages from these chapters New Testament authors referred to them by a name the people would recognize, is not a valid argument that they meant to teach anything as to their authorship. The problem had not arisen in New Testament times. Isaiah 40 through 66, as Professor Davidson has suggested, has a parallel in the Book of Job, each the production of a great mind, each from an author we do not know.

    Compare ISAIAH . 3. THE PROPHET OF THE EXILE:

    Out of the deep gloom of the exile — when the Jew was a man without a country, when it seemed as if the nation’s sins had murdered hope — out of this time comes the voice most full of gladness and abounding hope of all the voices from the Old Testament life. In the midst of the proud, confident civilization of Babylonia, with its teeming wealth and exhaustless splendor, came a man who dared to speak for Yahweh — a man of such power to see reality that to him Babylonia was already doomed, and he could summon the people to prepare for God’s deliverance. 4. THE UNITY OF ISAIAH 40 THROUGH 66:

    In recent criticism, especially in Germany, there has been a strong tendency to assign the last chapters of this section to a different author from the first.

    The background it is claimed is not Babylonian; the sins rebuked are the sins of the people when at home in Judea, and in at least one passage the temple at Jerusalem seems to be standing. That these chapters present difficulties need not be disputed, but it seems to me that again and again in them one can find the hand of Second Isaiah. Then undoubtedly the author quotes from previous prophecies which we can recognize, and the suggestion that some of the difficult passages may be quotations from other older prophecies which are not preserved to us, I think an exceedingly good one. The quotation of such passages in view of the prospect of return, and the prophet’s feeling of the need of the people, would seem to me not at all unnatural. If a later hand is responsible for some utterances in the latter part of the section, it seems to me fairly clear that most of it is from the hand of the great unknown prophet of the exile.

    The questions regarding the Servant-passages as affecting the unity of the book will be treated later. 5. PRINCIPAL IDEAS OF ISAIAH 40 THROUGH 66:

    The first part of this section vividly contrasts Yahweh and the idols worshipped with such splendor and ceremony. All the resources of irony and satire are used to give point and effect to the contrast. Cyrus the Median conqueror is already on the horizon, and he is declared to be God’s instrument in the deliverance. The idols are described in process of manufacture; they are addressed in scornful apostrophe, they are seen carried away helpless. On the other side Yahweh, with illimitable foresight and indomitable strength, knows and reveals the future. They know and reveal nothing. He brings to pass what He has planned. They do nothing.

    Not only the idols but Babylonia itself is made the victim of satire — and the prophet hurls a taunt song at the proud but impotent city.

    Israel — the people of Yahweh — the elect of God — is given the prophet’s message. The past is called up as a witness to Yahweh’s dealings. His righteousness — His faithfulness to His people — shall not fail. They are unworthy, but out of His own bounty salvation is provided.

    And with joy of this salvation from exile and from sin the book rings and rings. The Zion of the restored Israel is pictured with all the play of color and richness of imagery at the prophet’s command. And this restored Israel is to have a world-mission. Its light is to fall upon all lands. It is to minister salvation to all races of men.

    But back of and under these pictures of great hope is the prophet’s sense of his people’s sin and their struggle with it. In the latter part of the book, especially Isaiah 59 and 64 this comes out clearly. And the mood of these chapters expresses the feeling out of which some of the deep things of the Servant-passages came. There is no need to insist that the chapters as they stand are in the order in which they were written. We know from other prophecies that this was not always true. But even if a man were convinced that the chapters now occurring after the Servant-passages were all written after them, he could still hold, and I think would be justified in holding, that in places in those chapters the reader finds the record of a state of the prophet’s mind before the writing of those passages. The former view would be, I think, the preferable one. At any rate the point of view is logically that out of which some of the deep things in the Servant-passages came.

    In profoundness of meaning the climax of the book is reached in these passages where the deliverance from exile and the deliverance from sin are connected with one great figure — the Servant of Yahweh. 6. THE SERVANT-PASSAGES:

    The word “servant,” as applied to servants of God, is not an unfamiliar one to readers of the Old Testament. It is applied to different individuals and by Jeremiah to the nation (compare Jeremiah 30:10; 46:27); but its message is on the whole so distinct and complete in Second Isaiah that we can study it without any further reference to previous usage.

    The “servant” first appears in Isaiah 41:8. Here the reference is undoubtedly to Israel, chosen and called of God and to be upheld by Him.

    Here Israel is promised victory over its enemies. In vivid picture their destruction and Isracl’s future trust and glory in God are portrayed.

    There are several incidental references to Israel as Yahweh’s servant: created by Yahweh and not to be forgotten ( Isaiah 41:8); Cyrus is said to be called for the sake of His servant Jacob ( Isaiah 45:4); Yahweh is said to have redeemed His servant Jacob ( Isaiah 48:20).

    In Isaiah 44:26 “servant” seems to be used with the meaning of prophet. It is said of Yahweh that He “confirmeth the word of his servant, and performeth the counsel of his messengers.”

    In Isaiah 42:19 we find the failure and inadequacy of Israel presented in the words, “Who is blind, but my servant? or deaf, as my messenger that I send?” This passage is an explanation of the exile. Israel proved unworthy and sinned, hence, its punishment, but even in the exile the lesson had not been taken to heart.

    In Isaiah 43:8 ff Yahweh summons Israel the servant, who in spite of blindness and deafness yet is His witness. It has at least seen enough to be able to witness for Him in the presence of the heathen.

    In Isaiah 44:1-5, leaving the unworthiness of the actual Israel, there comes what seems to me a summons in the name of the possible, the ideal.

    The underlying thought is a call to the high future which God has ready to give.

    This covers the reference to the servant outside the great Servant-passages to which we now come. There are four of these: Isaiah 42:1-9; 49:1-9a; 50:4-11; 52:13 through 53:12; 61:1-4 perhaps represents words of the Servant, but may refer to words of the prophet, and, as at any rate it adds no new features to the picture of the Servant already given in the passages undoubtedly referring to him, we will not discuss it. (1) Date of the Servant-Passages.

    Ewald long ago suggested that the last of the Servant-passages must have been borrowed from an earlier composition, which he assigned to the age of Manasseh. “If we find in the study of the passage reason for its vividness, we shall not need to seek its origin in the description of some past martyrdom.”

    Duhm quoted by Cheyne thinks the Servant-passages post-exilic. The gentleness and quiet activity of the Servant for one thing, according to Duhm, suggest the age of the scribes, rather than that of the exile. But might not an age of suffering be a time to learn the lesson of gentleness?

    According to Skinner, Duhm thinks the passages were inserted almost haphazard, but Skinner also refers to Kosters, showing that the passages cannot be lifted without carrying some of the succeeding verses with them.

    This is particularly significant in view of the recent popularity of other theories which deny the Servant-passages to the hand and time of Second Isa. The theory that these passages form by themselves a poem or a set of poems which have been inserted here can boast of distinguished names.

    There does not seem much to commend it, however. As to the argument from difference as to rhythm, there is disagreement, and the data are probably not of a sort to warrant much significance being applied to it either way. The fact that the passages are not always a part of connected movement of thought would play great havoc if made a universal principle of discrimination as to authorship in the prophecies of the Old Testament.

    If we succeed in giving the fundamental ideas of the passages a place in relation to the thought of Deutero-Isaiah, an argument for which cogency might be claimed will be dissipated. But even at its best this argument would not be conclusive. To deny certain ideas to an author simply because he has not expressed them in a certain bit of writing acknowledged to him is perilous business. A message of hope surely does not preclude an appreciation of the dark things.

    The truth of the matter is that even by great scholars the temptation to a criticism of knight-errantry is not always resisted. And I think we shall not make any mistake in believing that this is the case with the attempt to throw doubt upon the Deutero-Isaianic authorship of the Servant-passages. (2) Discussion of the Passages. Isaiah 42:1-9: In these verses Yahweh Himself is the speaker, describing the Servant as His chosen, in whom His soul delights, upon whom He has put His spirit. He is to bring justice to the Gentiles. His methods are to be quiet and gentle, and the very forlorn hope of goodness He will not quench. He is to set justice in the earth, and remote countries are described as waiting for His law. Then comes a declaration by the prophet that Yahweh, the Creator of all, is the speaker of words declaring the Servant’s call in righteousness to be a covenant for the people, a light to the Gentiles, a helper to those in need — the blind and imprisoned.

    Yahweh’s glory is not to be given to other, nor His praise to graven images. Former prophecies have come to pass. New things He now declares. One’s attention needs to be called to the distinction of the Servant from Israel in this passage. He is to be a covenant of the people: according to Delitzsch, “he in whom and through whom Yahweh makes a new covenant with His people in place of the old one that has been broken.” Isaiah 49:1-9a; Here the Servant himself spoaks, telling of his calling from the beginning of his life, of the might of his word, of his shelter in God, of a time of discouragement in which he thought his labor in vain, followed by insistence on his trust in God. Then Yahweh promises him a larger mission than the restoration of Israel, namely, to be a light to the Gentiles. Yahweh speaks of the Servant as one despised, yet to be triumphant so that he will be honored by kings and princes. He is to lead his people forth at their restoration, “to make them inherit the desolate heritages; saying to them that are bound, Go forth; to them that are in darkness, Show yourselves.”

    Clearly the Servant is distinct from the people Israel in this passage. Yet in Isaiah 49:3 he is addressed as Israel. The word Israel here may be a gloss, which would solve the difficulty, or the Servant may be addressed as Israel because he gathers up in himself the meaning of the ideal Israel. If it is true that the prophet gradually passed from the conception of Israel as a nation to a person through whom its true destiny would be realized, this last suggestion would gain in probability.

    One notices here the emphasis on the might of the Servant, and in this passage we come to understand that he is to pass through a time of ignominy. The phrase “a servant of rulers” is a difficult one, which would be clear if the prophet conceived of him as one of the exiles, and typically representing them. The Servant’s mission in this passage seems quite bound up with the restoration. Isaiah 50:4-11: In the first part of this passage the Servant is not mentioned directly, but it seems clear that he is speaking. He is taught of God continually, that he may bring a message to the weary. He has opened his ear so that he may fully understand Yahweh’s message. The Servant now describes his sufferings as coming to him because of his obedience. He was not rebellious and did not turn back from his mission. Flint-like he set his face and with confidence in God met the shame which came upon him.

    After language vivid with a sense of ignominy his assured consciousness of victory and faith in God are expressed, .

    In Isaiah 50:10-11, according to Delitzsch, Yahweh speaks, first encouraging those who listen to the Servant, then addressing those who despise his word. Cheyne thinks the Servant mentioned in 50:10 may be the prophet, but I prefer Delitzsch’s view. Isaiah 52:13 through 53:12: The present division of 52:13 through 53:12 is unfortunate, for obviously it is all of a piece and ought to stand together in one chapter.

    In Isaiah 52:13-15 Yahweh speaks of the humiliation and later of the exaltation of the Servant. He shall deal wisely — the idea here including the success resulting from wisdom — and shall be exalted. Words are piled upon each other here to express his exaltation. But the appearance of the Servant is such as to suggest the very opposite of his dignity, which will astonish nations and kings when they come, to understand it.

    Entering upon Isaiah 53 we find the people of Israel speaking confessing their former unbelief, and giving as a reason the repulsive aspect of the Servant — despised, sad, sick with a visage to make men turn from him.

    He is described as though he had been a leper. They thought all this had come upon him as a stroke from God, but they now see how he went even to death, not for his own transgression but for theirs. Their peace and healing came through his suffering and death. They have been sinful and erring; the result of it all God has caused to light upon him.

    They look back in wonder at the way he bore his sufferings — like a lamb led to the slaughter; with a false judicial procedure he was led away, no one considering his death, or its relation to them. His grave even was an evidence of ignominy.

    Beginning at Isaiah 53:10 the people cease speaking, according to Delitzsch, and the prophecy becomes the organ of God who acknowledges His Servant. The reference to a trespass offering in 53:10 is remarkable.

    Nowhere else is prophecy so connected with the sacrificial system (A. B.

    Davidson). It pleased God to bruise the Servant — his soul having been made a trespass offering; the time of humiliation over, the time of exaltation will come.

    By his knowledge we are told — here a momentary reversion to the time of humiliation taking place — by his knowledge he shall justify many and bear their iniquities. Then comes the exaltation — dividing of spoils and greatness — the phrases suggesting kingly glory: all this is to be his because of his suffering. The great fact of Isaiah 53 is vicarious suffering. (3) Whom Did the Prophet Mean by the Servant? (a) Obviously not all of Israel always, for the Servant is distinguished from Israel. (b) Not the godly remnant, for he is distinguished from them. Then the godly remnant does not attain to any such proportions as to fit the description of Isaiah 53. (c) And one cannot accept theory that the prophetic order is intended.

    The whole order is not great enough to exhaust the meaning of one of a half-dozen of the greatest lines in chapter 53.

    Professor A. B. Davidson’s Old Testament Prophecy contains a brilliant and exceedingly able discussion of the question which he approaches from the stand-point of Biblical rather than simply exegetical theology. His fundamental position is that in the prophet’s outlook the restoration is the consummation. In his mind the Servant and his work cannot come after the restoration. The Servant, if a real person, must be one whose work lies in the past or the present, as there is not room in the future for him, for the restoration which is at the door brings felicity, and after that no sufferings of the Servant are conceivable. But there is no actual person in the past and none in the present who could be the Servant. Hence, the Servant cannot be to the prophet’s mind a real person. See CONIAH.

    Of course Davidson relates the result to his larger conception of prophecy in such a way as to secure the Messianic significance of the passages in relation to their fulfillment in our Lord. The ideas they contain are realized in Him.

    But coming back to the prophet’s mind — if the Servant was not a person to him, what significance did he have? The answer according to Davidson is, He is a great personification of the ideal Israel. “He is Israel according to its idea.” To quote more fully, “The prophet has created out of the divine determinations imposed on Israel, election, creation and forming, endowment with the word or spirit of Yahweh, and the divine purpose in these operations, an ideal Being, an inner Israel in the heart of the phenomenal or actual Israel, an indestructible Being having these divine attributes or endowments, present in the outward Israel in all ages, powerful and effectual because really composed, if I can say so, of divine forces, who cannot fail in God’s purpose, and who as an inner power within Israel by his operation causes all Israel to become a true servant” (compare Davidson, Old Testament Prophecy, 435-36).

    Now it seems to me that Davidson is more effective in his destructive than in his constructive work. One must confess that he presents real difficulties in the way of holding to a personal Servant as the prophet’s conception.

    But on the other hand when he tries to replace that by a more adequate conception, I do not think he conspicuously succeeds.

    The greatest of the Servant-passages (it seems to me) presents more than can be successfully dealt with under the conception of the Servant as the ideal Israel. The very great emphasis on vicarious suffering in Isaiah simply is not answered by theory. Words would not leap with such a flame of reality in describing the suffering of a personification. The sense of sin back of the passage is not a thing whose problem could be solved by a glittering figure of speech. There it surges — the movement of an aroused conscience — and the answer to it could never be anything less than a real deed by a real person. My own feeling is that if language can express anything it expresses the fact that the prophet had a real personal Servant in view.

    But what of the difficulties Davidson suggests? Even if the answer were not easy to find, one could rest on the total impression the passages make.

    One cannot vaporize a passage for the sake of placing it in an environment in which one believes it belongs. As Cheyne in other days said, “In the sublimest descriptions of the Servant I am unable to resist the impression that we have the presentment of an individual, and venture to think that our general view of the Servant ought to be ruled by those passages in which the enthusiasm of the author is at its height.”

    The first thing we need to remember in dealing with the difficulties Davidson has brought forth is the timelessness of prophecy, and the resulting fact that every prophet saw the future as if lying just on the horizon of his own time. As prophets saw the day of Yahweh as if at hand, so it seems to me Deutero-Isaiah saw the Servant: each really afar off, yet each really seen in the colors of the present. Then we must remember that the prophets did not relate all their conceptions. They stated truths whose meaning and articulation they did not understand. They were not philosophers with a Hegelian hunger for a total view of life, and when we try to read them from this standpoint we misjudge them. Then we must remember that the prophet may here have been lifted to a height of prophetic receptivehess where he received and uttered what went beyond the limits of his own understanding. To be sure there was a point of contact, but I see no objection to the thought that in a place of unique significance and importance like this, God might use a man to utter words which reached far beyond the limits of his own understanding. In this connection some words of Professor Hermann Schultz are worth quoting: “If it is true anywhere in the history of poetry and prophecy, it is true here that the writer being full of the spirit has said more than he himself meant to say and more than he himself understood.” (4) The Psychology of the Prophecy.

    This does not mean that something may. not be said about the connection of the Servant-passages with the prophet’s own thought. Using Delitzsch’s illustration, we can see how from regarding all Israel as the servant the prophet could narrow down to the godly part of Israel as experience taught him the faithlessness of many, and it ought not to be impossible for us to see how all that Israel really meant at its best could have focused itself in his thought upon one person. Despite Davidson’s objection, I can see nothing artificial about this movement in the prophet’s mind. There was probably more progression in his thought than Professor Davidson is willing to allow. If it is asked, Where was the person to whom the prophet could ascribe such greatness, conceiving as he did that he was to come at once? surely a similar question would be fair in relation to Isaiah’s Messiah. The truth is that even on the threshold of the restoration there was time for a great one suddenly to arise. As John the Baptist on the Jordan watched for the coming One whom he knew not, yet who was alive, so the great prophet of the exile may have watched even day by day for the coming Servant whose work had been revealed to him.

    But deep in the psychology of the prophecy is the sense of sin out of which these passages came and indications of which I think are found in the latter part of the book. The great guilt-laden past lay terribly behind the prophet, and as he mused over the sufferings of the righteous, perhaps especially drawn to tim heart-rent Jeremiah, the thought of redemptive suffering may have dawned upon him. And if in its light, and with a personal sense of sin drawn from what experiences we know not, he grapples with the problem, can we not understand, can we not see that God might flash upon him the great conception of a sin-bearer? 7. PLACE OF THE SERVANT-PASSAGES IN OLD TESTAMENT PROPHECY:

    At last the idea of vicarious suffering had been connected with the deep things of the nation’s life, and henceforward was a part of its heritage. To the profoundest souls it would be a part of the nation’s forward look. The priestly idea had been deepened and filled with new moral meaning. The Servant was a prophet too — so priest and prophet met in one. And I think Cheyne was right when he suggested that in the Servant’s exaltation in Isaiah 53, the idea of the Servant is brought nearer to that of king than we sometimes think. So in suggestion, at least, prophet, priest and king meet in the great figure of the suffering Servant.

    A new rich stream had entered into prophecy, full of power to fertilize whatever shores of thought it touched. In the thoughts of these passages prophecy seemed pressing with impatient eagerness to its goal, and though centuries were to pass before that goal was reached, its promise is seen here, full of assurance and of knowledge of the kind of goal it is to be. 8. LARGER MESSIANIC SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SERVANT-PASSAGES:

    But whatever our view of the meaning of the prophet, we must agree (compare Matthew 8:17; 12:18-21; 26:67; John 12:41, et al.) that the conception he so boldly and powerfully put upon his canvas had its realization, its fulfillment in the One who spoke to the world from the cross on Calvary. And in its darkly glorious shadow the Christian, with all the sadness and joy and wonder of it, with a sense of its solving all his problems and meeting the deepest needs and outreaches of his life, can feel a strange companionship with the exilic prophet whose yearning for a sinbearer and belief in His coming call across the long and slowly moving years. In the light and penetration of that hour he may be trusted to know what the prophet meant. Professor Delitzsch well said of that passage, “Every word is as it were written under the cross at Golgotha.” Lynn Harold Hough SERVANTS, SOLOMON’S See SOLOMON’S SERVANTS.

    SERVICE <sur’-vis > : Six Hebrew, two Aramaic and four Greek words are so rendered. 1. IN THE OLD TESTAMENT:

    In the Old Testament the word most used for “service” is (1) `abhodhah , from `abhadh , which is the general word, meaning “to work” and so “to serve,” “to till,” also “to enslave.” The noun means “bondage,” “labor,” “ministering,” “service,” “tillage,” “work,” “use.”

    The word is used in describing work in the fields ( Exodus 1:14, et al.), work in the tabernacle ( Exodus 27:19, et al.), sanctuary service ( Numbers 7:9), service of Yahweh ( Numbers 8:11), Levitical or priestly service ( Numbers 8:22), kingly service ( 1 Chronicles 26:30), etc. Reference is made to instruments, wood vessels, cattle, herbs, shekels for the service in the house of Yahweh. (2) `Abhadh itself is translated “service” in Numbers 8:15; 18:23; Jeremiah 22:13. (3) Seradh means “stitching,” i.e. piercing with a needle; it occurs only 4 times, and in each case in the Revised Version (British and American) instead of “service” is translated “finely wrought garments” ( Exodus 31:10; 35:19; 39:1,41). (4) Sharath means primarily “to attend” as a servant or worshipper, and to contribute to or render service, wait on, and thence service; occurs only 3 times ( Exodus 35:19; 39:1,41 the King James Version) and in the American Standard Revised Version is rendered “for ministering.” (5) Tsabha’ is found 7 times, used in the same connection each time, and refers to those numbered for service in the tent of meeting. Its primary root meaning refers to service for war, campaign, hardship ( Numbers 4:30,35,39,43; 8:24). (6) Yadh means literally, an “open hand, indicating direction, power, and so ministry as in 1 Chronicles 6:31, where David appoints certain ones to have direction of the music, translated in Chronicles 29:5, the Revised Version (British and American) not service, but “himself.” (7) `Abhidhah means “business,” “labor,” “affairs”; Ezra 6:18 is the only place where it is found. (8) Polchan , from root meaning “to worship,” “minister to,” and so in Ezra 7:19 vessels given for service. 2. IN THE NEW TESTAMENT:

    The following are the uses in the New Testament: (1) Diakonia , from root meaning “to run on errands,” and so attendance, aid as a servant, ministry, relief, and hence, service; compare English word “deacon”; Paul: “that I might minister unto you” (2 Cor 11:8); also found in Romans 15:31 (“ministration”) and Revelation 2:19 (“ministry”). (2) Douleuo , literally, “to be a slave,” in bondage, service ( Galatians 4:8, “bondage”; Ephesians 6:7, “service”; 1 Timothy 6:2, “serve”). (3) Latreia , from root meaning “to render religious homage,” menial service to God, and so worship ( John 16:2, “service”; Romans 9:4, “service”; Romans 12:1, “spiritual service”; Hebrews 9:1, “service”; 9:6, “services”). (4) Leitourgia , from root “to perform religious or charitable functions,” worship, relieve, obey, minister, and hence, a public function, priestly or charitable (liturgy) (2 Cor 9:12, “service”; also in Philippians 2:17,30). See SERVANT.

    William Edward Raffety SERVITUDE <sur’-vi-tud > . See SERVANT; SLAVE.

    SESIS <se’-sis > (Codex Vaticanus [ Sesei>v, Seseis ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sessei>v, Sesseis ]): One who put away his foreign wife (1 Esdras 9:34) = “Shashai” in Ezra 10:40.

    SESTHEL <ses’-thel > ([ Sesqh>l, Sesthel ]): One of the sons of Addi who put away their foreign wives (1 Esdras 9:31)= “Bezalel” in Ezra 10:30.

    SET Few words in the English language have such a rich variety of meaning and are used in so rich a variety of idiomatic expression as the word “set.” A glance at any of the great dictionaries will convince anyone of the truth of this statement. The Standard Dictionary devotes three and a half columns to the word. In its primary meaning it there denotes 22 distinct things, in its secondary meaning 17 more, while 18 distinct phrases are given in which it is used, in some cases again in a variety of meanings. It is indeed a word calculated to drive a foreigner to despair. Some 70 Hebrew and about Greek words in the original tongues of the Holy Scriptures have been rendered by the word “set,” in the King James Version and also in the Revised Version (British and American). A careful comparative study of the original and of translations in other tongues will at once indicate that a lack of discrimination is evident on the part of the English translators in the frequent use of the word “set.”

    Thus in Song 5:14, “hands are as rings of gold set with beryl,” the Hebrew word is [ alem; , male’ ], “to be filled,” “full.” Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates plenae, the Dutch gevuld, the German voll; Proverbs 8:27, “when he set a circle,” Hebrew [ qq”j; , chaqaq ], “to describe,” “decree,” Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) vallabat, Dutch beschreef; Ezra 4:10, “set in the city of Samaria,” Aramaic [ btiy] , yethibh ], “to cause to sit down,” “to cause to dwell,” Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) habitare eas fecit, Dutch doen wonen; Psalm 2:6, “Yet have I set my king upon my holy hill,” Hebrew [ Ës”n; , nacakh ], “to pour out,” “to anoint,” Dutch gezalfd; Isaiah 19:2, the King James Version “I will set the Egyptians against the Egyptians,” Hebrew [ Ëk”s; , cakhakh ], “to disturb,” “to confuse,” Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) concurrere faciam,, Dutch verwarren, German an einander setzen; Revelation 3:8, “I have, set before thee a door,” Greek [di>dwmi, didomi ], “to give,” Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) dedi coram te, Dutch gegeven, German gegeben; Acts 19:27, the King James Version “Our craft is in danger to be set at nought,” Greek [e]rcomai, erchomai ], “to come,” Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) periclitabitur, Dutch in verachting komen; Luke 4:18, “to set at liberty them,” Greek [ajposte>llw, apostello ], “to send away,” Dutch heen te zenden in vrijheid; Acts 13:9, the King James Version “Saul .... set his eyes on him,” Greek [ajteni>zw, atenizo ], “to stare fixedly,” Vulgate: intuens in eum, Dutch de oogen op hem houdende. These are but a few examples chosen at random where our English translators have rendered Hebrew and Greek words by “set,” where a more literal translation, in equally good idiomatic language, was possible. The word “set” is the causative of “sit,” and indicates primarily a power of self-support, in opposition to the idea of the word “lay.” (1) In its primary meaning the word “set” is used in our English Bible in many senses: (a) Foundation: Song 5:15, “His legs are as pillars of marble set upon.” (b) Direction: Ezekiel 21:16, “whithersoever thy face is set.” (c) Appointed time: Acts 12:21, “upon a set day.” (d) Fixed place: 2 Chronicles 20:17, “Set yourselves, stand ye still, and see”; 2 Samuel 6:17; Matthew 4:5. (e) Cause to sit: 1 Samuel 2:8, the King James Version “to set them among princes”; 2 Chronicles 23:20; Psalm 68:6. (f) Appointment: Ezra 7:25, the King James Version “set magistrates and judges”; Genesis 41:41; 1 Samuel 12:13; Psalm 2:6; Daniel 1:11. (g) To lift up: Genesis 31:17, “set his sons and his wives upon.” (h) Appointed place: Genesis 1:17, “God set them in the firmament.” (i) Cause to stand: Genesis 47:7, “Joseph brought in Jacob .... and set him before Pharaoh”; Numbers 8:13; 2 Chronicles 29:25. (j) Sitting: Matthew 5:1, the King James Version “when he was set”; Hebrews 8:1 the King James Version. (k) Location: Matthew 5:14, “a city set on a hill.” These by no means exhaust the meaning which the word, in its primary sense, has in our English Bible. (2) In a secondary or tropical sense it is used with equal frequency, usually with various prepositions. Thus, (a) To attack: Judges 9:33, the King James Version “and set upon the city.” (b) To imprint: Genesis 4:15, the King James Version “The Lord set a mark upon Cain.” (c) To direct to: 1 Kings 2:15, “And that all Israel set their faces on me.” (d) To place: 1 Kings 20:12, Ben-hadad shouted one word to his allies: “Set,” i.e. set the armies in array, the battering-rams and engines of attack in their place. (e) To incline toward: Ezekiel 40:4, “Set thy heart upon all that I shall show.” (f) To trust in: Psalm 62:10, “If riches increase, set not your heart thereon.” (g) To place before: Psalm 90:8, “Thou hast set our iniquities before”; <19E103> Psalm 141:3, “Set a watch, O Yahweh, before my mouth.” (h) To go down: of the setting of the sun ( Mark 1:32; Luke 4:40). (i) To be proud: Malachi 3:15, the King James Version “They that work wickedness are set up.” (j) To fill in: Exodus 35:9, “stones to be set, for the ephod.” (k) To plant: Mark 12:1, “set a hedge about it.” (l) To mock: Luke 23:11, “Herod .... set him at nought.” (m) To honor: 1 Samuel 18:30, “so that his name was much set by.” (n) To start: Acts 21:2, “We went aboard, and set sail.” As may be seen the word is used in an endless variety of meanings. Henry E. Dosker SETH; SHETH <seth > , <sheth > ([ tve , sheth ]; [ Sh>q, Seth ]): (1) The son born to Adam and Eve after the death of Abel ( Genesis 4:25 f; 5:3 ff; 1 Chronicles 1:1; Sirach 49:16; Luke 3:38). In Genesis 4:25 the derivation of the name is given. Eve “called his name Seth: For, said she, God hath appointed (shath ) me another seed instead of Abel.” In 1 Chronicles 1:1 the King James Version, the form is “Sheth”; elsewhere in the King James Version and in the Revised Version (British and American) throughout the form is “Seth.” (2) the King James Version “the children of Sheth,” the Revised Version (British and American) “the sons of tumult.” According to the King James Version rendering, the name of an unknown race mentioned in Balaam’s parable ( Numbers 24:17). S. F. Hunter SETHUR <se’-thur > ([ rWts] , cethur ]; [ Saqou>r, Sathour ]): An Asherite spy ( Numbers 13:13 (14) ).

    SETTING <set’-ing > ([ ha;Lumi , millu’ah ], literally, “a filling”): The word is used in the description of the manufacture of the breastplate of judgment ( Exodus 28:17). The instruction runs: “Thou shalt set in it settings of stones,” namely, four rows of precious stones. The same word is rendered “inclosings” in Exodus 28:20, and in 39:13 the King James Version.

    SETTLE (1) <set’-’-l > ([ hr;z;[\ , `azarah ]): For this word in Ezekiel 43:14,17,20; 45:19, the American Standard Revised Version and the English Revised Version margin substitute more correctly “ledge.” See TEMPLE.

    SETTLE (2) The Hebrew language has 8 words which are thus translated: yashabh , nachath , `amadh , shaqat , tabha` , natsabh , maqom , qapha’ . Now the meaning is to settle down, to cause to occur ( Ezekiel 36:11 the King James Version; 1 Chronicles 17:14); then it denotes fixedness ( Kings 8:11; <19B989> Psalm 119:89; Proverbs 8:25); again it points to a condition of absolute quiescence, as the settlings on the lees ( Jeremiah 48:11); and in still another place it means packing solidly together ( Psalm 65:10). In the New Testament the words [eJdrai~ov, hedraios ], [qemelio>w, themelioo ], and [ti>qhmi, tithemi ], have been translated “settle.” the Revised Version (British and American) in 1 Peter 5:10 has translated “establish,” and the context unquestionably points to the idea of a fixed establishment in the faith. In Luke 21:14 the word translated “settle” evidently points to a fixed determination. Henry E. Dosker SEVEN <sev’-’-n > ([ [b”v, , shebha `]; [eJpta>, hepta ]). See NUMBER.

    SEVEN CHURCHES See CHURCHES, SEVEN.

    SEVEN STARS See ASTRONOMY.

    SEVENEH <se-ven’-e > , <se-ve’-ne > ([ hnewes] , ceweneh ]): For the King James Version “the tower of Syene,” in Ezekiel 29:10; 30:6, the Revised Version (British and American) reads, “the tower of Seveneh,” with a marginal note, “or, from Migdol to Syene.” Seveneh is the town at the First Cataract in Egypt, now known as Assuan. Fresh interest has recently been given to it by the Elephantine discoveries bearing on the ancient Jewish colony and temple of Yahweh in that place in the 5th century BC. See ARAMAIC; EGYPT; PAPYRI; SANCTUARY, 4, etc.

    SEVENTH, DAY <sev’-’-nth > . See SABBATH.

    SEVENTY <sev’-n-ti > ([ µy[ibivi , shibh`im ]; [eJbdomh>konta, hebdomekonta ]). See NUMBER.

    SEVENTY DISCIPLES The account of the designation and mission of these is found only in Luke 10. Some have therefore sought to maintain that we have here only a confused variant of the appointment of the Twelve; but this is impossible in the light of Luke’s account of the Twelve in chapter 9.

    The documents vary as between the numbers seventy and seventy-two, so that it is impossible to determine which is the correct reading; and internal evidence does not help at all in this case. There is nothing in the function or circumstances to indicate any reason for the specific number.

    Commentators have sought parallels in the seventy elders chosen to assist Moses (Numbers 11) and suppose that Jesus was incidentally indicating Himself as the “prophet like unto Moses” whom God would raise up.

    Again, the Jews popularly reckoned the “number of the nations of the earth” at seventy (compare Genesis 10), and some have supposed Jesus to be thus indicating that His gospel is universal. Attention is called to the fact that the Seventy are not forbidden to go to Gentiles and that their commission probably included Peraea, where many Gentiles were to be found. Some, again, have supposed that Jesus had in mind the Jewish Sanhedrin, composed of seventy (or seventy-two), and that the appointment of a like number to extend the work of His kingdom was a parabolic recognition that as the Jews were officially rejecting Him, so He was rejecting them as agents for the work of the kingdom. It is impossible to speak with any certainty as to any of these suggestions. It is to be noted that there is the same confusion between the numbers seventy and seventytwo in all four instances, as also in the tradition as to the number of translators of the Septuagint.

    Inasmuch as no further mention is made of these workers, it is to be understood that they were appointed for a temporary ministry. Tradition names several of them and identifies them with disciples active after Pentecost. While it is probable that some of these were witnesses later, the tradition is worthless in details. The mission of these and the reason assigned for their appointment are essentially the same as in the case of the Twelve. Jesus is now completing His last popular campaign in preaching and introducing the kingdom of heaven. The employing of these in this service is in line with the permanent ideal of Christianity, which makes no distinction between the “laymen” and the “clergy” in responsibility and service. Jesus was perhaps employing all whose experience and sympathy made them fit for work in the harvest that was so plenteous while the laborers were few. He found seventy such now as He would find a hundred and twenty such after His ascension ( Acts 1:15). William Owen Carver SEVENTY WEEKS The “seventy weeks” of the prophecy in Daniel 9:24-27 have long been a subject of controversy in the critical schools. The conflicting views may be seen very fully in Dr. Driver’s Daniel, 94 ff, 143 ff, and Dr. Pusey’s Daniel the Prophet, lectionaries II, III, IV. On both sides it is agreed that the “weeks” in this prophecy are to be interpreted as “weeks of years,” i.e. the 70 weeks represent 490 years. This period, commencing with “the going forth of the commandments to restore and build Jerus” ( Daniel 9:25), is divided into three parts, 7 weeks (49 years), 62 weeks (434 years), and one week (7 years). The 69 weeks extend to the appearance of “an anointed one (Hebrew “Messiah”), the prince” ( Daniel 9:25), who, after the 62 weeks, shall be “cut off” ( Daniel 9:26), apparently in the “midst” of the 70th week ( Daniel 9:27). On the traditional view (see Pusey), the 69 weeks (483 years) mark the interval from the decree to rebuild Jerusalem till the appearance of Christ; and if, with Pusey, the decree in question be taken to be that of the 7th year of Artaxerxes (457- 56 BC; the mission of Ezra; compare Ezra 7:8 ff), confirmed and extended in the 20th year of the same king (mission of Nehemiah; compare Nehemiah 2:1 ff), the 483 years run out about 27-28 AD, when our Lord’s public ministry began. On the other hand, the view which supposes that the Book of Daniel belongs wholly to the Maccabean age, and does not here contain genuine prediction, is under the necessity of making the 490 years terminate with the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes (171-164 BC), and this, it is admitted, cannot be done. To give time the violent expedient is adopted of dating the commencement of the 70 weeks from the prophecy of Jeremiah of the 70 years’ captivity, or of the rebuilding of Jerusalem (606 or 587 BC), i.e. before the captivity had begun. Even this, as Dr. Driver admits (p. 146), leaves us in 171 BC, some 67 years short of the duration of the 62 weeks, and a huge blunder of the writer of Daniel has to be assumed. The divergent reckonings are legion, and are mutually contradictory (see table in Pusey, p. 217). To invalidate the older view Dr.

    Driver avails himself of the altered renderings of Daniel 9:25 and 27 in the English Revised Version. It is to be noted, however, that the American Standard Revised Version does not follow the English Revised Version in these changes. Thus, whereas the English Revised Version reads in 9:25, “Unto the anointed one; the prince, shall be seven weeks: and threescore and two weeks, it shall be built again,” and accordingly takes “the anointed one” of 9:26 to be a distinct person, the American Standard Revised Version (as also the English Revised Version margin) reads, as in the King James Version, “shall be seven weeks, and threescore and two weeks.”

    Again, where the English Revised Version reads in Daniel 9:27 “For the half of the week he shall cause the sacrifice and the oblation to cease,” the American Standard Revised Version (and the English Revised Version margin) has as formerly, “In the midst of the week he shall cause” etc. (conversely, in 9:25 the American Revised Version margin gives the English Revised Version rendering). The question cannot be discussed here, but it is believed that the traditional interpretation may yet claim acceptance from those who do not accept the postulates of the newer critical writers. See DANIEL; JUBILEES, BOOK OF.

    James Orr SEVENTY YEARS The period assigned by Jeremiah for the duration of the Jewish exile in Babylon ( Jeremiah 25:11,12; 29:10; compare 2 Chronicles 36:21 f; Ezra 1:1; Daniel 9:2). If the period be reckoned from the date of the first deportation in the 4th year of Jehoiakim ( 2 Kings 24:1; Chronicles 36:6 ff; Daniel 1:1 by another reckoning calls it the 3rd year), i.e. 606 BC, till the decree of Cyrus, 536 BC, the prediction was fulfilled to a year. See CAPTIVITY.

    SEVER <sev’-er > : The three Hebrew words badhal , palah and paradh are thus translated. The idea conveyed is that of setting apart ( Leviticus 20:26 the King James Version) or of setting someone or something apart in a miraculous way ( Exodus 8:22; 9:4 the King James Version, the English Revised Version), or, again, of simple separation on one’s own volition ( Judges 4:11 the King James Version, the English Revised Version).

    The Greek word [ajfori>zw, aphorizo ] ( Matthew 13:49) stands for final judicial segregation.

    SEVERAL; SEVERALLY <sev’-er-al > , <sev’-er-al-i > : The Hebrew words chophshuth and chophshith , translated “several” in the King James Version, the English Revised Version, 2 Kings 15:5; 2 Chronicles 26:21, are in both cases translated “separate” in the American Standard Revised Version, and indicate ceremonial uncleanness and consequent severance on account of leprosy. In the parable of the Talents ( Matthew 25:15) and also in Corinthians 12:11 the word [i]diov, idios ], is translated “several,” “severally.” In both cases it points to the individuality of the recipients of the gift bestowed.

    SHAALABBIN <sha-a-lab’-in > ([ ˆyBil”[\v” , sha`alabbin ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Salabei>n, Salabein ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Salamei>n, Salamein ]): A town in the territory of Daniel named between Irshemesh and Aijalon ( Joshua 19:42). It seems to be identical with SHAALBIM.

    SHAALBIM <sha-al’-bim > ([ µyBil][“v” , sha`albim ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Bhqalamei>, Bethalamei ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Salabei>m, Salabeim ], in Joshua, Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Qalabei>m, Thalabeim ]):

    When the Amorites had forced the children of Daniel into the mountain they came and dwelt in Mt. Heres, Aijalon and Shaalbim, where, it appears, they were made tributary to the house of Joseph ( Judges 1:35). In the time of Solomon it was included in the administrative district presided over by Ben-deker, along with Makaz, Beth-shemesh and Elon-beth-hanan ( 1 Kings 4:9). Beth-shemesh is the same as Ir-shemesh ( Joshua 19:42). Shaalbim is probably only another name of Shaalabbin. One of David’s mighty men is called Eliahba the Shaalbonite. This presumes the existence of a town called Shaalbon ( 2 Samuel 23:32; 1 Chronicles 11:33), which again is probably identical with Shaalbim. Eusebius (in Onomasticon) identifies it with Salaba, a large village in the district of Sebaste (Samaria), which apparently Eusebius and Jerome thought to be in the territory of Dan. It seems, however, too far to the North. Jerome in his commentary on Ezekiel 48 speaks of the towers of Aijalon and Selebi and Emmaus. Conder would identify Selebi with Selbit, 3 miles Northwest of Aijalon (Yalo), and 8 miles North of Bethshemesh. This would suit for Shaalbim, as far as position is concerned; but it is difficult to account for the heavy “T” (Hebrew letter Tet) in the name, if derived from Shaalbim. W. Ewing SHAALBONITE <sha-al-bo’-nit > , <sha-al’-bo-nit > ([ yniBol][“V”h” , ha-sha`alboni ]; [oJ Salabwnei>thv, ho Salaboneites ] ( 2 Samuel 23:32) Codex Vaticanus [oJ JOmei>, ho Homei ]; Codex Alexandrinus [oJ Salabwni>, ho Salaboni ]):

    Eliahba, one of David’s heroes, a native of Shaalbon. See SHAALBIM.

    SHAALIM, LAND OF <sha’-a-lim > ([ µyli[\v” 6r,a, , ‘erets sha`alim ]; Codex Vaticanus [th~v gh~v jEasake>m, tes ges Easakem ]; Codex Alexandrinus [th~v gh~v Saalei>m, tes ges Saaleim ]; the King James Version Shalim): Saul in search of his father’s asses passed through Mt. Ephraim and the land of Shalishah, then through the land of Shaalim and the land of yemini. This last name English Versions of the Bible renders “Benjamin” ( 1 Samuel 9:4). The whole passage is so obscure that no certain conclusions can be reached. The search party may have proceeded northward from Gibeah, through the uplands of Ephraim, turning then westward, then southward, and finally eastward. We should thus look for the land of Shalishah and the land of Shaalim on the west side of the mountain range: and the latter may have been on the slopes to the East of Lydda. Possibly we ought here to read “Shaalbim,” instead of “Shaalim.” W. Ewing SHAAPH <shy’-af > ([ t[“v” , sha`aph ]): (1) A son of Jahdai ( 1 Chronicles 2:47). (2) The son of Maachah, a concubine of Caleb, the brother of Jerahmeel. Shaaph is called the “father,” or founder, of the city Madmannah ( 1 Chronicles 2:48 f).

    SHAARAIM <sha-a-ra’-im > ([ µyir”[\v” , sha`arayim ], “two gates”; [ Sakarei>m, Sakareim ]; the King James Version Sharaim): (1) A city in the Shephelah or “lowland” of Judah mentioned ( Joshua 15:36) in close association with Socoh and Azekah; the vanquished army of the Philistines passed a Shaaraim in their flight from Socoh toward Gath and Ekron ( 1 Samuel 17:52). It is possible that in this latter reference the “two gates” may refer — as Septuagint implies — to the two Philistine strongholds themselves. Shaaraim has been identified with Tell Zakariya (see however AZEKAH) and with Kh. Sa`ireh (PEF, III, 124, Sh XVII), an old site West of Beit `Atab.

    Both proposals are hazardous. (2) One of the towns of Simeon ( 1 Chronicles 4:31), called ( Joshua 19:6) “Sharuhen” and, as one of the uttermost cities of Judah, called ( Joshua 15:32) “Shilhim.” This town was in Southwestern Palestine and is very probably identical with the fortress Sharhana, a place of some importance on the road from Gaza to Egypt.

    Aahmes (XVIIIth Dynasty) besieged and captured this city in the 5th year of his reign in his pursuit of the flying Hyksos (Petrie, Hist, II, 22, 35), and a century later Tahutmes III, in the 23rd year of his reign, took the city of Sharuhen on his way to the siege and capture of Megiddo (Petrie, Hist, II, 104). On philological grounds Tell esh- Sheri`ah, 12 miles Northwest of Beersheba, large ruin, has been proposed, but it does not suit at all the Egyptian data (PEF, III, 399, Sh XXIV). E. W. G. Masterman SHAASHGAZ <sha-ash’-gaz > ([ zG;v][“v” , sha`ashgaz ]; Septuagint reads [ Gai>, Gai ], the same name it gives to the official referred to in Est 2:8,15; the name may go back to the Old Bactrian word Sasakshant, “one anxious to learn” (Scheft); most commentators suggest no explanation): A chamberlain of Ahasuerus, king of Persia; as keeper of “the second house of women,” he had Esther under his charge (2:14).

    SHABBETHAI <shab’-e-thi > ([ yt”B]v” , shabbethay ], “one born on the Sabbath”; Codex Vaticanus [ Sabaqai>, Sabathai ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Kabbaqai>, Kabbathai ] = “Sabbateus” of 1 Esdras 9:14): A Levite who opposed (?)

    Ezra’s suggestion that the men who had married foreign wives put them aside ( Ezra 10:15). Kuenen, however, renders the phrase [ taOz l[“ Wdm][; , `amedhu `al zo’th ], of which Asahiel and Jahaziah are the subjects, to mean “stand over,” “have charge of,” rather than “stand against,” “oppose” (Gesammelte Abhandlungen, 247 f); this would make Shabbethai, who was in accord with the two men mentioned above, an ally rather than an opponent of Ezra. We incline toward Kuenen’s interpretation in view of the position attained by Shabbethai under Nehemiah — one he would have been unlikely to attain had he been hostile to Ezra. He is mentioned among those appointed to explain the Law ( Nehemiah 8:7), and as one of the chiefs of the Levites who had the oversight of “the outward business of the house of God” ( Nehemiah 11:16). Horace J. Wolf SHACHIA <sha-ki’-a > , <shak’-i-a > ([ hy;k]c; , sakheyah ] (so Baer, Ginsberg); some editions read [ ay;k]c; , sakheya’ ], or [ ay;k]c” , sakheya’ ]; also [ hy;k]v; , shakheyah ], and [ hy;b]v; , shabheyah ]. This last reading is favored by the Syrian and the Septuagint (Codex Vaticanus [ Sabi>a, Sabia ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sebia>, Sebia ], but Lucian, [ Secia>, Sechia ]); the forms in k instead of b have the support of the Vulgate, Sechia, “Yahweh has forgotten” (?)): A name in genealogy of Benjamin ( 1 Chronicles 8:10).

    SHADDAI <shad’-a-i > , <shad’-i > . See GOD, NAMES OF, II, 8.

    SHADE; SHADOW; SHADOWING <shad > , <shad’-o > , <shad’-o-ing > ([ lxe , tsel ]; [skia>, skia ]): A shadow is any obscuration of the light and heat with the form of the intervening object, obscurely projected, constantly changing and passing away. “Shadow” is used literally of a roof ( Genesis 19:8), of mountains ( Judges 9:36), of trees ( Judges 9:15, etc.), of wings ( Psalm 17:8, etc.), of a cloud ( Isaiah 25:5), of a great rock ( Isaiah 32:2), of a man (Peter, Acts 5:15), of the shadow on the dial ( 2 Kings 20:9, etc.), of Jonah’s gourd (Jon 4:5 f). It is used also figuratively (1) of shelter and protection (of man, Genesis 19:8; Song 2:3; Isaiah 16:3, etc.; of God, Psalm 36:7; 91:1; Isaiah 4:6, etc.); (2) of anything fleeting or transient, as of the days of man’s life on earth ( 1 Chronicles 29:15; Job 8:9; <19A923> Psalm 109:23); (3) with the idea of obscurity or imperfection (in Hebrews 8:5; 10:1, of the Law; compare Colossians 2:17); (4) of darkness, gloom; see SHADOW OF DEATH. In James 1:17, we have in the King James Version, “the Father of lights, with whom is no variableness, neither shadow of turning” (aposkiasma ); the Revised Version (British and American) “shadow that is cast by turning”; the reference is to the unchangeableness of God as contrasted with the changes of the heavenly bodies. the Revised Version (British and American) has “of the rustling of wings” for “shadowing with wings” in Isaiah 18:1; the American Standard Revised Version has “shade” for “shadow” in various places ( Judges 9:15; Job 40:22; Isaiah 4:6, etc.). In Job 40:21,22, for “shady trees” the Revised Version (British and American) has “lotus-trees.” W. L. Walker SHADOW OF DEATH ([ tw,m;l]x” , tsalmaweth ]): The Hebrew word translated “shadow of death” is used poetically for thick darkness ( Job 3:5), as descriptive of Sheol ( Job 10:21 f; 12:22; 38:17); figuratively of deep distress ( Job 12:22; 16:16; 24:17 twice; 28:3; 34:22 (in the last three passages the American Standard Revised Version has “thick darkness” and “thick gloom”); Psalm 23:4, the Revised Version margin “deep darkness (and so elsewhere)”; 44:19; 107:10,14; Isaiah 9:2; Jeremiah 2:6; 13:16; Amos 5:8; Matthew 4:16; Luke 1:79, skia thanatou ). The Hebrew word is perhaps composed of tsel , “shadow,” and maweth , “death,” and the idea of “the valley of the shadow of death” was most probably derived from the deep ravines, darkened by over-hanging briars, etc., through which the shepherd had sometimes to lead or drive his sheep to new and better pastures. W. L. Walker SHADRACH <sha’-drak > : The Babylonian name of one of the so-called Hebrew children. Shadrach is probably the Sumerian form of the Bah Kudurru-Aki, “servant of Sin.” It has been suggested by Meinhold that we should read Merodach instead of Shadrach. Since there were no vowels in the original Hebrew or Aramaic, and since “sh” and “m” as well as “r” and “d” are much alike in the old alphabet in which Daniel was written, this change is quite possible.

    Shadrach and his two companions were trained along with Daniel at the court of Nebuchadnezzar, who had carried all four captive in the expedition against Jerusalem in the 3rd year of Jehoiakim ( Daniel 1:1).

    They all refused to eat of the food provided by Ashpenaz, the master who had been set over them by the king, but preferred to eat pulse ( Daniel 1:12). The effect was much to their advantage, as they appeared fairer and fatter in flesh than those who ate of the king’s meat. At the end of the appointed time they passed satisfactory examinations, both as to their physical appearance and their intellectual acquirements, so that none were found like them among all with whom the king communed, and they stood before the king (see Daniel 1).

    When Daniel heard that the wise men of Babylon were to be slain because they could not tell the dream of Nebuchadnezzar, after he had gained a respite from the king, he made the thing known to his three companions that they might unite with him in prayer to the God of heaven that they all might not perish with the rest of the wise men of Babylon. After God had heard their prayer and the dream was made known to the king by Daniel, Nebuchadnezzar, at Daniel’s request, set Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego over the affairs of the province of Babylon (Daniel 2). With Meshach and Abed-nego, Shadrach was cast into a fiery furnace, but escaped unhurt (Daniel 3). See ABED-NEGO; HANANIAH; SONG OF THREE CHILDREN.

    R. Dick Wilson SHADY, TREES <shad’-i > ( Job 40:21 f). See LOTUS TREES.

    SHAFT <shaft > : Isaiah 49:2 for [ 6je , chets ], “an arrow”; also Exodus 25:31; 37:17; Numbers 8:4 the King James Version for a part of the candlestick of the tabernacle somewhat vaguely designated by the word [ Ërey; , yarekh ], “thigh.” The context in the first 2 verses shows that the upright stem or “shaft” is intended, but in Numbers 8:4 a different context has caused the Revised Version (British and American) to substitute “base.” See also ARCHERY; ARMOR, ARMS.

    SHAGEE <sha’-ge > ([ agev; , shaghe’ ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Swla>, Sola ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sagh>, Sage ]; the King James Version Shage): The father of Jonathan, one of David’s heroes ( 1 Chronicles 11:34).

    SHAHARAIM <sha-ha-ra’-im > ([ µyir”j\v” , shacharayim ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Saarh>l, Saarel ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Saarh>m, Saarem ]): A Benjamite name ( 1 Chronicles 8:8). The passage is corrupt beyond only the most tentative emendation. “Sharaim” has no connection with the foregoing text.

    One of the suggested restorations of 1 Chronicles 8:8,9 reads: “And Shaharaim begat in the field of Moab, after he had driven them (i.e. the Moabites) out, from Hodesh his wife, Jobab,” etc. (Curtis, International Critical Commentary).

    SHAHAZUMAH <sha-ha-zoo’-ma > , <sha-haz’-oo-ma > ([ hm;Wxj\v” , shachatsumah ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Saleilassan, Saleim kata thalassan ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Saseima>q, Saseimath ]; the King James Version Shahazimah, sha-haz’i-mah): A town in the territory of Issachar on the boundary which ran from Tabor to the Jordan ( Joshua 19:22). The site, which has not yet been recovered, must be sought, probably, to the Southeast of the mountain.

    SHALEM <sha’-lem > ([ µlev; , shalem ]; [eijv Salh>m, eis Salem ]): The word as a place-name occurs only in Genesis 33:18. With Luther, following Septuagint, Peshitta and Vulgate, the King James Version reads “And Jacob came to Shalem, a city of Shechem.” the Revised Version (British and American) with the Targums Onqelos and pseudo-Jonathan, the Samaritan codex and the Arabic, reads “came in peace to the city of Shechem.” There is a heavy balance of opinion among scholars in favor of the latter reading. It is certainly a remarkable fact, supporting the King James Version, that about 4 miles East of Shechem (Nablus), there is a village bearing the name Salem. If the King James Version is right, this must represent the city referred to; and East of Salem would transpire the events recorded in Genesis 44. Against this is the old tradition locating Jacob’s well and Joseph’s tomb near to Shechem. Eusebius (in Onomasticon) gets over the difficulty by identifying Shalem with Shechem. W. Ewing SHALIM <sha’-lim > . See SHAALIM.

    SHALISHAH, LAND OF <sha-li’-sha > , <shal’-i-sha > ([ hv;liv;A6r,a, , ‘erets shalishah ]; Codex Vaticanus [hJ gh~ Selca>, he ge Selcha ]; Codex Alexandrinus [hJ gh~ Salissa>, he ge Salissa ]): If the general indication of the route followed by Saul, given under SHAALIM, is correct, the land of Shalishah ( Samuel 9:4) will lie to the Northeast of Lydda on the western slope of the range. Baal-shalishah would most likely be in the district, and may indeed have given its name to it. If Conder is right in identifying this city with Khirbet Kefr Thilth, about 19 miles Northeast of Jaffa, it meets well enough the general indication given above. Eusebius, Onomasticon knows the name, but gives no guidance as to where the district is. Baal-shalishah it places in the Thamnite region,15 miles North of Diospolis (Lydda). No boundaries can be laid down, but probability points to this neighborhood. W. Ewing SHALLECHETH, THE GATE <shal’-e-keth > , <sha-le’-keth > ([ tk,L,v” r[“v” , sha`ar shallekheth ], i.e. as in margin, “Casting forth”): A gate of the temple “at the causeway that goeth up” ( 1 Chronicles 26:16) — probably an ascent from the Tyropoeon Valley to the West of the temple. It has been supposed on account of the meaning of the name that the ashes and offal of the temple were cast forth there, but this is very unlikely — they were thrown into the Kidron valley to the East or Southeast. The Septuagint has [pastofori>on, pastophorion ], which seems to point to a building with chambers; in consonance with this Cheyne reads in the Hebrew [ twOKv]li , lishkoth ], “(of) the chambers.” E. W. G. Masterman SHALLUM (1) <shal’-um > ([ µWLv” , shallum ], [ µLuv” , shallum ]; various forms in the Septuagint): This is the name of not less than 12 Hebrew persons: (1) The youngest son of Naphtali ( 1 Chronicles 7:13). He is also called “Shillem” in Genesis 46:24; Numbers 26:49. (2) A descendant of Simeon, the son of Shaul and the father of Mibsam ( 1 Chronicles 4:25). He lived in 1618 BC. (3) The son of Sismai “son” of Shesham of the tribe of Judah ( Chronicles 2:40,41). He lived in 1300 BC. (4) A son of Kore, a porter of the sanctuary during the reign of David ( 1 Chronicles 9:17,19,31; Ezra 2:42; Nehemiah 7:45). The name is also written “Meshullam” in Nehemiah 12:25, “Salum” in Esdras 5:28, “Meshelemiah” in 1 Chronicles 26:1,2,9, and “Shelemiah” in 1 Chronicles 26:14. He lived about 1050 BC. (5) A son of Zadok and father of Hilkiah, a high priest and ancestor of Ezra the scribe ( 1 Chronicles 6:12,13; Ezra 7:2). In the works of Josephus he is called “Sallumus”; in 1 Esdras 8:1, “Salem,” and in Esdras 1:1, “Salemas.” (6) The 15th king of Israel. See following article. (7) A son of Bani, a priest who had taken a heathen wife and was compelled by Ezra the scribe to put her away ( Ezra 10:42; omitted in 1 Esdras 9:34). (8) The father of Jehizkiah, an Ephraimite in the time of Ahaz king of Israel ( 2 Chronicles 28:12). (9) The husband of the prophetess Huldah ( 2 Kings 22:14; Chronicles 34:22). He was the keeper of the sacred wardrobe and was probably the uncle of Jeremiah the prophet ( Jeremiah 32:7; compare Jeremiah 35:4). (10) King of Judah and son of Josiah ( Jeremiah 22:11; Chronicles 3:15), better known by the name Jehoahaz II. This name he received when he ascended the throne of the kingdom of Judah ( <143601> Chronicles 36:1). (11) A Levite who was a porter at the time of Ezra ( Ezra 10:24; “Sallumus” in 1 Esdras 9:25). (12) A ruler over a part of Jerusalem and a son of Hallohesh. He with his daughters aided in building the walls of Jerusalem in the time of Nehemiah ( Nehemiah 3:12). S. L. Umbach SHALLUM (2) ([ µWLv” , shallum ], [ µLuv” , shallum ], “the requited one” ( 2 Kings 15:10-15)): The 15th king of Israel, and successor of Zechariah, whom he publicly assassinated in the 7th month of his reign. Nothing more is known of Shallum than that he was a son of Jabesh, which may indicate that he was a Gileadite from beyond Jordan. He is said to have made “a conspiracy” against Zechariah, so was not alone in his crime. The conspirators, however, had but a short-lived success, as, when Shallum had “reigned for the space of a month in Samaria,” Menahem, then at Tirzah, one of the minor capitals of the kingdom, went up to Samaria, slew him and took his place.

    It was probably at this time that Syria threw off the yoke of tribute to Israel (see JEROBOAM II), as when next we meet with that kingdom, it is under its own king and in alliance with Samaria ( 2 Kings 16:5).

    The 10 years of rule given to Menahem ( 2 Kings 15:17) may be taken to include the few months of military violence under Zechariah and Shallum, and cover the full years 758-750, with portions of years before and after counted as whole ones. The unsuccessful usurpation of Shallum may therefore be put in 758 BC (some date lower). W. Shaw Caldecott SHALLUN <shal’-un > ([ ˆWLv” , shallun ], not in the Septuagint): Another form of Shallum, the son of Col-hozeh. He was the ruler of the district of Mizpah.

    He assisted Nehemiah in building the wall of Jerusalem and in repairing the gate by the Pool of Siloah at the King’s Gardens ( Nehemiah 3:15).

    SHALMAI <shal’-mi > , <shal’-ma-i > : the King James Version form in Ezra 2:46 for “Shamlai”; Nehemiah 7:48 “Salmai” (which see).

    SHALMAN <shal’-man > ([ ˆm;l]v” , shalman ]): A name of uncertain meaning, found only once in the Old Testament ( Hosea 10:14), in connection with a place-name, equally obscure, “as Shalman destroyed Betharbel.” Shalman is most commonly interpreted as a contracted form of Shalmaneser, the name of several Assyrian kings. If this explanation is correct, the king referred to cannot be identified. Some have thought of Shalmaneser IV, who is said to have undertaken expeditions against the West in 775 and in 773-772. Others have proposed Shalmaneser V, who attacked Samaria in 725. This, however, is improbable, because the activity of Hosea ceased before Shalmaneser V became king. Shalman has also been identified with Salamanu, a king of Moab in the days of Hosea, who paid tribute to Tiglath-pileser V of Assyria; and with Shalmah, a North Arabian tribe that invaded the Negeb. The identification of BETH-ARBEL (which see) is equally uncertain. From the reference it would seem that the event in question was well known and, therefore, probably one of recent date and considerable importance, but our present historical knowledge does not enable us to connect any of the persons named with the destruction of any of the localities suggested for Beth-arbel. The ancient translations offer no solution; they too seem to have been in the dark. F. C. Eiselen SHALMANESER <shal-ma-ne’-zer > ([ rs,a,n]m”l]v” , shalman’ecer ]; Septuagint [ Samenna>sar, Samennasar ], [ Salmana>sar, Salmanasar ]): The name of several Assyrian kings. See ASSYRIA; ASSYRIAN CAPTIVITY . It is Shalmaneser IV who is mentioned in the Biblical history ( 2 Kings 17:3; 18:9). He succeeded Tiglathpileser on the throne in 727 BC, but whether he was a son of his predecessor, or a usurper, is not apparent. His reign was short, and, as no annals of it have come to light, we have only the accounts contained in 2 Kings for his history. In the passages referred to above, we learn that Hoshea, king of Israel, who had become his vassal, refused to continue the payment of tribute, relying upon help from So, king of Egypt. No help, however, came from Egypt, and Hoshea had to face the chastising forces of his suzerain with his own unaided resources, the result being that he was taken prisoner outside Samaria and most likely carried away to Nineveh. The Biblical narrative goes on to say that the king of Assyria came up throughout all the land, and went up to Samaria and besieged it 3 years. There is reason to believe that, as the siege of Samaria was proceeding, Shalmaneser retired to Nineveh and died, for, when the city was taken in 722 BC, it is Sargon who claims, in his copious annals, to have captured it and carried its inhabitants into captivity. It is just possible that Shalman ( Hosea 10:14) is a contraction for Shalmaneser, but the identity of Shalman and of Beth-arbel named in the same passage is not sufficiently made out.

    LITERATURE.

    Schrader, COT, I, 258 ff; McCurdy, HPM, I, 387 ff. T. Nicol SHAMA <sha’-ma > ([ [m;v; , shama` ]): One of David’s heroes ( 1 Chronicles 11:44).

    SHAMAI <sham’-a-i > . See SALMAI.

    SHAMARIAH <sham-a-ri’-a > , <sha-mar’-ya > . See SHEMARIAH.

    SHAMBLES <sham’-b’-lz > ([ma>kellon, makellon ]): A slaughter-house; then a butcher’s stall, meat-market. The word is once used in the New Testament in 1 Corinthians 10:25.

    SHAME <sham > ([ vwOB, bosh ], “to be ashamed,” [ tv,B, bosheth ], “shame,” [ ˆwOlq; , qalon ]; [aijscu>nh, aischune ], “ignominy,” [ajtimi>a, atimia ], “dishonor,” and other words): An oft-recurring word in Scripture almost uniformly bound up with a sense of sin and guilt. It is figuratively set forth as a wild beast ( Jeremiah 3:24), a Nessus-garment ( Jeremiah 3:25), a blight ( Jeremiah 20:18), a sin against one’s own soul ( Habakkuk 2:10), and twice as the condensed symbol of Hebrew abomination — Baal ( Jeremiah 11:13 margin; Hosea 9:10 margin; see ISH-BOSHETH).

    It is bracketed with defeat ( Isaiah 30:3), reproach ( Psalm 69:7; Isaiah 54:4; Micah 2:6), confusion ( Isaiah 6:7), nakedness ( Isaiah 47:3; Micah 1:11), everlasting contempt ( Daniel 12:2), folly ( Proverbs 18:13), cruelty ( Isaiah 50:6; Hebrews 12:2), poverty ( Proverbs 13:18), nothingness ( Proverbs 9:7 the King James Version), unseemliness (1 Cor 11:6; 14:35 the King James Version; Ephesians 5:12), and “them that go down to the pit” ( Ezekiel 32:25). In the first Biblical reference to this emotion, “shame” appears as “the correlative of sin and guilt” (Delitzsch, New Commentary on Genesis and Biblical Psychology). Shamelessness is characteristic of abandoned wickedness ( Philippians 3:19; Jude 1:13, margin “Greek: `shames’”).

    Manifestly, then, shame is a concomitant of the divine judgment upon sin; the very worst that a Hebrew could wish for an enemy was that he might be clothed with shame ( <19A929> Psalm 109:29), that the judgment of God might rest upon him visibly.

    Naturally, to the Hebrew, shame was the portion of those who were idolaters, who were faithless to Yahweh or who were unfriendly to themselves — the elect people of Yahweh. Shame is to come upon Moab because Moab held Israel in derision ( Jeremiah 48:39,27), and upon Edom “for violence against his brother Jacob” (Obidiah 1:10). But also, and impartially, shame is the portion of faithless Israelites who deny Yahweh and follow after strange gods ( Ezekiel 7:18; Micah 7:10; Hosea 10:6, and often). But shame, too, comes upon those who exalt themselves against God, who trust in earthly power and the show of material strength ( 2 Chronicles 32:21; Isaiah 30:3); and upon those who make a mock of righteousness ( Job 8:22; Psalm 35:26; 132:18). With a fine sense of ethical distinctions the Biblical writers recognize that in confessing to a sense of shame there is hope for better things. Only in the most desperate cases is there no sense of shame ( Hosea 4:18; Zeph 3:5; Philippians 3:19; Jude 1:13); in pardon God is said to remove shame ( Isaiah 54:4 twice; 61:7).

    On conditions beyond the grave the Biblical revelation is exceedingly reticent, but here and there are hints that shame waits upon the wicked here and hereafter. Such an expression as that in Daniel (12:2) cannot be ignored, and though the writing itself may belong to a late period and a somewhat sophisticated theological development, the idea is but a reflection of the earlier and more elementary period, when the voice of crime and cruelty went up from earth to be heard in the audience chamber of God ( Genesis 4:11; 6:13). In the New Testament there is similar reticence but also similar implications. It cannot be much amiss to say that in the mind of the Biblical writers sin was a shameful thing; that part of the punishment for sin was a consciousness of guilt in the sense of shame; and that from this consciousness of guilt there was no deliverance while the sin was unconfessed and unforgiven. “Many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake, some to everlasting life and some to shame and everlasting contempt.” From one’s own past there is no deliverance, save through contrition of spirit and the grace and forgiveness of God. While the sense of shame persists, or, in other words, while the moral constitution of man’s nature remains as it is, there will never be wanting an avenger of sin. Charles M. Stuart SHAMED <sha’-med > . See SHEMED.

    SHAMEFACEDNESS <sham’-fast-nes > , <sham-fas’-ed-nes > . See SHAMEFASTNESS.

    SHAMEFASTNESS <sham’-fast-nes > : The original the King James Version translation of [aidw>v, aidos ], in Sirach 41:16 and 1 Timothy 2:9. Perhaps half a century later the spelling “shamefacedness” supplanted the better form, and continues in the ordinary editions of the King James Version. The Revised Version (British and American), however, rightly restores “shamefastness.”

    SHAMER <sha’-mer > . See SHEMER.

    SHAMGAR <sham’-gar > ([ rG”m]v” , shamgar ]): 1. BIBLICAL ACCOUNT:

    One of the judges, son of Anath (`anath ), in whose days, which preceded the time of Deborah ( Judges 5:6,7) and followed those of Ehud, Israel’s subjugation was so complete that “the highways were unoccupied, and the travelers walked through byways.” The government had become thoroughly disorganized, and apparently, as in the days of Deborah, the people were entirely unprepared for war. Shamgar’s improvised weapon with which he helped to “save Israel” is spoken of as an oxgoad. With this he smote of the Philistines 600 men. This is the first mention of the Philistines as troublesome neighbors of the Israelites ( Judges 3:31).

    According to a tradition represented in Josephus (Ant., V, iv, 3), Shamgar died in the year he became judge. 2. CRITICAL HYPOTHESES:

    Several writers have challenged the Biblical account on the following grounds: that in Judges 5 no mention is made of any deliverance; that the name “Shamgar” resembles the name of a Hittite king and the name “Anath” that of a Syrian goddess; that the deed recorded in Judges 3:31 is analogous to that of Samson ( Judges 15:15), and that of Shammah, son of Agee ( 2 Samuel 23:11 f); and lastly, that in a group of Greek manuscripts and other versions this verse is inserted after the account of Samson’s exploits. None of these is necessarily inconsistent with the traditional account. Neverthelesss, they have been used as a basis not only for overthrowing the tradition, but also for constructive theories such as that which makes Shamgar a foreign oppressor and not a judge, and even the father of Sisera. There is, of course, no limit to which this kind of interesting speculation cannot lead. (For a complete account of these views see Moore, “Judges,” in ICC, 1895, 104 f, and same author in Journal of the American Oriental Society, XIX, 2, 159-60.) Ella Davis Isaacs SHAMHUTH <sham’-huth > . See SHAMMUAH IV.

    SHAMIR (1) <sha’-mer > ([ rymiv; , shamir ]; [ Samei>r, Sameir ]): (1) Mentioned along with Jattir and Socoh ( Joshua 15:48) as one of the cities of Judah in the hill country. Possibly it is Khirbet (or Umm) Somerah, 2,000 ft. above sea-level, a site with ancient walls, caves, cisterns and tombs not far West of Debir (edh Dhatheriyeh) and 2 miles North of Anab (`Anab) (Palestine Exploration Fund, III, 262, 286, Sh XX). (2) A place in the hill country of Ephraim ( Judges 10:1) from which came “Tola, the son of Pual, a man of Issachar,” who judged Israel years; he died and was buried there. It is an attractive theory (Schwartz) which would identify the place with the semi-fortified and strongly-placed town of Sanur on the road from Nablus to Jenin. A local chieftain in the early part of the last century fortified Sanur and from there dominated the whole district. That Sanur could hardly have been within the bounds of Issachar is an objection, but not necessarily a fatal one. It is noticeable that the Septuagint’s Codex Alexandrinus has [ Sama>reia, Samareia ], for Shamir (Palestine Exploration Fund, II, Sh XI). E. W. G. Masterman SHAMIR (2) ([ rymiv; , shamir ]; [ Samh>r, Samer ]): A Kohathite, son of Micah ( Chronicles 24:24).

    SHAMLAI <sham’-la-i > , <sham’-li > . See SALMAI.

    SHAMMA <sham’-a > ([ aM;v” , shamma’ ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Sema>, Sema ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Samma>, Samma ]): An Asherite ( 1 Chronicles 7:37).

    SHAMMAH <sham’-a > ([ hM;v” , shammah ]): (1) The son of Reuel, the son of Esau, a tribal chief of Edom ( Genesis 36:13,17; 1 Chronicles 1:37, [ Some>, Some ]). (2) The third son of Jesse and brother of David. Together with his two other brothers he fought under Saul in the campaign against the Philistines and was with the army in the valley of Elah when David slew Goliath ( 1 Samuel 17:13 ff). One redactor states that he was a witness of the anointing of David by Samuel ( 1 Samuel 16:1-13).

    He was the father of Jonadab, the friend of Amnon ( 2 Samuel 13:3 ff), and that Jonathan whose victory over a Philistine giant is narrated in 2 Samuel 21:20 ff was also his son. His name is rendered as “Shammah” ( 1 Samuel 16:9; 17:13), “Shimeah” ( 2 Samuel 13:3,12), “Shimei” ( 2 Samuel 21:21), and “Shimea” ( Chronicles 2:13; 20:7). (3) The son of Agee, a Hararite, one of the “three mighty men” of David ( 2 Samuel 23:11, Septuagint [ Samaia>, Samaia ]), who held the field against the Philistines. The parallel passage ( 1 Chronicles 11:10 ff) ascribes this deed to Eleazar, the son of Dodo. The succeeding incident ( 2 Samuel 23:13 ff), namely, the famous act of three of David’s heroes who risked their lives to bring their leader water from the well of Bethlehem, has frequently been credited to Shammah and two other members of “the three”; but the three warriors are plainly said ( 2 Samuel 23:13) to belong to “the thirty”; Samuel 23:33 should read “Jonathan, son of Shammah, the Hararite.”

    Jonathan, one of David’s “thirty,” was a son of Shammah; the word “son” has been accidentally omitted (Driver, Budde, Kittel, etc.). The parallel passage ( 1 Chronicles 11:34) has “son of Shagee,” which is probably, a misreading for “son of Agee.” Lucian’s version, “son of Shammah,” is most plausible. “Shimei the son of Ela” ( 1 Kings 4:18) should also appear in this passage if Lucian’s reading of “Ela” for “Agee” ( 2 Samuel 23:11) be correct. (4) A Harodite ( 2 Samuel 23:25,33), i.e. probably a native of `Aincharod (`Ain Jalud, Judges 7:1; see HAROD ). One of “the thirty” and captain of Solomon’s 5th monthly course. In the parallel lists ( Chronicles 11:27) he is called “the Harorite” (this last being a scribal error for Harodite) and “Shamhuth the Izrahate” ( 1 Chronicles 27:8). Horace J. Wolf SHAMMAI <sham’a-i > , <sham’-i > ([ yM”v” , shammay ]): (1) A Jerahmeelite ( 1 Chronicles 2:28,32). (2) The son of Rekem and father of Maon ( 1 Chronicles 2:44 ff). (3) A Judahite ( 1 Chronicles 4:17).

    SHAMMOTH <sham’-oth > , <sham’-oth > . See SHAMMAH, (4).

    SHAMMUA; SHAMMUAH <sha-mu’-a > , <sham’-u-a > ([ [“WMv” , shammua `]): (1) The Reubenite spy ( Numbers 13:4, [ Samouh>l, Samouel ], and other forms). (2) One of David’s sons ( 2 Samuel 5:14; 1 Chronicles 14:4, [ Sammou~v, Sammous ]). In 1 Chronicles 3:5 he is called “Shimea.” (3) A Levite ( Nehemiah 11:17); he is called “Shemaiah” in Chronicles 9:16. (4) The head of a priestly family ( Nehemiah 12:18); a contemporary of Joiakim.

    SHAMSHERAI <sham’-she-ri > , <sham-she-ra’-i > ([ yr”v]M]v” , shamsheray ]): A Benjamite ( 1 Chronicles 8:26).

    SHAPE < shap>: In the King James Version the translation of [ei+dov, eidos ], “form,” “appearance” ( Luke 3:22; John 5:37), and of [oJmoi>wma, homoioma ], “likeness,” “resemblance” ( Revelation 9:7). The meaning of these words is not so much “tangible shape,” in which sense we use the word in modern English, but rather “aspect,” “appearance,” the looks of a thing or a person. This is even the case where the word is joined with the adjective [swmatiko>v, somatikos ], “bodily” as in the passage Luke 3:22, “The Holy Spirit descended in a bodily form (i.e. “in a corporeal appearance,” the King James Version “in a bodily shape”), as a dove, upon him.” The second passage also refers to the “appearance” of God, and cannot therefore be regarded as material shape: “Ye have neither heard his voice at any time, nor seen his form” (the King James Version “shape”) ( John 5:37). As has been seen from the above quotations, the Revised Version (British and American) which retains the translation “shape” for homoioma , has translated eidos with “form,” which also serves to render several other Greek synonyms, such as [morfh>, morphe ] ( Mark 16:12; Philippians 2:6 f), [mo>rfwsiv, morphosis ] ( Romans 2:20; Timothy 3:5), [tu>pov, tupos ] (the Revised Version margin “pattern” Romans 6:17), and [uJpotu>pwsiv, hupotuposis ] (the Revised Version (British and American) “pattern,” 2 Timothy 1:13). In the King James Version The Wisdom of Solomon 18:1 “shape” translates morphe , the Revised Version (British and American) “form.” H. L. E. Luering SHAPHAM <sha’-fam > ([ µp;v; , shapham ]; [ Safa>m, Sapham ], [ Saba>t, Sabat ]):

    Name of a Gadite chief, who had the second place in command of his tribe ( 1 Chronicles 5:12). So far as the fragmentary genealogies are intelligible, they seem to indicate that Shapham and his chief, Joel, lived in the time of Saul and shared in the war against the Hagrites ( Chronicles 5:7-10,18-22), but it is to be noted that these lists were first recorded between the years 750 and 740 BC, just before the eastern tribes were carried into captivity.

    SHAPHAN <sha’-fan > ([ ˆp;v; , shaphan ], “rockbadger,” English Versions of the Bible “coney”; [ Saffa>n, Saphphan ]): An old totem clan name (so W.R. Smith; compare, however, the article TOTEMISM ; Gray, Gray, Studies in Hebrew Proper Names, 103 ff, and Jacob’s Studies in Biblical Archaeology, 84 ff). (1) Son of Azaliah and scribe of King Josiah. He received from Hilkiah the Book of the Law which had been found in the Temple ( 2 Kings 22:3 ff; 2 Chronicles 34:8-28). It was from Shaphan’s lips that Josiah heard the Law read. Shaphan was also one of those sent by the king to the prophetess Huldah (2 Kings 22; 2 Chronicles 34). He was undoubtedly one of the staunchest supporters of Josiah in his work of reform. He was the father of Ahikam ( 2 Kings 22:12; Chronicles 34:20; Jeremiah 26:24), who befriended and protected the prophet Jeremiah. Another son, Elasah, was one of the two men entrusted by Jeremiah with his letter to the captives in Babylon ( Jeremiah 29:3). A third son, Gemariah, vainly tried to prevent King Jehoiakim from burning “the roll” ( Jeremiah 36:10,11,12,25). The Micaiah of Jeremiah 36:11,12, and Gedaliah, the governor of Judea after the captivity of 586 BC, were his grandsons ( Jeremiah 39:14). (2) Perhaps the father of Jaazaniah, one of the 70 men whom Ezekiel saw, in his vision of the Temple, sacrificing to idols ( Ezekiel 8:11). Horace J. Wolf SHAPHAT <sha’-fat > ([ fp;vi , shaphat ): (1) The Simeonite spy ( Numbers 13:5, [ Safa>t, Saphat ]). (2) The father of the prophet Elisha ( 1 Kings 19:16; 2 Kings 3:11, Septuagint Saphath). (3) A name in the royal genealogy of Judah ( 1 Chronicles 3:22). (4) A Gadite ( 1 Chronicles 5:12). (5) One of David’s herdsmen ( 1 Chronicles 27:29).

    SHAPHER <sha’-fer > . See SHEPHER.

    SHAPHIR <sha’-fer > ([ rypiv; , shaphir ], “glittering”; [kalw~v, kalos ]; the King James Version Saphir): One of a group of towns mentioned in Micah 1:10-15.

    From the association with Gath, Achzib (of Judah) and Mareshah, it would seem that the places mentioned were in Southwestern Palestine. According to Eusebius, in Onomasticon, there was a [ Safei>r, Sapheir ], “in the hill country” (from a confusion with Shamir ( Joshua 15:48), where Septuagint A has Sapheir) between Eleutheropolis and Ascalon. The name probably survives in that of three villages called es-Suafir, in the plain, some 3 1/2 miles Southeast of Ashdod (PEF, II, 413, Sh XV). Cheyne (EB, col. 4282) suggests the white “glittering” hill Tell ec-Cafi, at the entrance to the Wady ec-Sunt, which was known to the Crusaders as Blanchegarde, but this site seems a more probable one for GATH (which see). E. W. G. Masterman SHARAI <sha-ra’-i > , <sha’-ri > ([ yr”v; , sharay ]): One of the sons of Bani who had married foreign wives ( Ezra 10:40).

    SHARAIM <sha-ra’-im > . See SHAARAIM.

    SHARAR <sha’-rar > . See SACAR.

    SHARE <shar > . See PLOW.

    SHAREZER <sha-re’zer > ([ rx,a,r]c” , sar’etser ]): Corresponds to the Assyrian Sharucur, “protect the king”; found otherwise, not as a complete name, but as elements in personal names, e.g. Bel-shar-ucur, “may Bel protect the king,” which is the equivalent of Belshazzar ( Daniel 5:1). The name is borne by two persons in the Old Testament: (1) The son of Sennacherib, king of Assyria, who with ADRAMMELECH (which see) murdered his father ( 2 Kings 19:37; Isaiah 37:38). The Babylonian Chronicle says concerning Sennacherib’s death: “On the 20th day of Tebet Sennacherib, king of Assyria, was slain by his son in a revolt.” This differs from the Old Testament account in that it speaks of only one murderer, and does not give his name. How the two accounts can be harmonized is still uncertain. Hitzig, (Kritik, 194 ff), following Abydenus, as quoted by Eusebius, completed the name of Sennacherib’s son, so as to read Nergal-sharezer = Nergal-shar-ucur ( Jeremiah 39:3,13), and this is accepted by many modern scholars. Johns thinks that Sharezer ([shar’etser] or [sar’etser]) may be a corruption from Shar-etir-Ashur, the name of a son of Sennacherib (1-vol HDB, under the word). The question cannot be definitely settled. (2) A contemporary of the prophet Zechariah, mentioned in connection with the sending of a delegation to the spiritual heads of the community to inquire concerning the propriety of continuing the fasts: “They of Beth-el had sent Sharezer and Regem-melech” ( Zechariah 7:2). This translation creates a difficulty in connection with the succeeding words, literally, “and his men.” The Revisers place in the margin as an alternative rendering, “They of Beth-el, even Sharezer .... had sent.”

    Sharezer sounds peculiar in apposition to “they of Beth-el”; hence, some have thought, especially since Sharezer seems incomplete, that in the two words Beth-el and Sharezer we have a corruption of what was originally a single proper name, perhaps Bel-sharezer = Bel-shar-ucur = Bel-shazzar. The present text, no matter how translated, presents difficulties. See REGEM-MELECH.

    F. C. Eiselen SHARON <shar’-un > ([ ˆwOrV;h” , ha-sharon ], with the definite article possibly meaning “the plain”; [to< pedi>on, to pedion ], [oJ drumo>v, ho drumos ], [oJ Sarw>n, ho Saron ]): (1) This name is attached to the strip of fairly level land which runs between the mountains and the shore of the Mediterranean, stretching from Nahr Ruben in the South to Mt. Carmel in the North. There are considerable rolling hills; but, compared with the mountains to the East, it is quite properly described as a plain. The soil is a deep rich loam, which is favorable to the growth of cereals. The orange, the vine and the olive grow to great perfection. When the many-colored flowers are in bloom it is a scene of rare beauty.

    Of the streams in the plain four carry the bulk of the water from the western slopes of the mountains to the sea. They are also perennial, being fed by fountains. Nahr el-`Aujeh enters the sea to the North of Jaffa; Nahr Iskanderuneh 7 miles, and Nahr el-Mefjir fully 2 miles South of Caesarea; and Nahr ez-Zerqa, the “Crocodile River,” 2 1/2 miles North of Caesarea.

    Nahr el-Falik runs its short course about 12 miles North of Nahr el-`Aujeh.

    Water is plentiful, and at almost any point it may be obtained by digging.

    Deep, finely built wells near some of the villages are among the most precious legacies left by the Crusaders. The breadth of the plain varies from 8 to 12 miles, being broadest in the Sharon. There are traces of a great forest in the northern part, which accounts for the use of the term drumos. Josephus (Ant., XIV, xiii, 3) speaks of “the woods” (hoi drumoi ) and Strabo (xvi) of “a great wood.” There is still a considerable oak wood in this district. The “excellency” of Carmel and Sharon ( Isaiah 35:2) is probably an allusion to the luxuriant oak forests. As in ancient times, great breadths are given up to the pasturing of cattle. Over David’s herds that fed in Sharon was Shitrai the Sharonite ( 1 Chronicles 27:29). In the day of Israel’s restoration “Sharon shall be a fold of flocks” ( Isaiah 65:10).

    Jerome speaks of the fine cattle fed in the pastures of Sharon, and also sings the praises of its wine (Comm. on Isaiah 33 and 65). Toward the Sharon no doubt there was more cultivation then than there is at the present day. The German colony to the North of Jaffa, preserving in its name, Sarona, the old Greek name of the plain, and several Jewish colonies are proving the wonderful productiveness of the soil. The orange groves of Jaffa are far-famed. “The rose of Sharon” (Song 2:1) is a mistranslation: chabhatstseleth is not a “rose,” but the white narcissus, which in season abounds in the plain.

    Sharon is mentioned in the New Testament only in Acts 9:35. (2) A district East of the Jordan, occupied by the tribe of Gad ( Chronicles 5:16; here the name is without the article). Kittel (“Ch,” SBOT) suggests that this is a corruption from “Sirion,” which again is synonymous with Hermon. He would therefore identify Sharon with the pasture lands of Hermon. Others think that the mishor or table-land of Gilead is intended. (3) In Joshua 12:18 we should perhaps read “the king of Aphek in Sharon.” See LASHARON . The order seems to point to some place Northeast of Tabor. Perhaps this is to be identified with the Sarona of Eusebius, Onomasticon, in the district between Tabor and Tiberias. If so, the name may be preserved in that of Sarona on the plateau to the Southwest of Tiberias. W. Ewing SHARONITE <shar’-un-it > ([ yniwrV;h” , ha-sharoni ]; [oJ Sarwnei>thv, ho Saroneites ]):

    Applied in Scripture only to Shitrai ( 1 Chronicles 27:29). See SHARON.

    SHARUHEN <sha-roo’-hen > ([ ˆj,Wrv; , sharuchen ]; [oiJ ajgroi< aujtw~n, hoi agroi auton ]): One of the cities in the territory of Judah assigned to Simeon ( Joshua 19:6). In Joshua 15:32 it is called “Shilhim,” and in Chronicles 4:31, “Shaaraim” (which see).

    SHASHAI <sha’-shi > ([ yv”v; , shashay ]; [ Sesei>, Sesei ]): One of the sons of Bani who had married foreign wives ( Ezra 10:40) = “Sesis” in 1 Esdras 9:34.

    SHASHAK <sha’-shak > ([ qv”v; , shashak ]): Eponym of a Benjamite family ( Chronicles 8:14,25).

    SHAUL; SHAULITES <sha’-ul > , <sha’-ul-its > ([ lWav; , sha’ul ]; [ Saou>l, Saoul ]): (1) A king of Edom ( Genesis 36:37 ff = 1 Chronicles 1:48 ff). (2) A son of Simeon ( Genesis 46:10; Exodus 6:15; Numbers 26:13; 1 Chronicles 4:24). The clan was of notoriously impure stock, and, therefore, Shaul is called “the son of a Canaanitish woman” ( Genesis 46:10; Exodus 6:15); the clan was of mixed Israelite and Canaanitish descent. The patronymic Shaulites is found in Numbers 26:13. (3) An ancestor of Samuel ( 1 Chronicles 6:24 (Hebrew 9)); in Chronicles 6:36 he is called “Joel.”

    SHAVEH, VALE OF <sha’-ve > ([ hwev; qm,[e , `emeq shaweh ]). See KING’S VALE.

    SHAVEH-KIRIATHAIM <sha’-ve-kir-ya-tha’-im > ([ µyit”y;r]qi hw,v; , shaweh qiryathayim ]; [ejn Sauh< th~| po>lei, en Saue te polei ]): Here Chedorlaomer is said to have defeated the Emim ( Genesis 14:5). the Revised Version margin reads “the plain of Kiriathaim.” If this rendering is right, we must look for the place in the neighborhood of Kiriathaim of Moab ( Jeremiah 48:1, etc.), which is probably represented today by el-Qareiyat, about 7 miles to the North of Dibon.

    SHAVING <shav’-ing > (in Job 1:20, [ zz”G; , gazaz ], usually [ jl”G; , galach ]; in Acts 21:24, [xura>w, xurao ]): Customs as to shaving differ in different countries, and in ancient and modern times. Among the Egyptians it was customary to shave the whole body (compare Genesis 41:14). With the Israelites, shaving the head was a sign of mourning ( Deuteronomy 21:12; Job 1:20); ordinarily the hair was allowed to grow long, and was only cut at intervals (compare Absalom, 2 Samuel 14:26). Nazirites were forbidden to use a razor, but when their vow was expired, or if they were defiled, they were to shave the whole head ( Numbers 6:5,9,18 ff; compare Acts 21:24). The shaving of the beard was not permitted to the Israelites; they were prohibited from shaving off even “the corner of their beard” ( Leviticus 21:5). It was an unpardonable insult when Hanun, king of the Ammonites, cut off the half of the beards of the Israelites whom David had sent to him ( 2 Samuel 10:4; 1 Chronicles 19:4).

    Shaving “with a razor that is hired” is Isaiah’s graphic figure to denote the complete devastation of Judah by the Assyrian army ( Isaiah 7:20). James Orr SHAVSHA <shav’-sha > ([ av;w”v] , shawsha’ ]; in 2 Samuel 20:25, Kethibh , [ ayv , sheya’ ], Kere, [ aw;v] , shewa’ ], English Versions of the Bible “Sheva,” are refuted by the Septuagint; in 2 Samuel 8:15-18, in other respects identical with Chronicles, “Seraiah” is found; the Septuagint varies greatly in all passages; it is the general consensus that Shavsha is correct): State secretary or scribe during the reign of David ( 1 Chronicles 18:16; 2 Samuel 20:25). He was the first occupant of this office, which was created by David. It is significant that his father’s name is omitted in the very exact list of David’s officers of state ( 1 Chronicles 18:14-17 parallel Samuel 8:15-18); this fact, coupled with the foreign sound of his name, points to his being an “alien”; the assumption that the state secretary handled correspondence with other countries may explain David’s choice of a foreigner for this post. Shavsha’s two sons, Elihoreph and Ahijah, were secretaries of state under Solomon; they are called “sons of Shisha” ( 1 Kings 4:3), “Shisha” probably being a variant of “Shavsha.” Horace J. Wolf SHAWL <shol > : the Revised Version (British and American) substitutes “shawls” for the King James Version “wimples” in Isaiah 3:22. See DRESS.

    SHEAF; SHEAVES <shef > , <shevz > ([ hM;lua\ , ‘alummah ], [ rm,[o , `omer ], [ rymi[; , `amir ]):

    When the grain is reaped, it is laid in handfuls back of the reaper to be gathered by children or those who cannot stand the harder work of reaping ( <19C907> Psalm 129:7). The handfuls are bound into large sheaves, two of which are laden at a time on a donkey (compare Nehemiah 13:15). In some districts carts are used (compare Amos 2:13). The sheaves are piled about the threshing-floors until threshing time, which may be several weeks after harvest. It is an impressive sight to see the huge stacks of sheaves piled about the threshing-floors, the piles often covering an area greater than the nearby villages (see AGRICULTURE ). The ancient Egyptians bound their grain into small sheaves, forming the bundles with care so that the heads were equally distributed between the two ends (see Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 1878, II, 424; compare Joseph’s dream, Genesis 37:5-8). The sheaves mentioned in Genesis 37:10-12,15 must have been handfuls. It is a custom in parts of Syria for the gatherers of the sheaves to run toward a passing horseman and wave a handful of grain, shouting kemshi, kemshi (literally, “handful”). They want the horseman to feed the grain to his horse. In Old Testament times forgotten sheaves had to be left for the sojourner ( Deuteronomy 24:19); compare the kindness shown to Ruth by the reapers of Boaz ( Ruth 2:7,15).

    Figurative: “Being hungry they carry the sheaves” is a picture of torment similar to that of the hungry horse urged to go by the bundle of hay tied before him ( Job 24:10). The joyful sight of the sheaves of an abundant harvest was used by the Psalmist to typify the joy of the returning captives ( <19C606> Psalm 126:6). James A. Patch SHEAL <she’-al > ([ la;v] , she’al ], “request”): One of the Israelites of the sons of Bani who had taken foreign wives ( Ezra 10:29, Septuagint: Salouia ; Septuagint, Lucian, Assael; 1 Esdras 9:30, “Jasaelus”).

    SHEALTIEL <she-ol’-ti-el > ([ laeyTil]a”v] , she’alti’el ], but in Haggai 1:12,14; 2:2, [ laetYil]v” , shalti’el ]; Septuagint and the New Testament always [ Salaqih>l, Salathiel ], hence, “Salathiel” of 1 Esdras 5:5,48,56; 6:2; the King James Version of Matthew 1:12; Luke 3:27): Father of Zerubbabel ( Ezra 3:2,8; 5:2; Nehemiah 12:1; Haggai 1:1,12,14; 2:2,23). But, according to 1 Chronicles 3:17, Shealtiel was the oldest son of King Jeconiah; in 3:19 the Massoretic Text makes Pedaiah, a brother of Shealtiel, the father of Zerubbabel (compare Curtis, ICC).

    SHEAR <sher > . See SHEEP; SHEEP TENDING.

    SHEARIAH <she-a-ri-a > , <she-ar’-ya > ([ hy;r][“v] , she`aryah ]; [ Saraia>, Saraia ]): A descendant of Saul ( 1 Chronicles 8:38; 9:44).

    SHEARING HOUSE <sher’-ing > ([ µy[roh; dq,[e tyBe , beth `eqedh ha-ro`im ], “house of binding of the shepherds”; Codex Vaticanus [ Baiqa>kaq, Baithakath ] (Codex Alexandrinus [ Baiqa>kad, Baithakad ]) [tw~n poime>nwn, ton poimenon ]): Here in the course of his extinction of the house of Ahab, Jehu met and destroyed 42 men, “the brethren of Ahaziah king of Judah” ( 2 Kings 10:12-14). Eusebius (in Onomasticon) takes the phrase as a proper name, Bethacath, and locates the village 15 miles from Legio in the plain. This seems to point to identification with Beit Kad, about 3 miles East of Jenin.

    SHEAR-JASHUB <she-ar-ja’-shub > or <jash’-ub > ([ bWvy; ra;v] , she’ar yashubh ], “a remnant shall return”; Septuagint ho kataleiphtheis Iasoub ): The son of Isaiah, who accompanied him when he set out to meet Ahaz ( Isaiah 7:3). The name like that of other children of prophets (compare “Immanuel,” “Mahershalal-hash-baz,” “Lo-ruhamah,” etc.) is symbolic of a message which the prophet wishes to emphasize. Thus Isaiah uses the very words she’ar yashubh to express his oft-repeated statement that a remnant of Israel will return to Yahweh ( Isaiah 10:21).

    SHEATH <sheth > . See SWORD.

    SHEBA (1) <she’-ba > ([ ab;v] , shebha’ ]; [ Saba>, Saba ]): (1) Sheba and Dedan are the two sons of Raamah son of Cush ( Genesis 10:7). (2) Sheba and Dedan are the two sons of Jokshan the son of Abraham and Keturah ( Genesis 25:3). (3) Sheba is a son of Joktan son of Eber who was a descendant of Shem ( Genesis 10:28).

    From the above statements it would appear that Sheba was the name of an Arab tribe, and consequently of Semitic descent. The fact that Sheba and Dedan are represented as Cushite ( Genesis 10:7) would point to a migration of part of these tribes to Ethiopia, and similarly their derivation from Abraham ( Genesis 25:3) would indicate that some families were located in Syria. In point of fact Sheba was a South-Arabian or Joktanite tribe ( Genesis 10:28), and his own name and that of some of his brothers (e.g. Hazarmaveth = Hadhramaut) are place-names in Southern Arabia.

    The Sabeans or people of Saba or Sheba, are referred to as traders in gold and spices, and as inhabiting a country remote from Palestine ( 1 Kings 10:1 f; Isaiah 60:6; Jeremiah 6:20; Ezekiel 27:22; Psalm 72:15; Matthew 12:42), also as slave-traders ( Joel 3:8), or even desert-rangers ( Job 1:15; 6:19; compare CIS 84 3).

    By the Arab genealogists Saba is represented as great-grandson of Qachtan (= Joktan) and ancestor of all the South-Arabian tribes. He is the father of Chimyar and Kahlan. He is said to have been named Saba because he was the first to take prisoners (shabhah ) in war. He founded the capital of Saba and built its citadel Marib (Mariaba), famous for its mighty barrage. 1. HISTORY:

    The authentic history of the Sabeans, so far as known, and the topography of their country are derived from South-Arabian inscriptions, which began to be discovered about the middle of the last century, and from coins dating from about 150 BC to 150 AD, the first collection of which was published in 1880, and from the South-Arabian geographer Hamdani, who was later made known to European scholars. One of the Sabean kings is mentioned on Assyrian inscriptions of the year 715 BC; and he is apparently not the earliest. The native monuments are scattered over the period extending from before that time until the 6th century AD, when the Sabean state came to an end, being most numerous about the commencement of our era. Saba was the name of the nation of which Marib was the usual capital. The Sabeans at first shared the sovereignty of South Arabia with Himyar and one or two other nations, but gradually absorbed the territories of these some time after the Christian era. The form of government seems to have been that of a republic or oligarchy, the chief magistracy going by a kind of rotation, and more than one “king” holding office simultaneously (similarly Deuteronomy 4:47 and often in the Old Testament). The people seem to have been divided into patricians and plebeians, the former of whom had the right to build castles and to share in the government. 2. RELIGION:

    A number of deities are mentioned on the inscriptions, two chief being Il- Maqqih and Ta`lab. Others are Athtar (masculine form of the Biblical `ashtaroth), Rammon (the Biblical Rimmon), the Sun, and others. The Sun and Athtar were further defined by the addition of the name of a place or tribe, just as Baal in the Old Testament. Worship took the form of gifts to the temples, of sacrifices, especially incense, of pilgrimages and prayers.

    Ceremonial ablution, and abstinence from certain things, as well as formal dedication of the worshipper and his household and goods to the deity, were also religious acts. In return the deity took charge of his worshipper’s castle, wells, and belongings, and supplied him with cereals, vegetables and fruits, as well as granted him male issue. 3. CIVILIZATION: (1) The chief occupations of the Sabeans were raiding and trade. The chief products of their country are enumerated in Isaiah 60:6, which agrees with the Assyrian inscriptions. The most important of all commodities was incense, and it is significant that the same word which in the other Semitic languages means “gold,” in Sabean means “perfume” (and also “gold”). To judge, however, from the number of times they are mentioned upon the inscriptions, agriculture bulked much more largely in the thoughts of the Sabean than commerce, and was of equal importance with religion. (2) The high position occupied by women among the Sabeans is reflected in the story of the Queen of Sheba and Solomon. In almost all respects women appear to have been considered the equal of men, and to have discharged the same civil, religious and even military functions.

    Polygamy does not seem to have been practiced. The Sabean inscriptions do not go back far enough to throw any light upon the queen who was contemporary with Solomon, and the Arabic identification of her with Bilqis is merely due to the latter being the only Sabean queen known to them. Bilqis must have lived several centuries later than the Hebrew monarch. (3) The alphabet used in the Sabean inscriptions is considered by Professor Margoliouth to be the original Semitic alphabet, from which the others are derived. In other respects Sabean art seems to be dependent on that of Assyria, Persia and Greece. The coins are Greek and Roman in style, while the system of weights employed is Persian. See further SABAEANS.

    LITERATURE.

    Rodiger and Osidander in ZDMG, volumes XX and XXI; Halevy in Journal Asiatique, Serie 6, volume IX; Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, pt. IV, edition by J. and H. Derenbourg; Hamdani, edition by D. H. Muller, 1891; Mordtmann, Himyarische Inschriften, 1893; Hommel, Sudarabische Chresthomathie, 1893; Glaser, Abyssinien in Arabien, 1895; D. H. Muller, Sudarabische Alterthumer, 1899; Derenbourg, Les monuments sabeens, 1899. On the coins, Schlumberger, Leviticus tresor de San’a, 1880; Mordtmann in Wiener numismatische Zeitschrift, 1880. Thomas Hunter Weir SHEBA (2) <she’-ba > ([ [b”v, , shebha` ]; [ Sa>bee, Sabee ], or [ Sa>maa, Samaa ]): The name of one of the towns allotted to Simeon ( Joshua 19:2). the King James Version mentions it as an independent town, but as it is not mentioned at all in the parallel list ( 1 Chronicles 4:28), and is omitted in Joshua 19:2 in some manuscripts, it is probable that the Revised Version (British and American) is correct in its translation “Beer-sheba or Sheba.” Only in this way can the total of towns in this group be made ( Joshua 19:6). If it is a separate name, it is probably the same as SHEMA (which see). E. W. G. Masterman SHEBA, QUEEN OF See QUEEN OF SHEBA.

    SHEBAH <she’-ba > . See SHIBAH.

    SHEBAM <she’-bam > . See SEBAM.

    SHEBANIAH <sheb-a-ni’-a > , <she-ban’-ya > ([ hy;n]b”v] , shebhanyah ], in Chronicles 15:24, shebhanyahu ): (1) Name of a Levite or a Levitical family that participated in the religious rites that followed the reading of the Law ( Nehemiah 9:4).

    The name is given in Nehemiah 10:10 among those that sealed the covenant. (2) A priest or Levite who took part in the sealing of the covenant ( Nehemiah 10:4; 12:14). See SHECANIAH. (3) Another Levite who sealed the covenant ( Nehemiah 10:12). (4) A priest in the time of David ( 1 Chronicles 15:24).

    SHEBARIM <sheb’-a-rim > , <she-ba’-rim > ([ µyrib;V]h” , ha-shebharim ]; [sune>triyan, sunetripsan ]): After the repulse of the first attack on their city the men of Ai chased the Israelites “even unto Shebarim” ( Joshua 7:5). the Revised Version margin reads “the quarries”; so Keil, Steuernagel, etc. Septuagint reads “until they were broken,” i.e. until the rout was complete. The direction of the flight was of course from Ai toward Gilgal in the Jordan valley. No trace of such name has yet been found.

    SHEBAT <she-bat’ > ([ fb;v] , shebhat ]): The 11th month of the Jewish year ( Zechariah 1:7), corresponding to February. See CALENDAR.

    SHEBER <she’-ber > ([ rb,v, , shebher ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Sa>ber, Saber ], Codex Alexandrinus [ Se>ber, Seber ]): A son of Caleb by his concubine Maacah ( 1 Chronicles 2:48).

    SHEBNA <sheb’-na > ([ an;b]v, , shebhna’ ]; [ So>mnav, Somnas ]; but [ hn;b]v, , shebhnah ], in 2 Kings 18:18,26; meaning uncertain ( 2 Kings 18:18,26,37 and 19:2 = Isaiah 36:3,11,22 and 37:2; lsa 22:15)): 1. POSITION IN ISAIAH 22:

    In Isaiah 22:15 Shebna is referred to as he “who is over the house,” or household, apparently that of the king. The phrase is translated “steward of the house” in the Revised Version (British and American) of Genesis 43:16,19; 44:1, and occurs also in 39:4, “overseer”; 44:4. It is used of an officer of the Northern Kingdom in 1 Kings 16:9; 18:3; 2 Kings 10:5. This officer is distinguished from him “that was over the city” in Kings 10:5, and it is said in 2 Kings 15:5 that after his father Azariah was stricken with leprosy, “Jotham, the king’s son, was over the household, judging all the people of the land.” Again Isaiah 22:15 speaks of “this cokhen ,” a phrase that must apply to Shebna if the prophecy refers to him. This word is the participle of a verb meaning “to be of use or service,” so “to benefit” in Job 15:3; 22:2; 34:9. The feminine participle is employed of Abishag in 1 Kings 1:2,4, where King James Version, margin translates “cherisher”; BDB renders it “servitor” or “steward” in Isaiah 22:15. It occurs also as a Canaanite gloss in the Tell el-Amarna Letters (Winckler, number 237,9). The [cokhen] was evidently a high officer: Shebna had splendid chariots (22:18), but what the office exactly was is not certain. The other reference to Shebna in the title of the prophecy would lead one to conclude that it denoted him “who was over the household,” i.e. governor of the palace, probably, or major-domo. The word cokhen is thus a general title; others deny this, maintaining that it would then occur more frequently. 2. SHEBNA IN 2 KINGS 18 F:

    In 2 Kings 18 f = Isaiah 36 f we find too a Shebna mentioned among the officers of Hezekiah. There he is called the copher, “scribe” or “secretary,” i.e. a minister of state of some kind, whereas Eliakim is he “who is over the household.” Is then the Shebna of Isaiah 22 the same as this officer? It is of course possible that two men of the same name should hold high office about the same time. We find a Joshua (ben Asaph) “recorder” under Hezekiah ( 2 Kings 18:18) and a Joshua (ben Joahaz) having the very same position under Josiah a century later ( 2 Chronicles 34:8). But such a coincidence is rare. Had there been two high officers of state bearing this name, it is most probable that they would somehow have been distinguished one from the other. Shebna’s name is thought to be Aramaic, thus pointing to a foreign descent, but G. B. Gray, “Isa,” ICC, 373 ff, denies this. We can perhaps safely infer that he was a parvenu from the fact that he was hewing himself a sepulcher in Jerusalem, apparently among those of the nobility, whereas a native would have an ancestral burial-place in the land.

    However, in 2 Kings, Shebna is the scribe and not the governor of the palace. How is this to be explained? The answer is in Isaiah’s prophecy. 3. ISAIAH 22:15 FF:

    The prophecy of Isaiah 22 divides itself into 3 sections. The words “against (not as the Revised Version (British and American) “unto”) Shebna who is over the house,” or palace, are properly the title of the prophecy, and should come therefore at the very beginning of verse 15. (1) Isaiah 22:15-18 form one whole. In 22:16 the words “hewing him out a sepulcher,” etc., should be placed immediately before the rest of the verse as 22:16a with the rest of the section is in the second person. We thus read (22:15-17): `Against Shebna who was over the house. Thus saith the Lord, Yahweh of hosts, Go unto this steward (Revised Version margin) that is hewing him out a sepulcher on high, graying a habitation for himself in the rock, (and say) What doest thou here and whom hast thou here that thou hast hewed thee out here a sepulcher? Behold, Yahweh of hosts, ....’ etc. G.H. Box (Isaiah) would further transpose some parts of 22:17 f. Shebna is to be tossed like a ball into “a land wide of sides,” i.e. a broad extensive land. He is addressed as a disgrace to the house of his royal master. The prophet’s language is that of personal invective, and one asks what had made him so indignant. Some (e.g. Dillmann, Delitzsch) suggest that Shebna was the leader of a pro-Egyptian party, while others (e.g. Cheyne) believe that the party was pro-Assyrian (compare Isaiah 8:5-8a). The actual date of the prophecy can only be inferred. (2) Isaiah 22:19-23 contains a prophecy which states that Eliakim is to be given someone’s post, apparently that of Shebna, if this section be by Isaiah; 22:23, however, is held by many to be a gloss. These verses are not so vehement in tone as the previous ones. Some maintain that the section is not by Isaiah (Duhm, Marti). It can, however, be Isaianic, only later in date than 22:15 ff, being possibly meant to modify the former utterance. The palace governor is to lose his office and to be succeeded by Eliakim, who is seen to hold that post in 2 Kings 18 f. See ELIAKIM. (3) Isaiah 22:24 f are additions to the two utterances by a later hand; they predict the ruin of some such official as Eliakim owing to his own family. 4. DATE OF THE PROPHECY:

    There is nothing a priori against believing that these three sections are entirely independent one of another, but there seems to be some connection between (1) and (2) , and again between (2) and (3) . Now the question that has to be solved is that of the relation of Isaiah 22:15 ff with 2 Kings 18 f = Isaiah 36 f, where are given the events of 701 BC. We have the following facts: (a) Shebna is scribe in 701, and Eliakim is governor of the palace; (b) Shebna is governor of the palace in Isaiah 22:15, and is to be deposed; (c) if Isaiah 22:18-22 be by Isaiah, Eliakim was to succeed Shebna in that post. Omitting for the moment everything but (a) and (b), the only solution that is to any extent satisfactory is that Isaiah 22:15-18 is to be dated previous to 701 BC. This is the view preferred by G.B. Gray, in the work quoted And this is the most satisfactory theory if we take (2) above into consideration. The prophecy then contained in (1) had not been as yet fulfilled in 701, but (2) had come to pass; Shebna was no longer governor of the palace, but held the position of scribe. Exile might still be in store for him.

    Another explanation is put forward by K. Fullerton in AJT, IX, 621-42 (1905) and criticized by E. Konig in X, 675-86 (1906). Fullerton rejects verses 24 f as not due to Isaiah, and maintains that Isaiah 22:15-18 was spoken by the prophet early in the reign of Manasseh, i.e. later than Kings 18 f, “not so much as a prophecy, a simple prediction, as an attempt to drive Shebna from office. .... It must be admitted that Isaiah probably did not succeed. The reactionary party seems to have remained in control during the reign of Manasseh. .... Fortunately, the moral significance of Isaiah does not depend on the fulfillment of this or that specific prediction.

    We are dealing not with a walking oracle, but with a great character and a noble life” (p. 639). He then infers from the massacres of Manasseh ( Kings 21:16) “that a conspiracy had been formed against him by the prophetic party which proposed to place Eliakim on the throne” (p. 640).

    Isaiah he thinks would not “resort to such violent measures,” and so the character of Isaiah makes it questionable whether he was the author of 22:20-23. This part would then be due to the prophetic party “who went a step farther than their great leader would approve.” This view assumes too much, (a) that the terms in 22:20-23 refer to kingly power; (b) that Eliakim was of Davidic descent, unless we have a man of non- Davidic origin aiming at the throne, which is again a thing unheard of in Judah; and (c) that there was such a plot in the reign of Manasseh, of which we have no proof. David Francis Roberts SHEBUEL <she-bu’-el > , <sheb’-u-el > ([ laeWbv] , shebhu’el ]; [ Soubah>l, Soubael ]): (1) A son of Gershom and grandson of Moses ( 1 Chronicles 23:16).

    He was “ruler over the treasures” ( 1 Chronicles 26:24). In 1 Chronicles 24:20 he is called “Shubael,” which is probably the original form of the name (see Gray, HPN, 310). (2) A son of Heman ( 1 Chronicles 25:4), called in 1 Chronicles 25:20 “Shubael” (Septuagint as in 25:4).

    SHECANIAH; SHECHANIAH <shek-a-ni’-a > , <shekan’-ya > ([ hy;n]k”v] , shekhanyah ] (in Chronicles 24:11; 2 Chronicles 31:15, shekhanyahu ); Codex Vaticanus [ jIscania>, Ischania ], [ Sekenia>, Sekenia ]): (1) A descendant of Zerubbabel ( 1 Chronicles 3:21,22). This is the same Shecaniah mentioned in Ezra 8:3. (2) “The sons of Shecaniah,” so the Massoretic Text of Ezra 8:5 reads, were among those who returned with Ezra, but a name appears to have been lost from the text, and we should probably read “of the sons of Zattu, Shecaniah the son of Jahaziel” (compare 1 Esdras 8:32, “of the sons of Zathoes, Sechenias the son of Jezelus”). (3) Chief of the tenth course of priests ( 1 Chronicles 24:11). (4) A priest in the reign of Hezekiah ( 2 Chronicles 31:15). (5) A contemporary of Ezra who supported him in his opposition to foreign marriages ( Ezra 10:2). (6) The father of Shemaiah, “the keeper of the east gate” ( Nehemiah 3:29). (7) The father-in-law of Tobiah the Ammonite ( Nehemiah 6:18). (8) The eponym of a family which returned with Zerubbabel ( Nehemiah 12:3). It is the same name which, by an interchange of “bh” and “kh”, appears as Shebaniah (see SHEBANIAH , (2) ) in Nehemiah 10:4,12,14. Horace J. Wolf SHECHEM <she’-kem > ([ µk,v] , shekhem ], “shoulder”; [ Suce>m, Suchem ], [hJ Si>kima, he Sikima ], [ta< Si>kima, ta Sikima ], etc.; the King James Version gives “Sichem” in Genesis 12:6; and “Sychem” in Acts 7:16): 1. HISTORICAL:

    This place is first mentioned in connection with Abraham’s journey from Haran. At the oak of Moreh in the vicinity he reared his first altar to the Lord in Palestine ( Genesis 12:6 f). It was doubtless by this oak that Jacob, on his return from Paddan-aram, buried “the strange (the American Standard Revised Version “foreign”) gods” ( Genesis 35:4). Hither he had come after his meeting with Esau ( Genesis 33:18). Eusebius, in Onomasticon, here identifies Shechem with Shalem; but see SHALEM . To the East of the city Jacob pitched his tent in a “parcel of ground” which he had bought from Hamor, Shechem’s father ( Genesis 33:19). Here also he raised an altar and called it El-Elohe-Israel, “God, the God of Israel” ( Genesis 33:20). Then follows the story of Dinah’s defilement by Shechem, son of the city’s chief; and of the treacherous and terrible vengeance exacted by Simeon and Levi (Genesis 34). To the rich pasture land near Shechem Joseph came to seek his brethren ( Genesis 37:12 ff).

    It is mentioned as lying to the West of Michmethath (el-Makhneh) on the boundary of Manasseh ( Joshua 17:7). It was in the territory of Ephraim; it was made a city of refuge, and assigned to the Kohathite Levites ( Joshua 20:7; 21:21). Near the city the Law was promulgated ( Deuteronomy 27:11; Joshua 8:33). When his end was approaching Joshua gathered the tribes of Israel here and addressed to them his final words of counsel and exhortation (chapter 24). Under the oak in the neighboring sanctuary he set up the stone of witness (24:26). The war of conquest being done, Joseph’s bones were buried in the parcel of ground which Jacob had bought, and which fell to the lot of Joseph’s descendants (24:33). Abimelech, whose mother was a native of the city, persuaded the men of Shechem to make him king ( Judges 9:1-6), evidently seeking a certain consecration from association with “the oak of the pillar that was in Shechem.” Jotham’s parable was spoken from the cliff of Gerizim overhanging the town ( Judges 9:7 ff). After a reign of three years Abimelech was rejected by the people. He captured the city, razed it to the foundations, and sowed it with salt. It was then the seat of Canaanite idolatry, the temple of Baal-berith being here ( Judges 9:4,46). In the time of the kings we find that the city was once more a gathering-place of the nation. It was evidently the center, especially for the northern tribes; and hither Rehoboam came in the hope of getting his succession to the throne confirmed ( 1 Kings 12:1; 2 Chronicles 10:1). At the disruption Jeroboam fortified the city and made it his residence ( Chronicles 10:25; Ant, VIII, viii, 4). The capital of the Northern Kingdom was moved, however, first to Tirzah and then to Samaria, and Shechem declined in political importance. Indeed it is not named again in the history of the monarchy. Apparently there were Israelites in it after the captivity, some of whom on their way to the house of the Lord at Jerusalem met a tragic fate at the hands of Ishmael ben Nethaniah ( Jeremiah 41:5 ff). It became the central city of the Samaritans, whose shrine was built on Mt.

    Gerizim (Sirach 50:26; Ant, XI, viii, 6; XII, i, 1; XIII, iii, 4). Shechem was captured by John Hyrcanus in 132 BC (Ant., XIII, ix, 1; BJ, I, ii, 6). It appears in the New Testament only in the speech of Stephen ( Acts 7:16, King James Version “Sychem”). Some (e.g. Smith, DB, under the word) would identify it with Sychar of John 4:5; but see SYCHAR .

    Under the Romans it became Flavia Neapolis. In later times it was the seat of a bishopric; the names of five occupants of the see are known. 2. LOCATION AND PHYSICAL FEATURES:

    There is no doubt as to the situation of ancient Shechem. It lay in the pass which cuts through Mts. Ephraim, Ebal and Gerizim, guarding it on the North and South respectively. Along this line runs the great road which from time immemorial has formed the easiest and the quickest means of communication between the East of the Jordan and the sea. It must have been a place of strength from antiquity. The name seems to occur in Travels of a Mohar (Max Muller, Asien u. Europa, 394), “Mountain of Sahama” probably referring to Ebal or Gerizim. The ancient city may have lain somewhat farther East than the modern Nablus, in which the Roman name Neapolis survives. The situation is one of great beauty. The city lies close to the foot of Gerizim. The terraced slopes of the mountain rise steeply on the South. Across the valley, musical with the sound of running water, the great bulk of Ebal rises on the North, its sides, shaggy with prickly pear, sliding down into grain fields and orchards. The copious springs which supply abundance of water rise at the base of Gerizim. The fruitful and well-wooded valley winds westward among the hills. It is traversed by the carriage road leading to Jaffa and the sea. Eastward the valley opens upon the plain of Makhneh. To the East of the city, in a recess at the base of Gerizim, is the sanctuary known as Rijal el-`Amud, literally, “men of the column” or “pillar,” where some would locate the ancient “oak of Moreh” or “of the pillar.” Others would find it in a little village farther East with a fine spring, called BalaTa, a name which may be connected with balluT, “oak.” Still farther to the East and near the base of Ebal is the traditional tomb of Joseph, a little white-domed building beside a luxuriant orchard. On the slope of the mountain beyond is the village of `Askar; see SYCHAR . To the South of the vale is the traditional Well of Jacob; see JACOB’S WELL . To the Southwest of the city is a small mosque on the spot where Jacob is said to have mourned over the blood-stained coat of Joseph. In the neighboring minaret is a stone whereon the Ten Commandments are engraved in Samaritan characters. The main center of interest in the town is the synagogue of the Samaritans, with their ancient manuscript of the Pentateuch. 3. MODERN SHECHEM:

    The modern town contains about 20,000 inhabitants, the great body of them being Moslems. There are some 700 or 800 Christians, chiefly belonging to the Greek Orthodox church. The Samaritans do not total more than 200. The place is still the market for a wide district, both East and West of Jordan. A considerable trade is done in cotton and wool. Soap is manufactured in large quantities, oil for this purpose being plentifully supplied by the olive groves. Tanning and the manufacture of leather goods are also carried on. In old times the slopes of Ebal were covered with vineyards; but these formed a source of temptation to the “faithful.” They were therefore removed by authority, and their place taken by the prickly pears mentioned above. W. Ewing SHECHEMITES <she’-kem-its > ([ ymik]Vih” , hashikhmi ]; [ Sucemei>, Suchemei ]): The descendants of Shechem the son of Gilead, a clan of Eastern Manasseh ( Numbers 26:31; Joshua 17:2).

    SHED, SHEDDING The three Hebrew words, naghar , sim or sum and shaphakh , translated “shed” in many Old Testament passages, always mean a “pouring out,” and in nearly every case point to the effusion of blood ( Genesis 9:6; Numbers 35:33; Deuteronomy 21:7; 2 Samuel 20:10; Chronicles 22:8; Proverbs 1:16, etc.). The Greek words [ejkce>w, ekcheo ], and [ejkcu>nw, ekchuno ], have precisely the same specific meaning ( Matthew 23:35; 26:28; Mark 14:24; Luke 11:50; Hebrews 9:22; Revelation 16:6). Sometimes they are tropically used in reference to the outpouring of the Holy Spirit ( Acts 2:33 the King James Version; Titus 3:6), and to the outpouring of the love of God in the believer’s heart ( Romans 5:5). Henry E. Dosker SHEDEUR <shed’-e-ur > , <she-de’-ur > ([ rWaydev] , shedhe’ur ], “daybreak”; Codex Vaticanus [ Sediou>r, Sediour ], [ jEdeoi>r, Ediour ]): The father of Elizur, the chief of Reuben ( Numbers 1:5; 2:10; 7:30). French Delitzsch correctly conceives the name as an Assyrian compound, sad uri, “daybreak.” Cf, however, Gray, HPN, 169, 197, who emends the text to read Shaddai ‘Ur, “Shaddai is flame.”

    SHEEP <shep > : 1. NAMES:

    The usual Hebrew word is [ ˆaxo , tso’n ], which is often translated “flock,” e.g. “Abel .... brought of the firstlings of his flock” ( Genesis 4:4); “butter of the herd, and milk of the flock” ( Deuteronomy 32:14). The King James Version and the English Revised Version have “milk of sheep.”

    Compare Arabic da’n. The Greek word is [pro>baton, probaton ]. For other names, see notes under CATTLE; EWE ; LAMB; RAM . 2. ZOOLOGY:

    The origin of domestic sheep is unknown. There are 11 wild species, the majority of which are found in Asia, and it is conceivable that they may have spread from the highlands of Central Asia to the other portions of their habitat. In North America is found the “bighorn,” which is very closely related to a Kamschatkan species. One species, the urial or sha, is found in India. The Barbary sheep, Ovis tragelaphus, also known as the aoudad or arui, inhabits the Atlas Mountains of Northwest Africa. It is thought by Tristram to be zemer, English Versions of the Bible “chamois” of Deuteronomy 14:5, but there is no good evidence that this animal ranges eastward into Bible lands. Geographically nearest is the Armenian wild sheep, Ovis gmelini, of Asia Minor and Persia. The Cyprian wild sheep may be only a variety of the last, and the mouflon of Corsica and Sardinia is an allied species. It is not easy to draw the line between wild sheep and wild goats. Among the more obvious distinctions are the chin beard and strong odor of male goats. The pelage of all wild sheep consists of hair, not wool, and this indeed is true of some domestic sheep as the fatrumped short-tailed sheep of Abyssinia and Central Asia. The young lambs of this breed have short curly wool which is the astrachan of commerce.

    Sheep are geologically recent, their bones and teeth not being found in earlier deposits than the pleiocene or pleistocene. They were, however, among the first of domesticated animals. 3. SHEEP OF PALESTINE:

    The sheep of Syria and Palestine are characterized by the possession of an enormous fat tail which weighs many pounds and is known in Arabic as ‘alyat , or commonly, liyat . This is the [ hy;l]a” , ‘alyah ], “fat tail” (the King James Version “rump”) ( Exodus 29:22; Leviticus 3:9; 7:3; 8:25; 9:19), which was burned in sacrifice. This is at the present day esteemed a great delicacy. Sheep are kept in large numbers by the Bedouin, but a large portion of the supply of mutton for the cities is from the sheep of Armenia and Kurdistan, of which great droves are brought down to the coast in easy stages. Among the Moslems every well-to-do family sacrifices a sheep at the feast of al-’adcha’, the 10th day of the month dhu-l-chijjat, 40 days after the end of ramadan, the month of fasting. In Lebanon every peasant family during the summer fattens a young ram, which is literally crammed by one of the women of the household, who keeps the creature’s jaw moving with one hand while with the other she stuffs its mouth with vine or mulberry leaves. Every afternoon she washes it at the village fountain. When slaughtered in the fall it is called ma`luf, “fed,” and is very fat and the flesh very tender. Some of the meat and fat are eaten at once, but the greater part, fat and lean, is cut up fine, cooked together in a large vessel with pepper and salt, and stored in an earthen jar. This, the so-called qauramat, is used as needed through the winter.

    In the mountains the sheep are gathered at night into folds, which may be caves or enclosures of rough stones. Fierce dogs assist the shepherd in warding off the attacks of wolves, and remain at the fold through the day to guard the slight bedding and simple utensils. In going to pasture the sheep are not driven but are led, following the shepherd as he walks before them and calls to them. “When he hath put forth all his own, he goeth before them, and the sheep follow him: for they know his voice” ( John 10:4). 4. OLD TESTAMENT REFERENCES:

    The sheepfolds of Reuben on the plain of Gilead are referred to in Numbers 32:16 and Judges 5:16. A cave is mentioned in Samuel 24:3 in connection with the pursuit of David by Saul. The shepherd origin of David is referred to in Psalm 78:70: “He chose David also his servant, And took him from the sheepfolds.” Compare also 2 Samuel 7:8 and 1 Chronicles 17:7.

    The shearing of the sheep was a large operation and evidently became a sort of festival. Absalom invited the king’s sons to his sheep-shearing in Baal-hazor in order that he might find an opportunity to put Amnon to death while his heart was “merry with wine” ( 2 Samuel 13:23-29). The character of the occasion is evident also from the indignation of David at Nabal when the latter refused to provide entertainment at his sheepshearing for David’s young men who had previously protected the flocks of Nabal ( 1 Samuel 25:2-13). There is also mention of the sheepshearing of Judah ( Genesis 38:12) and of Laban ( Genesis 31:19), on which occasion Jacob stole away with his wives and children and his flocks.

    Sheep were the most important sacrificial animals, a ram or a young male being often specified. Ewes are mentioned in Leviticus 3:6; 4:32; 5:6; 14:10; 22:28; Numbers 6:14.

    In the Books of Chronicles we find statements of enormous numbers of animals consumed in sacrifice: “And king Solomon offered a sacrifice of twenty and two thousand oxen, and a hundred and twenty thousand sheep” ( 2 Chronicles 7:5); “And they sacrificed unto Yahweh in that day (in the reign of Asa) .... seven hundred oxen and seven thousand sheep” ( Chronicles 15:11); at the cleansing of the temple by Hezekiah “the consecrated things were six hundred oxen and three thousand sheep. But the priests were too few, so that they could not flay all the burnt-offerings: wherefore their brethren the Levites did help them” ( 2 Chronicles 29:33 f); and “Hezekiah king of Judah did give to the assembly for offerings a thousand bullocks and seven thousand sheep; and the princes gave to the assembly a thousand bullocks and ten thousand sheep” ( 2 Chronicles 30:24). In the account of the war of the sons of Reuben and their allies with the Hagrites, we read: “And they took away their cattle; of their camels fifty thousand, and of sheep two hundred and fifty thousand, and of asses two thousand, and of men a hundred thousand” ( 1 Chronicles 5:21). Mesha king of Moab is called a “sheep-master,” and we read that “he rendered unto the king of Israel the wool of a hundred thousand lambs, and of a hundred thousand rams” ( 2 Kings 3:4). 5. FIGURATIVE:

    Christ is represented as the Lamb of God ( Isaiah 53:7; John 1:29; Revelation 5:6). Some of the most beautiful passages in the Bible represent God as a shepherd: “From thence is the shepherd, the stone of Israel” ( Genesis 49:24); “Yahweh is my shepherd; I shall not want” ( Psalm 23:1; compare Isaiah 40:11; Ezekiel 34:12-16). Jesus said “I am the good shepherd; and I know mine own, and mine own know me .... and I lay down my life for the sheep” ( John 10:14 f). The people without leaders are likened to sheep without a shepherd ( Numbers 27:17; 1 Kings 22:17; 2 Chronicles 18:16; Ezekiel 34:5). Jesus at the Last Supper applies to Himself the words of Zechariah 13:7; “I will smite the shepherd, and the sheep of the flock shall be scattered abroad” ( Matthew 26:31; Mark 14:27). The enemies of Yahweh are compared to the fat of the sacrifice that is consumed away in smoke ( Psalm 37:20). God’s people are “the sheep of his pasture” ( Psalm 79:13; 95:7; 100:3). In sinning they become like lost sheep ( Isaiah 53:6; Jeremiah 50:6; Ezekiel 34:6; Luke 15:3 ff). In the mouth of Nathan the poor man’s one little ewe lamb is a vivid image of the treasure of which the king David has robbed Uriah the Hittite ( 2 Samuel 12:3).

    In Song 6:6, the teeth of the bride are likened to a flock of ewes. It is prophesied that “the wolf shall dwell with the lamb” ( Isaiah 11:6) and that “the wolf and the lamb shall feed together” ( Isaiah 65:25). Jesus says to His disciples, “I send you forth as sheep in the midst of wolves” ( Matthew 10:16; compare Luke 10:3). In the parable of the Good Shepherd we read: “He that is a hireling, and not a shepherd, whose own the sheep are not, beholdeth the wolf coming, and leaveth the sheep, and fleeth” ( John 10:12). Alfred Ely Day SHEEPCOTE; SHEEPFOLD <shep’-kot > , <shep’-kot > , <shep’-fold > ([ hr;deG] , gedherah ], [ hl;k]mi , mikhlah ], [ µyit”P]v]mi , mishpethayim ], [ hw,n; , naweh ]; [aujlh>, aule ]): At night the sheep are driven into a sheepfold if they are in a district where there is danger from robbers or wild beasts. These folds are simple walled enclosures ( Numbers 32:16; Judges 5:16; 2 Chronicles 32:28; Psalm 78:70; Zeph 2:6; John 10:1). On the top of the wall is heaped thorny brushwood as a further safeguard. Sometimes there is a covered hut in the corner for the shepherd. Where there is no danger the sheep huddle together in the open until daylight, while the shepherd watches over them ( Genesis 31:39; Luke 2:8). In the winter time caves are sought after ( 1 Samuel 24:3; Zeph 2:6). The antiquity of the use of some of the caves for this purpose is indicated by the thick deposit of potassium nitrate formed from the decomposition of the sheep dung. James A. Patch SHEEP GATE ([ ˆaOXh” r[“v” , sha`ar ha-tso’-n ] ( Nehemiah 3:1,32; 12:39)): One of the gates of Jerusalem, probably near the northeast corner. See JERUSALEM . For the “sheep gate” of John 5:2, see BETHESDA ; SHEEP MARKET .

    SHEEP MARKET ( John 5:2, the Revised Version (British and American) “sheep gate”):

    The Greek ([hJ probatikh>, he probatike ]) means simply something that pertains to sheep. See BETHESDA; SHEEP GATE.

    SHEEP-MASTER ([ dqenO, noqedh ], “herdsman,” 2 Kings 3:4). See SHEEP-SHEARING.

    SHEEP-SHEARING <shep’-sher-ing > : The sheep-shearing is done in the springtime, either by the owners ( Genesis 31:19; 38:13; Deuteronomy 15:19; Samuel 25:2,4) or by regular “shearers” ([ zz”G; , gazaz ]) ( 1 Samuel 25:7,11; Isaiah 53:7). There were special houses for this work in Old Testament times ( 2 Kings 10:12,14). The shearing was carefully done so as to keep the fleece whole ( Judges 6:37). The sheep of a flock are not branded but spotted. Lime or some dyestuff is painted in one or more spots on the wool of the back as a distinguishing mark. In 2 Kings 3:4, Mesha, the chief or sheikh of Moab, was a sheep-master, literally, “a sheep spotter.” James A. Patch SHEEPSKIN <shep’-skin > . See BOTTLE; DRESS; RAMS’ SKINS, etc.

    SHEEP TENDING <ten’-ding > : The Scriptural allusions to pastoral life and the similes drawn from that life are the most familiar and revered in the Bible. Among the first verses that a child learns is “The Lord is my shepherd, I shall not wants” ( Psalm 23:1 the King James Version, the English Revised Version). What follower of the Master does not love to dwell on the words of the “Good Shepherd” chapter in the Gospel of John (John 10)? Jesus must have drawn a sympathetic response when He referred to the relationship of sheep to shepherd, a relationship familiar to all His hearers and doubtless shared by some of them with their flocks. As a rule the modern traveler in the Holy Land meets with disappointment if he comes expecting to see things as they were depicted in the Bible. An exception to this is the pastoral life, which has not changed one what since Abraham and his descendants fed their flocks on the rich plateaus East of the Jordan or on the mountains of Palestine and Syria. One may count among his most prized experiences the days and nights spent under the spell of Syrian shepherd life. James A. Patch SHEERAH <she’-e-ra > ([ hr;a,]v, , she’erah ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Saara>, Saara ], Codex Vaticanus omits): A daughter of Ephraim, who, according to the Massoretic Text of 1 Chronicles 7:24 (the King James Version “Sherah”), built the two Beth-horons and Uzzen-sheerah. The verse has been suspected because elsewhere in the Old Testament the founders of cities are men. Uzzen-sheerah as a place is unidentified; Conder suggests as the site Bet Sira, a village 2 miles Southwest of the Lower Beth-horon (Mem 3 16).

    SHEET <shet > . See DRESS; compare Acts 10:11, “as it were a great sheet” ([ojqo>nh, othone ]).

    SHEHARIAH <she-ha-ri’-a > ([ hy;r]h”v] , sheharyah ]): A Benjamite ( 1 Chronicles 8:26).

    SHEKEL <shek’-’-l > , <shek’-el > , <she’-kel > , <she’-kul > ([ lq,v, , sheqel ]): A weight and a coin. The Hebrew shekel was the 50th part of a mina, and as a weight about 224 grains, and as money (silver) was worth about 2 shillings 9d., or 66 cents (in 1915). No gold shekel has been found, and hence, it is inferred that such a coin was not used; but as a certain amount of gold, by weight, it is mentioned in 2 Chronicles 3:9 and is probably intended to be supplied in 2 Kings 5:5. The gold shekel was 1/60 of the heavy Babylonian mina and weighed about 252 grains. In value it was about equal to 2 British pounds and 1 shilling, or about $10.00 (in 1915). See MONEY; WEIGHTS AND MEASURES . In the Revised Version (British and American) of Matthew 17:27 “shekel” replaces “piece of money” of the King James Version, the translation of [stath>r, stater ]. See STATER.

    H. Porter SHEKEL OF THE KING’S WEIGHT, ROYAL SHEKEL ([ Ël,M,h” ˆb,a, , ‘ebhen ha-melekh ], “stone (i.e. weight) of the king”): The shekel by which Absalom’s hair was weighed ( 2 Samuel 14:26), probably the light shekel of 130 grains. See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

    SHEKEL OF THE SANCTUARY; SACRED SHEKEL ([ vd,Qoh” lq,v, , sheqel ha-qodhesh ] (Numbers 7 passim)): The same as the silver shekel mentioned under SHEKEL (which see), except in Exodus 38:24, where it is used in measuring gold. The term is used for offerings made for sacred purposes.

    SHEKINAH <she-ki’-na > ([ hn;ykiv] , shekhinah ], “that which dwells,” from the verb [ ˆkev; , shakhen ], or [ ˆk”v; , shakhan ], “to dwell,” “reside”): This word is not found in the Bible, but there are allusions to it in Isaiah 60:2; Matthew 17:5; Luke 2:9; Romans 9:4. It is first found in the Targums. See GLORY.

    SHELAH <she’-la > ([ hl;ve , shelah ]; [ Sa>la, Sala ]): (1) The youngest son of Judah and the daughter of Shua the Canaanite ( Genesis 38:5,11,14,26; 46:12; Numbers 26:20 (16) ; Chronicles 2:3; 4:21). He gave his name to the family of the Shelanites ( Numbers 26:20 (16) ). Probably “the Shelanite” should be substituted for “the Shilonite” of Nehemiah 11:5; 1 Chronicles 9:5. (2) ([ jl;v, , shelach ]): The son or (Septuagint) grandson of Arpachshad and father of Eber ( Genesis 10:24; 11:13 (12) ,14,15; Chronicles 1:18,24; Luke 3:35). (3) Nehemiah 3:15 = “Shiloah” of Isaiah 8:6. See SILOAM.

    SHELANITES <she’-lan-its > , <she-la’-nits > . See SHELAH.

    SHELEMIAH <shel-e-mi’-a > , <she-lem’-ya > ([ hy;m]l,v, , shelemyah ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Selemia>, Selemia ], Codex Alexandrinus ([ Selemi>av, Selemias ]): (1) One of the sons of Bani who married foreign wives in the time of Ezra ( Ezra 10:39), called “Selemias” in 1 Esdras 9:34. (2) Father of Hananiah who restored part of the wall of Jerusalem ( Nehemiah 3:30) (Codex Vaticanus [ Telemia>, Telemia ], a [ Telemi>av, Telemias ]). (3) A priest who was appointed one of the treasurers to distribute the Levitical tithes by Nehemiah ( Nehemiah 13:13). (4) The father of Jehucal (or Jucal) in the reign of Zedekiah ( Jeremiah 37:3; 38:1; in the second passage the name is Shelemyahu). (5) The father of Irijah, the captain of the ward, who arrested Jeremiah as a deserter to the Chaldeans ( Jeremiah 37:13). (6) 1 Chronicles 26:14. See MESHELEMIAH. (7) Another of the sons of Bani who married foreign wives in the time of Ezra ( Ezra 10:41). It is of interest to note that the order of names in this passage — Sharai, Azarel, and Shelemiah — is almost identical with the names in Jeremiah 36:26, namely, Seraiah, Azriel, Shelemiah. (8) Ancestor of Jehudi ( Jeremiah 36:14). (9) Septuagint omits.) Son of Abdeel, one of the men sent by Jehoiakim to seize Baruch and Jeremiah after Baruch had read the “roll” in the king’s presence ( Jeremiah 36:26). Horace J. Wolf SHELEPH <she’-lef > ([ tl,v; , shaleph ], in pause; Septuagint [ Sa>lef, Saleph ]): Son of Joktan ( Genesis 10:26; 1 Chronicles 1:20). Sheleph is the name of a Yemenite tribe or district, named on Sabean inscriptions and also by Arabian geographers, located in Southern Arabia.

    SHELESH <she’-lesh > ([ vl,ve , shelesh ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Semh>, Seme ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sellh>v, Selles ], Lucian, [ Se>lem, Selem ]): An Asherite, son of Helem ( 1 Chronicles 7:35).

    SHELOMI <she-lo’-mi > , <shel’-o-mi > ([ ymilv] , shelomi ]): An Asherite ( Numbers 34:27).

    SHELOMITH <she-lo’-mith > , <shel’-o-mith > ([ tymilv] , shelomith ]; in Ezra 8:10, [ tymiwOlv] , shelomith ]): (1) The mother of the man who was stoned for blasphemy ( Leviticus 24:11) (BAF, [ Salwmei>q, Salomeith ], Lucian, [ Salmi>q, Salmith ]). (2) Daughter of Zerubbabel ( 1 Chronicles 3:19) (Codex Vaticanus [ Salwmeqei>, Salomethei ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Salwmeqi>, Salomethi ], Lucian, [ Salwmi>q, Salomith ]). (3) One of the “sons of Izhar” ( 1 Chronicles 23:18) (Codex Vaticanus [ Salwmw>q, Salomoth ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Saloumw>q, Saloumoth ], Lucian, [ Salwmi>q, Salomith ]), called “Shelomoth” in 24:22. (4) The name of a family whose representatives returned with Ezra ( Ezra 8:10) (Codex Vaticanus [ Saleimou>q, Saleimouth ]; Lucian, [ Salimw>q, Salimoth ]). The Massoretic Text here should read, “and the sons of Bani; Shelomith, son of Josiphiah”; and in 1 Esdras 8:36, “of the sons of Banias, Salimoth, son of Josaphias.” Horace J. Wolf SHELOMOTH <she-lo’-moth > , <shel’-o-moth > , -moth ([ twOmlv] , shelomoth ]): (1) An Izharite ( 1 Chronicles 24:22, Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Salwmw>q, Salomoth ]; Lucian, [ Salwmi>q, Salomith ] = “Shelomith” of 1 Chronicles 23:18). (2) A Levite descended from Eliezer ben Moses ( 1 Chronicles 26:25, Qere [ tymilv] , shelomith ]; 1 Chronicles 26:28). (3) A Gershonite ( 1 Chronicles 23:9, Qere [ tymilov] , Shelomith ]; Codex Vaticanus [ jAlwqei>m, Alotheim ], Codex Alexandrinus [ Salwmei>q, Salomeith ]).

    SHELUMIEL <she-lu’-mi-el > ([ laeymiluv] , shelumi’el ]; both the punctuation and interpretation are in doubt. Massoretic Text punctuates the first element as a passive participle; the use of the participle in compounds is common in Assyrian but rare in Hebrews (compare Gray, HPN, 200). The meaning of the present form, if it be correct, is “at peace with God” (Hommel, Ancient Hebrew Tradition, 200, “my friend is God”). Septuagint reads [ Salami>hl, Salamiel ]: Prince of the tribe of Simeon ( Numbers 1:6; 2:12; 7:36,41; 10:19). The genealogy of Judith (8:1) is carried back to this Shelumiel or Shelamiel, called there “Salamiel.” Horace J. Wolf SHEM <shem > ([ µve , shem ]; [ Sh>m, Sem ]): 1. POSITION IN NOAH’S FAMILY: HIS NAME:

    The eldest son of Noah, from whom the Jews, as well as the Semitic (“Shemitic”) nations in general have descended. When giving the names of Noah’s three sons, Shem is always mentioned first ( Genesis 9:18; 10:1, etc.); and though “the elder” in “Shem the brother of Japheth the elder” ( Genesis 10:21 margin) is explained as referring to Shem, this is not the rendering of Onkelos. His five sons peopled the greater part of West Asia’s finest tracts, from Elam on the East to the Mediterranean on the West.

    Though generally regarded as meaning “dusky” (compare the Assyr- Babylonian samu — also Ham — possibly = “black,” Japheth, “fair”), it is considered possible that Shem may be the usual Hebrew word for “name” (shem), given him because he was the firstborn — a parallel to the Assyr- Babylonian usage, in which “son,” “name” (sumu) are synonyms (W. A.

    Inscriptions, V, plural 23, 11,29-32abc). 2. HISTORY, AND THE NATIONS DESCENDED FROM HIM:

    Shem, who is called “the father of all the children of Eber,” was born when Noah had attained the age of 500 years ( Genesis 5:32). Though married at the time of the Flood, Shem was then childless. Aided by Japheth, he covered the nakedness of their father, which Ham, the youngest brother, had revealed to them; but unlike the last, Shem and Japheth, in their filial piety, approached their father walking backward, in order not to look upon him. Two years after the Flood, Shem being then 100 years old, his son Arpachshad was born ( Genesis 11:10), and was followed by further sons and daughters during the remaining 500 years which preceded Shem’s death. Noah’s prophetic blessing, on awakening from his wine, may be regarded as having been fulfilled in his descendants, who occupied Syria (Aramaic), Palestine (Canaan), Chaldea (Arpachshad), Assyria (Asshur), part of Persia (Elam), and Arabia (Joktan). In the first three of these, as well as in Elam, Canaanites had settled (if not in the other districts mentioned), but Shemites ruled, at some time or other, over the Canaanites, and Canaan thus became “his servant” ( Genesis 9:25,26).

    The tablets found in Cappadocia seem to show that Shemites (Assyrians) had settled in that district also, but this was apparently an unimportant colony. Though designated sons of Shem, some of his descendants (e.g. the Elamites) did not speak a Semitic language, while other nationalities, not his descendants (e.g. the Canaanites), did. See HAM; JAPHETH; TABLE OF NATIONS.

    T. G. Pinches SHEMA (1) <she’-ma > ([ [m;v] , shema` ]; [ Samaa>, Samaa ]): A city of Judah in the Negeb ( Joshua 15:26). If, as some think, identical with SHEBA (which see) of Joshua 19:2, then the latter must have been inserted here from Joshua 15:26. It is noticeable that the root letters ([ [mv , sh-m-` ]) were those from which Simeon is derived. Shema is probably identical with Jeshua ( Nehemiah 11:26). The place was clearly far South, and it may be Kh. Sa`wah, a ruin upon a prominent hilltop between Kh. `Attir and Khirbet el-Milch. There is a wall around the ruins, of large blocks of conglomerate flint (PEF, III, 409, Sh XXV). E. W. G. Masterman SHEMA (2) ([ [m”v, , shema `]): (1) A Reubenite ( 1 Chronicles 5:8, Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Sa>ma, Sama ], Lucian, [ Semeei>, Semeei ]). See SHIMEI. (2) One of the heads of “fathers’ houses” in Aijalon, who put to flight the inhabitants of Gath ( 1 Chronicles 8:13, Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Sa>ma, Sama ], Lucian, [ Samaa>, Samaa ]); in 1 Chronicles 8:21 he is called “Shimei.” The statement is very obscure and the whole incident is probably due to some marginal note. (3) One of those who stood at Ezra’s right during the reading of the Law ( Nehemiah 8:4, [ Samai>av, Samaias ]). He is called “Sammus” in 1 Esdras 9:43. Horace J. Wolf SHEMAAH <she-ma’-a > , <shem’-a-a > ([ h[;m;v]h” , ha-shema`-ah ]; Codex Vaticanus [ jAma>, Ama ], Codex Alexandrinus [ Samaa>, Samaa ], Lucian, [ jAsma>, Asma ]): A Benjamite, who was the father, according to the Massoretic Text, of Ahiezer and Joash; but according to the Septuagint [uiJo>v, huios ] = [ ˆB, , (ben )] instead of [ yneB] , (bene )] of Joash alone ( 1 Chronicles 12:3). The original text may have read [ [m;v;hoy] ˆB, , ben yeho-shama `] (compare [ [m;v;wOh , hoshama `], of 1 Chronicles 3:18); then a dittography of the following [ h , (h)] caused the error (Curtis, ICC).

    SHEMAIAH <she-ma’-ya > , <she-mi’-a > ([ hy;[]m”v] , shema`yah ] (in 2 Chronicles 11:2; 17:8; 31:15; 35:9; Jeremiah 26:20; 29:24; 36:12, shema`yahu ), “Jahveh hears”): The name is most frequently borne by priests, Levites and prophets. (1) Codex Vaticanus [ Sammai>av, Sammaias ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Samai>av, Samaias ] ( 2 Chronicles 12:5,7). A prophet who, together with Ahijah, protested against Rehoboam’s contemplated war against the ten revolted tribes ( 1 Kings 12:22-24 = 2 Chronicles 11:2-4). He declared that the rebellion had divine sanction. The second Greek account knows nothing of Ahijah in this connection and introduces Shemaiah at the gathering at Shechem where both Jeroboam and Rehoboam were present; it narrates that on this occasion Shemaiah (not Ahijah) rent his garment and gave ten parts to Jeroboam to signify the ten tribes over which he was to become king. (This version, however, is not taken very seriously, because of its numerous inconsistencies.) Shemaiah also prophesied at the invasion of Judah by Shishak ( 2 Chronicles 12:5-7). His message was to the effect that as the princes of Israel had humbled themselves, God’s wrath against their idolatrous practices would not be poured out upon Jerusalem by the hand of Shishak ( 2 Chronicles 13:7). He is mentioned as the author of a history of Rehoboam ( 2 Chronicles 12:15). (2) Son of Shecaniah ( 1 Chronicles 3:22, [ Samaia>, Samaia ]), a descendant of Zerubbabel. This is also the name of one of the men who helped to repair the wall ( Nehemiah 3:29, [ Semei>a, Semeia ] ([ a ]) (compare Curtis, ICC, in 1 Chronicles 3:17-24)). (3) A Simeonite ( 1 Chronicles 4:37, Codex Vaticanus [ Sumew>n, Sumeon ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Samai>av, Samaias ]), identical, perhaps, with the Shimei of 1 Chronicles 4:26,27. (4) A Reubenite ( 1 Chronicles 5:4, Codex Vaticanus [ Semeei>, Semeei ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Semei>n, Semein ]), called Shema in 1 Chronicles 5:8. (5) A Merarite Levite ( 1 Chronicles 9:14; Nehemiah 11:15, [ Samaia>, Samaia ]), one of those who dwelt in Jerusalem. (6) A Levite of the family of Jeduthun, father of Obadiah or Abda ( Chronicles 9:16, [ Sameia>, Sameia ], Codex Alexandrinus [ Sami>av, Samias ], called “Shammua” in Nehemiah 11:17). (7) Head of the Levitical Kohathite clan of Elizaphan in the time of David ( 1 Chronicles 15:8, Codex Vaticanus [ Samai>av, Samaias ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Semaia>, Samaia ]; Codex Sinaiticus [ Same>av, Sameas ]; 1 Chronicles 15:11, Codex Vaticanus [ Sami>av, Samias ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Semei>av, Semeias ]; Codex Sinaiticus [ Samai>, Samai ]). He may be the same person as (8) . (8) The scribe ( 1 Chronicles 24:6), the son of Nethanel, who registered the names of the priestly courses. (9) A Korahite Levite, eldest son of Obed-edom ( 1 Chronicles 26:4,6, Codex Vaticanus [ Samai>av, Samaias ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Samei>av, Sameias ]; 1 Chronicles 26:7, Codex Vaticanus [ Samai>, Samai ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Semei>a, Semeia ]). (10) A Levite ( 2 Chronicles 17:8, Codex Vaticanus [ Samou>av, Samouas ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Samoui>av, Samouias ]). One of the commission appointed by Jehoshaphat to teach the book of the Law in Judah. The names of the commissioners as a whole belong to a period later than the 9th century. (Gray, HPN, 231). (11) One of the men “over the free-will offerings of God” ( 2 Chronicles 31:15, [ Semeei>, Semeei ]). (12) A Levite of the family of Jeduthun in the reign of Hezekiah ( Chronicles 29:14), one of those who assisted in the purification of the Temple. (13) A chief of the Levites ( 2 Chronicles 35:9), called “Samaias” in Septuagint and 1 Esdras 1:9. (14) A “chief man” under Ezra ( Ezra 8:16), called “Maasmas” and “Samaias” in 1 Esdras 8:43,44. (15) A member of the family of Adonikam ( Ezra 8:13, Codex Vaticanus [ Samai>a, Samaia ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Samaeia>, Samaeia ]; “Samaias” in 1 Esdras 8:39). (16) A priest of the family of Harim who married a foreign wife ( Ezra 10:21), called “Sameus” in 1 Esdras 9:21. (17) A layman of the family of Harim who married a foreign wife ( Ezra 10:31), called “Sabbeus” in 1 Esdras 9:32. (18) A prophet ( Nehemiah 6:10-14, Codex Vaticanus [ Semeei>, Semeei ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Semei>, Semei ]), employed by Sanballat and Tobiah to frighten Nehemiah and hinder the rebuilding of the wall. (19) One of the 24 courses of priests, 16th under Zerubbabel ( Nehemiah 12:6, Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Semei>av, Semeias ]), 15th under Joiakim ( Nehemiah 12:18; Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Semei>a, Semeia ]), and 21st under Nehemiah ( Nehemiah 10:8, [ Samaia>, Samaia ]), mentioned in connection with the dedication of the wall. (20) A priest, descendant of Asaph ( Nehemiah 12:35). (21) A singer (or clan) participating in the dedication of the wall ( Nehemiah 12:36). (22) Father of the prophet Urijah ( Jeremiah 26:20, Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Samai>av, Samaias ]; Codex Sinaiticus [ Mase>av, Maseas ]). (23) A false prophet who was upbraided by Jeremiah (29:24-32) for attempting to hinder his work. He is styled “the Nehelamite” and was among those carried into captivity with Jehoiachin. In opposition to Jeremiah, he predicted a speedy ending to the captivity. Jeremiah foretold the complete destruction of Shemaiah’s family. (24) Father of Delaiah, who was a prince in the reign of Zedekiah ( Jeremiah 36:12). (25) “The great,” kinsman of Tobias (Tobit 5:13). Horace J. Wolf SHEMARIAH <shem-a-ri’-a > , <she-mar’-ya > ([ hy;r]m”v] , shemaryah ] and [ Why;r]m”v] , shemaryahu ], “whom Jahveh guards”): (1) A Benjamite warrior who joined David at Ziklag ( 1 Chronicles 12:5, Codex Vaticanus [ Sammaraia>, Sammaraia ]; Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Samaria>, Samaria ]; Lucian, [ Samari>av, Samarias ]). (2) A son of Rehoboam ( 2 Chronicles 11:19). (3) One of the sons of Harim who had married foreign wives ( Ezra 10:32, Codex Vaticanus [ Samareia>, Samareia ], Lucian, [ Samari>av, Samarias ]; Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Semaria>, Semaria ]). (4) One of the sons of Bani who had married foreign wives ( Ezra 10:41, Codex Alexandrinus [ Samarei>av, Samareias ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Samareia>, Samareia ]; Lucian, [ Samari>av, Samarias ]). Horace J. Wolf SHEMEBER <shem-e’-ber > , <shem’-e-ber > ([ rb,aem]v, , shem’-ebher ]): The king of Zeboiim ( Genesis 14:2). See SHINAB.

    SHEMED <she’-med > . See SHEMER, (4).

    SHEMER <she’-mer > ([ rm,v, , shemer ]; [ Se>mhr, Semer ], Lucian, [ Se>mmhr, Semmer ]): (1) The owner of the hill which Omri bought and which became the site of Samaria ( 1 Kings 16:24, [ ˆwOrm]vo , shomeron ]). Shemer may be an ancient clan name. The fact, however, that the mountain was called Shomeron when Omri bought it makes one doubt that the city of Samaria was named after Shemer; the passage is questionable. The real etymology of Samaria roots it in “watch mountain” (see Stade, Zeitschrift, 165 f). (2) A Merarite ( 1 Chronicles 6:46 (31) , [ Se>mmhr, Semmer ]). (3) An Asherite ( 1 Chronicles 7:34, A and Lucian, [ Sw>mhr, Somer ]), called “Shomer” in 1 Chronicles 7:32. (4) A Benjamite ( 1 Chronicles 8:12, Codex Vaticanus [ Sh>mhr, Semer ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Se>mhr, Semmer ]; Lucian, [ Samaih>l, Samaiel ]); the Revised Version (British and American) “Shemed,” the King James Version “Shamed.”

    The Hebrew manuscripts differ; some read “Shemer,” others “Shemedh.” Horace J. Wolf SHEMIDA; SHEMIDAH; SHEMIDAITES <she-mi’-da > , <she-mi’-da-its > ([ [d;ymiv] , shemidha ]): A Gileadite clan belonging to Manasseh ( Numbers 26:32; Joshua 17:2, Codex Vaticanus [ Sumarei>m, Sumareim ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Semirae>, Semirae ]; Lucian, [ Samida>e, Samidae ]; 1 Chronicles 7:19, the King James Version “Shemidah,” after whom the Shemidaites ( Numbers 26:32) were called).

    SHEMINITH <shem’-i-nith > . See MUSIC; PSALMS.

    SHEMIRAMOTH <she-mir’-a-moth > , <she-mi’-ra-moth > , <shem-i-ra’-moth > ([ twOmr;ymiv] , shemiramoth ]; in 2 Chronicles 17:8, Kethibh [ twmyrmv , shemiramoth ]; [ Semeiramw>q, Semeiramoth ]): The name of a Levitical family. In 1 Chronicles 15:18,20; 16:5 Shemiramoth is listed among the names of David’s choirs; in 2 Chronicles 17:8 the same name is given among the Levites delegated by Jehoshaphat to teach the Law in the cities of Judah. According to Schrader (KAT (2) , 366) the name is to be identified with the Assyrian Sammuramat; the latter occurs as a woman’s name on the monuments, more especially on the statues of Nebo from Nimrod. Another suggestion is that Shemiramoth was originally a placename meaning “image of Shemiram” (= name of Ram or “the Exalted One”). Horace J. Wolf SHEMITES <shem’-its > . See SEMITES.

    SHEMUEL <she-mu’-el > , <shem’-u-el > ([ laeWmv] , shemu’el ], “name of God” (?) ( 1 Chronicles 6:33 (18) ); the Revised Version (British and American) Samuel, the prophet (see SAMUEL ); compare Gray, HPN, 200, note 3): (1) The Simeonite appointed to assist in the division of the land ( Numbers 34:20). The Massoretic Text should be emended to [ laeymiluv] , shelumi’el ], to correspond with the form found in Numbers 1:6; 2:12; 7:36,41; 10:19. Septuagint has uniformly [ Salamih>l, Salamiel ]. (2) Grandson of Issachar ( 1 Chronicles 7:2) (Codex Vaticanus [ jIsamouh>l, Isamouel ]; Codex Alexandrinus and Lucian, [ Samouh>l, Samouel ]).

    SHEN <shen > ([ ˆveh” , ha-shen ], “the tooth” or “peak”; [th~v palaia~v, tes palaias ]): A place named only in 1 Samuel 7:12 to indicate the position of the stone set up by Samuel in connection with the victory over the Philistines, “between Mizpah and Shen.” The Septuagint evidently reads yashan , “old.” Probably we should here read yeshanah , as in Chronicles 13:19 (OHL, under the word). Then it may be represented by `Ain Sinia, to the North of Beitin.

    SHENAZAR <she-na’-zar > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SHENAZZAR (which see).

    SHENAZZAR <she-naz’-ar > ([ rX”a”n]v, , shen’atstsar ]): A son of Jeconiah (Jehoiachin) and uncle of Zerubbabel ( 1 Chronicles 3:18, Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Sa>nesar, Sanesar ]; Lucian, [ Sa>nasar, Sanasar ]; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.)

    Sennaser, Senneser). It is highly probable that Sheshbazzar ( Ezra 1:8,11), “the prince of Judah,” and Shenazzar are identical (so Meyer, Rothstein, etc.). The name is difficult; some suggest a corruption of [ rxalbvwv , shushbalatstsar ], and as equivalent to Sin-usur, “Sin (the moon-god) protect.”

    SHENIR <she’-ner > ([ rynic] , senir ], [ rynic] , shenir ]): Only found in Song 4:8 (Massoretic Text). See SENIR.

    SHEOL <she’-ol > ([ lwOav] , she’ol ]): 1. THE NAME:

    This word is often translated in the King James Version “grave” (e.g. Genesis 37:35; 1 Samuel 2:6; Job 7:9; 14:13; Psalm 6:5; 49:14; Isaiah 14:11, etc.) or “hell” (e.g. Deuteronomy 32:22; Psalm 9:17; 18:5; Isaiah 14:9; Amos 9:2, etc.); in 3 places by “pit” ( Numbers 16:30,33; Job 17:16). It means really the unseen world, the state or abode of the dead, and is the equivalent of the Greek Haides , by which word it is translated in Septuagint. The English Revisers have acted somewhat inconsistently in leaving “grave” or “pit” in the historical books and putting “Sheol” in the margin, while substituting “Sheol” in the poetical writings, and putting “grave” in the margin (“hell” is retained in Isaiah 14). Compare their “Preface.” The American Revisers more properly use “Sheol” throughout. The etymology of the word is uncertain. A favorite derivation is from sha’al , “to ask” (compare Proverbs 1:12; 27:20; 30:15,16; Isaiah 5:14; Habakkuk 2:5); others prefer the sha’al , “to be hollow.” The Babylonians are said to have a similar word Sualu, though this is questioned by some. 2. THE ABODE OF THE DEAD:

    Into Sheol, when life is ended, the dead are gathered in their tribes and families. Hence, the expression frequently occurring in the Pentateuch, “to be gathered to one’s people,” “to go to one’s fathers,” etc. ( Genesis 15:15; 25:8,17; 49:33; Numbers 20:24,28; 31:2; Deuteronomy 32:50; 34:5). It is figured as an under-world ( Isaiah 44:23; Ezekiel 26:20, etc.), and is described by other terms, as “the pit” ( Job 33:24; Psalm 28:1; 30:3; Proverbs 1:12; Isaiah 38:18, etc.), ABADDON (which see) or Destruction ( Job 26:6; 28:22; Proverbs 15:11), the place of “silence” ( Psalm 94:17; 115:17), “the land of darkness and the shadow of death” ( Job 10:21 f). It is, as the antithesis of the living condition, the synonym for everything that is gloomy, inert, insubstantial (the abode of Rephaim, “shades,” Job 26:5;, Proverbs 2:18; 21:16; Isaiah 14:9; 26:14). It is a “land of forgetfulness,” where God’s “wonders” are unknown ( Psalm 88:10-12). There is no remembrance or praise of God ( Psalm 6:5; 88:12; 115:17, etc.). In its darkness, stillness, powerlessness, lack of knowledge and inactivity, it is a true abode of death (see DEATH ); hence, is regarded by the living with shrinking, horror and dismay ( Psalm 39:13; Isaiah 38:17-19), though to the weary and troubled it may present the aspect of a welcome rest or sleep ( Job 3:17-22; 14:12 f). The Greek idea of Hades was not dissimilar. (1) Not a State of Unconsciousness.

    Yet it would be a mistake to infer, because of these strong and sometimes poetically heightened contrasts to the world of the living, that Sheol was conceived of as absolutely a place without consciousness, or some dim remembrance of the world above. This is not the case. Necromancy rested on the idea that there was some communication between the world above and the world below ( Deuteronomy 18:11); a Samuel could be summoned from the dead ( 1 Samuel 28:11-15); Sheol from beneath was stirred at the descent of the king of Babylon ( Isaiah 14:9 ff). The state is rather that of slumbrous semi-consciousness and enfeebled existence from which in a partial way the spirit might temporarily be aroused. Such conceptions, it need hardly be said, did not rest on revelation, but were rather the natural ideas formed of the future state, in contrast with life in the body, in the absence of revelation. (2) Not Removed from God’s Jurisdiction.

    It would be yet more erroneous to speak with Dr. Charles (Eschatology, 35 ff) of Sheol as a region “quite independent of Yahwe, and outside the sphere of His rule.” “Sheol is naked before God,” says Job, “and Abaddon hath no covering” ( Job 26:6). “If I make my bed in Sheol,” says the Psalmist, “behold thou art there” ( <19D908> Psalm 139:8). The wrath of Yahweh burns unto the lowest Sheol ( Deuteronomy 32:22). As a rule there is little sense of moral distinctions in the Old Testament representations of Sheol, yet possibly these are not altogether wanting (on the above and others points in theology of Sheol). See ESCHATOLOGY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. (3) Relation to Immortality.

    To apprehend fully the Old Testament conception of Sheol one must view it in its relation to the idea of death as something unnatural and abnormal for man; a result of sin. The believer’s hope for the future, so far as this had place, was not prolonged existence in Sheol, but deliverance from it and restoration to new life in God’s presence ( Job 14:13-15; 19:25-27; Psalm 16:10,11; 17:15; 49:15; 73:24-26; see IMMORTALITY; ESCHATOLOGY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT; RESURRECTION ). Dr.

    Charles probably goes too far in thinking of Sheol in Psalms 49 and 73 as “the future abode of the wicked only; heaven as that of the righteous” (op. cit., 74); but different destinies are clearly indicated. 3. POST-CANONICAL PERIOD:

    There is no doubt, at all events, that in the postcanonical Jewish literature (the Apocrypha and apocalyptic writings) a very considerable development is manifest in the idea of Sheol. Distinction between good and bad in Israel is emphasized; Sheol becomes for certain classes an intermediate state between death and resurrection; for the wicked and for Gentiles it is nearly a synonym for Gehenna (hell). For the various views, with relevant literature on the whole subject, see ESCHATOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT ; also DEATH; HADES; HELL , etc. James Orr SHEPHAM <she’-fam > ([ µp;v] , shepham ]; [ Sepfa>mar, Sepphamar ]): A place, probably a hill town, on the ideal eastern boundary of Israel, named in Numbers 34:10, but omitted in Ezekiel 47:15-18. It lay between Hazar-enan and Harbel (Massoretic Text: “Hariblah”), which must have been in the neighborhood of Hermon. The word means a “naked” place, and doubtless indicates one of the barer midway ridges of Anti-Lebanon. It was probably the native place of Zabdi the Shiphmite, who was David’s chief vine-gardener ( 1 Chronicles 27:27).

    SHEPHATIAH <shef-a-ti’-a > , <she-fat’-ya > ([ hy;f]p”v] , shephaTyah ], “Yah has judged”): (1) A son of David, by Abital ( 2 Samuel 3:4; 1 Chronicles 3:3). (2) A Benjamite, father of Meshullam, of Jerusalem ( 1 Chronicles 9:8). (3) A Benjamite, who joined David at Ziklag ( 1 Chronicles 12:5). (4) A prince of the Simeonites in the time of David ( 1 Chronicles 27:16). (5) A son of King Jehoshaphat ( 2 Chronicles 21:2). (6) A family, 372 of whom returned with Zerubbabel ( Ezra 2:4; Nehemiah 7:9); 80 more males of this family, with their head, returned with Ezra ( Ezra 8:8). (7) A servant of Solomon, 392 of whose descendants returned with Zerubbabel ( Ezra 2:57 f; Nehemiah 7:59 f); “Saphat” in 1 Esdras 5:9 and “Saphatias” in 1 Esdras 8:34. (8) A Perezzite (Judahite), some of whose descendants dwelt at Jerusalem in the time of Nehemiah ( Nehemiah 11:4). (9) A son of Mattan, a contemporary of Jeremiah ( Jeremiah 38:1). James Orr SHEPHELAH <shef-e’-la > ([ hl;peV]h” , ha-shephelah ]; [sefhla>, sephela ], [safhla>, saphela ]): 1. NAME AND REFERENCES:

    The word denotes “lowland,” and is variously rendered in the King James Version. It is “vale” in Deuteronomy 1:7; Joshua 10:40; 1 Kings 10:27; 2 Chronicles 1:15; Jeremiah 33:13; “valley” in Joshua 9:1; 11:2,16; 12:8; 15:33; Judges 1:9; Jeremiah 32:44; “low plain” in 1 Chronicles 27:28; 2 Chronicles 9:27; “plain” in Jeremiah 17:26; Obidiah 1:19; Zechariah 7:7; and “low country” in 2 Chronicles 28:18. the Revised Version (British and American) renders uniformly “lowland.” As the word always occurs with the definite article, indicating a distinct district, it might have been well to retain it without translation. The boundaries of the district are clearly marked and include much broken country; the hills being low compared with the mountains to the East, but much higher than the plain that runs to the shore. If a translation was to be made, perhaps “lowlands” would have been the best, as applied to the “Lowlands” of Scotland, “which likewise are not entirely plain, but have their groups and ranges of hills” (HGHL, 203). In the wide sense the Shephelah included the territory originally given to the tribe of Dan, and also a considerable part of Western and Southwestern Judea. At an early day the tribes of Daniel and Simeon were practically absorbed by Judah, and hence, we find in Joshua 15 many cities in the Shephelah which belonged to that tribe (LB, I, 211). 2. DISTRICTS AND FEATURES: (1) The sites of many ancient cities named in the Shephelah have been identified. They all lie within the strip of hill country that runs along the western base of the mountains of Judah, terminating in the North at the Valley of Aijalon. Once indeed the name appears to apply to the low hills North of this ( Joshua 11:16, `the mount of Israel and its Shephelah’). Every other reference applies only to the South.

    Principal G. A. Smith has pointed out the difference between the district to the N. and that to the S. of Aijalon (HGHL, 203 ff). “North of Ajalon the low hills which run out on Sharon are connected with the high mountains behind them. You ascend to the latter from Sharon either by long sloping ridges, such as that which today carries the telegraph wire and the high road from Jaffa to Nablus; or else you climb up terraces, such as the succession of ranges closely built upon one another by which the country rises from Lydda to Bethel. That is, the low hills west of Samaria are (to use the Hebrew phrase) [‘ashedhoth], or slopes of the central range, and not a separate group. But South of Ajalon the low hills do not so hang upon the Central Range, but are separated from the mountains of Judah by a series of valleys, both wide and narrow, which run all the way from Ajalon to near Beersheba; and it is only when the low hills are thus flung off the Central Range into an independent group, separating Judea from Philistia, that the name Shephelah seems to be applied to them.” (2) On the East of the Shephelah, then, taking the name in this more limited sense, rises the steep wall of the mountain, into which access is gained only by narrow and difficult defiles. The hills of the Shephelah are from 500 to 800 ft. high, with nothing over 1,500. The formation is soft limestone. In the valleys and upland plains there is much excellent land which supports a fairly good population still. Wheat, barley and olives are the chief products. But ancient wine presses cut in the rocks testify to the culture of the vine in old times. The district is almost entirely dependent on the rain for its water-supply. This is collected in great cisterns, partly natural. The rocks are in many places honeycombed with caves.

    The western boundary is not so definite as that on the East. Some have held that it included the Philistine plain. This contention draws support from the mention of the Philistine cities immediately after those of Judah, which are said to be in the Shephelah ( Joshua 15:45 ff; these verses can hardly be ruled out as of a later date). On the other hand the Philistines are said to have invaded the cities of the Shephelah ( 2 Chronicles 28:18), which implies that it was outside their country. In later times the Talmud (Jerusalem, Shebhi`ith 9 2) distinguishes the Mountain, the Shephelah, and the Plain. See, however, discussion in Buhl (GAP, 104, n.; and G. A.

    Smith, The Expositor, 1896, 404 ff). 3. THE FIVE VALLEYS:

    The Shephelah is crossed by five wide valleys which furnish easy access from the plain. These are of importance chiefly because from each of them a way, crossing the “foss,” enters one of the defiles by which alone armies could approach the uplands of Judea. The hills of Judea are much steeper on the east than on the west, where they fall toward Philistia in long-rolling hills, forming the Shephelah. (1) Vale of Aijalon: The most noteworthy of these is the Vale of Aijalon. It winds its way first in a northeasterly direction, past the Beth-horons, then, turning to the Southeast, it reaches the plateau at el-Jib, the ancient Gibeon, fully 5 miles Northwest of Jerusalem. This is the easiest of all the avenues leading from the plain to the heights, and it is the one along which the tides of battle most frequently rolled from the days of Joshua ( Joshua 10:12) to those of the Maccabees (1 Macc 3:16 ff, etc.). It occupies also a prominent place in the records of the Crusades. (2) Wady ec-Surar: Wady ec-Surar, the Valley of Sorek, crosses the Shephelah South of Gezer, and pursues a tortuous course past Beth-shemesh and Kiriathjearim to the plateau Southwest of Jerusalem. This is the line followed by the Jaffa-Jerus Railway. (3) Wady ec-Sunt: Wady ec-Sunt runs eastward from the North of Tell ec-Safieh (Gath) up the Vale of Elah to its confluence with Wady ec-Sur which comes in from the South near Khirbet Shuweikeh (Socoh); and from that point, as Wady el-Jindy, pursues its way South of Timnah to the uplands West of Bethlehem. (4) Wady el-`Afranj: Wady el-`Afranj crosses the plain from Ashdod (Esdud), passes Beit Jibrin (Eleutheropolis), and winds up through the mountains toward Hebron. (5) Wady el-Chesy: Wady el-Chesy, from the sea about 7 miles North of Gaza, runs eastward with many windings, passes to the North of Lachish, and finds its way to the plateau some 6 miles Southwest of Hebron.

    From the Shephelah thus opened the gateways by which Judea and Jerusalem might be assailed: and the course of these avenues determined the course of much of the history. It is evident that the shephelah lay open to attack from both sides, and for centuries it was the debatable land between Israel and the Philistines. The ark for a time sojourned in this region ( 1 Samuel 5:6 f). In this district is laid the scene of Samson’s exploits (Judges 14 through 16). The scene of David’s memorable victory over the giant was in the Wady ec-Sunt, between Socoh and Azekah ( <091701> Samuel 17:1). David found refuge here in the cave of Adullam ( <092201> Samuel 22:1). For picturesque and vivid accounts of the Shephelah and of the part it played in history see Smith, HGHL, 201 ff; A. Henderson, Palestine, Its Historical Geography, 1894. W. Ewing SHEPHER <she’-fer > ([ rp,v, , shepher ], “beauty”): A mount near which the Israelites encamped ( Numbers 33:23 f). See WANDERINGS OF ISRAEL.

    SHEPHERD <shep’-erd > ([ h[,ro , ro`eh ], [ y[ir , ro`i ]; [poimh>n, poimen ], “a feeder”):

    The sheep owner frequently tends the flocks himself ( Genesis 4:4; 30:40; compare Ezekiel 34:12), but more often he delegates the work to his children ( Genesis 29:9; 1 Samuel 16:19; 17:15) or relatives ( Genesis 31:6). In such cases the sheep have good care because the keepers have a personal interest in the well-being of the animals, but when they are attended by a hireling ( 1 Samuel 17:20) the flocks may be neglected or abused ( Isaiah 56:10,11; Ezekiel 34:8,10; Zechariah 11:15,17; John 10:12). The chief care of the shepherd is to see that the sheep find plenty to eat and drink. The flocks are not fed in pens or folds, but, summer and winter, must depend upon foraging for their sustenance ( Psalm 23:2). In the winter of 1910-11 an unprecedented storm ravaged Northern Syria. It was accompanied by a snowfall of more than 3 ft., which covered the ground for weeks. During that time, hundreds of thousands of sheep and goats perished, not so much from the cold as from the fact that they could get no food. Goats hunt out the best feeding-grounds, but sheep are more helpless and have to be led to their food (compare Numbers 27:16,17); nor do they possess the instinct of many other animals for finding their way home (compare Ezekiel 34:6-8). Flocks should be watered at least once a day. Where there are springs or streams this is an easy matter. Frequently the nearest water is hours away. One needs to travel in the dry places in Syria or Palestine, and then enter the watered valleys like those in Edom where the flocks are constantly being led for water, to appreciate the Psalmist’s words, “He leadcth me beside still waters.” Sometimes water can be obtained by digging shallow wells ( Genesis 26:18-22,25,32). The shepherd frequently carries with him a pail from which the sheep can drink when the water is not accessible to them. On the mountain tops the melting snows supply the needed water. In other districts it is drawn from deep wells ( Genesis 29:2; John 4:6).

    The usual time for watering is at noon, at which time the flocks are led to the watering-places ( Genesis 29:2,3). After drinking, the animals lie down or huddle together in the shade of a rock while the shepherd sleeps.

    At the first sound of his call, which is usually a peculiar guttural sound, hard to imitate, the flock follow off to new feeding-grounds. Even should two shepherds call their flocks at the same time and the sheep be intermingled, they never mistake their own master’s voice ( John 10:3-5).

    The shepherd’s equipment is a simple one. His chief garment is a cloak woven from wool or made from sheepskins. This is sleeveless, and so made that it hangs like a cloak on his shoulders. When he sleeps he curls up under it, head and all. During the summer a lighter, short-sleeved `aba or coat is worn. He carries a staff or club (see STAFF), and a characteristic attitude is to make a rest for his arms by placing his staff on his shoulders against the back of his neck. When an especially productive spot is found, the shepherd may pass the time, while the animals are grazing, by playing on his pipe ( Judges 5:16). He sometimes carries a sling ([ [l”q, , qela `]) of goat’s hair ( 1 Samuel 17:40). His chief belongings are kept in a skin pouch or bag ([ yliK] , keli ]) ( 1 Samuel 17:40). This bag is usually a whole tawed skin turned wrong side out, with the legs tied up and the neck forming the opening. He is usually aided in the keeping and the defending of the sheep by a dog ( Job 30:1). In Syria the Kurdish dogs make the best protectors of the sheep, as, unlike the cowardly city dogs, they are fearless and will drive away the wild beasts. The shepherd is often called upon to aid the dogs in defending the sheep ( Genesis 31:39; Samuel 17:34,35; Isaiah 31:4; Jeremiah 5:6; Amos 3:12).

    FIGURATIVE:

    The frequent use of the word “shepherd” to indicate a spiritual overseer is familiar to Bible readers ( Psalm 23:1; 80:1; Ecclesiastes 12:11; Isaiah 40:4; 63:14; Jeremiah 31:10; Ezekiel 34:23; 37:24; John 21:15-17; Ephesians 4:11; 1 Peter 5:1-4). We still use the term “pastor,” literally, “a shepherd.” Leaders in temporal affairs were also called shepherds ( Genesis 47:17 margin; Isaiah 44:28; 63:11). “Sheep without a shepherd” typified individuals or nations who had forgotten Yahweh ( Numbers 27:17; 1 Kings 22:17; 2 Chronicles 18:16; Ezekiel 34:5,8; Zechariah 10:2; Matthew 9:36; Mark 6:34).

    Jesus is spoken of as the good shepherd ( John 10:14); chief shepherd (1 Pet 5:4); great shepherd ( Hebrews 13:20); the one shepherd ( John 10:16). “He will feed his flock like a shepherd, he will gather the lambs in his arm, and carry them in his bosom, and will gently lead those that have their young” ( Isaiah 40:11) is a picture drawn from pastoral life of Yahweh’s care over His children. A strong sympathy for helpless animals, though sometimes misdirected, is a marked characteristic of the people of Bible lands. The birth of offspring in a flock often occurs far off on the mountain side. The shepherd solicitously guards the mother during her helpless moments and picks up the lamb and carries it to the fold. For the few days, until it is able to walk, he may carry it in his arms or in the loose folds of his coat above his girdle. See also SHEEP.

    James A. Patch SHEPHI, SHEPHO <she’-fi > , <she’-fo > ([ ypiv] , shephi ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Sw>b, Sob ], Codex Alexandrinus [ Swfa>r, Sophar ]; Lucian, [ Sapfei>, Sapphei ] ( Chronicles 1:40); or Shepho, [ wOpv] , shepho ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sw>f, Soph ]; Lucian, [ Swfa>n, Sophan ] ( Genesis 36:23)): A Horite chief.

    SHEPHUPHAM, SHEPHUPHAN <she-fu’-fam > or <she-fu’-fan > ([ µp;Wpv] , shephupham ]; Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Swfa>n, Sophan ]; Lucian, [ Sofa>n, Sophan ] ( Numbers 26:39 (43) ); or Shephuphan, [ ˆp;Wpv] , shephuphan ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Swfarfa>k, Sopharphak ], Codex Alexandrinus [ Swfa>n, Sophan ], Lucian, [ Sepfa>m, Seppham ] ( 1 Chronicles 8:5), “a kind of serpent,” Gray, HPN, 95): Eponym of a Benjamite family. The name occurs in Genesis 46:21 as “Muppim” and in 1 Chronicles 7:12,15; 26:16 as “Shuppim.” It is almost impossible to arrive at the original form; the gentilic “Shuphamites” appears in Numbers 26:39 (43) .

    SHERAH <she’-ra > . See SHEERAH.

    SHERD <shurd > . See POTSHERD.

    SHEREBIAH <sher-e-bi’-a > , <she-reb’-ya > ([ hy;b]reve , sherebhyah ], “God has sent burning heat”(?); the form is doubtful): A post-exilic priest and family.

    Sherebiah, who joined Ezra at the river Ahava ( Ezra 8:18; the Septuagint omits), and had charge, along with eleven others, of the silver and gold and vessels for the Temple ( Ezra 8:24, Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Saraia>, Saraia ], Lucian, [ Sarabi>av, Sarabias ]).

    He aided in the exposition of the Law ( Nehemiah 8:7), was among those who made public confession ( Nehemiah 9:4) and sealed the covenant ( Nehemiah 10:12 (13) ). His name also appears in Nehemiah 12:8,24. In every passage listed above except 10:12 (13) , Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus read [ Sarabi>a, Sarabia ], Lucian, [ Sarabi>av, Sarabias ]. In 1 Esdras 8:47 the name appears as “Asebebia,” the Revised Version (British and American) “Asebebias”; in Esdras 8:54, “Esebrias,” the Revised Version (British and American) “Eserebias,” and 1 Esdras 9:48, “Sarabias.” Many of the companion-names on the lists are plainly ethnic (Cheyne). Horace J. Wolf SHERESH <she’-resh > , [ vr,v; , sharesh ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Sou~rov, Souros ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ So>rov, Soros ], Lucian, [ Fa>rev, Phares ], [ Fo>rov, Phoros ]): A Machirite name in a genealogy of Manasseh ( 1 Chronicles 7:16).

    SHEREZER <she-re’-zer > ( Zechariah 7:2 the King James Version). See SHAREZER.

    SHERGHAT, ASSHUR, ASSUR <shur’-gat > , <sher’-gat > : The name of the first capital city of Assyria is known by the Arabs as Qala’ at Sherghat, or the Fortress of Sherghat. Its ancient name was Asshur or Assur ( Genesis 10:11 margin). From it was derived the name of the country, Assyria, and of the people, Assyrians. The date of the founding of the city is not known. Apparently about 2000 BC a colony of Babylonians migrated northward along the Tigris River and settled upon the right shore about halfway between the Upper and Lower Zab, or halfway between the modern cities of Mosul and Bagdad. Assur, the local deity of the place, became the national god of Assyria. It is uncertain whether the deity gave the name to the city, or the city to the deity, but probably an early shrine of Assur stood there, and the people, building their city about it, became known as the Assyrians. At first the city was a Bah dependency, governed by priests from Babylonia. In time, as the city acquired a political significance, the power of the priesthood declined; allegiance to Babylonia ceased, and the Assyrian empire came into existence. About 1200 BC the political power had so increased that a new capital, Nimrud (Calah) was built to the North near the junction of the Upper Zab with the Tigris. In 722 BC the capital was transferred by Sargon to his new city, Dur-Sharrukin, and in 705 BC Sennacherib enlarged Nineveh, and it remained the capital city till the fall of the empire in 606 BC. Assur, however, as the seat of the national deity, never ceased to be the chief religious center.

    The mounds of Assur are among the largest in Mesopotamia. They rise abruptly from the Tigris, which they follow for about half a mile, and extend a quarter of a mile inland. In the surrounding plain are other mounds, marking the sites of temples, and indicating that a part of the city was without the walls. At the northern end the mounds are surmounted by a high conical peak, which represents the tower or ziggurat of the temple of Assur.

    Of the early excavators Layard and Rassam examined the ruins, but the fanaticism of the surrounding Arabs prevented extensive excavations. In 1904 Dr. W. Andrae, for the Deutsche Orientgesellschaft, began the systematic excavations which have been continued by Dr. P. Maresch for ten years. Discoveries of the greatest importance have been made. The city was found to have been surrounded on the land side by a double wall. The space between the walls, several rods in width, was occupied by houses, possibly the homes of the soldiers. The base of the outer wall was of stone; above it were mud bricks strengthened at intervals with courses of burned bricks. Along the outer upper edge was a parapet, protected by battlements. From the floor of the parapet small holes were bored vertically downward, so that the soldiers, without exposing themselves, might discharge their arrows at the enemy close to the base of the wall. Many of the holes are still visible. The wall was pierced with several gateways; the names “Gate of Assur,” “Gate of the Tigris,” “Gate of the Sun God” have survived. At the sides of the gateways were small chambers for the guards, and from them passageways led to the parapet above. The gates were reached by bridges which spanned the moat. Along the river side the city was protected by a high steep embankment, which was built partly of limestone, but chiefly of square bricks laid in bitumen.

    The temple of Assur at the northern end of the city has been thoroughly excavated. With its outer and inner court and tower it conformed in its general plan to the older Babylonian temples. Several of the palaces of the early kings were discovered, but the best-preserved of the palaces was one which the excavators have called the residence of the mayor. It stood near the western edge of the city on the main street which ran from the western gate to the Tigris. It consisted of two courts surrounded by chambers.

    Grooves in the paved floor conducted fresh water to the kitchen, the baths and the chambers, and round tiles beneath the floor carried away the waste water to the arched city sewer and to the Tigris. To the rear of the mayor’s house was a crowded residential quarter. The streets were very narrow and winding. The houses were exceedingly small; in some of them one could not lie at full length upon the floor. Among their ruins appeared little but stone mortars and broken pottery and other essential household implements.

    Near the southern end of the city a most remarkable discovery was made.

    About a hundred monoliths, from 4 to 8 ft. high, were found still standing erect. On the side of each one, near the top, was an inscription of several lines, dedicating the stone to some individual who had been of great service to the state. They were not tombstones; apparently they had been erected during the lifetime of the people whom they honored. Of the greatest interest was one which bore the name of Sammuramat or Semiramis, the once supposed mythical queen of Nineveh. Its translation reads: “The column of Sa-am-mu-ra-mat, the palace wife of Samsi-Adad, king of the world, king of Assyria, the mother of Adad-Nirari, king of the world, king of Assyria, the .... of Shalmaneser, king of the four regions.” The inscription not only makes Semiramis a historical character, but places her among the foremost rulers of Assyria.

    The tombs of the kings and nobles were found deep in the ruins in the very center of the city. They were rectangular structures of cut stone, covered above with a rounded arch of burned bricks. In some cases the massive stone doors still turned in their sockets. The roofs of many of them had fallen in; others, which were intact, were filled with dust. From the tombs a vast amount of silver, gold and copper jewelry and stone beads and ornaments were recovered.

    One of the chief temples of the city stood at short distance without the eastern wall. Nothing but its foundations remain. However, the temple was surrounded by a park, traces of which still exist. The soil of the surrounding plain is a hard clay, incapable of supporting vegetable life. Into the clay large holes, several feet in diameter, were dug and filled with loam.

    Long lines of the holes may still be traced, each marking the spot where a tree, probably the date palm, stood in the temple park.

    A modern cemetery on the summit of the main mound is still used by the neighboring Arabs, and therefore it will likely prevent the complete excavation of this oldest of the capital cities of Assyria. See further ASSYRIA.

    E. J. Banks SHERIFF <sher’-if > (Aramaic [ ayeT;p]Ti , tiphtaye’ ] “judicial,” “a lawyer,” “a sheriff” ( Daniel 3:2 f]): Probably a “lawyer” or “jurist” whose business it was to decide points of law. At best, however, the translation “sheriff” is but a conjecture.

    SHESHACH <she’-shak > ([ Ëv”ve , sheshakh ], as if “humiliation”; compare [ Ëk”v; , shakhakh ], “to crouch”): The general explanation is that this is “a cypherform of `Babel’ (Babylon)” which is the word given as equivalent to “Sheshach” by the Targum ( Jeremiah 25:26; 51:41; the Septuagint omits in both passages). By the device known as Atbas [ cbta , ‘atbas ], i.e. disguising a name by substituting the last letter of the alphabet for the first, the letter next to the last for the second, etc., [ dvv ] is substituted for [ lb,B; , babhel ]. This theory has not failed of opposition. Delitzsch holds that “Sheshach” represents Sis-ku-KI of an old Babylonian regal register, which may have stood for a part of the city of Babylon. (For a refutation of this interpretation see Schrader, KAT2, 415; COT, II, 108 f.) Lauth, too, takes “Sheshach” to be a Hebraization of Siska, a Babylonian district.

    Winckler and Sayce read Uru-azagga. Finally, Cheyne and a number of critics hold that the word has crept into the text, being “a conceit of later editors.” See further JEREMIAH, 6.

    Horace J. Wolf SHESHBAZZAR <shesh-baz’-ar > ([ rX”B”v]v, , shesh-batstsar ]): Sheshbazzar is the Hebrew or Aramaic form of the Babylonian Shamash-aba-ucur, or Shamash-bana-ucur: “Oh Shamash, protect the father.” It is possible that the full name was Shamash-ban-zeri-Babili-ucur, “Oh Shamash, protect the father (builder) of the seed of Babylon.” (See Zerubbabel, and Compare the Babylonian names Ashur-banaucur, Ban-ziri, Nabu-ban-ziri, Shamash-banapli, Shamash-apil-ucur, Shamash-ban-achi, and others in Tallquist’s Neubabylonisches Namenbuch, and the Aramaic names on numbers 35, 44, 36, and 45 of Clay’s Aramaic Dockets.) If this latter was the full name, there would be little doubt that Sheshbazzar may have been the same person as Zerubbabel, since the former is called in Ezra 5:14 the governor of Judah, and the latter is called by the same title in Haggai 1:1,14; 2:2,21. It is more probable, however, that Sheshbazzar and Zerubbabel were different persons, and that Sheshbazzar was governor of Judah in the time of Cyrus and Zerubbabel in that of Darius. It is possible that Sheshbazzar came to Jerusalem in the time of Cyrus and laid the foundations, and that Zerubbabel came later in the time of Darius Hystaspis and completed the building of the temple (compare Ezra 2:68; 4:2; Haggai 1:14).

    According to Ezra 1:8 Sheshbazzar was the prince (Hannasi) of Judah into whose hands Cyrus put the vessels of the house of the Lord which Nebuchadnezzar had brought forth out of Jerusalem and had put in the house of his gods. It is further said in 1:11 that Sheshbazzar brought these vessels with them of the captivity which he brought up from Babylon to Jerusalem. In Ezra 5:14 f it is said that these vessels had been delivered by Cyrus unto one whose name was Sheshbazzar, whom he had made governor (pechah), and that Sheshbazzar came and laid the foundations of the house of God which was in Jerusalem. See SANABASSAR.

    R. Dick Wilson SHESHAI <she’-shi > ([ yv”ve , sheshay ]): One of the sons of Anak, perhaps an old Hebronite clan name. (Sayce combines the name with Sasu, the root [ hsv ], the Egyptian name for the Syrian Bedouins.) The clan lived in Hebron at the time of the conquest and was expelled by Caleb ( Numbers 13:22, Codex Vaticanus [ Sessei>, Sessei ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Semei>, Semei ]; Joshua 15:14, Codex Vaticanus [ Sousei>, Sousei ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sousai>, Sousai ]; Judges 1:10, Codex Vaticanus [ Sessei>, Sessei ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Geqqi>, Geththi ]).

    SHESHAN <she’-shan > ([ ˆv;ve , sheshan ]; [ Swsa>n, Sosan ]): A Jerahmeelite whose daughter married his servant Jarha ( 1 Chronicles 2:31,34,35). The genealogical list which follows embraces some very early names (compare Curtis, ICC, at the place).

    SHETH See SETH.

    SHETHAR <she’-thar > [ rt”ve , shethar ]; Codex Vaticanus and Lucian, [ Sarsaqai~ov, Sarsathaios ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sare>sqeov, Sarestheos ]): One of the “seven princes” at the court of Ahasuerus (Est 1:14); these princes “sat first in the kingdom” and had the right of entrance to the king’s presence at any time, except when he was in the company of one of his wives. (According to Marquart, Fund., 69, Shethar comes from [ ytvrv ] with which the Persian siyatis, “joy,” is to be compared.) The word has never really been satisfactorily explained; it is presumably Persian.

    SHETHAR-BOZENAI, SHETHAR-BOZNAI <she’-thar-boz’-e-ni > , <she’-thar-boz’-ni > , - <boz’-na-i > , ([ yn”z]Bo rt”v] , shethar boznay ], meaning uncertain): The name of a Persian (?) official mentioned with Tattenai in connection with the correspondence with Darius relative to the rebuilding of the Temple ( Ezra 5:3,6; 6:6,12; Codex Vaticanus [ Saqarbouza>n, Satharbouzan ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Saqarbouzanai>, Satharbouzanai ], in Ezra 5:3; 6:13; [ Saqarbouzanh>v, Satharbouzanes ], in 5:6; [ Saqarbouzane>, Satharbouzane ], in 6:6; Lucian, throughout, [ Qarbouzanai~ov, Tharbouzanaios ]), called in 1 Esdras 6:3,7,27; 7:1 “Shathrabuzanes.”

    Among the conjectures as to the meaning and derivation of the name, the following may be mentioned: (1) Shethar-boznai may be a corruption of [ yn”z]wBr]t”m] , metharboznay ] = [ Miqrobouza>nhv, Mithrobouzanes ], Old Persian Mithrobauzana — i.e. “Mithra is deliverer.” (2) [ rt”v” , shathar ] is identical with the Old Persian Tsithra (“seed,” “brilliance”); names have been found that are confounded with this word. (3) [ yn”z]wOB rt”v] , shethar bowzenay ] may be a title, but [ rtc , sethar ], must then be read for [ rtv , shethar ]. (4) [ ynzB rtv , shethar boznay ] is equivalent to the Old Persian Sethrabuzana, “empire-delivering”; compare Encyclopedia Biblica, article “Shethar-boznai,” and Brown, Driver, and Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament. Horace J. Wolf SHEVA <she’-va > ([ aw;v] , shewa’ ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Saou>, Saou ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Saou>l, Saoul ], Lucian, [ Soue>, Soue ]): (1) A son of Caleb by his concubine Maacah ( 1 Chronicles 2:49). (2) See SHAVSHAH .

    SHEW, SHOW <sho > : “Show” (so always the American Standard Revised Version) is simply a modernized spelling of “shew” (so always in the King James Version and generally in the English Revised Version), and it should be carefully noted that “shew” is never pronounced “shoo,” not even in the combination “shewbread”; Compare “sew.”

    In the King James Version “shew” as a verb is the translation of a very large number of terms in the original. This number is reduced considerably by the Revised Version (British and American) (especially in the New Testament), but most of these changes are to secure uniformity of rendition, rather than to correct obscurities. The proper sense of the verb, of course, is “to cause a person to see” ( Genesis 12:1, etc.) or “to cause a thing (or “person”) to be seen” ( Deuteronomy 4:35; Judges 4:22, etc.). “Seeing,” naturally, can be taken as intellectual or moral ( Jeremiah 38:21; Psalm 16:11, etc.), and can even be used for “hearing” ( Isaiah 43:9, etc.; contrast the Revised Version (British and American) 1 Samuel 9:27). Hence, “shew” can be used as a general translation for the most various phrases, as “be shewed” for [gi>nomai, ginomai ], “come to pass” ( Acts 4:22, the Revised Version (British and American) “be wrought”); “shew forth themselves” for [ejnerge>w, energeo ], “be active” ( Matthew 14:2, the Revised Version (British and American) “work”); “shew” for [poie>w, poieo ] “do” ( Acts 7:36, the Revised Version (British and American) “having wrought”); for [dihge>omai, diegeomai ], “relate” ( Luke 8:39 the Revised Version (British and American) “declare”); for [dhlo>w, deloo ], “make clear” (2 Pet 1:14, the Revised Version (British and American) “signify”), etc. In Song 2:9 the King James Version (English Revised Version) “shewing himself” and the American Standard Revised Version (English Revised Version margin) “glanceth” both miss the poetry of the original: “His eyes shine in through the lattice” (tsuts , “blossom” “sparkle”).

    The King James Version’s uses of the noun “shew” usually connote appearance in contrast to reality. So Luke 20:47, “for a shew” ([pro>fasiv, prophasis ], “apparent cause,” the Revised Version (British and American) “pretence”); Colossians 2:23, “shew of wisdom” (so the Revised Version (British and American), [lo>gov, logos ], “word,” “repute”); Galatians 6:12, “make a fair shew” (so the Revised Version (British and American), [eujproswpe>w, euprosopeo ], “have a fair face”); Psalm 39:6, “vain shew” (so the American Standard Revised Version [ µl,x, , tselem ], “image” the Revised Version margin “shadow”). However, in Sirach 43:1 ([o[rama, horama ], “spectacle” (so the Revised Version (British and American))) and in Colossians 2:15 [deigmati>zw, deigmatizo ], “to display”) “shew” = “spectacle.” In Isaiah 3:9 “the shew of their countenance” is a bad translation for “their respect of persons” (so the Revised Version margin for hakkarath penehem ). The “shewing” of the Baptist “unto Israel” ( Luke 1:80 the King James Version, the English Revised Version) is of course his appearing to begin his ministry. Burton Scott Easton SHEWBREAD, THE <sho’-bred > [ µyniP;h” µj,l, , lechem ha-panim ], “bread of the presence”; [hJ pro>qesiv tw~n a]rtwn, he prothesis ton arton ] ( Hebrews 9:2); the American Standard Revised Version “showbread”). See SHEW: 1. THE TERM:

    The marginal reading of Exodus 25:30; 35:13, the Revised Version (British and American) “Presence-bread,” exactly gives the meaning of the Hebrew. In 2 Chronicles 2:4 it is spoken of as the “continual showbread,” because it was to be before Yahweh “alway” ( Exodus 25:30). 2. MOSAIC REGULATIONS:

    Later Judaism has much to say as to the number and size of the loaves, more properly thin cakes, which bore this name, together with many minute regulations as to the placing of the loaves, the covering of them with frankincense, and other ritualistic vapidities. All that the Mosaic legislation required was that, once in every week, there should be twelve cakes of unleavened bread, each containing about four-fifths of a peck of fine flour, placed in two piles upon a pure table with frankincense beside each pile and changed every Sabbath day ( Leviticus 24:5-9). From the description of the table upon which the fiat cakes were to lie ( Exodus 25:23-30; 37:10-16), it held a series of golden vessels comprising dishes, spoons, flagons and bowls. As it is unlikely that empty cups were set before Yahweh — they being described as “the vessels which were upon the table” — we may conclude that the table held presentation offerings of “grain and wine and oil,” the three chief products of the land ( Deuteronomy 7:13). The “dishes” were probably the salvers on which the thin cakes were piled, six on each. The “flagons” would contain wine, and the bowls (made with spouts, “to pour withal”), the oil; while the “spoons” held the frankincense, which was burned as a memorial, “even an offering made by fire unto Yahweh.” The cakes themselves were eaten by the priests on every Sabbath day, as being among the “most holy” sacrifices. Each of the synoptists refers to the incident of David and his companions having eaten of the shewbread (hoi artoi tes protheseos ), as told in 1 Samuel 21:4-6 ( Matthew 12:4; Mark 2:26; Luke 6:4). 3. ON JOURNEYINGS:

    At such times as the removal of the tabernacle took place, the separate appointments of the table of incense were not parted from it, but were carried with it — dishes, spoons, bowls, and cups ( Numbers 4:7).

    These, like the other furniture, were borne by the Kohathite Levites, but a few articles of lighter weight were in the personal care of the high priest.

    These comprised the oil for the candlestick, the sweet incense, the holy oil of consecration, and the meal for the continual bread offering ( Numbers 4:7,8,16). Small quantities of these alone would be borne from place to place, such as would be needed with the least delay to refurbish the vessels of the sanctuary on every reerection of the tent of meeting. 4. SIGNIFICANCE:

    With this view of the nature, we have a natural and adequate sense of the meanings and importance of the shewbread, in the economy of the temple ritual and service. It was a continual reminder to the worshippers of the truth that man does not live by bread alone, emphasized by the fact that these most holy offerings were afterward eaten. It was the Old Testament version of the prayer, “Give us this day our daily bread”; and in the fact that the holy table was never for a moment left without some loaves lying on it, we have the symbol of man’s continued and unbroken dependence upon God. Even during the travels of the table of shewbread with the tabernacle, the “continual bread” was required to be in its place thereon ( Numbers 4:7).

    It has been usual to say that “frankincense in golden urns stood beside the twelve loaves” (EB, IV, col. 4212). But this is a mere repetition of a Jewish legend, as spoons were the recognized holders of the frankincense to be burned (compare Numbers 7:14 ff). Such spoons formed a part of the equipment of the shewbread table, and on the removal of the week-old cakes the spoons were carried forth and the frankincense in them burned on the great altar on the Sabbath day. If this were done while the grain and wine and oil were being consumed, it would derive additional significance, as betokening the gratitude and adoration of the representative recipients of the bounties of Nature, just as the daily burning of incense in the holy place betokened the worship and adoration of the praying multitudes without the temple ( Luke 1:10). See SHEWBREAD, TABLE OF.

    W. Shaw Caldecott SHEWBREAD, TABLE OF ([ ˆj;l]vu , shulchan ] ( Exodus 25:25-30, etc.); [hJ tra>peza kai< pro>qesiv tw~n a]rtwn, he trapeza kai he prothesis ton arton ] ( Hebrews 9:2)): For construction, see TABERNACLE; TEMPLE . A rude representation of the table is given on the Arch of Titus in Rome. The bas-relief was measured by Professor Boni in 1905, and the height and width of the represented tables were found to be 48 centimeters, or nearly 19 inches. The table represented is, of course, that of Herod’s temple, taken at the fall of Jerusalem in 70 AD. See the author’s article on “The Temple Spoils” in PEFS, 1906, 306 ff.

    The table of shewbread is to be distinguished from the altar of incense. It has become the fashion of the newer criticism to deny the existence of the altar of incense in preexilic times, and to explain the allusion to it in Kings 6:20 as the table of shewbread (so in Ezekiel 41:22). The other references ( 1 Kings 6:22; 7:48; 9:25) are dismissed as interpolations.

    The procedure is radically vicious. The table of shewbread is not an “altar,” though the altar is once spoken of as a “table” ( Ezekiel 41:22). There was only one altar of incense ( 1 Kings 6:20), but (in 2 Chronicles 4:8) ten tables of shewbread. See SHEWBREAD.

    W. Shaw Caldecott SHIBAH <shi’-ba > ([ h[;b]vi , shibh`ah ], “seven”; [o[rkov, horkos ]; Swete reads [ Fre>ar o[rkou, Phrear horkou ], literally, “well of oath”; the King James Version Shebah): The name of the original well of Beer-sheba according to Genesis 26:33. See BEER-SHEBA.

    SHIBBOLETH <shib’-o-leth > ([ tl,Bovi , shibboleth ]): A test of speech applied by the men of Gilead to the Ephraimites, who wished to cross the Jordan, after defeat.

    If they pronounced the word cibboleth, their dialectic variety of speech betrayed them. ( Judges 12:6). The word probably has the sense of stream or “flood” (compare Psalm 69:2).

    SHIBMAH <shib’-ma > ([ hm;bci , sibhmah ]). See SIBMAH.

    SHICRON <shik’-ron > ([ ˆwOrB]vi , shikkeron ]). See SHIKKERON.

    SHIELD <sheld > . See ARMOR, IV, 1.

    SHIGGAION <shi-ga’-yon > , <shi-gi’-on > ([ ˆwOyG;ci , shiggayon ]): Occurs in the title of Psalm 7, and, in the plural, in the verse introducing Habakkuk’s prayer ( Habakkuk 3:1). Derived from a verb meaning “to wander,” it is generally taken to mean a dithyramb, or rhapsody. This is not supported by the Greek VSS, but they are evidently quite at a loss. See PSALMS, BOOK OF.

    SHIHON <shi’-hon > ([ rwOayvi , shi’on ]). See SHION.

    SHIHOR <shi’-hor > ([ rwOjyvi , shichor ], also written without a y and w in Hebrew and incorrectly “Sihor” in English): A stream of water mentioned in connection with Egypt. Joshua (13:3) speaks of the “Shihor, which is before Egypt,” a stream which commentators have thought to be “the brook of Egypt,” the stream which separated Egypt from Palestine, now called Wady el-`Arish. Jeremiah (2:18 the King James Version) says, “What hast thou to do in the way to Egypt, to drink the waters of Sihor?”

    Commentators have thought Shihor in this case to be a name for the Nile.

    Both interpretations cannot be correct. Whatever the name South means, at least it did not denote a movable river. It must be the same stream in both these passages, and no identification of the stream can be correct that does not satisfy both of them. Professor Naville has recently shown conclusively (Proc. Soc. Biblical Arch., January, 1913) that neither of these interpretations is strictly correct, and has made clear the Biblical references to South. In the northeasternmost province of ancient Egypt, Khentabt (“Fronting on the East”), was a canal, a fresh-water stream drawn off from the Nile, called in the Egyptian language Shi-t-Hor, i.e. “the Horus Canal” (the -t- is an Egyptian feminine ending). There have been many changes in the branches and canals from the Nile in the Delta, and this one with many others has been lost altogether; but there is a tradition among the Bedouin of Wady el-`Arish to this day that once a branch of the Nile came over to that point. This Shi-t-Hor, “Stream of Horus,” makes perfectly clear and harmonious the different references of Scripture to South. It was “before Egypt,” as Joshua describes it, and it was the first sweet water of Egypt which the traveler from Palestine in those days was able to obtain, as the words of Jeremiah indicate. “To drink the waters of South” meant to reach the supply of the fresh water of the Nile at the border of the desert. The two other references to South ( 1 Chronicles 13:5; Isaiah 23:3) are perfectly satisfied by this identification. The “seed of South” ( Isaiah 23:3 the King James Version) would be grain from Egypt by way of the Shihor. M. G. Kyle SHIHOR-LIBNATH <shi’-hor-lib’-nath > [ rwOjyvi tn;b]li , shichor libhnath ]; Codex Vaticanus [tw~| Seiwq, to Seion kai Labanath ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Seiw>r, Seior ], etc.): A place named on the boundary of Asher ( Joshua 19:26). It seems to mark with Carmel the western limit, and may have been on the South of that mountain. Peshitta, Syriac, and Eusebius (Onomasticon) take this as two distinct names attaching to cities in this region. So far, however, no trace of either name has been found in the course of very careful exploration. More probably Shihor was the name of a river, “Libnath” distinguishing it from the Nile, which was called Shihor of Egypt. It may have been called Shihor because, like the Nile, it contained crocodiles. The boundary of Asher included Dor (TanTurah), so the river may be sought South of that town. Crocodiles are said still to be found in the Kishon; but this river runs North of Carmel. The Crocodeilon of Ptolemy (V. xv.5; xvi.2) and Pliny (v.19), which the latter makes the southern boundary of Phoenicia, may possibly be Nahr ez-Zerqa, which enters the sea about 5 miles South of TanTurah. Here also it is said the crocodile is sometimes seen. Perhaps therefore we may identify this stream with Shihor-libnath. W. Ewing SHIKKERON <shik’-er-on > ([ ˆwOrK]vi , shikkeron ]; the King James Version Shicron): A place mentioned in Joshua 15:11 as being on the northern border of Judah, between Ekron and Baalah, Jabneel being beyond, toward the sea.

    The site is unknown, but Rev. C. Hauser (PEFS, 1907, 289) suggests Tell es-Sellakeh, Northwest of `Akir, remarking that if this were the site the boundary would follow a natural course over the mountain to Jabneel.

    SHILHI <shil’-hi > ([ yjil]vi , shilchi ]): Father of Jehoshaphat’s mother ( 1 Kings 22:42 = 2 Chronicles 20:31; Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus in 2 Chronicles, [ Salei>, Salei ], Codex Vaticanus in 1 Kings, [ Semeei>, Semeei ]; Codex Alexandrinus in 1 Kings, [ Salala>, Salala ]; Lucian in both, [ Seleei>, Seleei ]). Cheyne (Encyclopaedia Biblica, article “Shilhi”) ventures the supposition that “Shilhi” is a misreading for “Shilhim” ( Joshua 15:32), and is therefore the name of place rather than that of a person; he holds it to be the name of the birthplace of Azubah, the king’s mother.

    SHILHIM <shil’-him > [ µyjil]vi , shilchim ] ( Joshua 15:32)): See SHAARAIM, (2) .

    Possibly Azubah the mother of Jehoshaphat, who is called “the daughter of Shilhi” ( 1 Kings 22:42; 2 Chronicles 20:31), was a native of Shilhim.

    SHILLEM, SHILLEMITES <shil’-em > , <shil’-em-its > ([ µLevi , shillem ], [ ymiLeVih” , ha-shillemi ]):

    Shillem is found in Genesis 46:24, a son of Naphtali; Shillemites, his descendants, are mentioned in Numbers 26:49; SHALLUM (which see) is found in 1 Chronicles 7:13.

    SHILOAH <shi-lo’-a > , <shi-lo’-a > ( Isaiah 8:6). See SILOAM.

    SHILOH (1) <shi’-lo > ([ hlyvi , shiloh ]): The prophecy in Genesis 49:10, “The scepter shall not depart from Judah, .... until Shiloh come,” etc., has been the subject of very diverse interpretations. the Revised Version margin gives as alternative renderings, “ `Till he come to Shiloh having the obedience of the peoples’ Or, according to the Syriac, `Till he come whose it is,’ etc.” (1) From the earliest times the passage has been regarded as Messianic, but the rendering in the text, which takes “Shiloh” as a proper name, bearing a meaning such as “peaceful” (compare Isaiah 9:6, “Prince of Peace”), labors under the difficulty that Shiloh is not found elsewhere as a personal name in the Old Testament, nor is it easy to extract from it the meaning desired. Further, the word was not personally applied to the Messiah in any of the ancient VSS, which rather assume a different reading (see below). Apart from a purely fanciful passage in the Talmud (compare Driver, Gen, 413), this application does not appear earlier than the version of Seb. Munster in the 16th century (1534). (2) The rendering, “till he come to Shiloh,” where Shiloh is taken as the name of a place, not a person, is plausible, but is felt to yield no suitable sense in the context. It is, therefore, now also set aside by most recent scholars. (3) The 3rd rendering, which regards Shiloh as representing the Hebrew [ hLv, , shelloh ] = [ hlvi , shiloh ] for [ wOl rv,a\ , ‘asher low ], “whose (it is),” has in its favor the fact that this is evidently the reading presupposed in the Septuagint, the Peshitta, and the this is evidently the reading presupposed in the Septuagint, the Peshitta, and the Jewish Targums, and seems to be alluded to in Ezekiel 21:27, “until he come whose right it is.” In this view the passage has still a Messianic reference, though critics argue that it must then be regarded as late in origin. Other interpretations need not detain us. See for details the full discussions in Hengstenberg’s Christology, I, 54 ff, English translation, the commentaries of Delitzsch, Driver, and Skinner, on Genesis (especially Excursus II in Driver), and the articles in the various Bible dictionaries. See also PROPHECY.

    James Orr SHILOH (2) (The most usual form is [ hlvi , shiloh ], but it appears 8 times as [ wOlvi , shilo ], and 3 times as [ wOlyvi , Shilow ]; [ Shlw>, Selo ], [ Shlw>m, Selom ]): A town in the lot of Ephraim where Israel assembled under Joshua at the close of the war of conquest ( Joshua 18:1). Here territory was allotted to the seven tribes who had not yet received their portions. A commission was sent out to “describe the land into seven portions”; this having been done, the inheritances were assigned by lot. Here also were assigned to the Levites their cities in the territories of the various tribes (Joshua 18 through 21). From Shiloh Reuben and Gad departed for their homes East of the Jordan; and here the tribes gathered for war against these two, having misunderstood their building of the great altar in the Jordan valley (Joshua 22). From Judges 18:31 we learn that in the period of the Judges the house of God was in Shiloh; but when the sanctuary was moved thither from Gilgal there is no indication. The maids of Shiloh were captured by the Benjamites on the occasion of a feast, while dancing in the vineyards; this having been planned by the other tribes to provide the Benjamites with wives without involving themselves in responsibility (21:21 ff). While the house of the Lord remained here it was a place of pilgrimage ( 1 Samuel 1:3). To Shiloh Samuel was brought and consecrated to God’s service ( 1 Samuel 1:24). The sanctuary was presided over by Eli and his wicked sons; and through Samuel the doom of their house was announced.

    The capture of the ark by the Philistines, the fall of Hophni and Phinehas, and the death of the aged priest and his daughter-in-law followed with startling rapidity (1 Samuel 3; 4). The sanctuary in Shiloh is called a “temple” ( 1 Samuel 1:9; 3:3) with doorpost and doors ( 1 Samuel 1:9; 3:15). It was therefore a more durable structure than the old tent. See TABERNACLE; TEMPLE. It would appear to have been destroyed, probably by the Philistines; and we find the priests of Eli’s house at Nob, where they were massacred at Saul’s order ( 1 Samuel 22:11 ff). The disaster that befell Shiloh, while we have no record of its actual occurrence, made a deep impression on the popular mind, so that the prophets could use it as an effective illustration ( Psalm 78:60; Jeremiah 7:#14 12:14; 26:6). Here the blind old prophet Ahijah was appealed to in vain by Jeroboam’s wife on behalf of her son ( 1 Kings 14:2,4), and it was still occupied in Jeremiah’s time ( Jeremiah 41:5).

    The position of Shiloh is indicated in Judges 21:19, as “on the north of Beth-el, on the east side of the highway that goeth up from Beth-el to Shechem, and on the south of Lebonah.” This is very explicit, and points definitely to Seilun, a ruined site on a hill at the Northeast of a little plain, about 9 miles North of Beitin (Bethel), and 3 miles Southeast of Khan el- Lubban (Lebonah), to the East of the highway to Shechem (Nablus). The path to Seilun leaves the main road at Sinjil, going eastward to Turmus `Aya, then northward across the plain. A deep valley runs to the North of the site, cutting it off from the adjoining hills, in the sides of which are rock-hewn tombs. A good spring rises higher up the valley. There are now no vineyards in the district; but indications of their ancient culture are found in the terraced slopes around.

    The ruins on the hill are of comparatively modern buildings. At the foot of the hill is a mosque which is going quickly to ruin. A little distance to the Southeast is a building which seems to have been a synagogue. It is called by the natives Jami` el-`Arba`in, “mosque of the Forty.” There are many cisterns.

    Just over the crest of the hill to the North, on a terrace, there is cut in the rock a rough quadrangle 400 ft. by 80 ft. in dimensions. This may have been the site of “the house of the Lord” which was in Shiloh. W. Ewing SHILONITE <shi’-lo-nit > ([ ynilyvi , shiloni ] ( 2 Chronicles 9:29), [ yniwOlyvi , shiloni ] ( 2 Chronicles 10:15; Nehemiah 11:5), [ yniwOlvi , Shilowniy ]; [ Shlwnei>, Selonei ], [ Shlwnei>thv, Seloneites ]): This denotes an inhabitant of Shiloh, and applies (1) to Ahijah the prophet ( 1 Kings 11:29, etc.); and (2) to a family of the children of Judah, who, after the exile, made their home in Jerusalem ( 1 Chronicles 9:5; Nehemiah 11:5, the King James Version “Shiloni”).

    SHILSHAH <shil’-sha > [ hv;l]vi , shilshah ]; Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Saleisa>, Saleisa ]; Lucian, [ Selemsa>n, Selemsan ]): An Asherite ( Chronicles 7:37).

    SHIMEA <shim’-e-a > ([ a[;l]vi , shim`a’ ]): See SHAMMUA and SHAMMAH. (1) Brother of David. See SHAMMAH. (2) Son of David ( 1 Chronicles 3:5, Codex Vaticanus [ Sa>man, Saman ]; but in 2 Samuel 5:14; 1 Chronicles 14:4, “Shammua”). (3) A Merarite Levite ( 1 Chronicles 6:30, Codex Vaticanus [ Some>a, Somea ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sama>, Sama ], Lucian, [ Samaa>, Samaa ]). (4) A Gershonite Levite ( 1 Chronicles 6:39 (24) , [ Semaa>, Semaa ]).

    SHIMEAH <shim’-e-a > ([ ha;m]vi , shim’ah ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Semaa>, Semaa ], Codex Alexandrinus [ Samea>, Samea ], Lucian, [ Samaa>, Samaa ]): A descendant of Jehiel, the “father” of Gibeon ( 1 Chronicles 8:32); in Chronicles 9:38 he is called “Shimeam” (Codex Vaticanus, Codex Sinaiticus, Lucian; [ Samaa>, Samaa ] Codex Alexandrinus [ Sama>, Sama ]; see Jewish Quarterly Review, XI, 110-13, section symbol section symbol 10-12).

    SHIMEAM <shim’-e-am > . See SHIMEAH.

    SHIMEATH <shim’-e-ath > ([ t[;m]vi , shim`ath ], or [ t[“m]vi , shim`ath ]; the Septuagint in 2 Kings, [ jIemoua>q, Iemouath ], Codex Vaticanus in 2 Chronicles, [ Sama>, Sama ], Codex Alexandrinus [ Sama>q, Samath ], Lucian, [ Samaa>q, Samaath ]): Father of Jozacar ( 2 Kings 12:21 (22) ), one of the murderers of Joash, king of Judah. According to 2 Chronicles 24:26 Shimeath is an Ammonitess and the mother, not the father, of Jozacar.

    Many textual emendations have been suggested (compare HDB, article “Shimeath”), but they are unnecessary, as the Chronicler’s revised version of the incident in Kings was a deliberate one. The Chronicler was a sturdy opponent of intermarriage, and in the story of the assassination of King Joash he saw an opportunity to strike a blow against the hated practice. In the older account in Kings the names of the conspirators are given as “Jozakar the son of [ t[;m]vi , shim`ath ], and Jehozabad the son of [ rm,v, , shemer ].” The two names are both masculine; but the final t of the former looked to the Chronicler like the feminine ending and offered him his opportunity. In his account, the one of the two murderers (dastardly villains, even though the king had merited death) was “the son of ([ t[“m]vi , shim`ath ]), the Ammonitess” and the other was “the son of ([ tyrim]vi , shimrith ]), the Moabitess” (compare Torrey, Ezra Studies, 212 ff). Horace J. Wolf.

    SHIMEATHITES <shim’-e-ath-its > [ µyti[;m]vi , shim`athim ]; Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Samaqiei>m, Samathieim ]; Lucian, [ Samaqei>n, Samathein ]): A subdivision of the tribe of Caleb ( 1 Chronicles 2:55). In the three families mentioned in this passage Jerome saw three distinct classes of religious functionaries: Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) canentes atque resonantes et in tabernaculis commorantes. The Targum has a similar explanation, except that the “Sucathites” are those “covered” with a spirit of prophecy. Bertheau (Handbuch zum Altes Testament) accepts Jerome’s explanation, except that he regards the first class as gate-keepers (Aramaic [ [r”T] , tera `] = Hebrew [ r[“v” , sha`ar ]). Wellhausen (DGJ, 30 f) finds underlying the three names [ t[;r]Ti , tir`ah ], a technical term for sacred music-making, [ h[;m]vi , shim`ah ], the Halacha or sacred tradition. Buhl (HWB13) derives Shimeathites and Sucathites from unknown places. Keil interprets as descendants from the unknown Shemei (compare Curtis, ICC). The passage is hopelessly obscure. Horace J. Wolf SHIMEI <shim’-e-i > ([ y[im]vi , shim`i ], possibly “hear me (El)” or “(Jah)”; [ Semeei>, Semeei ], [ Semei>, Semei ]): A name of frequent occurrence throughout the Old Testament records, sometimes varying slightly in form in English Versions of the Bible. The King James Version has “Shimi” in Exodus 6:17; “Shimhi” in 1 Chronicles 8:21; “Shimeah” in 2 Samuel 21:21. the Revised Version (British and American) has “Shimeites” in Zechariah 12:13, where the King James Version has “Shimei,” and Numbers 3:21 for the King James Version “Shimites.” English Versions of the Bible has “Shema” in 1 Chronicles 8:13,21 margin for the “Shimei” of 8:21. In all others of the many occurrences in the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American) the form is “Shimei.” (1) A family name among the Levites before and after the exile, at least five of whom bore it: (a) Son of Gershon and grandson of Levi ( Exodus 6:17; Numbers 3:18; 1 Chronicles 6:17; 23:7,10). The text of Chronicles 6 and 23 is corrupt, making difficult the tracing of the various genealogies and the identification of the several Shimeis.

    Evidently that of 23:9 is a scribe’s error for one of the four sons of Ladan or Libni, whose names are given in the preceding verse. (b) An ancestor of Asaph the musician ( 1 Chronicles 6:42), possibly the same as (a) above, Jahath the son of South (compare 1 Chronicles 23:10) being by a copyist’s error transposed so as to read as if he were the father of South (c) A descendant of the Merarite branch of the Levites ( Chronicles 6:29). (d) One of the 288 trained singers in the service of the sanctuary under Asaph ( 1 Chronicles 25:17). (e) One of the Levites who helped to cleanse the Temple in Hezekiah’s reformation ( 2 Chronicles 29:14). He was a descendant of Heman the musician. Hezekiah afterward appointed him with Conaniah to have chief oversight of “the oblations and the tithes and the dedicated things” which were brought into the chambers of Yahweh’s house prepared for them ( 2 Chronicles 31:11,12). (f) A Levite who under Ezra put away his foreign wife ( Ezra 10:23), “Semeis” in 1 Esdras 9:23. (2) The best-known Bible character of this name is the Benjamite, of the family of Saul ( 2 Samuel 16:5-12; 19:16-20; 1 Kings 2:8,9,36-46), who met David at Bahurim as he was fleeing from Absalom, and in bitter and cowardly fashion cursed and attacked the hard-pressed king. Apparently David’s flight to the Jordan led through a narrow ravine, on one side of which, or on the ridge above, stood Shimei in safety as he cast stones at David and his men, cursing as he threw ( 2 Samuel 16:5,6). His hatred of David who had displaced his royal kinsman Saul had smouldered long in his mean heart; and now the flame bursts out, as the aged and apparently helpless king flees before his own son. Shimei seizes the long-coveted opportunity to pour out the acid hate of his heart. But when David’s faithful companions would cross the ravine to make quick work of Shimei, the noble king forbade them with these remarkable words: “Behold, my son, who came forth from my bowels, seeketh my life: how much more may this Benjamite now do it? let him alone, and let him curse; for Yahweh hath bidden him. It may be that Yahweh .... will requite me good for his cursing” ( 2 Samuel 16:11,12). After Absalom’s overthrow, as the king was returning victorious and vindicated, Shimei met him at the Jordan with most abject confession and with vows of allegiance ( 2 Samuel 19:16-23).

    The king spared his life; but shortly before his death charged his son Solomon to see that due punishment should come to Shimei for his sins: “Thou shalt bring his hoar head down to Sheol with blood” ( 1 Kings 2:9). When he came to the throne Solomon summoned Shimei and bade him build a house in Jerusalem, to which he should come and from which he must not go out on pain of death ( 1 Kings 2:36-38). Feeling secure after some years, Shimei left his home in Jerusalem to recapture some escaped slaves ( 1 Kings 2:39-41), and in consequence he was promptly dispatched by that gruesome avenger of blood, the royal executioner, “Benaiah the son of Jehoiada,” who “fell upon him,” as he had upon Adonijah and Joab, “so that he died” ( 1 Kings 2:46). (3) Another Benjamite, mentioned with Rei as an officer in the king’s bodyguard, who was faithful to David in the rebellion of Adonijah ( 1 Kings 1:8). Josephus reads Rei as a common noun, describing Shimei as “the friend of David.” He is to be identified with the son of Elah ( 1 Kings 4:18), whom Solomon, probably because of his fidelity, named as one of the 12 chief commissary officers appointed over all Israel, “who provided victuals for the king and his household.” (4) A man of some prominence in the tribe of Benjamin ( Chronicles 8:21), whose home was in Aijalon, where he was a “head of fathers’ houses” ( 1 Chronicles 8:13); but his descendants lived in Jerusalem ( 1 Chronicles 8:28). In the King James Version he is called “Shimhi”; in 1 Chronicles 8:13 he is called “Shema.” (5) Another Benjamite, an ancestor of Mordecai (Est 2:5), “Semeias” in Additions to Esther 11:2. (6) A brother of David ( 2 Samuel 21:21, the King James Version “Shimeah”); in 1 Samuel 16:9 he is called “Shammah”; compare “Shimeah,” “Shimea.” (7) A man of Judah, called “the Ramathite,” who was “over the vineyards” in David’s reign ( 1 Chronicles 27:27). (8) A Simeonite living in the time of David ( 1 Chronicles 4:26,27), whose chief claim to distinction was that he was father of 16 sons and daughters. The descendants of such a numerous progeny, not being able to maintain themselves in their ancestral home in Beer-sheba, in the days of Hezekiah fell upon Gerar, and dispossessed “the sons of Ham” ( 1 Chronicles 4:39, the Septuagint), and upon Mt. Seir, driving out the Amalekites ( 1 Chronicles 4:43). (9) A man of Reuben, son of Gog ( 1 Chronicles 5:4). (10), (11) Two men of “Israel,” i.e. not priests or Levites, one “of the sons of Hashum” ( Ezra 10:33), the other “of the sons of Bani” ( Ezra 10:38), who put away their foreign wives at Ezra’s command, in 1 Esdras called respectively “Semei” (9:33) and “Someis” (9:34). (12) A brother of Zerubbabel ( 1 Chronicles 3:19).

    The Shimeites were descendants of Shimei, grandson of Levi; compare (1) (a) above ( Numbers 3:21; Zechariah 12:13). Edward Mack SHIMEON <shim’-e-on > ([ ˆwOmyvi , shim`on ]; elsewhere “Simeon”): One of the sons of Harim who had married foreign wives ( Ezra 10:31; Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus [ Semew>n, Semeon ]; Lucian, [ Sumew>n, Sumeon ] = 1 Esdras 9:32, “Simon Chosameus”).

    SHIMHI <shim’-hi > . See SHIMEI SHIMI, SHIMITES <shim’-i > , <shi’-mi > , <shim’-its > . See SHIMEI.

    SHIMMA <shim’-a > . See SHAMMAH.

    SHIMON <shi’-mon > ([ ˆwOmyvi , shimon ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Semiw>n, Semion ], Codex Alexandrinus [ Semeiw>n, Semeion ]; Lucian, [ Sami>, Sami ]): A name in the Judahite genealogy ( 1 Chronicles 4:20).

    SHIMRATH <shim’-rath > ([ tr;m]vi , shimrath ]; [ Samara>q, Samarath ]): The last of nine sons of Shimei of the tribe of Benjamin ( 1 Chronicles 8:21).

    SHIMRI <shim’-ri > ([ yrim]vi , shimri ]; various forms in the Septuagint): There are four Hebrews mentioned in the Bible who bear this name: (1) A Simeonite, a son of Shemaiah and father of Jedaiah, a chief of his tribe ( 1 Chronicles 4:37). (2) The father of Jediael, a bodyguard of King David ( 1 Chronicles 11:45). (3) A son of Hosah, a Levite. He was appointed by David to be doorkeeper in the house of the Lord. He was made chief of the tribe, although not the firstborn of his family ( 1 Chronicles 26:10). (4) One of the sons of Elizaphan, a Levite. He assisted in purifying the temple in the time of Hezekiah ( 2 Chronicles 29:13). S. L. Umbach SHIMRITH <shim’-rith > ([ tyrim]vi , shimrith ], “guard,” feminine): A Moabitess, the mother of Jehozabad, one of those that conspired against King Joash ( Chronicles 24:26). Elsewhere ( 2 Kings 12:21) Jehozabad is described as the son of SHOMER (which see), the same name without the feminine ending.

    SHIMRON (1) <shim’-ron > ([ ˆwOrm]vi , shimron ], “watch”): The 4th son of Issachar ( Genesis 46:13; Numbers 26:24; 1 Chronicles 7:1), and ancestor of the Shimronites ( Numbers 26:24).

    SHIMRON (2) ([ ˆwOrm;vi , shimron ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Sumow>n, Sumoon ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Somerw>n, Someron ] and other forms): A town whose king was tributary to Jabin king of Hazor, and who joined in the attempt to resist the invasion under Joshua ( Joshua 11:1). It was in the territory allotted to Zebulun ( Joshua 19:15). No sure identification is yet possible. The Septuagint and the Talmud both omit the “r” from the name; and Neubauer would identify it with Simonias (Vita, 24), the Simonia of the Talmud, which is now represented by Semuniyeh, a village about miles West of Nazareth, on the edge of the plain (Geog. du Talm). Beit Lachm, named by Josephus along with it, is a short distance to the Northwest Es-Semeiriyeh, about 3 miles North of Acre, has also been suggested; but it is perhaps too far to the West. W. Ewing SHIMRON-MERON <shim’-ron-me’-ron > ([ ˆwOrm]vi ˆwOarm] , shimron mer’on ]; [ Sumow>n, Sumoon ] .... [ Mamrw>q, Mamroth ], Codex Alexandrinus [ Samrw>n, Samron ] .... [ Fasga>, Phasga ] .... [ Marw>n, Maron ]): A royal city of the Canaanites, the king of which was slain by Joshua (12:20). Here the name is followed by that of Achshaph, which also follows the name of Shimron in 11:1. This suggests that the two are in reality one, and that Shimronmeron may only be the full name. A royal Canaanite city, Sam-simuruna, is mentioned in the inscriptions of Sen-nacherib, Esar-haddon and Assurbani- pal, which Schrader (KAT2, 163) would identify with this, and thinks it may now be represented by es-Semeiri-yeh. See SHIMRON.

    W. Ewing SHIMSHAI <shim’-shi > , <shim’-sha-i > ([ yv”m]vi , shimshay ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Samasa>, Samasa ], [ Samae>, Samae ], [ Sameai>v, Sameais ] [ Samesa>, Samesa ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Samsai>, Samsai ]; Lucian, [ Samai>av, Samaias ], throughout; in 1 Esdras 2:17 he is called “Semellius,” the Revised Version (British and American) “Samellius”; a number of explanations of this name have been offered, but no one has been generally favored. One conjecture traces it to an Old Iranian caritative [ ymvv ] conformed to [ vmv , shamash ]; another prefers the Old Bactrian simezhi = simaezhi; compare BDB, under the word The name looks as though it were derived from [ vm,v, , shemesh ], “the sun”): A state secretary who, with REHUM (which see) and others, wrote to Artaxerxes to persuade him to prohibit the rebuilding of the temple ( Ezra 4:8,9,17,23). Horace J. Wolf SHIN, SIN <shen > , <sen > v , c : The 21st letter of the Hebrew alphabet; transliterated in this Encyclopedia as “sh” and “s”. It came also to be used for the number 300. For name, etc., see ALPHABET .

    SHINAB <shi’-nab > [ ba;n]vi , shin’abh ]; Samaritan: [ ra;n]vi , shin’ar ]; [ Sennaa>r, Sennaar ]): King of ADMAH (which see). He is mentioned with Shemeber, king of Zeboiim; he was attacked by Chedorlaomer and his allies ( Genesis 14:2). The reading is very uncertain. If the incident narrated is founded on fact, Shinab may be identical with Sanibu, an Ammonite king in the time of Tiglath-pileser III (so French Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies? 294); or the name may be equated by the Assyrian Sin-sar-ucur (compare “Shenazzar”), and Shem-eber with the Assyrian Sumu-abi (Sayce, The Expository Times, VIII, 463). Jewish exegesis gives a sinister explanation of all four names ( Genesis 14:2). The Midrash (Ber. Rab. 42) explains Shinab as [ ˆwOMm; baewOv , sho’-ebh mammon ], “one who draws money (wherever he can).” It is of interest to note that the names fall into two alliterative pairs and that each king’s name contains exactly as many letters as that of his city. On the whole, however, the list leaves an impression of artificiality; as the names are not repeated in Genesis 14:8, it is highly probable that they are later additions to the text. Horace J. Wolf SHINAR <shi’-nar > ([ r[“n]vi , shin`ar ]; [ Senaa>r, Senaar ] [ Sen(n)aa>r, Sen(n)aar ]): 1. IDENTIFICATION:

    The name given, in the earliest Hebrew records, to Babylonia, later called Babel, or the land of Babel (babhel , ‘erets babhel ). In Genesis 10:10 it is the district wherein lay Babel, Erech, Accad, and Calneh, cities which were the “beginning” of Nimrod’s kingdom. In 11:2 Shinar is described as the land of the plain where migrants from the East settled, and founded Babel, the city, and its great tower. 2. POSSIBLE BABYLONIAN FORM OF THE NAME:

    Though sometimes identified with the Babylonian Sumer, the connection of Shinar with that name is doubtful. The principal difficulty lies in the fact that what might be regarded as the non-dialectical form singar (which would alone furnish a satisfactory basis of comparison) is not found, and would, if existent, only apply to the southern portion of Babylonia. The northern tract was called Akkad, after the name of its capital city (see ACCAD). The Greek form Sen(n)aar shows that, at the time the Septuagint translation was made, there was no tradition that the `ayin was guttural, as the supposed Babylonian forms would lead us to expect. As the Biblical form Shinar indicates the whole of Babylonia, it corresponds with the native (Sumerian) Kingi-Ura, rendered “Sumer and Akkad,” from which, by changing “K” into “Sh” (found in Sumerian), Shinar may have been derived, but this explanation is not free from difficulties. 3. SUMERIAN AND OTHER EQUIVALENTS:

    This two-fold designation, Kingi-Ura, is that which is commonly used in the inscriptions of the earlier kings, though it cannot then have indicated always the whole country, but only such parts of it as acknowledged their overlordship. Later on the corresponding term seems to have been Kar- Dunias (“the territory of the god Dunias,” to all appearance a term introduced by the Kassite rulers). Nabonassar and his successors seem to have contented themselves with the title “king of Babylon,” rule in the city implying also the dominion over the whole country. Often, however, the equivalent term for Babylonia is Ehi, probably an abbreviation of Eridu, and here standing for the land belonging to that sacred city — “the good city,” a type of Paradise, Babylonia being, in fact, situated upon the edinu, or “plain.” See EDEN. 4. THE SYRIAC SEN’AR:

    All these comparisons tend to show that the Babylonian equivalent of Shinar is not any of the above, and as yet has not, in fact, been found. This is also implied by the fact, that Sen’ar was used in Syriac for the country around Bagdad, and in ancient times included (it may be supposed) the plain upon which the ruins of Babylon stand. Sen’ar was therefore in all probability an ancient Babylonian designation of the tract, now lost, but regarded by the Hebrews as synonymous with Babylonia. 5. THE PRIMITIVE TONGUE OF SHINAR:

    From the inscriptions it would seem that the primitive language of Shinar was not Semitic, but the agglutinative idiom now named Sumerian — a tongue long regarded as Turanian, and having, it is thought, Turko-Chinese affinities — gal, “to be,” Turkish ol-mak; ama (ana), “mother,” Turkish ana; abba, “old man,” Turkish baba, “father”; (h)e, “house,” Turkish ev, etc. The Chinese affinities seem less close, but the following may be quoted: a(y)a “father,” Chinese ye (Amoy ia); ge, “night,” Chinese ye; gu, “to speak,” Chinese yu; shu, “hand,” Chinese sheu; kin, “business,” Chinese kung, “work”; etc. Chinese and Turkish, however, have had time to pass through many changes since Sumerian was current in Shinar. Many words of the Sumerian language were borrowed by the Semitic Babylonians, and a few (like hekal, “temple,” Semitic (h)egal, “great house”) entered the other Semitic languages. 6. COMPARISON WITH THE SEMITIC IDIOM:

    Halevy’s contention, that Sumerian is simply “an allography” for the expression of Sera Babylonian, seems to be untenable, as they differ not only in words, but also in grammar; moreover, Sumerian had a dialect, called by the natives “woman’s tongue.” For the rest, the principal differences between Sumerian and Semitic Babylonian are: (1) post-positional suffixes instead of prepositions; (2) verbs with long strings of prefixes and infixes to express the persons and regimens, instead of a prefix and a suffix; (3) compound words, both nouns and verbs, are common instead of being exceedingly rare. Sumerian seems to have borrowed several words from Semitic Babylonian. 7. THE TESTIMONY OF THE SCULPTURES, ETC. TO THE RACE:

    Not only the language, but also the sculptures which they have left, point to the probability that the earlier inhabitants of Shinar belonged to a different race from the later. The Semites of Babylonia were to all appearance thick-set and muscular, but the Sumerians, notwithstanding the stumpy figures which their statues and bas-reliefs show, seem to have been slim — in any case, their warriors, in the better basreliefs, as well as the figures of the god Nin-Girsu (formerly known as “the god with the firestick”), and the engraved cylinders, have this type. Moreover, the sculptures and cylinder-seals show that certain classes — priests or the like — were clean shaven, in marked contrast to Semitic usage elsewhere.

    Their deities, however, always had hair and beard, implying that they came from a different, though possibly related, stock. These deities were very numerous, and it is noteworthy that, though those with Sumerian names may be counted by hundreds, those with Semitic names are only to be reckoned by tens. 8. THE SUMERIANS PROBABLY IN SHINAR BEFORE THE SEMITES:

    Though there is no certain indication which race entered Shinar first, it is to be noted that Nimrod, presumably Shinar’s first king and the founder of its great cities, was a son of Cush ( Genesis 10:8), and the name of Shinar seems to have existed before the foundation of Babel (Babylon) and its tower ( Genesis 11:2). In the native sculptures, moreover, the non- Semitic type precedes the Semitic; and in the inscriptions the non-Semitic idiom precedes that of the Semitic tranlation. Everything points, therefore, to the Sumerians having been in Babylonia before the Semitic inhabitants. 9. THE STATES OF SHINAR:

    At the earliest period to which our records refer the Sumerians of Shinar were divided into a number of small states, of which the following may be regarded as the principal: (1) Sippar: Sippar or Sippar-Aruru (-Ya’ruru), possibly including Accad ( Genesis 10:10), some distance Southwest of Bagdad. It is the modern ‘Abuhabbah, “father of grain.” Though it seems to have fallen early under the dominion of the Semites, it was at first Sumerian, as its native name, Zimbir, and the ideographic writing thereof show. According to Berosus, who calls it Pantabiblion, one of its earliest kings was Amelon or Amillarus, who reigned 13 sari, or 46,800 years. Later on came Evedoreschus, the native Enwe-duran-ki, renowned as a priest favored by the gods. His descendants, if of pure race, inherited the divine grace which he enjoyed. It is said to have been in Sippara (Sippar) that Ut-napistim, the Babylonian Noah, buried the records before entering the ark. (2) Kes: About 18 miles North of Babylon lay Kes, now Oheimer — a foundation which seems to have preceded Babylon as the capital of Shinar. Its early queen, Azag-Bau, is said to have been the wife of a wine-merchant and to have reigned 100 years. (3) Babylon: Babylon, for which see BABEL; BABYLON . As one of its early kings, Berosus mentions Alorus, “the shepherd of the people,” as having reigned for 10 sari, or 36,000 years. The state of Babylon probably included Cuthah. (Tel Ibrahim), which once had kings of its own, and possessed a special legend of the Creation. Belonging to Babylon, also, was the renowned city Borsippa, now Birs, or the Birs Nimroud, the traditional site of the Tower of Babel. See BABEL, TOWER OF. (4) Nippur: Some distance Southeast of Babylon lay Nippur or Niffur, now Niffer (Noufar), identified by the rabbis with the “Calneh” of Genesis 10:10. It was a place of considerable importance, and the seat of the worship of Enlil and Ninlil, later, also, of their son Ninip and his spouse (see CALNEH).

    The American excavations on this site have thrown a flood of light upon almost every branch of Assyriological research. (5) Adab: Adab, now called Bismaya, the city of Mah, the goddess of reproduction.

    One of the earliest rulers of Adab was seemingly called Lugal-dalu, of whom a fine statue, discovered by the American explorers, exists. It was apparently renowned as a necropolis. (6) Surippak: South and a little West of Adab was Surippak, now Fara. This was the birthplace of the Babylonian Noah, Ut-napistim, son of Opartes (Umbara- Tutu), a Chaldean of Larancha. The coming of the Flood was revealed to Ut-napistim here. (7) Umma: Practically East of Fara lay Umma or Gisuh (or Giuh), now Jokha. This city was apparently of considerable importance, and the traditional rival of Lagas. (8) Erech: South of Fara lay Unuga, Semitic Uruk, the Biblical ERECH (which see), now Warka. Its most celebrated king, after Gilgames, was Lugal-zaggi-si, one of the opponents of the rulers of Lagas. (9) Lagas: Some distance East of Warka was the territory of Lagas, now Tel-loh — a little state, rather in accessible, but of considerable importance to the antiquarian, which is a testimonial to the advance in civilization which it had made. Its kings and viceroys were among the most renowned, though apparently unknown outside their own domains. The most celebrated were the reformer Uru-ka-gina and viceroy Gudea, to whom many erections in the city were due. (See Gudea’s remarkable statue in the Louvre.) (10) Larsa: Somewhat to the Southeast of Warka lay Larsa, the “Ellasar” of Genesis 14:1 (which see). This center of learning maintained its independence even after the other states had been absorbed by Hammurabi and his dynasty into the Babylonian empire. (11) Ur: To the Southeast of Warka and Senqara lies the site of the ancient UR OF THE CHALDEES (which see) now Mugheir. It was renowned for its temple to the moon, and for the kings known as the dynasty of Ur: Sur- Engur, Dungi, Bur-Sin, Gimil-Sin, and Ibi-Sin. (12) Eridu: South of the Ur lay Eridu, or, in full, Guruduga, “the good city,” wherein, apparently, lay the earthly Paradise. This is identified with the present `Abu-shahrein, and was the seat of Ea or Enki, god of the sea and of fertilizing streams. According to the tradition, it was there that the “dark vine” grew — a type, seemingly, of the tree of life. The later kings of Babylon sometimes bear the title “king of Eridu,” as though rulers of the domain of Paradise. (13) The Land of the Sea: The Land of the Sea (that bordering on the Persian Gulf), in which, seemingly, the Chaldeans afterward settled, seems to have played an important part in the early history of Shinar. Berosus speaks of its king Ammenon, who reigned 12 sari, or 43,200 years, and in whose time the Musarus Oannes, or Annedotus, arose out of the Persian Gulf. Like others referred to in the legends which Berosus refers to, he was half-man and half-fish. It is thought that these incidents, though evidently mythical, point to the introduction of civilization into Babylonia, from this point. See also JONAH; JONAH, THE BOOK OF. (14) Nisin, Isin, or Karrak: Nisin, Isin, or Karrak, seat of the worship of Nin-Karraga, was also an important state governed by its own kings. (15) Upe or Upia (Opis): Upe or Upia, the Greek Opis, apparently obtained renown at a very early date, its kings being given in the great chronological list before those of Kis. (16) Other Well-known Cities: Other well-known cities, possibly state-capitals, were Larak, Greek Laranche ; Amarda, one of the centers of the worship of Nergal; Asnunna, a province East of the present Bagdad; Dilmu, now Dailem; Nuru, Ennigi, and Kakra, seemingly centers of the worship of Hadad; Tilmun, at the head of the Persian Gulf, and including the island of Bahrein; the province of Sabu; Seseb or Bagdadu, possibly the modern Bagdad; and several others. 10. SHINAR AND ITS CLIMATE:

    Whether the country was in the same seemingly uncared-for state in ancient times as at present is unknown; but one cannot help admiring the courage of the original immigrants into such a district, for example, as that of Lagas. This, which belongs to the southern region, is very inaccessible on account of the watercourses and marshes. Like the whole of Shinar in general, it is more or less dried up in summer, and unhealthy for Europeans. The alterations in the waterways, owing to changes in the irrigation-channels, must then, as now, have hindered communication.

    Sharp cold, with frost, succeeds the heat of summer, and from time to time sand-storms sweep across the plain. Notwithstanding the destruction sometimes wrought, the floods were always welcomed in consequence of the fruitfulness which followed, and which was such as to make Babylonia one of the most fertile tracts known. 11. SCULPTURE IN SHINAR:

    The reference to the Sumerian sculptures in (7) above will have shown that the inhabitants of the Plain of Shinar possessed an art of no mean order and of some antiquity, even at the time when it first presents itself to our notice. It is true that many specimens are crude and uncouth, but this is probably due to the sculptors having been, often enough, the slaves of their material. Their stones were frequently more or less pebble-shaped, and they had neither the skill nor the tools to reduce them to better proportions — moreover, reduction of bulk would have meant a diminution of their importance. The broad, squat figures which they produced, however, gave them bad models for their bas-reliefs, and it was long ere this defect was removed, notwithstanding the superior work produced by their seal-engravers during and after the 4th millennium BC. 12. THE FIRST NATION TO USE WRITING IN WESTERN ASIA:

    But in all probability special renown will always be attached to the non- Semitic inhabitants of Shinar as the inventors, or at least the earliest users known to us, of the cuneiform script. It may be objected that the system which they introduced was cumbersome and imperfect, but they knew of nothing simpler, and modern Chinese, with which their script has been compared, is far less practical. Briefly, the system may be described as syllabic for the prefixes and suffixes, and ideographic for the roots. To show this the following transcribed example will probably suffice: 13. THE SYSTEM EMPLOYED, WITH AN EXAMPLE:

    E nu-DU URU nu-DIM, A house was not built, a city was not constructed; URU nu-DIM ADAM nu-mun-GAR, A city was not constructed, a community he had not founded; ABZU nu-DU GURUDUGA nu-DIM, The abyss was not built, Eridu was not constructed; E AZAGA DINGIRene KI-DURA-bi nu-DIM, The holy house of the gods, its seat was not constructed; Su-NIGIN KURKURAgi AABBAama, The whole of the lands was sea.

    The nominal and verbal roots of the above extract from the bilingual account of the Creation are in capitals, and the pronominal prefixes and suffixes, with a couple of lengthenings which determine the pronunciations of the nouns, in small letters. This will not only give an idea of the poetical form of the Sumerian legend of the Creation by Merodach and Aruru, but also show how short and concise, as a language, was the speech of Shinar, before Semitic supremacy. T. G. Pinches SHINE <shin > : The Hebrew words ‘ahal , ‘or , halal , zahar , zarach , yapha `, naghah , `ashath and qaran are all translated “shine.” All indicate either the direct or indirect diffusion of beams of light. In a direct and literal sense the word “shine” is used of the heavenly bodies, or of candles, and fire ( Job 18:5; 25:5 the King James Version; Job 29:3; 31:26; 2 Kings 3:22).

    In a figurative sense it is used of reflected light or brightness, in any sense ( Exodus 34:29 f,35; Isaiah 60:1; Ezekiel 43:2; Daniel 12:3).

    God as the sun of righteousness is thus depicted in Psalm 50:2. The New Testament words astrapto , augazo , lampo and phaino are translated “shine.” Thus literally it is said of the lightning that it shines ( Matthew 24:27 the King James Version; Luke 17:24); the word is tropically applied to the life of faith or to men prominent in the kingdom of God ( Matthew 5:16; John 5:35; 2 Corinthians 4:6; Philippians 2:15; 2 Peter 1:19); to the glory of God ( Luke 2:9); to angelic appearances ( Luke 24:4; Acts 12:7), or to Christ as He appeared to John on Patmos ( Revelation 1:16). Henry E. Dosker SHION <shi’-on > ([ ˆwOayvi , shi’on ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Siwna>, Siona ], Codex Alexandrinus [ Seia>n, Seian ]): A town in the territory of Issachar, named with Shunem, Hapharaim and Anaharath ( Joshua 19:19). It is possibly identical with Khirbet Sha’in, near `Ain esh-Sha’in, circa 4 miles Northwest of Mt. Tabor.

    SHIPHI <shi’fi > ([ y[ip]vi , shiph`i ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Safa>l, Saphal ], Codex Alexandrinus [ Sefei>n, Sephein ], Lucian, [ Swfei>, Sophei ]): A Simeonite prince ( 1 Chronicles 4:37 (36) ).

    SHIPHMITE <shif’-mit > . See SHEPHAM; SIPHMOTH.

    SHIPHRAH <shif’-ra > ([ hr;p]vi , shiphrah ], “fairness,” “beauty”;. Septuagint [ Sepfwra>, Sepphora ], the rendering also of [ hr;Pxi , tsipporah ], in Exodus 2:21): The name of one of the Hebrew midwives ( Exodus 1:15). See also ZIPPORAH.

    SHIPHTAN <shif’-tan > ([ ˆf;p]vi , shiphTan ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Sabaqa>, Sabatha ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sabaqa>n, Sabathan ], F, [ Safata>n, Saphatan ], Lucian, ([ (S)efaqa>, (S)ephatha ]): An Ephraimite prince ( Numbers 34:24).

    SHIPMASTER <ship’-mas-ter > . See SHIPS AND BOATS; PHOENIX.

    SHIPMEN <ship’-men > . See SHIPS AND BOATS, II, 2, (3); III, 2.

    SHIPS AND BOATS In the Old Testament the following words are found: (1) The word most commonly used in Hebrew for “a ship” is [ hY;nia;] , ‘oniyah ] ( Proverbs 30:19; Jon 1:3,4), of which the plural ‘oniyoth is found most frequently ( Judges 5:17; 1 Kings 22:48 f, and many other places).

    The collective term for “a navy of ships” is [ ynia;] , ‘oni ] ( 1 Kings 9:26 f; 10:22, ‘oni Tharshish , “a navy (of ships) of Tarshish”; but Isaiah 33:21, ‘oni shayit , a “galley with oars”). (2) [ yxi , tsi ] ( Numbers 24:24; Ezekiel 30:9; Isaiah 33:21), tsi ‘addir , “gallant ship”; Daniel 11:30, tsiyim Kittim , “ships of Kittim.’ (3) [ hn;ypis] , cephinah ], “innermost parts of the ship” the Revised Version (British and American), “sides of the ship” the King James Version (Jon 1:5, the only place where the word is found).

    In Apocrypha [ploi~on, ploion ], is the usual word (The Wisdom of Solomon 14:1; Ecclesiasticus 33:2, etc.), translated “vessel” in The Wisdom of Solomon 14:1, but “ship” elsewhere. For “ship” The Wisdom of Solomon 5:10 has [nau~v, naus ]. “Boat” in 2 Macc 12:3,6 is for [ska>fov, skaphos ], and “navy” in 1 Macc 1:17; 2 Macc 12:9; 14:1 for [sto>lov, stolos ]. In The Wisdom of Solomon 14:6 Noah’s ark is called a [scedi>a, schedia ], a “clumsy ship” (the literal translation “raft” in the Revised Version (British and American) is impossible).

    In the New Testament there are four words in use: (1) [nau~v, naus ] ( Acts 27:41, the only place where it occurs, designating the large sea-going vessel in which Paul suffered shipwreck). (2) [ploia>rion, ploiarion ], “a little boat” ( Mark 3:9 and two other places, John 6:22 ff; 21:8). (3) [ploi~on, ploion ], “boat” ( Matthew 4:21,22 and many other places in the Gospels — the ordinary fishingboat of the Sea of Galilee rendered “boat” uniformly in the Revised Version (British and American) instead of “ship” the King James Version), “ship” ( Acts 20:13, and all other places where the ship carrying Paul is mentioned, except 27:41, as above). In James 3:4; Revelation 8:9; 18:17 ff, it is rendered “ship.” (4) [ska>fh, skaphe ], “boat” ( Acts 27:16,30,32, where it means the small boat of the ship in which Paul was being conveyed as a prisoner to Rome).

    Cognate expressions are: “shipmen,” [ twOYnia;] yven]a” , ‘anshe ‘oniyoth ] ( 1 Kings 9:27); [nau~tai, nautai ] ( Acts 27:27,30 the King James Version, “sailors” the Revised Version (British and American)); “mariners,” [ µyjiL;m” , mallachim ] (Jon 1:15; Ezekiel 27:9,27,29), [ µyfiv; , shaTim ] ( Ezekiel 27:8 the King James Version, “rowers” the Revised Version (British and American); Ezekiel 27:26, the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American)); “pilot,” [ lbejo , chobhel ] (Jon 1:6; Ezekiel 27:8,27,28,29); “sailing,” “voyage,” [plou~v, plous ] ( Acts 21:7; 27:9,10, the Revised Version (British and American) “voyage” in all verses).

    I. THE HEBREWS AND THE SEA.

    The Hebrews were a pastoral and agricultural people, and had no inducements to follow a seafaring life. They were possessed of a considerable seaboard along the Mediterranean, but the character of their coast gave little encouragement to navigation. The coast line of the land of Israel from Carmel southward had no bays and no estuaries or rivermouths to offer shelter from storm or to be havens of ships. Solomon landed his timber and other materials for the Temple at Joppa, and tradition has handed down what is called “Solomon’s Harbor” there. The builders of the second temple also got timber from Lebanon and conveyed it to Joppa.

    It was Simon Maccabeus, however, who built its harbor, and the harbor at Joppa was “the first and only harbor of the Jews” (G. A. Smith, HGHL, 136). Caesarea in New Testament times was a place of shipping and possessed a harbor which Josephus declared to be greater than the Piraeus, but it was Herodian and more Greek and Roman than Jewish. It was mostly inhabited by Greeks (Josephus, BJ, III, ix, 1). Now Caesarea has disappeared; and Joppa has only an open roadstead where vessels lie without shelter, and receive and discharge cargo and passengers by means of boats plying between them and the shore. It was in other directions that Israel made acquaintance with the activities of the sea. Of internal navigation, beyond the fishing-boats on the Sea of Galilee which belong exclusively to the New Testament, the ferry boat on the Jordan ( Samuel 19:18, [ hr;b;[\ , `abharah ]) alone receives notice, and even that is not perfectly clear (the Revised Version margin “convoy,” but a “ford” is doubtless meant). It is from Tyre and Egypt and even Assyria and Babylonia, rather than from their own waters, that the Hebrew prophets and psalmists drew their pictures of seafaring life.

    II. SHIPS IN THE OLD TESTAMENT AND APOCRYPHA. 1. Among the Hebrews: (1) In Early Times.

    In the early books of the Old Testament there are references connecting certain of the tribes, and these northern tribes, with the activities of the sea.

    In the “Blessing of Jacob” and in the “Blessing of Moses” Zebulun and Issachar are so connected ( Genesis 49:13; Deuteronomy 33:19); and in Deborah’s Song, which is acknowledged to be a very early fragment of Hebrew literature, Daniel and Asher are also spoken of as connected with the life and work of the sea ( Judges 5:17). The Oracle of Balaam ( Numbers 24:24) looks forward to a day when a fleet from Kittim should take the sea for the destruction of Assyria. “Ships of Kittim” are mentioned in Daniel (11:30). Kittim is referred to in the three greater Prophets ( Isaiah 23:1,12; Jeremiah 2:10; Ezekiel 27:6). The land of Kittim is Cyprus, and in the references in Isaiah it is associated with Tyre and the ships of Tarshish. (2) During the Monarchy.

    It is not till the time of the monarchy that the Hebrews begin to figure as a commercial people. Already in the time of David commercial relations had been established between Israel and Tyre ( 2 Samuel 5:11 f). The friendly cooperation was continued by Solomon, who availed himself not only of the cedar and the fir at Hiram’s command on Lebanon, but also of the skilled service of Hiram’s men to bring the timber from the mountains to the sea. Hiram also undertook to make the cedar and the fir into rafts ( 1 Kings 5:9, [ twOrb]Do , dobheroth ], the King James Version “floats”; 2 Chronicles 2:16, [ twOdsop]r” , raphcodhoth ], “flotes” the King James Version, “floats” the Revised Version (British and American)) to go by sea and to deliver them to Solomon’s men at the place appointed, which the Chronicler tells us was Joppa. From this cooperation in the building of the Temple there grew up a larger connection in the pursuit of sea-borne commerce. It was at Ezion-geber near to Eloth on the Red Sea, in the land of Edom which David had conquered, that Solomon built his fleet, “a navy of ships” ( 1 Kings 9:26-28). Hiram joined Solomon in these enterprises which had their center on the Red Sea, and thus the Phoenicians had water communication with the coasts of Arabia and Africa, and even of India.

    The same partnership existed for the commerce of the West. “For the king (Solomon) had at sea a navy of Tarshish with the navy of Hiram: once every three years came the navy of Tarshish, bringing gold, and silver, ivory, and apes, and peacocks” ( 1 Kings 10:22).

    Tarshish is the name of the Phoenician colony on the river Tartessus, called also Baetis, the modern Guadalquivir. It was the farthest limit of the western world as known to the Hebrews. Attempts have been made to identify it with Tarsus of Cilicia, but they are not convincing. It is conceived of in Hebrew literature as remote ( Isaiah 66:19; Jon 1:3; 4:2), as rich ( Psalm 72:10; Jeremiah 10:9), as powerful in commerce ( Ezekiel 38:13). Ships of Tarshish were no doubt ships actually built for the Tarshish trade ( 2 Chronicles 20:36 f; Jon 1:3), but the expression became a general designation for large sea-going vessels to any quarter.

    Ships of Tarshish made a deep impression upon the imagination of the Hebrew people. The Psalmist takes it as a proof of the power of Yahweh that He breaks the ships of Tarshish with an east wind ( Psalm 48:7).

    Isaiah includes them among the great and lofty objects of power and glory which the terror of the Lord would certainly overtake ( Isaiah 2:16).

    Ezekiel regards them as the caravans that bore the merchandise of the mistress of the sea ( Ezekiel 27:25). It is in ships of Tarshish that the prophet of the Return sees the exiles borne in crowds to Jerusalem as their natural home ( Isaiah 60:9).

    From Solomon’s time onward the kings of Judah retained their hold upon Eloth ( 1 Kings 22:48 f; 2 Chronicles 20:35-37) till it was seized by the Syrians in the days of Ahaz ( 2 Kings 16:6). (3) In Later Times.

    As Solomon had the cooperation of Hiram in securing material and craftsmen for the building of the first Temple, so Joshua and Zerubbabel by the favor of Cyrus obtained timber from Lebanon, and masons and carpenters from Sidon and Tyre for the building of the second. Again, cedar trees were brought from Lebanon by sea to Joppa, and thence conveyed to Jerusalem ( Ezra 3:7).

    From Joppa Jonah fled to avoid compliance with God’s command to go to Nineveh and preach repentance there (Jon 1:1 ff). He found a ship bound for Tarshish as far toward the West as Nineveh to the East. The fare (cakhar ) paid by him as a passenger, the hold of the ship in which he stowed himself away (cephinah ), the crew (mallachim ) the captain or shipmaster (rabh ha-chobhel ), the storm, the angry sea, the terrified mariners and their cry to their gods, and the casting of Jonah overboard to appease the raging waters — all make a lifelike picture.

    It was in the time of Simon, the last survivor of the Maccabean brothers, that Joppa became a seaport with a harbor for shipping — “Amid all his glory he took Joppa for a haven, and made it an entrance for the isles of the sea” (1 Macc 14:5). When Simon reared his monument over the sepulcher of his father and brothers at Modin, he set up seven pyramids with pillars, upon which were carved figures of ships to be “seen of all that sail on the sea” (1 Macc 13:29). About this period we hear of ships in naval warfare. When Antiochus IV Epiphanes planned his expedition against Egypt, he had with other armaments “a great navy,” presumably ships of war (1 Macc 1:17); and at a later time Antiochus VII speaks expressly of “ships of war” (1 Macc 15:3). 2. Among Neighboring Nations: (1) Egypt.

    The Egyptians, like other nations of antiquity, had a great horror of the open sea, although they were expert enough in managing their craft upon the Nile. Pharaoh-necoh built up a powerful navy to serve him both in commerce and in war. See PHARAOH-NECOH.

    Of explicit references to Egyptian ships in the Old Testament there are but few. Isaiah speaks of “vessels of papyrus upon the waters” of the Upper Nile, on board of which are the messengers of Cush or Ethiopia returning to tell the tidings of the overthrow of Assyria to the inhabitants of those remote lands (18:2 the King James Version has “bulrushes” instead of “papyrus”). Ezekiel also, foretelling the overthrow of Egypt, speaks of messengers traveling with the news on swift Nile boats to strike terror into the hearts of the “careless Ethiopians” (30:9). When Job compares his days to “the swift ships” (“the ships of reed” the Revised Version margin), the allusion is most likely to Egypt’s, these being skiffs with a wooden keel and the rest of bulrushes, sufficient to carry one person, or at most two, and light, to travel swiftly (9:26). (2) Assyria and Babylonia.

    The Assyrians and Babylonians were mainly an inland people, but their rivers gave them considerable scope for navigation. The Assyrian monuments contain representations of naval engagements and of operations on the seacoast. When Isaiah pictures Yahweh as a better defense of Judah than the rivers and streams of Assyria and Egypt are to their people he says, “There Yahweh will be with us in majesty, a place of broad rivers and streams, wherein shall go no galley with oars (‘oni shayiT ), neither shall gallant ship (tsi ‘addir ) pass thereby. .... Thy tacklings (ropes, cables) are loosed; they could not strengthen the foot of their mast, they could not spread the sail” ( Isaiah 33:21,23). Speaking of Yahweh’s wonders to be performed toward His people after Babylon had been overthrown, the prophet declares: “Thus saith Yahweh, your Redeemer, the Holy One of Israel: For your sake I have sent to Babylon, and I will bring down all of them as fugitives, even the Chaldeans, in the ships of their rejoicing” ( Isaiah 43:14). In this case, however, the ships are not war ships, but more probably merchant ships, or ships for pleasure, sailing in the Euphrates. (3) Phoenicia.

    It was from the Phoenicians that the Mediterranean peoples learned seamanship and skill in navigation. It is fitting, therefore, that in his dirge over the downfall of the mistress of the sea, Ezekiel should represent Tyre as a gallant ship, well built, well furnished, and well manned, broken by the seas in the depths of the waters, fallen into the heart of the seas in the day of her ruin. Ezekiel’s description (chapter 27, with Davidson’s notes) brings together more of the features of the ship of antiquity than any other that has come down to us. Her builders have made her perfect in beauty with planks of fir or cypress, mast of cedar, oars of the oak of Bashan, benches or deck of ivory inlaid with boxwood, sail of fine linen with broidered work from Egypt, and an awning of blue and purple from the coastlands of Elisha (possibly Sicily). She is manned with oarsmen of Sidon and Arvad, pilots of the wise men of Tyre, calkers from Gebal to stop up the cracks and seams in her timbers, mariners and men of war from other lands who enhanced her beauty by hanging up the shield and helmet within her. She is freighted with the most varied cargo, the produce of the lands around, her customers, or as they are called, her traffickers, being Tarshish in the far West, Sheba and Arabia in the South, Haran and Asshur in the East, Javan, which is Greece, and Togarmah, which is Armenia, in the North.

    One or two of the particulars of this description may be commented upon. (a) As regards rigging, the Phoenician ships of the time of Ezekiel, as seen in Assyrian representations, had one mast with one yard and carried a square sail. Egyptian ships on the Red Sea about the time of the Exodus, from reliefs of the XIXth Dynasty, had one mast and two yards, and carried also one large square sail. The masts and yards were made of fir, or of pine, and the sails of linen, but the fiber of papyrus was employed as well as flax in the manufacture of sail-cloth. The sail had also to serve “for an ensign” (lenes, Ezekiel 27:7). “The flag proper,” says Davidson (ad loc.), “seems not to have been used in ancient navigation; its purpose was served by the sail, as for example at the battle of Actium the ship of Antony was distinguished by its purple sail.” (b) As regards the crew, in the two-banked Phoenician ship the rowers of the first bank work their oars over the gunwale, and those of the second through portholes lower down, so that each may have free play for his oar. The calkers were those who filled up seams or cracks in the timbers with tow and covered them over with tar or wax, after the manner of the instruction given to Noah regarding the Ark: “Thou .... shalt pitch it within and without with pitch” ( Genesis 6:14). (c) As regards cargo, it is to be noted that “the persons of men,” that is, slaves, formed an article of merchandise in which Javan, Tubal, and Meshech, countries to the North, traded with Tyre. 3. General References: Of general references to shipping and seafaring life there are comparatively few in the Old Testament. In his great series of Nature-pictures in Psalm 104, the Psalmist finds a place for the sea and ships (104:25 ff), and in Psalm 107 there is a picture of the storm overtaking them that go down to the sea in ships, and of the deliverance that comes to them when God “bringeth” them into their desired haven” (107:23 ff). In the Book of Proverbs the ideal woman who brings her food from far is like “the merchant ships” (31:14). In the same book the drunkard, because of his unnatural insensibility to danger, is likened to a man “that lieth down in the midst of the sea, or as he that lieth upon the top of a mast” (23:34); and among the inscrutable things of the world the writer includes “the way of a ship in the midst of the sea” (30:19). In Wisdom, human life is described “as a ship passing through the billowy water, whereof, when it is gone by, there is no trace to be found, neither pathway of its keel in the billows” (Wisd 5:10). The same book notes it as a striking example of the case of a divine and beneficent Providence that “men entrust their lives to a little piece of wood, and passing through the surge on a raft are brought safe to land” (Wisd 14:1-5). The Jews like the Egyptians and the Assyrians had a natural shrinking from the sea, and Ecclesiasticus interprets their feeling when he says: “They that sail on the sea tell of the danger thereof; and when we hear it with our ears, we marvel” (43:24).

    III. SHIPS IN THE NEW TESTAMENT. 1. In the Gospels: It is the fishing-boats of the Sea of Galilee which exclusively occupy attention in the Gospels. In the time of our Lord’s ministry in Galilee the shores of the Sea were densely peopled, and there must have been many boats engaged in the fishing industry. Bethsaida at the northern end of the Lake and Tarichea at the southern end were great centers of the trade. The boats were probably of a size and build similar to the few employed on the Lake today, which are between 20 and 30 ft. in length and 7 ft. in breadth.

    The word “launch,” of putting a boat or a ship into the sea, has disappeared from the Revised Version (British and American), except in Luke 8:22, where it is more appropriate to an inland lake. They were propelled by oars, but no doubt also made use of the sail when the wind was favorable ( Luke 8:23), though the pictures which we have in the Gospels are mostly of the boatmen toiling in rowing in the teeth of a gale ( Mark 6:48), and struggling with the threatening waves ( Matthew 14:24). In the boat on which Jesus and the disciples were crossing the Lake after the feeding of the 5,000, Jesus was in the stern “asleep on the cushion” ( Mark 4:38, the King James Version “a pillow”; Greek proskephalaion , “headrest”). More than once Jesus made special use of a boat. As He was by the seashore a great concourse of people from all parts made it desirable that “a small boat” (ploiarion ) should be in attendance off the shore to receive Him in case of need, though He does not seem to have required it ( Mark 3:9). On another occasion, when the crowds were still greater, He went into a boat and sat “in the sea” with the multitude on the sloping beach before Him ( Mark 4:1; Luke 5:3). This boat is said in Luke’s narrative to have been Simon’s, and it seems from references to it as “the boat” on other occasions to have been generally at the disposal of Jesus. 2. In the Acts of the Apostles: It is Paul’s voyages which yield us the knowledge that we possess from Biblical sources of ships in New Testament times. They are recorded for us in the Acts by Luke, who, as Sir William Ramsay puts it, had the true Greek feeling for the sea (St. Paul the Traveler, 21). In Luke’s writings there are many nautical terms, peculiar to him, used with great exactitude and precision.

    When Paul had appealed to Caesar and was proceeding to Rome in charge of Julius, the centurion, along with other prisoners, a ship of Adramyttium, a coasting vessel, carried the party from Caesarea along the Syrian coast, northward of Cyprus, past Cilicia and Pamphylia, to Myra of Lycia. There the centurion found a ship of Alexandria sailing for Italy, one of the great corn fleet carrying grain from Egypt for the multitudes of Rome. (After the capture of Jerusalem the emperor Titus returned to Italy in such a vessel, touching at Rhegium and landing at Puteoil.) The size of the vessel is indicated by the fact that there were 276 persons on board, crew and passengers all told ( Acts 27:37). Luke has made no note of the name of this or of the previous vessels in which Paul had voyaged. Of the presumably larger vessel, also an Alexandrian corn ship bound for Rome, which had wintered in Melita, and which afterward took on board the shipwrecked party ( Acts 28:11), “the sign” ([para>shmon, parasemon ]) is given, and she is called “The Twin Brothers.” The expression shows that it was in painting or relief; a figurehead, with the Twin Brothers represented, would be given by [ejpi>shmon, episemon ]. The cargo ([forti>on, phortion ], Acts 27:10, the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American) “lading”) in this case was wheat ( Acts 27:38), but another word is used, [go>mov, gomos ], by Luke of a ship’s load of varied wares ( Acts 21:3; compare Revelation 18:11 ff).

    Of those engaged in handling the ship we find ( Acts 27:11) the master ([kubernh>thv, kubernetes ]), the owner ([mau>klhrov, naukleros ], although this expression seems not quite consistent with the ownership of a grain ship of the imperial service, and Ramsay’s distinction between the words, making the former “sailing-master” and the latter “captain,” may be better), the sailors ( Acts 27:30, who treacherously sought to lower the ship’s boat on the pretense of laying out anchors from the “foreship” or prow, and to get away from the doomed vessel).

    Of operations belonging to the navigation of the vessel in the storm there were (1) the taking on board of the ship’s boat and securing it with ropes ( Acts 27:16, in which operation Luke seems to have taken part; compare 27:32), (2) the undergirding of the ship ( Acts 27:17, using helps, that is taking measures of relief and adopting the expedient, only resorted to in extremities, of passing cables under the keel of the ship to keep the hull together and to preserve the timbers from starting), (3) the lowering of the gear ( Acts 27:17, reducing sail, taking down the mainsail and the main yard), (4) throwing freight overboard and later casting out the tackling of the ship ( Acts 27:19), (5) taking soundings ( Acts 27:28), (6) letting go four anchors from the stern ( Acts 27:29, sternanchoring being very unusual, but a necessity in the circumstances), (7) further lightening the ship by throwing the wheat into the sea ( Acts 27:38), (8) cutting the anchor cables, unlashing the rudders, hoisting up the foresail to the wind, and holding straight for the beach ( Acts 27:40).

    Of the parts of the ship’s equipment there are mentioned “the sounding lead” ([boli>v, bolis ], though it is the verb which is here used), “the anchors” ([a]gkurai, agkurai ], of which every ship carried several, and which at successive periods have been made of stone, iron, lead and perhaps other metals, each having two flukes and being held by a cable or a chain), “the rudders” ([phda>lia, pedalia ], of which every ship had two for steering, which in this case had been lifted out of the water and secured by “bands” to the side of the ship and unlashed when the critical moment came), “the foresail” [ajrte>mwn, artemon ], not the mainsail, but the small sail at the bow of the vessel which at the right moment was hoisted to the wind to run her ashore), and “the boat” ([ska>fh, skaphe ], which had been in tow in the wake of the vessel, according to custom still prevalent in those seas — coasting-vessels being sometimes becalmed, when the crew get into the small boat and take the ship in tow, using the oars to get her round a promontory or into a position more favorable for the wind). The season for navigation in those seas in ancient times was from April to October. During the winter the vessels were laid up, or remained in the shelter of some suitable haven. The reason for this was not simply the tempestuous character of the weather, but the obscuration of the heavens which prevented observations being taken for the steering of the ship ( Acts 27:20). 3. In Other Books: In 2 Corinthians 11:25 Paul mentions among sufferings he had endured for Christ’s sake that thrice he had suffered shipwreck, and that he had been “a night and a day in the deep,” implying that he had been in danger of his life clinging to a spar, or borne upon a hurriedly constructed raft. It may be a reminiscence of the sea when Paul in the very earliest of his Epistles (1 Thess 4:16), speaking of the coming of the Lord, says “The Lord himself shall descend from heaven, with a shout” [ejn keleu>smati, en keleusmati ]), where the picture is that of the [keleusth>v, keleustes ], giving the time to the rowers on board a ship. Although [uJphresi>a, huperetes ], was “an underrower” and [uJphresi>a, huperesia ], “the crew of a ship” as contrasted with [kubernh>thv, kubernetes ], “the sailingmaster,” the derived meaning of “servant” or “officer” has lost in the New Testament all trace of its origin ( Matthew 5:25; Luke 1:2 and many passages; compare [ste>llein, stellein ], and [suste>llein, sustellein ], where the idea of “furling” or “shifting a sail” is entirely lost: Corinthians 7:29; 2 Corinthians 8:20).

    Figurative:

    In Hebrews the hope of the gospel is figured as “an anchor .... sure and stedfast, and entering into that which is within the veil” (6:19, especially with Ebrard’s note in Alford, at the place). James, showing the power of little things, adduces the ships, large though they be, and driven by fierce winds, turned about by a very small “rudder” ([phda>lion, pedalion ]), as “the impulse of the steersman willeth” ( James 3:4). In Revelation there is a representation of the fall of Babylon in language reminiscent of the fall of Tyre (Ezekiel 27), in which lamentations arise from the merchants of the earth who can no more buy her varied merchandise ([to>n go>mon, ton gomon ], “cargo” the Revised Version margin), and shipmasters and passengers and seafaring people look in terror and grief upon the smoke of her burning ( Revelation 18:12-18).

    LITERATURE.

    The usual books on Greek and Roman antiquities furnish descriptions and illustrations. Works on the monuments like Layard, Nineveh, II, 379 ff; Maspero, Ancient Egypt and Assyria; Ball, Light from the East, and Reissner, Cairo Museum Catalogue, “Models of Ships and Boats,” 1913, contain descriptions and figured representations which are instructive. On shipping and navigation in classical antiquity Smith of Jordanhill, Voyage and Shipwreck of Paul, is still the standard authority. T. Nicol SHISHA <shi’-sha > ([ av;yvi , shisha’ ]): One of Solomon’s officers of state ( Kings 4:3).

    SHISHAK <shi’-shak > ([ qv”yvi , shishaq ] ( 1 Kings 14:25); [ Sousakei>m, Sousakeim ]): 1. SHISHAK, 952-930 BC:

    Sheshonk or Sheshenq I, as he is called on the monuments, the founder of the XXIInd Dynasty, was in all probability of Libyan origin. It is possible that his claim to the throne was that of the sword, but it is more likely that he acquired it by marriage with a princess of the dynasty preceding. On the death of Pasebkhanu II, the last of the kings of the XXIst Dynasty, BC, Shishak ascended the throne, with an efficient army and a well-filled treasury at his command. He was a warlike prince and cherished dreams of Asiatic dominion. 2. PATRON OF JEROBOAM:

    He had not long been seated on the throne when Jeroboam the son of Nebat, of the tribe of Ephraim, whom Solomon had promoted but afterward had cause to suspect, fled from the displeasure of his sovereign to the court of Shishak ( 1 Kings 11:26 ff). There Jeroboam remained till the death of Solomon, when he returned to Canaan, and, on Rehoboam’s returning an unsatisfactory answer to the people’s demands for relief from their burdens, headed the revolt of the Ten Tribes, over whom he was chosen king with his capital at Shechem ( 1 Kings 12:25 ff). Whether there was not in the XXIst Dynasty some kind of suzerainty of Egypt over Palestine, when Solomon married Pharaoh’s daughter and received with her Gezer as a dowry, seems not to be clearly established. It is, however, natural that Jeroboam’s patron in the day of adversity should take sides with him against Rehoboam, now that the kingdom was divided. Active support of Jeroboam would be in the line of his dreams of an eastern empire. 3. SYRIAN CAMPAIGN:

    So it came to pass that in the 5th year of Rehoboam, Shishak came up against Jerusalem with 1,200 chariots, and 60,000 horsemen, and people without number out of Egypt, the Libyans, Sukkiim, and Ethiopians, and took the fenced cities of Judah, and came to Jerusalem. At the preaching of the prophet Shemaiah, Rehoboam and his people repented, and Jerusalem was saved from destruction, though not from plunder nor from servitude, for he became Shishak’s servant ( 2 Chronicles 12:8). Shishak took away the treasures of the house of the Lord and the treasures of the king’s house, carrying off among the most precious of the spoils all the shields of gold which Solomon had made ( 1 Kings 14:25 ff; 2 Chronicles 12:1-9). From the Scripture narrative it does not appear that there was any occupation of Palestine by the Egyptian forces on this occasion. 4. SHISHAK’S RECORD AT KARNAK:

    There is, however, a remarkable contemporary record of the campaign engraved on the south wall of the Temple of Amon at Karnak by Shishak himself. Not only is the expedition recorded, but there is a list of districts and towns of Palestine granted to his victories by Amon-Ra and the goddess of Thebes engraved there. A number of towns mentioned in the Book of Joshua have been identified; and among the names of the list are Rabbath, Taanach, Gibeon, Mahanaim, Beth-horon and other towns both of Israel and Judah. That names of places in the Northem Kingdom are mentioned in the list does not imply that Shishak had directed his armies against Jeroboam and plundered his territories. It was the custom in antiquity for a victorious monarch to include among conquered cities any place that paid tribute or was under subjection, whether captured in war or not; and it was sufficient reason for Shishak to include these Israelite places that Jeroboam, as seems probable, had invited him to come to his aid.

    Among the names in the list was “Jud-hamalek” — Yudhmalk on the monuments — which was at first believed to represent the king of Judah, with a figure which passed for Rehoboam. Being, however, a place-name, it is now recognized to be the town Yehudah, belonging to the king. On the death of Shishak his successor assumed a nominal suzerainty over the land of Canaan.

    LITERATURE.

    Flinders Petrie, History of Egypt, III, 227 ff; Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, 772 ff; Nicol, Recent Archaeology and the Bible, 222-25. T. Nicol SHITRAI <shit’-ri > , <shit-ra’-i > , <shit’-ra-i > ([ yr”f]vi , shiTray ]): A Sharonite, David’s chief shepherd ( 1 Chronicles 27:29).

    SHITTAH; TREE; SHITTIM WOOD <shit’a > , ([ hF;vi , shiTTah ]; Septuagint [xu>lon a]shpton, xulon asepton ]; the Revised Version (British and American) ACACIA TREE ( Isaiah 41:19)); ([ µyFivi yxe[\ , `ace shiTTim ]; the Revised Version (British and American) ACACIA WOOD ( Exodus 25:5,10,13; 26:15,26; 27:1,6; Deuteronomy 10:3)): The word was originally shinTah , derived from the Arabic sanT, now a name confined to one species of acacia, Acacia nilotica (Natural Order, Leguminosae), but possibly was once a more inclusive term. The Acacia nilotica is at present confined to the Sinaitic peninsula and to Egypt. Closely allied species, the Acacia tortilis and Acacia seyal, both classed together under the Arabic name sayyal, are plentiful in the valleys about the Dead Sea from Engedi southward. Those who have ridden from `Ain Jidy to Jebel Usdum will never forget these most striking features of the landscape. They are most picturesque trees with their gnarled trunks, sometimes 2 ft. thick, their twisted, thorny branches, which often give the whole tree an umbrella-like form, and their fine bipinnate leaves with minute leaflets. The curiously twisted pods and the masses of gum arabic which exude in many parts are also peculiar features. The trees yield a valuable, hard, close-grained timber, not readily attacked by insects. E. W. G. Masterman SHITTIM <shit’-im > ([ µyFiVih” , ha-shiTTim ], “the acacias”; [ Sattei>n, Sattein ]): (1) This marked the last camping-ground of Israel before they crossed the Jordan to begin the conquest of Western Palestine. Here it was that the people fell into the snare set for them by the satanic counsel of Balaam, who thus brought upon them greater evil than all his prohibited curses could have done ( Numbers 25:1 ff; 31:16). In Numbers 33:49 it is called Abel-shittim. It was from Shittim that Joshua sent the spies to view out the land and Jericho ( Joshua 2:1); and from this point the host moved forward to the river ( Joshua 3:1). The place is mentioned by Micah in a passage of some difficulty ( Joshua 6:5): after “what Balaam the son of Beor answered,” perhaps some such phrase as “remember what I did” has fallen out.

    This would then be a reference to the display of divine power in arresting the flow of Jordan until the host had safely crossed. Josephus places the camp “near Jordan where the city Abila now stands, a place full of palm trees” (Ant., IV, viii, 1). Eusebius, Onomasticon says Shittim was near to Mt. Peor (Fogor). It may possibly be identical with Khirbet el-Kefrain, about 6 miles South of the Jordan, on the lip of Wady Seiseban, where there are many acacias. (2) In Joel 3:18 we read of the valley of Shittim which is to be watered by a fountain coming forth of the house of the Lord. It must therefore be sought on the West of the Jordan. The waters from the Jerusalem district are carried to the Dead Sea down the Wady which continues the Brook Kidron: Wady en-Nar. The acacia is found plentifully in the lower reaches of this valley, which may possibly be intended by the prophet. W. Ewing SHIZA <shi’-za > ([ az;yvi , shiza ]; [ Saiza>, Saiza ]): A Reubenite, one of David’s leading warriors ( 1 Chronicles 11:42).

    SHOA <sho’-a > ([ [“vo , shoa `]; [ Soue>, Soue ]): A people named in Ezekiel 23:23 in association with Babylonians, Chaldeans and Assyrians. Schrader identifies with the Sutu of the inscriptions (East of the Tigris).

    SHOBAB <sho’-bab > ( bb;wOv , shobhabh ]; [ Swba>b, Sobab ]): (1) One of the sons of David ( 2 Samuel 5:14; 1 Chronicles 3:5; 14:4). (2) A son of Caleb ( 1 Chronicles 2:18).

    SHOBACH <sho’-bak > ([ Ëb”wOv , shobhakh ]; [ Swba>k, Sobak ]): Captain of the Syrian host ( 2 Samuel 10:16,18); but “Shophach” ([shophakh]) in Chronicles 19:16,18.

    SHOBAI <sho’-bi > , <sho-ba’-i > , <sho’-ba-i > ([ yb;v , shobhay ]; Codex Vaticanus [ jAbaou>, Abaou ]; Codex Alexandrinus Lucian, [ Swbai>, Sobai ]): The head of one of the families which returned from the Babylonian captivity ( Ezra 2:42; Nehemiah 7:45).

    SHOBAL <sho’-bal > ([ lb;wOv , shobhal ], “overflowing”; [ Swba>l, Sobal ], with variants): (1) An Edomite name mentioned in connection with Lotan, Zibeon and Anah, as that of a “son” of Seir ( Genesis 36:20), the father of a clan ( Genesis 36:23), and a Horite “duke” (‘alluph ) ( Genesis 36:29; 1 Chronicles 1:38,40). (2) A Calebite, the father (possibly of the inhabitants) of Kiriath-jearim ( 1 Chronicles 2:50,52). (3) A Judahite, perhaps to be identified with (2) above ( 1 Chronicles 4:1 f).

    SHOBEK <sho’-bek > ([ qbewOv , shobheq ]; [ Swbh>k, Sobek ]): One of those who sealed the covenant under Nehemiah after the Babylonian captivity ( Nehemiah 10:24).

    SHOBI <sho’-bi > ([ ybivo , shobhi ]; [ Oujesbei>, Ouesbei ]): One of those who remained faithful to David during the rebellion of Absalom ( 2 Samuel 17:27).

    SHOCHOH <sho’-ko > ([ hkowOc , sokhoh ], Codex Vaticanus [ Sokcw>q, Sokchoth ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ jOkcw>, Okcho ]): This in 1 Samuel 17:1 the King James Version is a variant of SOCOH (which see).

    SHOE; SHOE-LATCHET <shoo > , <shoo’-lach-et > ([ l[“n” , na`al ], literally, “that which is fastened,” with denominative verb [ l[“n; , na`al ], “to provide with shoes” ( 2 Chronicles 28:15; Ezekiel 16:10); [uJpo>dhma, hupodema ] (Sirach 46:19; Matthew 3:11, etc.), from the verb [uJpode>w, hupodeo ] ( Mark 6:9; Ephesians 6:15), “to bind under,” [ Sanda>lion, sandalion ], “sandal” (Judith 10:4; 16:9; Mark 6:9; Acts 12:8); the King James Version, the Revised Version margin also have “shoe” for [ l[;n]mi , min`al ], “bar” (so the Revised Version (British and American) text) in Deuteronomy 33:25; the “latchet” is either [ ËwOrc] , serokh ], “twisted thing” ( Genesis 14:23; Isaiah 5:27), or [iJma>v, himas ], “leather thong” ( Mark 1:7; Luke 3:16; John 1:27)): The na`al was a simple piece of leather tied on the foot with the [serokh], so easy of construction that its low cost was proverbial ( Amos 2:6; 8:6; Sirach 46:19; compare Genesis 14:23), and to be without it was a sign of extreme poverty ( 2 Chronicles 28:15; Isaiah 20:2). Women, however, might have ornamental sandals (Song 7:1; Judith 16:9), and Ezekiel names “sealskin” (16:10) as a particularly luxurious material, but the omission of sandals from the list of Isaiah 3:18-23 shows that they were not commonly made articles of great expense. The hupodema was likewise properly a sandal, but the word was also used to denote a shoe that covered the foot. The contrast between hupodema in Matthew 10:10 and sandalion in Mark 6:9 seems to show that this meaning is not unknown in the New Testament, the “shoe” being regarded as an article of luxury (compare Luke 15:22). But in Matthew 3:11 and parallel’s, only the sandal can be meant.

    Sandals were not worn indoors, so that putting them on was a sign of readiness for activity ( Exodus 12:11; Acts 12:8; Ephesians 6:15), the more wealthy having them brought ( Matthew 3:11) and fastened ( Mark 1:7 and parallel’s) by slaves. When one entered a house they were removed; all the more, naturally, on entering a sanctuary ( Exodus 3:5; Joshua 5:15; Acts 7:33). Mourners, however, did not wear them even out of doors, as a sign of grief ( Ezekiel 24:17,23), perhaps for the same reason that other duties of the toilet were neglected ( Samuel 12:20, etc.). A single long journey wore out a pair of sandals ( Joshua 9:5,13), and the preservation of “the latchet of their shoes” from being broken ( Isaiah 5:27) would require almost miraculous help. Ruth 4:7 f states as a “custom in former times in Israel,” that when any bargain was closed “a man drew off his shoe, and gave it to his neighbor.”

    This was of course simply a special form of earnest-money, used in all transactions. In Deuteronomy 25:9 f the custom appears in a different light. If a man refused to perform his duty to his deceased brother’s wife, the elders of the city were to remove his shoe and disgrace him publicly, “And his name shall be called in Israel, The house of him that hath his shoe loosed.” The removal of the shoe is apparently connected with the rite in Ruth 4:7 as a renunciation of the man’s privilege. But the general custom seems to have become obsolete, for the removal of the shoe is now a reproach.

    The meaning of Psalm 60:8 parallel 108:9, “Upon (margin “unto”) Edom will I cast my shoe,” is uncertain. [ l[“ , `al ], may mean either “upon” or “unto.” If the former, some (otherwise unsubstantiated) custom of asserting ownership of land may be meant. If the latter, the meaning is “Edom I will treat as a slave,” to whom the shoes are cast on entering a house. Burton Scott Easton SHOHAM <sho’-ham > ([ µh”vo , shoham ], “onyx”; Codex Vaticanus [ jIsoa>m, Isoam ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ jIssoa>m, Issoam ]): One of the sons of Merari ( 1 Chronicles 24:27).

    SHOMER <sho’-mer > ([ rmewOv , shomer ]): (1) The father of one of the conspirators who killed Joash ( 2 Kings 12:21). See SHIMEATH. (2) One of the sons of Heber of the tribe of Asher ( 1 Chronicles 7:32). See SHEMER.

    SHOPHACH <sho’-fak > . See SHOBACH.

    SHOPHAN <sho’-fan > ([ ˆp;wOv , shophan ]). See ATROTH-SHOPHAN.

    SHORE : (1) [ twOj , choph ], always of the Mediterranean, variously translated “haven,” “beach,” “shore,” “sea-shore,” “coast,” “sea coast” ( Genesis 49:13; Deuteronomy 1:7; Joshua 9:1; Judges 5:17; Jeremiah 47:7; Ezekiel 25:16). (2) [ hp;c; , saphah ], literally, “lip”; compare Arabic shafat, “lip”; of the sand upon the seashore, a figure of multitude ( Genesis 22:17; Exodus 14:30; Joshua 11:4; Judges 7:12; 1 Samuel 13:5; Kings 4:29); the shore of the Red Sea or Gulf of `Aqabah by Ezion-geber ( 1 Kings 9:26; 2 Chronicles 8:17); the brink of the River Nile ( Genesis 41:3,17); the edge (the King James Version “brink”) of the valley of Arnon ( Deuteronomy 2:36). (3) [ hx,q; , qatseh ], literally, “end,” “extremity,” the uttermost part (the King James Version “shore”) of the Salt Sea ( Joshua 15:2); [ 6r,a;h; hxeq] , qetsh ha-’arets ], “the end of the earth” ( Psalm 46:9); compare Arabic ‘aqaci-l-’ard, “the uttermost parts of the earth.” (4) [cei~lov, cheilos ], literally, “lip,” “as the sand which is by the seashore” ( Hebrews 11:12). (5) [aijgialo>v, aigialos ], the beach (the King James Version “shore”) of the Sea of Galilee ( Matthew 13:2,48; John 21:4); of the Mediterranean ( Acts 21:5; 27:39,40). (6) [a+sson parele>gonto ththn, asson parelegonto ten Kreten ], doubtful reading, “sailed along Crete, close in shore” (the King James Version “sailed along by Crete”) ( Acts 27:13). See COAST; HAVEN; SAND.

    Alfred Ely Day SHORTEN <shor’-t’-n > : The Hebrew word qatsar and the Greek koloboo literally indicate abbreviation of time or space ( Psalm 89:45; Proverbs 10:27; Ezekiel 42:5); figuratively they point to limitation of power or of suffering ( Numbers 11:23; Isaiah 50:2; 59:1; Matthew 24:22; Mark 13:20).

    SHOSHANNIM EDUTH <sho-shan’-im e’-duth > . See SONG; PSALMS.

    SHOULDER ([ µk,v] , shekhem ], [ tteK; , katheph ], [ [“roz] , zeroa `] or [ [“wOrz] , zerowa `], or [ y[;wOrz] , zero`ah ], [ qwOv , shoq ]; [w+mov, omos ], [braci>wn, brachion ] (Sirach 7:31 only)): The meanings of the Hebrew words are rather varied. The first (shekhem ) has perhaps the widest application. It is used for the part of the body on which heavy loads are carried ( Genesis 21:14; 24:15,45; Exodus 12:34; Joshua 4:5; Judges 9:48). King Saul’s impressive personality is thus described: “There was not among the children of Israel a goodlier person than he: from his shoulders and upward he was higher than any of the people” ( 1 Samuel 9:2; 10:23). To carry loads on the shoulder or to have “a staff on the shoulder” is expressive of subjection and servitude, yea, of oppression and cruel punishment, and the removal of such burdens or of the rod of the oppressor connotes delivery and freedom ( Isaiah 9:4; 14:25).

    FIGURATIVELY:

    The shoulders also bear responsibility and power. Thus it is said of King Messiah, that “the government shall be upon his shoulder” ( Isaiah 9:6) and “the key of the house of David will I lay upon his shoulder; and he shall open, and none shall shut; and he shall shut, and none shall open” ( Isaiah 22:22). Job declares that he will refute all accusations of unlawful conduct made against him, in the words: “Oh .... that I had the indictment which mine adversary hath written! Surely I would carry it upon my shoulder” ( Job 31:35 f).

    The Hebrew word katheph comes very close in meaning to the above, though it is occasionally used in the sense of arm-piece and shoulder-piece of a garment. Like Hebrew shekhem , it is used to describe the part of the body accustomed to carry loads. On it the Levites carried the implements of the sanctuary ( Numbers 7:9; 1 Chronicles 15:15; 2 Chronicles 35:3). Oriental mothers and fathers carried their children on the shoulder astride ( Isaiah 49:22; compare 60:4); thus also the little bundle of the poor is borne ( Ezekiel 12:6,7,12). The loaded shoulder is likely to be “worn” or chafed under the burden ( Ezekiel 29:18). In the two passages of the New Testament in which we find the Greek equivalent of shoulder (omos , fairly common in Apocrypha), it corresponds most closely with this use ( Matthew 23:4; Luke 15:5). Of the shoulders of animals the word katheph is used in Ezekiel 34:21 (of sheep, where, however, men are intended) and in Isaiah 30:6 (of asses).

    Stubborn opposition and unwillingness is expressed by “withdrew the shoulder” ( Nehemiah 9:29), or “pulled away the shoulder” ( Zechariah 7:11), where the marginal rendering is “they gave (or “turned”) a stubborn shoulder.” Contrast “bow the shoulder,” i.e. “submit” (Baruch 2:21). Compare “stiffnecked”; see NECK. Somewhat difficult for the understanding of Occidentals is the poetical passage in the blessing of Moses: “Of Benjamin he said, The beloved of Yahweh shall dwell in safety by him; he covereth him all the day long, and he dwelleth between his shoulders” ( Deuteronomy 33:12). The “shoulders” refer here to the mountain saddles and proclivities of the territory of Benjamin between which Jerusalem, the beloved of Yahweh, which belonged to Judah, lay nestling close upon the confines of the neighboring tribe, or even built in part on ground belonging to Benjamin.

    Much less frequently than the above-mentioned words. we find zeroa `, zero`ah , which is used of the “boiled shoulder of the ram” which was a wave offering at the consecration of a Nazirite ( Numbers 6:19) and of one of the priestly portions of the sacrifice ( Deuteronomy 18:3). In Sirach 7:31 this portion is called brachion , properly “arm,” but both the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American) translate “shoulder.” Regarding the wave and heave offerings see SACRIFICE . the King James Version frequently translates Hebrew shoq , literally, “leg,” “thigh” (which see) by “shoulder,” which the Revised Version (British and American) occasionally retains in the margin (e.g. Numbers 6:20). H. L. E. Luering SHOULDER-BLADE <shol’der-blad > ([ hm;k]vi , shikhmah ]): “Then let my shoulder (kathephi ) fall from the shoulder-blade (shikhmah ), and mine arm (zeroa ` be broken from the bone (qaneh )” ( Job 31:22). The Hebrew word is the feminine form of shekhem (see SHOULDER). It is found only in this passage.

    SHOULDER-PIECE <shol’-der-pes > ([ tteK; , katheph ]): The word designates the two straps or pieces of cloth which passed from the back of the ephod (see EPHOD) of the high priest over the shoulder and were fastened at the front. These shoulder-pieces seem to have been made of a precious texture of linen (or byssos) with threads of gold, blue, purple and scarlet, to which two onyx (or beryl) stones were attached bearing the names of six tribes of Israel each. These are called the “stones of memorial” ( Exodus 39:18). On these straps there were also fastened the plaited or woven bands (“wreathed chains”) from which, by means of two golden rings, the breastplate was suspended. It is by no means clear from the descriptions ( Exodus 28:7,12,25; 39:4,7,18,20) how we have to imagine the form and attachment of these shoulder-pieces. It has been thought that the ephod might be of Egyptian origin, which is not very probable, though V.

    Ancessi, Annales de philosophie chretienne, 1872, 45 ff, reproduces some representations from the great work of Lepsius, Denkmaler, where costly royal garments have two shoulder straps, like the ephod. Usually Egyptian garments have no shoulder strap, or at most one. H. L. E. Luering SHOVEL <shuv’-l > : (1) [ tj”r” , rachath ], is a wooden shovel used on the threshingfloor for winnowing the grain ( Isaiah 30:24). (2) [ [y; , ya` ], is used in various passages to indicate some instrument employed to carry away ashes from the altar ( Exodus 27:3; 38:3; Numbers 4:14; 1 Kings 7:40,45; 2 Kings 25:14; Chronicles 4:11,16; Jeremiah 52:18). It was very likely a small shovel like those used in connection with modern fireplaces for cleaning away the ashes (compare Hebrew ya`ah , “to sweep away”) or for carrying live coals to start a new fire. (3) [ dtey; , yathedh ] ( Deuteronomy 23:13 the Revised Version margin) James A. Patch SHOW <sho > . See SHEW.

    SHOWBREAD <sho’-bred > . See SHEWBREAD.

    SHOWBREAD, TABLE OF See SHEWBREAD, TABLE OF.

    SHOWER <shou’-er > : (1) [ µybiybir] , rebhibhim ], a plural form apparently denoting gentle rain, usually used figuratively, as in Deuteronomy 32:2; Psalm 72:6; Micah 5:7. (2) [ µv,G, , geshem ], used of gentle rain in Job 37:6: “shower of rain,” the King James Version “small rain”; used of the flood in Genesis 7:12. Figuratively, of blessing, “showers of blessing” ( Ezekiel 34:26); of destruction: “There shall be an overflowing shower in mine anger, and great hailstones in wrath to consume it” ( Ezekiel 13:13). (3) [ µr,z, , zerem ], usually storm or tempest (compare Isaiah 4:6; 28:2): “They are wet with the showers of the mountain” ( Job 24:8). (4) [o]mbrov, ombros ] ( Luke 12:54), Rain is unknown in Palestine in the long summer of 5 or 6 months. A few showers usually fall in September, succeeded by fine weather for some weeks before the beginning of the heavy and long-continued winter rains. Alfred Ely Day SHRINE <shrin > (nao>v, naos ]): In Acts 19:24 small models of temples for Diana.

    SHROUD <shroud > ([ vr,jo , choresh ], “bough”): Winding-sheet for the dead. See BURIAL. Used in the King James Version, the English Revised Version Ezekiel 31:3 in the rare old sense of “shelter,” “covering.” the American Standard Revised Version has “a forest-like shade” [ vr,jo , choresh ], “wood,” “wooded height”) ( Isaiah 17:9, etc.). Compare Milton, Comus, 147.

    SHRUB <shrub > ([ j”yci , siach ] ( Genesis 21:15)). See BUSH, (2).

    SHUA, SHUAH <shoo’-a > : (1) ([ [“Wv , shua `] “prosperity”): A Canaanite whose daughter Judah took to wife ( Genesis 38:2,12; 1 Chronicles 2:3). See BATH-SHUA. (2) ([ a[;Wv , shu`-a’ ]’, “prosperity”): Daughter of Heber, an Asherite ( 1 Chronicles 7:32). (3) ([ j”Wv , shuach ], “depression”): A son of Keturah by Abraham ( Genesis 25:2; 1 Chronicles 1:32), and his posterity. See BILDAD. (4) A brother of Caleb ( 1 Chronicles 4:11). See SHUHAH.

    SHUAL <shoo’-al > ([ l[;Wv , shu`al ]): An Asherite ( 1 Chronicles 7:36).

    SHUAL, LAND OF ([ l[;Wv 6r,a, , ‘erets shu`al ]; [hJ Swga>l, he Sogal ]): From their encampment at Michmash the Philistines sent out marauding bands, one going westward toward Beth-horon, another eastward, “the way of the border that looketh down upon the valley of Zeboim.” The pass to the South was held against them by Israel. The third party therefore went northward, turning “unto the way that leadeth to Ophrah, unto the land of Shual” ( 1 Samuel 13:17 f). Ophrah is probably identical with ettaiyibeh, a village which lies some 5 miles East of Beitin (Bethel). It is in this district therefore that the land of Shual must be sought, but no definite identification is possible. W. Ewing SHUBAEL <shoo’ba-el > , <shoo-ba’-el > ([ ;aeb;Wv , shubha’el ]): (1) A Levite, son of Amram ( 1 Chronicles 24:20); one of the leaders of song in the temple ( 1 Chronicles 25:20). See SHEBUEL; Gray, HPN, 310. (2) A son of Heman ( 1 Chronicles 25:4). See SHEBUEL.

    SHUHAH <shoo’-ha > ([ hj;Wv , shuchah ], “depression”): A brother of Caleb ( Chronicles 4:11).

    SHUHAM <shoo’-ham > ([ µj;Wvo , shucham ]): Son of Dan, ancestor of the Shuhamites ( Numbers 26:42 f). In Genesis 46:23 called “Hushim.”

    SHUHITE <shoo’-hit > ([ yjiWv , shuchi ]): Cognomen of Bildad, one of Job’s friends ( Job 2:11; 8:1; 18:1; 25:1; 42:9). The place referred to cannot be definitely located. See BILDAD; SHUAH.

    SHULAMMITE <shoo’-la-mit > (Song 6:13, the King James Version “Shulamite”). See SHUNAMMITE.

    SHUMATHITES <shoo’-math-its > ( ytim;vu , shumathi ]): One of the families of Kiriath-jearim ( 1 Chronicles 2:53).

    SHUNAMMITE <shoo’-na-mit > ([ tyMin”vi , shunammith ], [ tyMin”Wv , shunammith ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Swmanei~tiv, Somaneitis ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Soumanith~v, Soumanites ]): Applied to natives of Shunem. (1) Abishag, who was brought to minister to the aged king David, love for whom led Adonijah to his doom ( 1 Kings 1:3,15; 2:17, etc.). (2) The woman, name unknown, whose son Elisha raised from the dead ( 2 Kings 4:12, etc.). Later when apparently she had become a widow, after seven years’ absence on account of famine, in the land of the Philistines, she returned to find her property in the hands of others.

    Elisha’s intervention secured its restoration ( 2 Kings 8:1-6). (3) The Shulammite (Song 6:13). In this name there is the exchange of “l” for “n” which is common. W. Ewing SHUNEM <shoo’-nem > ([ µneWv , shunem ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Souna>n, Sounan ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Souna>m, Sounam ]): A town in the territory of Issachar named with Jezreel and Chesulloth ( Joshua 19:18). Before the battle of Gilboa the Philistines pitched their camp here. They and the army of Saul, stationed on Gilboa, were in full view of each other ( 1 Samuel 28:4). It was the scene of the touching story recorded in 2 Kings 4:8-37, in which the prophet Elisha raises to life the son of his Shunammite benefactress. Eusebius (Onomasticon) describes it as a village called Sulem, 5 Roman miles South of Mt. Tabor. This points to the modern Solam, a village surrounded by cactus hedges and orchards on the lower southwestern slope of Jebel ed-Duchy (“Hill of Moreh”). It commands an uninterrupted view across the plain of Esdraelon to Mt. Carmel, which is about 15 miles distant. It also looks far across the valley of Jezreel to the slopes of Gilboa on the South. It therefore meets satisfactorily the conditions of Joshua and 1 Samuel. A question has, however, been raised as to its identity with the Shunem of 2 Kings 4. Elisha’s home was in Samaria. Apparently Carmel was one of his favorite haunts. If he passed Shunem “continually” ( 2 Kings 4:9), going to and coming from the mountain, it involved a very long detour if this were the village visited. It would seem more natural to identify the Shunem of Elisha with the Sanim of Eusebius, Onomasticon, which is said to be in the territory of Sebaste (Samaria), in the region of Akrabatta: or perhaps with Salim, fully a mile North of Taanach, as nearer the line of travel between Samaria and Carmel.

    There is, however, nothing to show that Elisha’s visits to Shunem were paid on his journeys between Samaria and Carmel. It may have been his custom to visit certain cities on circuit, on business calling for his personal attention, e.g. in connection with the “schools of the prophets.” Materials do not exist on which any certain conclusion can rest. Both Solam Salim are on the edge of the splendid grain fields of Esdraelon ( 2 Kings 4:18). W. Ewing SHUNI; SHUNITES <shoo’-ni > , <shoo’-nits > . ([ yniWv , shuni ]): One of the sons of Gad and his descendants ( Genesis 46:16; Numbers 26:15).

    SHUPHAM; SHUPHAMITES <shoo’-fam > , <shoo’-fam-its > . See SHEPHUPHAM.

    SHUPPIM <shup’-im > ([ µyPivu , shuppim ]): (1) One of the descendants of Benjamin ( 1 Chronicles 7:12,15). (2) One of the porters in the temple ( 1 Chronicles 26:16). See MUPPIM; SHEPHUPHAM.

    SHUR <shur > , <shoor > ([ rWv , shur ]; [ Sou>r, Sour ]): The name of a desert East of the Gulf of Suez. The word means a “wall,” and may probably refer to the mountain wall of the Tih plateau as visible from the shore plains. In Genesis 16:7 Hagar at Kadesh (`Ain Qadis) (see 16:14) is said to have been “in the way to Shur.” Abraham also lived “between Kadesh and Shur” ( Genesis 20:1). The position of Shur is defined ( Genesis 25:18) as being “opposite Egypt on the way to Assyria.” After crossing the Red Sea ( Exodus 15:4) the Hebrews entered the desert of Shur ( Exodus 15:22), which extended southward a distance of three days’ journey. It is again noticed ( 1 Samuel 15:7) as being opposite Egypt, and ( Samuel 27:8) as near Egypt. There is thus no doubt of its situation, on the East of the Red Sea, and of the Bitter Lakes.

    Brugsch, however, proposed to regard Shur (“the wall”) as equivalent to the Egyptian anbu (“wall”), the name of a fortification of some kind apparently near Kantarah] (see MIGDOL (2) ), probably barring the entrance to Egypt on the road from Pelusium to Zoan. The extent of this “wall” is unknown, but Brugsch connects it with the wall mentioned by Diodorus Siculus (i.4) who wrote about 8 BC, and who attributed it to Sesostris (probably Rameses II) who defended “the east side of Egypt against the irruptions of the Syrians and Arabians, by a wall drawn from Pelusium through the deserts as far as to Heliopolis, for a space of 1,500 furlongs.” Heliopolis lies 90 miles (not 188) Southwest of Pelusium: this wall, if it existed at all, would have run on the edge of the desert which extends North of Wady Tumeilat from Kantarah] to Tell el-Kebir; but this line, on the borders of Goshen, is evidently much too far West to have any connection with the desert of Shur East of the Gulf of Suez. See Budge, Hist. Egypt, 90; Brugsch, Egypt under the Pharaohs, abridged edition, 320. C. R. Conder SHUSHAN <shoo’-shan > ([ ˆv”Wv , shushan ]; [ Sousa>n, Sousan ], [ Sou>sa, Sousa ]): 1. POSITION, EYTMOLOGY AND FORMS OF ITS NAME:

    This city, the Susu or Susan of the Babylonians, and the native (Elamite) Susun, is the modern Shush (Sus) in Southwestern Persia, a series of ruinmounds on the banks of the river Kerkha. The ancient etymologies (“city of lilies” or “of horses”) are probably worthless, as an etymology in the language of the place would rather be expected. Sayce therefore connects the name with sassa, meaning “former,” and pointing to some such meaning as “the old” city. It is frequently mentioned in the Babylonian inscriptions of the 3rd millennium BC, and is expressed by the characters for the goddess Ishtar and for “cedar,” implying that it was regarded as the place of the “divine grove” (see 5, below). In later days, the Assyrians substituted for the second character, that having the value of ses, possibly indicating its pronunciation. Radau (Early Babylonian History, 236) identifies Shushan (Susa) with the Sasa of the Babylonian king Kuri-galzu (14th century BC, if the first of the name), who dedicates to the Babylonian goddess Ninlil an inscription of a certain Siatu, who had, at an earlier date, dedicated it to Ishtar for the life of the Babylonian king Dungi (circa 2500 BC). 2. THE RUINS:

    The surface still covered with ruins is about 2,000 hectares (4,940 acres), though this is but a fraction compared with the ancient extent of the city, which is estimated to have been between 12,000 and 15,000 hectares (29,640-37,000 acres). Though considerable, the extent of Susa was small compared with Nineveh and Babylon. The ruins are divided by the French explorers into four tracts: (1) The Citadel-mound (West), of the Achemenian period (5th century BC), circa 1,476 by 820 ft., dominating the plain (height circa 124 ft.). (2) The Royal City on the East of the Citadel, composed of two parts: the Apadana (Northeast), and a nearly triangular tract extending to the East and the South. This contains the remains of the palace of Darius and his successors, and occupies rather more than 123 acres. The palace proper and the throne-room were separated from the rest of the official buildings. (3) The City, occupied by artisans, merchants, etc. (4) The district on the right bank, similarly inhabited. This in ancient times extended into all the lower plain, between the Shaour and the Kerkha. Besides these, there were many isolated ruins, and the suburbs contained a number of villages and separate constructions. 3. THE “ROYAL CITY,” “THE CITADEL,” AND THE RUINS THEREIN:

    Most of the constructions at Susa are of the Persian period. In the northern part of the Royal City lie the remains of the Apadana, the only great monument of which remains were found on the level. The principal portion consisted of a great hall of columns, known as the throne-room of Artaxeres Mnemon. It replaced an earlier structure by Darius, which was destroyed by fire in the time of Artaxerxes I. The columns apparently had capitals of the style common in Persia — the foreparts of two bulls kneeling back to back. In the Citadel a palace built by Xerxes seems to have existed, the base of one of his columns having been found there.

    Bricks bearing the inscriptions of early Elamite kings, and the foundations of older walls, testify to the antiquity of the occupation of this part.

    According to the explorers, this was the portion of the city reserved for the temples. 4. THE MONUMENTS DISCOVERED:

    The number of important antiquities found on the site is considerable.

    Among the finds may be mentioned the triumphal stele of Naram-Sin, king of Agade (3rd-4th millennium BC); the statuettes of the Babylonian king Dungi (circa 2360 BC); the reliefs and inscriptions of the Elamite king Ba(?)-sa-Susinak (circa 2340 BC); the obelisk inscribed with the laws of Hammurabi of Babylon; the bronze bas-relief of the Elamite king Sutruk- Nahhunte (circa 1120 BC), who carried off from Babylonia the stelae of Naram-Sin and Hammurabi above mentioned, together with numerous other Babylonian monuments; the stele of Adda-hamiti-In-Susnak, of a much later date, together with numerous other objects of art and inscriptions — a most precious archaeological find. 5. ASSUR-BANI-APLI’S DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY:

    Shushan passed through many serious crises, one of the severest being its capture and destruction by the armies of the Assyrian king Assur-bani-apli about 640 BC. According to his account, the ziqqurat or temple-tower of Susa was built of enameled brick imitating lapis-lazuli, and was adorned with pinnacles of bright bronze. The god of the city was Susinak, who dwelt in a secret place, and none ever saw the form of his divinity.

    Lagamaru (Laomer) and five other of the city’s deities were adored only by kings, and their images, with those of 12 more (worshipped by the people), were carried off as spoil to Assyria. Winged bulls and genii adorned Susa’s temples, and figures of wild bulls protected the entrances to their shrines.

    Other noteworthy things were the sacred groves into which no stranger was allowed to enter, and the burial-places of the Elamite kings. After recovering from the blow inflicted by the Assyrians, Shushan ultimately regained its old importance, and, as the summer residence of the Persian kings, became the home of Ahasuerus and Queen Esther ( Nehemiah 1:1; Est 1:2,5; 2:3; 3:15; 9:11 ff; Daniel 8:2; Additions to Esther 11:3).

    LITERATURE. See Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’art dans l’antiquite, volume V, Perse, 1890; de Morgan, Delegation en Perse (Memoires), 1900, etc.; Histoire et travaux de la delegation en Perse, 1905; article “Elamites” in Hastings ERE; article ELAM in this work.

    T. G. Pinches SHUSHAN EDUTH <shoo’-shan e’-duth > . See SONG; PSALMS.

    SHUSHANCHITES <shoo-shan’-kits > ([ ayek”n]v”Wv , shushanekhaye’ ] (Aramaic); Codex Vaticanus [ Sousunacai~oi, Sousunachaioi ]; the King James Version Susanchites): Colonists in Samaria whose original home was in Shushan ( Ezra 4:9).

    SHUTHALHITES <shoo-thal’-hits > , <sho’-thal-hits > . See SHUTHELAH.

    SHUTHELAH; SHUTHELAHITES <shoo-the’-la > , <shoo’-the-la > , <shoo-the’-la-hits > , <shoo’-the-la-hits > ([ yjil]t”vu , shuthalchi ]): A son of Ephraim ( Numbers 26:35,36; compare 1 Chronicles 7:20,21), and his descendants. See GENEALOGY.

    SHUTTLE <shut’-’l > . See WEAVING.

    SIA; SIAHA <si’-a > , <si’-a-ha > ([ a[;ysi , ci’a’ ): One of the remnant which returned from captivity ( Nehemiah 7:47; Ezra 2:44).

    SIBBECAI, SIBBECHAI <sib’-e-ki > , <sib-e-ka’-i > ([ yk”B]si , cibbekhay ]): One of the valiant men in David’s army ( 2 Samuel 21:18; 1 Chronicles 11:29; 20:4; 27:11).

    SIBBOLETH <sib’o-leth > ([ tl,Bosi , cibboleth ]). See SHIBBOLETH.

    SIBMAH <sib’-ma > . See SEBAM.

    SIBRAIM <sib-ra’-im > , <sib’-ra-im > ([ µyir”b]si , cibhrayim ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Sebra>m, Sebram ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sefra>m, Sephram ]): A place named as on the boundary of Palestine in Ezekiel’s ideal delineation, “between the border of Damascus and the border of Hamath” ( Ezekiel 47:16). It may possibly be represented by the modern Khirbet Sanbariyeh on the west bank of Nahr el-Chasbany, about 3 miles Southeast of `Abil.

    SIBYLLINE ORACLES <sib’-i-lin > , <-lin or’-a-k’-lz > . See APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE, B, V.

    SICARII <si-ka’-ri-i > . See ASSASSINS.

    SICHEM <si’-kem > ([ µk,v] , shekhem ]). the King James Version in Genesis 12:6. See SHECHEM.

    SICK; SICKNESS <sik > , <sik’-nes > ([ hl;j; , chalah ] ( Genesis 48:1, etc.), [ ylij;] , choli ] ( Deuteronomy 28:61, etc.), [ aluj\T” , tachalu’ ] ( Deuteronomy 29:21, etc.), [ hl;j\m” , machalah ] ( Exodus 23:25, etc.), [ hw,D; , daweh ] ( Leviticus 15:33, etc.), [ vn”a; , ‘anash ] ( 2 Samuel 12:15, etc.); [ajsqene>w, astheneo ( Matthew 10:8, etc.;. compare 2 Macc 9:22), [kakw>v e]cwn, kakos echon ] ( Luke 7:2), [kakw~v e]contav, kakos echontas ] ( Matthew 4:24, etc.), [a]rjrJwstov, arrhostos ] (Sirach 7:35; Matthew 14:14, etc.), [ajrjrJw~sthma, arrhostema ] (Sirach 10:10, etc.), with various cognates, [ka>mnw, kamno ] ( James 5:15); Latin morbus (2 Esdras 8:31)): Compared with the number of deaths recorded in the historical books of the Bible the instances in which diseases are mentioned are few. “Sick” and “sickness” (including “disease,” etc.) are the translations of 6 Hebrew and 9 Greek words and occur 56 times in the Old Testament and 57 times in the New Testament. The number of references in the latter is significant as showing how much the healing of the sick was characteristic of the Lord’s ministry. The diseases specified are varied. Of infantile sickness there is an instance in Bath-sheba’s child ( 2 Samuel 12:15), whose disease is termed ‘anash , not improbably trismus nascentium, a common disease in Palestine. Among adolescents there are recorded the unspecified sickness of Abijah ( 1 Kings 14:1), of the widow’s son at Zarephath ( 1 Kings 17:17), the sunstroke of the Shunammite’s son ( 2 Kings 4:19), the epileptic boy ( Matthew 17:15), Jairus’ daughter ( Matthew 9:18), and the nobleman’s son ( John 4:46). At the other extreme of life Jacob’s death was preceded by sickness ( Genesis 48:1). Sickness resulted from accident (Ahaziah, Kings 1:2), wounds (Joram, 2 Kings 8:29), from the violence of passion (Amnon, 2 Samuel 13:2), or mental emotion ( Daniel 8:27); see also in this connection Song 2:5; 5:8. Sickness the result of drunkenness is mentioned ( Hosea 7:5), and as a consequence of famine ( Jeremiah 14:18) or violence ( Micah 6:13). Daweh or periodic sickness is referred to ( Leviticus 15:33; 20:18), and an extreme case is that of Luke 8:43.

    In some examples the nature of the disease is specified, as Asa’s disease in his feet ( 1 Kings 15:23), for which he sought the aid of physicians in vain ( 2 Chronicles 16:12). Hezekiah and Job suffered from sore boils, Jehoram from some severe dysenteric attack ( 2 Chronicles 21:19), as did Antiochus Epiphanes (2 Macc 9:5). Probably the sudden and fatal disease of Herod was similar, as in both cases there is reference to the presence of worms (compare Acts 12:23 and 2 Macc 9:9). The disease of Publius’ father was also dysentery ( Acts 28:8). Other diseases specified are paralysis ( Matthew 8:6; 9:2), and fever ( Matthew 8:14). Not improbably the sudden illness of the young Egyptian at Ziklag ( 1 Samuel 30:11), and the illness of Ben-hadad which weakened him so that he could not resist the violence of Hazael, were also the common Palestine fever ( 2 Kings 8:15) of whose symptoms and effects there is a graphic description in Psalm 38. Unspecified fatal illnesses were those of Elisha ( 2 Kings 13:14), Lazarus ( John 11:1), Tabitha ( Acts 9:37). In the language of the Bible, leprosy is spoken of as a defilement to be cleansed, rather than as a disease to be cured.

    The proverb concerning the sick quoted by the Lord at Capernaum ( Mark 2:17) has come down to us in several forms in apocryphal and rabbinical writings (Babha’ Qamma’ 26:13; Sanhedhrin 176), but is nowhere so terse as in the form in which He expresses it. The Lord performed His healing of the sick by His word or touch, and one of the most emphatic charges which He gave to His disciples when sending them out was to heal the sick. One of the methods used by them, the anointing with oil, is mentioned in Mark 6:13 and enjoined by James (5:15). In later times the anointing which was at first used as a remedial agent became a ceremonial in preparation for death, one of the seven sacraments of the Roman church (Aquinas, Summa Theologia suppl. ad Piii. 29).

    The duty of visiting the sick is referred to in Ezekiel 34:4,16, and by the Lord in the description of the Judgment scene ( Matthew 25:36,43). It is inculcated in several of the rabbinical tracts. “He that visits the sick lengthens his life, he who refrains shortens it,” says Rabbi Ischanan in Nedharim 29. In Shulchan `Arukh, Yoreh De`ah there is a chapter devoted to this duty, which is regarded as incumbent on the Jew, even though the sick person be a Gentile (Gittin 61a). The church’s duty to the sick, so long neglected, has, within the last century, been recognized in the mission field, and has proved, in heathen lands, to be the most important of all pioneer agressive methods.

    While we find that the apostles freely exercised their gifts of healing, it is noteworthy that we read of the sickness of two of Paul’s companions, Epaphroditus ( Philippians 2:26) and Trophimus (2 Tim 4:20), for whose recovery he seems to have used no other means than prayer. See also DISEASE.

    Alexander Macalister SICKLE <sik’-’l > ([ vmer]j, , chermesh ] ( Deuteronomy 16:9; 23:25), [ lG;m” , maggal ]; compare Arabic minjal ( Jeremiah 50:16; Joel 3:13); [dre>panon, drepanon ] ( Mark 4:29; Revelation 14:14-19)):

    Although the ancients pulled much of their grain by hand, we know that they also used sickles. The form of this instrument varied, as is evidenced by the Egyptian sculptures. The earliest sickle was probably of wood, shaped like the modern scythe, although much smaller, with the cutting edge made of sharp flints set into the wood. Sickle flints were found at Tel el-Chesy. Crescent-shaped iron sickles were found in the same mound. In Palestine and Syria the sickle varies in size. It is usually made wholly of iron or steel and shaped much like the instrument used in western lands.

    The smaller-sized sickles are used both for pruning and for reaping. James A. Patch SICYON <sish’-i-on > ([ Sikuw>n, Sikuon ], [ Sukuw>n, Sukuon ], [ Sukiw>n, Sukion ]):

    Mentioned in 1 Macc 15:23 in the list of countries and cities to which Lucius the Roman consul (probably Lucius Calpurnius Piso, 139 BC) wrote, asking them to be friendly to the Jews. The Jewish dispersion had already taken place, and Jews were living in most of the seaports and cities of Asia Minor, Greece and Egypt (compare Sib Or 3:271, circa 140 BC, and Philo).

    Sicyon was situated 18 miles West of Corinth on the south side of the Gulf of Corinth. Its antiquity and ancient importance are seen by its coins still extant, dating from the 5th century. Though not as important as Corinth in its sea trade, the burning of that city in 143 BC, and the favor shown to Sicyon by the Roman authorities in adding to its territory and assigning to it the direction of the Isthmian games, increased its wealth and influence for a time. S. F. Hunter SIDDIM, VALE OF <sid’-im > , ([ µyDiCih” qm,[e , `emeq ha-siddim ]; Septuagint [hJ fa>ragx, he pharangx ] (or [koilakoilas ]) [hJ aJlukh>, he haluke ]): The place mentioned in Genesis 14:3-8 as being the scene of encounter between Chedorlaomer and his allies with the kings of Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboiim and Zoar. In 14:3 it is identified with the Salt Sea, and in 14:10 it is said to have been full of slime pits (“bitumen”).

    According to the traditional view, the Vale of Siddim was at the southern end of the Dead Sea. But in recent years a number of eminent authorities have maintained that it was at the northern end of the Dead Sea, in the vicinity of Jericho. Their argument has mainly been drawn from incidental references in the scene ( Genesis 13:1-13) describing the parting of Lot and Abram, and again in the account of Moses’ vision from Pisgah ( Deuteronomy 34:3).

    In the account of Abram and Lot, it is said that from Bethel they saw “all the Plain of the Jordan, that it was well watered everywhere, before Yahweh destroyed Sodom and Gomorrah.” The word here translated “plain” means “circle,” and well describes the view which one has of the plain about Jericho from Bethel as he looks down the valley past Ai. But it seems to go beyond the text to assume that the Vale of Siddim was within that circle of vision, for it is said in Genesis 13:12 simply that Lot dwelt “in the cities of the Plain, and moved his tent as far as Sodom.” In the vision of Moses, likewise, we have a very general and condensed description, in which it is said that he was shown “the Plain of the valley of Jericho, the city of palm-trees, unto Zoar,” which, as we learn from Genesis 19:22, was not far from the Vale of Siddim. It is true that from the traditional site of Pisgah the south end of the Dead Sea could not be seen. But we are by no means sure that the traditional site of Pisgah is the true one, or that the import of this language should be restricted to the points which are actually within range of vision.

    The tendency at the present time is to return to the traditional view that the Vale of Siddim was at the south end of the Dead Sea. This is supported by the fact that Jebel Usdum, the salt mountain at the southwest corner of the Dead Sea, still bears the name of Sodom, Usdum being simply another form of the word. A still stronger argument, however, is drawn from the general topographical and geological conditions. In the first place, Zoar, to which Lot is said to have fled, was not far away. The most natural site for it is near the mouth of the Wady Kerak, which comes down from Moab into the southern end of the Dead Sea (see ZOAR); and this city was ever afterward spoken of as a Moabite city, which would not have been the case if it had been at the north end of the sea. It is notable in Joshua 13:15-21, where the cities given to Reuben are enumerated, that, though the slopes of Pisgah are mentioned, Zoar is not mentioned.

    In Genesis 14, where the battle between Amraphel and his allies with Sodom and the other cities of the plain is described, the south end of the Dead Sea comes in logical order in the progress of their campaign, and special mention is made of the slime or bitumen pits which occurred in the valley, and evidently played an important part in the outcome of the battle.

    At the south end of the Dead Sea there is an extensive circle or plain which is better supplied with water for irrigation than is the region about Jericho, and which, on the supposition of slight geological changes, may have been extremely fertile in ancient times; while there are many indications of such fertility in the ruins that have been described by travelers about the mouth of the Kerak and other localities nearby. The description, therefore, of the fertility of the region in the Vale of Siddim may well have applied to this region at the time of Lot’s entrance into it.

    There are very persistent traditions that great topographical changes took place around the south end of the Dead Sea in connection with the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, while the opinion has been universally prevalent among the earlier historical writers that the site of Sodom and Gomorrah is beneath the waters of the Dead Sea.

    Geological investigations, so far from disproving these traditions, render them altogether possible and credible. There is a remarkable contrast between the depths of the north end of the Dead Sea and of the south end.

    Near the north end the depth descends to 1,300 ft., whereas for many miles out from the south end it is very shallow, so that at low water a ford exists, and is occasionally used, from the north end of the salt mountain across to el-Lisan.

    The precipitous salt cliffs of Jebel Usdum which border the southwest corner of the Dead Sea would indicate that, in comparatively recent times, there had been abrupt subsidence of a good many feet in the bottom of the Dead Sea at that end.

    Such subsidences of limited areas and in connection with earthquakes are by no means uncommon. In 1819 an area of 2,000 square miles about the delta of the Indus sank beneath the level of the sea, so that the tops of the houses were barely seen above the water. A smaller area in the delta of the Selenga River sank during the last century beneath the waters of Lake Baikal. Professor R.S. Tarr of Cornell University has recently described the effect of an earthquake on the shores of Alaska, in which there was a change of level of 47 ft.

    More probably (see ARABAH; DEAD SEA ) there has been a rise in the waters of the Dead Sea since Abraham’s time, caused by the encroachment upon the original area of evaporation by the deltas which have been pushed into the main part of the depression by the Jordan, and various smaller streams descending from the highlands on either side. In consequence of these encroachments, the equilibrium between precipitation and evaporation could be maintained only by a rise in the water causing it to spread over the shallow shelf at the south end, thus covering a large part of the Vale of Siddim with the shoal water now found between el-Lisan and Jebel Usdum. George Frederick Wright SIDE <si’-de > ([ Si>dh, Side ]): An ancient town of Pamphylia, occupying a triangular promontory on the coast. It was one of the towns to which a letter favorable to the Jews was sent by the Roman consul Lucius (1 Macc 15:23). The town seems to have been of considerable antiquity, for it had existed long before it fell into the possession of Alexander the Great, and for a time it was the metropolis of Pamphylia. Off the coast the fleet of Antiochus was defeated by the Rhodians. During the 1st century, Side was noted as one of the chief ports of pirates who disposed of much of their booty there. The ruins of the city, which are now very extensive, bear the name Eski Adalia, but among them there are no occupied houses. The two harbors protected by a sea wall may still be traced, but they are now filled with sand. The wall on the land side of the city was provided with a gate which was protected with round towers; the walls themselves are of Greek-Roman type. Within the walls the more important of the remains are three theaters near the harbors, and streets with covered porticoes leading from the city gate to the harbors. Without the walls, the street leading to the city gate is lined with sarcophagi, and among the shrubbery of the neighboring fields are traces of many buildings and of an aqueduct. E. J. Banks SIDES <sidz > ([ hk;r]y” , yarekhah ], “thigh,” “flank”): the Revised Version (British and American) substitutes “innermost parts” for the King James Version “sides” in Jon 1:5; compare 1 Samuel 24:3.

    SIDON (1) <si’-don > ([ ˆdoyxi , tsidhon ]): The oldest son of Canaan ( Genesis 10:15).

    SIDON (2) <si’-don > ([ ˆwOdyxi , tsidhon ]; [ Sidw>n, Sidon ]; the King James Version, Sidon and Zidon; the Revised Version (British and American) SIDON only): 1. LOCATION AND DISTINCTION:

    One of the oldest Phoenician cities, situated on a narrow plain between the range of Lebanon and the sea, in latitude 33 degrees 34 minutes nearly.

    The plain is well watered and fertile, about 10 miles long, extending from a little North of Sarepta to the Bostrenus (Nahr el-’Auly). The ancient city was situated near the northern end of the plain, surrounded with a strong wall. It possessed two harbors, the northern one about 500 yds. long by 200 wide, well protected by little islets and a breakwater, and a southern about 600 by 400 yards, surrounded on three sides by land, but open to the West, and thus exposed in bad weather. The date of the founding of the city is unknown, but we find it mentioned in the Tell el-Amarna Letters in the 14th century BC, and in Genesis 10:19 it is the chief city of the Canaanites, and Joshua ( Joshua 11:8) calls it Great Sidon. It led all the Phoenician cities in its early development of maritime affairs, its sailors being the first to launch out into the open sea out of sight of land and to sail by night, guiding themselves by the stars. They were the first to come into contact with the Greeks and we find the mention of them several times in Homer, while other Phoenician towns are not noticed. Sidon became early distinguished for its manufactures and the skill of its artisans, such as beautiful metal-work in silver and bronze and textile fabrics embroidered and dyed with the famous purple dye which became known as Tyrian, but which was earlier produced at Sidon. Notices of these choice articles are found in Homer, both in the Iliad and the Odyssey. Sidon had a monarchical form of government, as did all the Phoenician towns, but it also held a sort of hegemony over those to the South as far as the limit of Phoenicia. It likewise made one attempt to establish an inland colony at Laish or Dan, near the headwaters of the Jordan, but this ended in disaster ( Judges 18:7,27,28). The attempt was not renewed, but many colonies were established over-sea. Citium, in Cyprus, was one of the earliest. 2. HISTORICAL: (1) The independence of Sidon was lost when the kings of the XVIIIth and XIXth Dynasties of Egypt added Palestine and Syria to their dominions (1580-1205 BC). The kings of Sidon were allowed to remain on the throne as long as they paid tribute, and perhaps still exercised authority over the towns that had before been subject to them. When the power of Egypt declined under Amenhotep IV (1375- 1358), the king of Sidon seems to have thrown off the yoke, as appears from the Tell el-Amarna Letters. Rib-addi of Gebal writes to the king of Egypt that Zimrida, king of Sidon, had joined the enemy, but Zimrida himself claims, in the letters he wrote, to be loyal, declaring that the town belonging to him had been taken by the Khabiri (Tab. 147). Sidon, with the other towns, eventually became independent of Egypt, and she retained the hegemony of the southern towns and perhaps added Dor, claimed by the Philistines, to her dominion. This may have been the reason for the war that took place about the middle of the 12th century BC, in which the Philistines took and plundered Sidon, whose inhabitants fled to Tyre and gave the latter a great impetus. Sidon, however, recovered from the disaster and became powerful again. The Book of Judges claims that Israel was oppressed by Sidon (10:12), but it is probable Sidon stands here for Phoenicia in general, as being the chief town. (2) Sidon submitted to the Assyrian kings as did the Phoenician cities generally, but revolted against Sennacherib and again under Esarhaddon.

    The latter destroyed a large part of the city and carried off most of the inhabitants, replacing them by captives from Babylon and Elam, and renamed it Ir-Esar-had-don (“City of Esar-haddon”). The settlers readily mingled with the Phoenicians, and Sidon rose to power again when Assyria fell, was besieged by Nebuchadnezzar at the time of his siege of Jerusalem and Tyre, and was taken, having lost about half of its inhabitants by plague. The fall of Babylon gave another short period of independence, but the Persians gained control without difficulty, and Sidon was prominent in the Persian period as the leading naval power among the Phoenicians who aided their suzerain in his attacks upon Greece. In 351 BC, Sidon rebelled under Tabnit II (Tennes), and called in the aid of Greek mercenaries to the number of 10,000; but Ochus, the Persian king, marched against him with a force of 300,000 infantry and 30,000 horse, which so frightened Tabnit that he betrayed the city to save his own life. But the citizens, learning of the treachery, first burned their fleet and then their houses, perishing with their wives and children rather than fall into the hands of Ochus, who butchered all whom he seized, Tabnit among them. It is said that 40,000 perished in the flames. A list of the kings of Sidon in the Persian period has been recovered from the inscriptions and the coins, but the dates of their reigns are not accurately known. The dynasty of the known kings begins with Esmunazar I, followed by Tabnit I, Amastoreth; Esmunazar II, Strato I (Bodastart), Tabnit II (Tennes) and Strato II. Inscriptions from the temple of Esmun recently discovered give the name of a Bodastart and a son Yatonmelik, but whether the first is one of the Stratos above mentioned or a third is uncertain; also whether the son ever reigned or not. As Bodastart calls himself the grandson of Esmunazar, he is probably Strato I who reigned about 374-363 BC, and hence, his grandfather, Esmunazar I, must have reigned in 400 BC or earlier. Strato II was on the throne when Alexander took possession of Phoenicia and made no resistance to him, and even aided him in the siege of Tyre, which shows that Sidon had recovered after the terrible disaster it suffered in the time of Ochus. It perhaps looked upon the advance of Alexander with content as its avenger. The destruction of Tyre increased the importance of Sidon, and after the death of Alexander it became attached to the kingdom of the Ptolemies and remained so until the victory of Antiochus III over Scopas (198 BC), when it passed to the Seleucids and from them to the Romans, who granted it a degree of autonomy with native magistrates and a council, and it was allowed to coin money in bronze. 3. NEW TESTAMENT MENTION:

    Sidon comes into view several times in the New Testament; first when Christ passed into the borders of Tyre and Sidon and healed the daughter of the Syro-phoenician woman ( Mark 7:24-30); also when Herod Agrippa I received a delegation from Tyre and Sidon at Caesarea ( Acts 12:20), where it appears to have been outside his jurisdiction. Paul, on his way to Rome, was permitted to visit some friends at Sidon ( Acts 27:3).

    See also Matthew 11:21 f and Mark 3:8.

    It was noted for its school of philosophy under Augustus and Tiberius, its inhabitants being largely Greek; and when Berytus was destroyed by an earthquake in 551, its great law school was removed to Sidon. It was not of great importance during the Crusades, being far surpassed by Acre, and in modern times it is a small town of some 15,000.

    LITERATURE. See PHOENICIA.

    H. Porter SIDONIANS <si-do’-ni-anz > : Natives or inhabitants of Sidon ( Deuteronomy 3:9; Joshua 13:4,6; Judges 3:3; 1 Kings 5:6).

    SIEGE <sej > ([ rwOxm; , matsor ] ( Deuteronomy 28:52,53; 1 Kings 15:27; 2 Kings 25:2; Isaiah 29:3; Ezekiel 4:2); “to be besieged,” “to suffer siege,” ba-matsor bo’ ( Deuteronomy 20:19; 2 Kings 24:10; 25:2)): 1. IN EARLY HEBREW HISTORY:

    In early Hebrew history, siege operations are not described and can have been little known. Although the Israelites had acquired a certain degree of military discipline in the wilderness, when they entered Canaan they had no experience of the operations of a siege and were without the engines of war necessary for the purpose. Jericho, with its strongly fortified wall, was indeed formally invested — it “was straitly shut up because of the children of Israel: none went out, and none came in” ( Joshua 6:1) — but it fell into their hands without a siege. Other cities seem to have yielded after pitched battles, or to have been taken by assault. Many of the Canaanite fortresses, like Gezer ( 2 Samuel 5:25; Joshua 16:10), Taanach and Megiddo ( Judges 1:27), remained unreduced. Jerusalem was captured by the men of Judah ( Judges 1:8), but the fort of Jebus remained unconquered till the time of David ( 2 Samuel 5:6). 2. IN THE MONARCHY:

    In the days of the monarchy more is heard of siege operations. At the siege of Rabbath-Ammon Joab seems to have deprived the city of its watersupply and rendered it untenable ( 2 Samuel 11:1; 12:27). At Abel of Beth-maacah siege operations are described in which Joab distinguished himself ( 2 Samuel 20:15). David and Solomon, and, after the disruption of the kingdom, Rehoboam and Jeroboam built fortresses which ere long became the scene of siege operations. The war between Judah and Israel in the days of Nadab, Baasha, and Elah was, for the most part, a war of sieges. It was while besieging Gibbethon that Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, was slain by Baasha ( 1 Kings 15:27), and, 27 years after, while the army of Israel was still investing the same place, the soldiery chose their commander Omri to be king over Israel ( 1 Kings 16:16). From the Egyptians, the Syrians, the Assyrians, and the Chaldeans, with whom they came into relations in later times as allies or as enemies, the people of the Southern and of the Northern Kingdoms learned much regarding the art, both of attack and of defense of fortified places. 3. PRELIMINARIES TO SIEGE:

    It was an instruction of the Deuteronomic Law that before a city was invested for a long siege, it should be summoned to capitulate ( Deuteronomy 20:10; compare 2 Samuel 20:18; 2 Kings 18:17 ff). If the offer of peace be declined, then the siege is to be proceeded with, and if the city be captured, all the male population is to be put to death, and the women and children reserved as a prey for the captors. To this humane reservation the cities of the Canaanites were to be an exception: their inhabitants were to be wholly exterminated ( Deuteronomy 20:16-18).

    The same law prescribed that there should be no unnecessary destruction of fruit trees in the prosecution of a long siege. Trees not yielding fruit for human sustenance might be cut down: “And thou shalt build bulwarks (matsor , “siegeworks”) against the city that maketh war with thee, until it fall” ( Deuteronomy 20:19,20). This instruction to have regard to the fruit trees around a hostile city seems to have been more honored in the breach than in the observance, even in Israel. When the allied kings of Israel, Judah, and Edom were invading Moab and had instruction to “smite every fortified city,” the prophet Elisha bade them also “fell every good tree, and stop all fountains of water, and mar every good piece of land with stones” ( 2 Kings 3:19,25). When the assault of Jerusalem by the Chaldeans was imminent, Yahweh commanded the cutting down of the trees ( Jeremiah 6:6). In Arabian warfare, we are told, the destruction of the enemy’s palm groves was a favorite exploit (Robertson Smith, OTJC2, 369), and the Assyrians when they captured a city had no compunction in destroying its plantations (Inscription of Shalmaneser II on Black Obelisk). 4. SIEGE OPERATIONS: ATTACK:

    From passages in the Prophets, upon which much light has been thrown by the ancient monuments of Assyria and Chaldea, we gain a very clear idea of the siege works directed against a city by Assyrian or Chaldean invaders.

    The siege of Lachish ( 2 Kings 18:13,14; Isaiah 36:1,2) by Sennacherib is the subject of a series of magnificent reliefs from the mound of Koyunjik (Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, lI, plates 20, 21, 22). The downfall of Nineveh as predicted in Nahum s prophecy lets us see the siege operations proceeding with striking realism (see Der Untergang Ninivehs by A. Jeremias and Colonel Billerbeck). Nowhere, however, are the incidents of a siege — the gathering of hostile forces, the slaughter of peaceful inhabitants in the country around, the raising of siegeworks, the setting of engines of war against the walls, the demolition of the towers, the breach in the principal wall, the rush of men and the clatter of horses’ hoofs through the streets, the slaughter, the pillage, the destruction of walls and houses — more fully and faithfully recorded than by Ezekiel when predicting the capture of Tyre by Nebuchadrezzar ( Ezekiel 26:7-12).

    The siege of Tyre lasted 13 years, and Ezekiel tells how every head was made bald and every shoulder worn by the hard service of the besiegers ( Ezekiel 29:18). There were various ways in which an invading army might deal with a fortified city so as to secure its possession. Terms might be offered to secure a capitulation ( 1 Kings 20:1 ff; 2 Kings 18:14 ff). An attempt might be made to reduce the city by starvation ( 2 Kings 6:24 ff; 2 Kings 17:5 ff). The city might be invested and captured by assault and storm, as Lachish was by Sennacherib ( 2 Kings 18:13; 19:8; see Layard, op cit., II, plates 20-24). The chief operations of the besiegers were as follows: (1) Investment of City: There was the investment of the city by the besieging army. It was sometimes necessary to establish a fortified camp, like that of Sennacherib at Lachish to guard against sorties by the defenders. Of the siege of Jerusalem we read that Nebuchadrezzar came, “he and all his army, against Jerusalem, and encamped against it” ( Jeremiah 52:4; compare <122501> Kings 25:1). From the commencement of the siege, slingers and archers were posted where they could keep the defenders engaged; and it is to this that reference is made when Jeremiah says: “Call together the archers against Babylon, all them that bend the bow; encamp against her round about; let none thereof escape” ( Jeremiah 50:29). (2) Line of Circumvallation: There was next the drawing of a line of circumvallation (day’eq ) with detached forts round about the walls. These forts were towers manned by archers, or they were used as stations from which to discharge missiles ( Jeremiah 52:4; Ezekiel 17:17). In this connection the word “munition” in the King James Version and the English Revised Version (matsor ) in Nah 1:1 disappears in the American Standard Revised Version and is replaced by “fortress.” (3) Mound or Earthworks: Following upon this was the mound (colelah ), or earthworks, built up to the height of the walls, so as to command the streets of the city, and strike terror into the besieged. From the mound thus erected the besiegers were able to batter the upper and weaker part of the city wall ( 2 Samuel 20:15; Isaiah 37:33; Jeremiah 6:6; Ezekiel 4:2; Daniel 11:15; Lamentations 4:18). If, however, the town, or fortress, was built upon an eminence, an inclined plane reaching to the height of the eminence might be formed of earth or stones, or trees, and the besiegers would be able to bring their engines to the foot of the walls. This road was even covered with bricks, forming a kind of paved way, up which the ponderous machines could be drawn without difficulty. To such roads there are references in Scripture ( Job 19:12; Isaiah 29:3, “siege works”; compare Layard, Nineveh and Its Remains, II, 366 f). In the case of Tyre this mound, or way of approach, was a dam thrown across the narrow strait to obtain access to the walls ( Ezekiel 26:8). Very often, too, there was a trench, sometimes filled with water, at the foot of the wall, which had to be dealt with previous to an assault. (4) Battering-Rams: The earthworks having been thrown up, and approaches to the walls secured, it was possible to set and to work the battering-rams (karim ) which were to be employed in breaching the walls ( Ezekiel 4:2), or in bursting open the gates ( Ezekiel 21:22). The battering-rams were of different kinds. On Assyrian monuments they are found joined to movable towers holding warriors and armed men, or, in other cases, joined to a stationary tower constructed on the spot. When the men who are detailed to work the ram get it into play, with its heavy beams of planks fastened together and the great mass of metal forming its head, they can hardly fail to make an impression, and gradually, by the constantly repeated shocks, a breach is opened and the besiegers are able to rush in and bear down the defenders. It is to the shelter furnished by these towers that the prophet Nahum refers (2:5) when he says,”The mantelet is prepared,” and that Isaiah points when he declares that the king of Assyria “shall not come unto this city, nor shoot an arrow there, neither shall he come before it with shield (maghen ), nor cast up a mound against it” ( Isaiah 37:33).

    Ezekiel has the same figure when, describing the siege of Tyre by Nebuchadrezzar, he declares that he shall “cast up a mound” against her, and “raise up the buckler,” the buckler (qinnah ) being like the Roman testudo, or roof of shields, under cover of which the besiegers carried on operations ( Ezekiel 26:8; Colonel Billerbeck (op. cit., 178) is doubtful whether this device was known to the Assyrians). Under the shelter of their movable towers the besiegers could push forward mines, an operation known as part of siegecraft from a high antiquity (see 2 Samuel 20:15, where the American Revised Version margin and the English Revised Version margin give “undermined” as an alternative to “battered”; tunneling was well known in antiquity, as the Siloam tunnel shows). (5) Storming of Walls and Rushing of Breach: The culminating operation would be the storming of the walls, the rushing of the breach. Scaling-ladders were employed to cross the encircling trench or ditch ( Proverbs 21:22); and Joel in his powerful description of the army of locusts which had devastated the land says that they “climb the wall like men of war” ( Joel 2:7). Attempts were made to set fire to the gates and to break them open with axes ( Judges 9:52; compare Nehemiah 1:3; 2:3; Ezekiel 26:9). Jeremiah tells of the breach that was made in the city when Jerusalem was captured ( Jeremiah 39:2).

    The breaches in the wall of Samaria are referred to by Amos (4:3), who pictures the women rushing forth headlong like a herd of kine with hooks and fishhooks in their nostrils. 5. SIEGE OPERATIONS: DEFENSE:

    While the besiegers employed this variety of means of attack, the besieged were equally ingenious and active in maintaining the defense. All sorts of obstructions were placed in the way of the besieging army. Springs and cisterns likely to afford supplies of water to the invaders were carefully covered up, or drained off into the city. Where possible, trenches were filled with water to make them impassable. As the siege-works of the enemy approached the main wall, it was usual to build inner fortifications, and for this purpose houses were pulled down to provide the needful space and also to supply building materials ( Isaiah 22:10). Slingers placed upon the walls hurled stones upon the advancing enemy, and archers from loopholes and protected battlements discharged arrows against the warriors in their movable towers. Sorties were made to damage the siegeworks of the enemy and to prevent the battering-rams from being placed in position. To counteract the assaults of the battering-rams, sacks of chaff were let down like a ship’s fender in front of the place where the engine operated — a contrivance countered again by poles with scythes upon them which cut off the sacks (Josephus, BJ, III, vii, 20). So, too, the defenders, by dropping a doubled chain or rope from the battlements, caught the ram and broke the force of its blows. Attempts were made to destroy the ram also by fire. In the great bas-relief of the siege of Lachish an inhabitant is seen hurling a lighted torch from the wall; and it was a common device to pour boiling water or oil from the wall upon the assailants. Missiles, too, were thrown with deadly effect from the battlements by the defenders, and it was by a piece of a millstone thrown by a woman that Abimelech met his death at Thebez ( Judges 9:53).

    While Uzziah of Judah furnished his soldiers with shields and spears and helmets and coats of mail and bows and slingstones, he also “made in Jerusalem engines, invented by skillful men, to be on the towers and upon the battlements, wherewith to shoot arrows and great stones” ( Chronicles 26:15). The Jews had, for the defense of Jerusalem against the army of Titus, engines which they had taken from the Twelfth Legion at Beth-horon which seem to have had a range of 1,200 ft. Many ingenious devices are described by Josephus as employed by himself when conducting the defense of Jotapata in Galilee against Vespasian and the forces of Rome (BJ, III, vii). 6. RAISING OF SIEGE:

    When Nahash king of the Ammonites laid siege to Jabesh-gilead in the opening days of the reign of Saul, the terms of peace offered to the inhabitants were so humiliating and cruel that they sought a respite of seven days and appealed to Saul in their distress. When the newly chosen king heard of their desperate condition he assembled a great army, scattered the Ammonites, and raised the siege of Jabesh-gilead, thus earning the lasting gratitude of the inhabitants (1 Samuel 11; compare Samuel 31:12,13). When Zedekiah of Judah found himself besieged in Jerusalem by the Chaldean army under Nebuzaradan, he sent intelligence to Pharaoh Hophra who crossed the frontier with his army to attack the Chaldeans and obliged them to desist from the siege. The Chaldeans withdrew for the moment from the walls of Jerusalem and offered battle to Pharaoh Hophra and his host, but the courage of the Egyptian king failed him and he retired in haste without encountering the Chaldeans in a pitched battle. The siege was prosecuted to the bitter end, and Jerusalem was captured and completely overthrown ( 2 Kings 25:1; Jeremiah 37:3-10; Ezekiel 17:17). 7. HORRORS OF SIEGE AND CAPTURE:

    In the ancient law of Israel “siege” is classed with drought and pestilence and exile as punishments with which Yahweh would visit His people for their disobedience ( Deuteronomy 28:49-57). Of the horrors there described they had again and again bitter experience. At the siege of Samaria by Ben-hadad II, so terrible were the straits to which the besieged were reduced that they cooked and ate their own children ( 2 Kings 6:28). In the siege of Jerusalem by the Chaldeans, which ended in the overthrow of the city and the destruction of the Temple, the sufferings of the inhabitants from hunger and disease were incredible ( 2 Kings 25:3; Jeremiah 32:24; Lamentations 2:20; 4:8-10). The horrors of siege have, perhaps, reached their climax in the account given by Josephus of the tragedy of Masada. To escape capture by the Romans, ten men were chosen by lot from among the occupants of the fortress, 960 in number, including combatants and non-combatants, men, women and children, to slay the rest. From these ten one was similarly chosen to slay the survivors, and he, having accomplished his awful task, ran his sword into his own body (Josephus, BJ, VII, ix, 1). While all the inhabitants of a city under siege suffered the famine of bread and the thirst for water, the combatants ran the risk of impalement and other forms of torture to which prisoners in Assyrian and Chaldean and Roman warfare were subjected.

    The horrors attending the siege of a city were only surpassed by the barbarities perpetrated at its capture. The emptying of a city by its capture is likened to the hurling of a stone from a sling ( Jeremiah 10:17,18).

    Deportation of the whole of the inhabitants often followed ( 2 Kings 17:6; 24:14). Not only were the inhabitants of the captured city deported, but their gods were carried off with them and the idols broken in pieces.

    This is predicted or recorded of Babylon ( Isaiah 21:9; 46:1; Jeremiah 50:2), of Egypt ( Jeremiah 43:12), of Samaria ( Hosea 10:6). Indiscriminate slaughter followed the entrance of the assailants, and the city was usually given over to the flames ( Jeremiah 39:8,9; Lamentations 4:18). “Cities without number,” says Shalmaneser II in one of his inscriptions, “I wrecked, razed, burned with fire.” Houses were destroyed and women dishonored ( Zechariah 14:2). When Darius took Babylon, he impaled three thousand prisoners (Herodotus iii.159). The Scythians scalped and flayed their enemies and used their skins for horse trappings (ibid., iv.64). The Assyrian sculptures show prisoners subjected to horrible tortures, or carried away into slavery. The captured Zedekiah had his eyes put out after he had seen his own sons cruelly put to death ( 2 Kings 25:7). It is only employing the imagery familiar to Assyrian warfare when Isaiah represents Yahweh as saying to Sennacherib: “Therefore will I put my hook in thy nose, and my bridle in thy lips, and I will turn thee back by the way by which thou camest” ( Isaiah 37:29).

    Anticipating the savage barbarities that would follow the capture of Samaria by the Assyrians, Hosea foresees the infants being dashed to pieces and the women with child being ripped up ( Hosea 10:14; 13:16; compare Amos 1:13). The prophet Nahum predicting the overthrow of Nineveh recalls how at the capture of No-amon (Egyptian Thebes) by the Assyrian conqueror, Ashurbanipal, “her young children also were dashed in pieces at the head of all the streets; and they cast lots for her honorable men, and all her great men were bound in chains” (Nah 3:10). 8. SIEGE IN THE NEW TESTAMENT:

    The only. explicit reference to siege operations in the New Testament is our Lord’s prediction of the complete destruction of Jerusalem when He wept over its coming doom: “For the days shall come upon thee, when thine enemies shall cast up a bank (charax , the King James Version, quite incorrectly, “trench”) about thee, and compass thee round, and keep thee in on every side, and shall dash thee to the ground, and thy children within thee; and they shall not leave in thee one stone upon another” ( Luke 19:43,44). The order and particulars of the siege are in accordance with the accounts of siege operations in the Old Testament. How completely the prediction was fulfilled we see from Josephus (BJ, V, vi, 10). Figurative: In Paul’s Epistles there are figures taken from siege operations. In Corinthians 10:4 we have “the casting down of strongholds,” where the Greek word [kaqai>resiv, kathairesis ], from [kaqairei~n, kathairein ], is the regular word used in Septuagint for the reduction of a fortress ( Proverbs 21:22; Lamentations 2:2; 1 Macc 5:65). In Ephesians 6:16 there is allusion to siege-works, for the subtle temptations of Satan are set forth as the flaming darts hurled by the besiegers of a fortress which the Christian soldier is to quench with the shield of faith.

    LITERATURE.

    Nowack, Hebraische Archaeologie, 71; Benzinger, “Kriegswesen” in Herzog3; Billerbeck and A. Jeremias, Der Untergang Ninivehs; Billerbeck, Der Festungsbau im alten Orient. T. Nicol SIEVE; SIFT <siv > . See AGRICULTURE; THRESHING.

    SIGLOS <sig’-los > ([si>glov, siglos ]): A Persian silver coin, twenty of which went to the gold DARIC (which see).

    SIGN <sin > ([ twOa , ‘oth ] “a sign” “mark” [ tpewOm , mopheth ], “wonder”’ [shmei~on, semeion ], “a sign,” “signal,” “mark”): A mark by which persons or things are distinguished and made known. In Scripture used generally of an address to the senses to attest the existence of supersensible and therefore divine power. Thus the plagues of Egypt were “signs” of divine displeasure against the Egyptians ( Exodus 4:8 ff; Joshua 24:17, and often); and the miracles of Jesus were “signs” to attest His unique relationship with God ( Matthew 12:38; John 2:18; Acts 2:22).

    Naturally, therefore, both in the Old Testament and the New Testament, “signs” are assimilated to the miraculous, and prevailingly associated with immediate divine interference. The popular belief in this manner of communication between the visible and the invisible worlds has always been, and is now, widespread. So-called “natural” explanations, however ingenious or cogent, fail with the great majority of people to explain anything. Wesley and Spurgeon were as firm believers in the validity of such methods of intercourse between man and God as were Moses and Gideon, Peter and John.

    The faith that walks by signs is not by any means to be lightly esteemed. It has been allied with the highest nobility of character and with the most signal achievement. Moses accepted the leadership of his people in response to a succession of signs: e.g. the burning bush, the rod which became a serpent, the leprous hand, etc. (Exodus 3 and 4); so, too, did Gideon, who was not above making proof of God in the sign of the fleece of wool ( Judges 6:36-40). In the training of the Twelve, Jesus did not disdain the use of signs ( Luke 5:1-11, and often); and the visions by which Peter and Paul were led to the evangelization of the Gentiles were interpreted by them as signs of the divine purpose (Acts 10 and 16).

    The sacramental use of the sign dates from the earliest period, and the character of the sign is as diverse as the occasion. The rainbow furnishes radiant suggestion of God’s overarching love and assurance that the waters shall no more become a flood to destroy the earth ( Genesis 9:13; compare 4:15); the Feast of Unleavened Bread is a reminder of God’s care in bringing His people out of bondage ( Exodus 13:3); the Sabbath is an oft-recurring proclamation of God’s gracious thought for the well-being of man ( Exodus 31:13; Ezekiel 20:12); the brazen serpent, an early foreshadowing of the cross, perpetuates the imperishable promise of forgiveness and redemption ( Numbers 21:9); circumcision is made the seal of the special covenant under which Israel became a people set apart ( Genesis 17:11); baptism, the Christian equivalent of circumcision, becomes the sign and seal of the dedicated life and the mark of those avowedly seeking to share in the blessedness of the Kingdom of God ( Luke 3:12-14; Acts 2:41, and often); bread and wine, a symbol of the spiritual manna by which soul and body are preserved unto everlasting life, is the hallowed memorial of the Lord’s death until His coming again ( Luke 22:14-20; 1 Corinthians 11:23-28). Most common of all were the local altars and mounds consecrated in simple and sincere fashion to a belief in God’s ruling and overruling providence ( Joshua 4:1-10).

    Signs were offered in proof of the divine commission of prophet ( Isaiah 20:3) and apostle (2 Cor 12:12), and of the Messiah Himself ( John 20:30; Acts 2:22); and they were submitted in demonstration of the divine character of their message ( 2 Kings 20:9; Isaiah 38:1; Acts 3:1-16). By anticipation the child to be born of a young woman ( Isaiah 7:10-16; compare Luke 2:12) is to certify the prophet’s pledge of a deliverer for a captive people. See IMMANUEL.

    With increase of faith the necessity for signs will gradually decrease. Jesus hints at this ( John 4:48), as does also Paul (1 Cor 1:22). Nevertheless “signs,” in the sense of displays of miraculous powers, are to accompany the faith of believers ( Mark 16:17 f), usher in and forthwith characterize the dispensation of the Holy Spirit, and mark the consummation of the ages ( Revelation 15:1). See also MIRACLE.

    For “sign” of a ship ([para>shmov, parasemos ], “ensign,” Acts 28:11). See DIOSCURI; SHIPS AND BOATS, III, 2.

    Charles M. Stuart SIGNET <sig’-net > . See SEAL.

    SIGNS, NUMERICAL <nu-mer’-i-kal > . See NUMBER.

    SIGNS OF THE HEAVENS See ASTRONOMY, I, 4.

    SIHON <si’-hon > ([ ˆwOjysi , cichon ]): King of the Amorites, who vainly opposed Israel on their journey from Egypt to Palestine, and who is frequently mentioned in the historical books and in the Psalms because of his prominence and as a warning for those who rise against Yahweh and His people ( Numbers 21:21, and often; Deuteronomy 1:4; 31:4; Joshua 2:10; Judges 11:19,20,21; 1 Kings 4:19; Nehemiah 9:22; <19D511> Psalm 135:11; 136:19; Jeremiah 48:45).

    SIHOR <si’-hor > . See SHIHOR.

    SIHOR-LIBNATH <si’-hor-lib’-nath > . See SHIHOR-LIBNATH.

    SILAS <si’-las > ([ Si>lav, Silas ], probably contraction for [ Silouano>v, Silouanos ]; the Hebrew equivalents suggested are [ vyliv; , shalish ], “Tertius,” or [ jl”v, , shelach ] ( Genesis 10:24) (Knowling), or [ lWav; , sha’ul ] = “asked” (Zahn)): The Silas of Acts is generally identified with the Silvaus of the Epistles. His identification with Titus has also been suggested, based on 2 Corinthians 1:19; 8:23, but this is very improbable (compare Knowling, Expositor’s Greek Test., II, 326). Silas, who was probably a Roman citizen (compare Acts 16:37), accompanied Paul during the greater part of his 2nd missionary journey (Acts 15 through 18). At the meeting of the Christian community under James at Jerusalem, which decided that circumcision should not be obligatory in the case of Gentile believers, Silas and Judas Barsabas were appointed along with Paul and Barnabas to convey to the churches in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia the epistle informing them of this decision. As “leading men among the brethren” at Jerusalem, and therefore more officially representative of the Jerusalem church than Paul and Barnabas, Silas and Judas were further commissioned to confirm the contents of the letter by “word of mouth.”

    On arrival at Antioch, the epistle was delivered, and Judas and Silas, “being themselves also prophets, exhorted the brethren with many words, and confirmed them.” Their mission being thus completed, the four were “dismissed in peace from the brethren unto those that had sent them forth” (Revised Version), or “unto the apostles” (the King James Version) ( Acts 15:22-33).

    Different readings now render the immediate movements of Silas somewhat obscure; Acts 15:33 would imply that he returned to Jerusalem. But some texts proceed in 15:34, “Notwithstanding it pleased Silas to abide there still,” and others add “and Judas alone proceeded.” Of this, the first half is accepted by the King James Version. The principal texts however reject the whole verse and are followed in this by the Revised Version (British and American). It is held by some that he remained in Antioch till chosen by Paul ( Acts 15:40). Others maintain that he returned to Jerusalem where John Mark then was (compare Acts 13:13); and that either during the interval of “some days” ( Acts 15:36), when the events described in Galatians 2:11 ff took place (Wendt), he returned to Antioch along with Peter, or that he and John Mark were summoned thither by Paul and Barnabas, subsequent to their dispute regarding Mark. (For fuller discussion, see Knowling, Expositor’s Greek Test., II, 330, 332-35.)

    Upon Barnabas’ separation from Paul, Silas was chosen by Paul in his place, and the two missionaries, “after being commended by the brethren (at Antioch) to the grace of the Lord,” proceeded on their journey ( Acts 15:33 margin through 40). Passing through Syria, Cilicia, Galatia, Phrygia and Mysia, where they delivered the decree of the Jerusalem council and strengthened the churches, and were joined by Timothy, they eventually reached Troas ( Acts 15:41 through 16:8). Indications are given that at this city Luke also became one of their party (compare also the apocryphal “Acts of Paul,” where this is definitely stated; Budge, Contendings of the Apostles, II, 544).

    Upon the call of the Macedonian, the missionary band set sail for Greece, and after touching at Samothrace, they landed at Neapolis ( Acts 16:9-11). At Philippi, Lydia, a seller of purple, was converted, and with her they made their abode; but the exorcism of an evil spirit from a sorceress brought upon Silas and Paul the enmity of her masters, whose source of gain was thus destroyed. On being charged before the magistrates with causing a breach of the peace and preaching false doctrine, their garments were rent off them and they were scourged and imprisoned. In no way dismayed, they prayed and sang hymns to God, and an earthquake in the middle of the night secured them a miraculous release. The magistrates, on learning that the two prisoners whom they had so maltreated were Roman citizens, came in person and besought them to depart out of the city ( Acts 16:12-39). After a short visit to the house of Lydia, where they held an interview with the brethren, they departed for Thessalonica, leaving Luke behind (compare Knowling, op. cit., 354-55). There they made many converts, especially among the Greeks, but upon the house of Jason, their host, being attacked by hostile Jews, they were compelled to escape by night to Berea ( Acts 16:40 through 17:10). There they received a better hearing from the Jews, but the enmity of the Thessalonian Jews still pursued them, and Paul was conducted for safety to Athens, Silas and Timothy being left behind. On his arrival, he dispatched an urgent message back to Bercea for Silas and Timothy to rejoin him at that city ( Acts 17:11-15). The narrative of Acts implies, however, that Paul had left Athens and had reached Corinth before he was overtaken by his two followers (18:5). Knowling (op. cit., 363-64) suggests that they may have actually met at Athens, and that Timothy was then sent to Thessalonica (compare 1 Thessalonians 3:1,2), and Silas to Philippi (compare Philippians 4:15), and that the three came together again at Corinth.

    The arrival of Silas and Timothy at that city is probably referred to in Corinthians 11:9. It is implied in Acts 18:18 that Silas did not leave Corinth at the same time as Paul, but no further definite reference is made to him in the narrative of the 2nd missionary journey.

    Assuming his identity with Silvanus, he is mentioned along with Paul and Timothy in 2 Corinthians 1:19 as having preached Christ among the Corinthians (compare Acts 18:5). In 1 Thessalonians 1:1, and <530101> Thessalonians 1:1, the same three send greetings to the church at Thessalonica (compare Acts 17:1-9). In 1 Peter 5:12 he is mentioned as a “faithful brother” and the bearer of that letter to the churches of the Dispersion (compare on this last Knowling, op. cit., 331- 32). The theory which assigns He to the authorship of Silas is untenable. C. M. Kerr SILENCE <si’-lens > : Five Hebrew roots, with various derivatives, and two Greek words are thus translated. The word is used literally for dumbness, interrupted speech, as in Lamentations 2:10; Psalm 32:3; Ecclesiastes 3:7; Amos 5:13; Acts 15:12; 1 Corinthians 14:28; 1 Timothy 2:11,12 the King James Version (the American Standard Revised Version “quietness”); Revelation 8:1, or figuratively of the unanswered prayers of the believer ( Psalm 83:1; 35:22; Jeremiah 8:14); of awe in the presence of the Divine Majesty ( Isaiah 41:1; Zechariah 2:13), or of death ( 1 Samuel 2:9; Psalm 94:17; 115:17).

    SILK; SILKWORM <silk’-wurm > ( (1) [ yvim, , meshi ] ( Ezekiel 16:10,13), perhaps from [ hv;m; , mashah ], “to draw” “to extract” compare Arabic masa’ of same meaning; Septuagint [tri>capton, trichapton ], “woven of hair”; (2) [sh>rikon, serikon ] ( Revelation 18:12); (31 [ vve , shesh ]; compare Arabic shash, a thin cotton material; (4) [ 6WB, buts ]; compare Arabic ‘abyad , “white,” from bad ; (5) [bu>ssov, bussos ], “fine linen,” later used of cotton and silk): The only undoubted reference to silk in the Bible is the passage cited from Revelation, where it is mentioned among the merchandise of Babylon.

    Serikon, “silk,” is from Ser , the Greek name of China, whence silk was first obtained. The equivalent Latin sericum occurs frequently in classical authors, and is found in the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) (Est 8:15) for buts , “fine linen.” For buts , bussos , and shesh English Versions of the Bible has nearly always “fine linen,” but for shesh in Proverbs 31:22, the King James Version has “silk,” and in Genesis 41:42 and Exodus 25:4, the King James Version margin has “silk” and the Revised Version margin has “cotton.” See LINEN; FINE.

    There can be little doubt of the correctness of English Versions of the Bible “silk” for meshi in Ezekiel 16:10, “I girded thee about with fine linen (shesh ), and’ covered thee with silk (meshi ),” and in the similar passage, Ezekiel 16:13.

    Silk is produced by all Lepidoptera, butterflies and moths, but it is of great economic importance only in the Chinese silkworm, Bombyx mori, whose larva, a yellowish-white caterpillar from 2 to 3 in. long, feeds on the leaves of the mulberry (Morus). A pair of large glands on the two sides of the stomach secrete a viscous fluid, which is conveyed by ducts to an orifice under the mouth. On issuing into the air, the fine stream is hardened into the silk fiber, which the caterpillar spins into a cocoon. Within the cocoon the caterpillar is presently transformed into the chrysalis or pupa. The cocoons from which silk is to be spun are subjected to heat which kills the pupae and prevents them from being transformed into the perfect insects or moths, which would otherwise damage the cocoons as they made their exit.

    The raising of silkworms, and the spinning and weaving of silk are now important industries in Syria, though the insect was unknown in Bible times. It was introduced to the Mediterranean region from China a few centuries after Christ. Coarse silk is produced from the Chinese oak silkmoth, Saturnia pernyi, and from the Japanese oak silk-moth, Saturnia yama-mai. The largest moth of Syria and Palestine is Saturnia pyri, from which silk has also been spun, but not commercially. See, further, WEAVING.

    Alfred Ely Day SILLA <sil’-a > ([ aL;si , cilla’ ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Galla>, Galla ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Gaalla>d, Gaallad ]): Joash was assassinated by his servants “at the house of Millo, on the way that goeth down to Silla” ( Kings 12:20). Wherever Beth-millo stood, Silla was evidently in the valley below it; but nothing is known of what it was or where it stood.

    SILOAM; SILOAH; SHELAH; SHILOAH <si-lo’-am > , <si-lo’-am > , <si-lo’-a > , <she’-la > , <shi-lo’-a > : (1) [ j”lVih” yme , me ha-shiloach ] (shiloach or shilloach is a passive form and means “sent” or “conducted”) “the waters of (the) Shiloah ” ( Isaiah 8:6). (2) [ jl”V,h” tk”reB; , berekhath ha-shelach ], “the pool of (the) Shelah” (the King James Version “Siloah”) ( Nehemiah 3:15). (3) [thqran tou~, ten kolumbethran tou ] (or [toton ]) [ Silwa>m, Siloam ], “the pool of Siloam” ( John 9:7). (4) [oJ pu>rgov ejn tw~| Silwa>m, ho purgos en to Siloam ], “the tower in Siloam” ( Luke 13:4). 1. THE MODERN SILWAN:

    Although the name is chiefly used in the Old Testament and Josephus as the name of certain “waters,” the surviving name today, Silwan , is that of a fairly prosperous village which extends along the steep east side of the Kidron valley from a little North of the “Virgin’s Fountain” as far as Bir Eyyub. The greater part of the village, the older and better built section, belongs to Moslem fellahin who cultivate the well-watered gardens in the valley and on the hill slopes opposite, but a southern part has recently been built in an extremely primitive manner by Yemen Jews, immigrants from South Arabia, and still farther South, in the commencement of the Wady en Nar, is the wretched settlement of the lepers. How long the site of Silwan has been occupied it is impossible to say. The village is mentioned in the 10th century by the Arab writer Muqaddasi. The numerous rock cuttings, steps, houses, caves, etc., some of which have at times served as chapels, show that the site has been much inhabited in the past, and at one period at least by hermits. The mention of “those eighteen, upon whom the tower in Siloam fell, and killed them” ( Luke 13:4) certainly suggests that there was a settlement there in New Testament times, although some writers consider that this may have reference to some tower on the city walls near the Pool of Siloam. 2. THE SILOAM AQUEDUCT:

    Opposite to the main part of Silwan is the “Virgin’s Fount,” ancient GIHON (which see), whose waters are practically monopolized by the villagers. It is the waters of this spring which are referred to in Isaiah 8:5,6: “Forasmuch as this people have refused the waters of Shiloah that go softly, .... now therefore, behold, the Lord bringeth up upon them the waters of the River.”

    The contrast between the little stream flowing from the Gihon and the great Euphrates is used as a figure of the vast difference between the apparent strength of the little kingdom of Judah and the House of David on the one hand, and the might of “Rezin and Remaliah’s son” and “all his glory.” Although it is quite probable that in those days there was an open streamlet in the valley, yet the meaning of Shiloah, “sent” or “conducted,” rather implies some kind of artificial channel, and there is also archaeological evidence that some at least of the waters of Gihon were even at that time conducted by a rock-cut aqueduct along the side of the Kidron valley (see JERUSALEM , VII, 5). It was not, however, till the days of Hezekiah that the great tunnel aqueduct, Siloam’s most famous work, was made ( 2 Kings 20:20): “Hezekiah also stopped the upper spring of the waters of Gihon, and brought them, straight down on the west side of the City of David” ( 2 Chronicles 32:30); “They stopped all the fountains, and the brook (nachal ) that flowed through the midst of the land, saying, Why should the kings of Assyria come, and find much water?” ( 2 Chronicles 32:4; Ecclesiasticus 48:17). Probably the exit of the water at Gihon was entirely covered up and the water flowed through the 1,700 ft. of tunnel and merged in the pool made for it (now known as the Birket Silwan) near the mouth of the Tyropceon valley. This extraordinary winding aqueduct along which the waters of the “Virgin’s Fount” still flow is described in JERUSALEM , VII, 4 (which see). The lower end of this tunnel which now emerges under a modern arch has long been known as `Ain Silwan, the “Fountain of Siloam,” and indeed, until the rediscovery of the tunnel connecting this with the Virgin’s Fount (a fact known to some in the 13th century, but by no means generally known until the last century), it was thought this was simply a spring. So many springs all over Palestine issue from artificial tunnels — it is indeed the rule in Judea — that the mistake is natural. Josephus gives no hint that he knew of so great a work as this of Hezekiah’s, and in the 5th century a church was erected, probably by the empress Eudoxia, at this spot, with the high altar over the sacred “spring.” The only pilgrim who mentions this church is Antonius Martyr (circa 570), and after its destruction, probably by the Persians in 614, it was entirely lost sight of until excavated by Messrs. Bliss and Dickie. It is a church of extraordinary architectural features; the floor of the center aisle is still visible. 3. THE “POOL OF SILOAM”:

    The water from the Siloam aqueduct, emerging at `Ain Silwan, flows today into a narrow shallow pool, approached by a steep flight of modern steps; from the southern extremity of this pool the water crosses under the modern road by means of an aqueduct, and after traversing a deeply cut rock channel below the scarped cliffs on the north side of el-Wad, it crosses under the main road up the Kidron and enters a number of channels of irrigation distributed among the gardens of the people of Silwan. The water here, as at its origin, is brackish and impregnated with sewage.

    The modern Birket es-Silwan is but a poor survivor of the fine pool which once was here. Bliss showed by his excavations at the site that once there was a great rock-cut pool,71 ft. North and South, by 75 ft. East and West, which may, in part at least, have been the work of Hezekiah ( 2 Kings 20:20), approached by a splendid flight of steps along its west side. The pool was surrounded by an arcade 12 ft. wide and 22 1/2 ft. high, and was divided by a central arcade, to make in all probability a pool for men and another for women. These buildings were probably Herodian, if not earlier, and therefore this, we may reasonably picture, was the condition of the pool at the time of the incident in John 9:7, when Jesus sent the blind man to “wash in the pool of Siloam.”

    This pool is also probably the Pool of Shelah described in Nehemiah 3:15 as lying between the Fountain Gate and the King’s Garden. It may also be the “king’s pool” of Nehemiah 2:14. If we were in any doubt regarding the position of the pool of Siloam, the explicit statement of Josephus (BJ, V, iv, 1) that the fountain of Siloam, which he says was a plentiful spring of sweet water, was at the mouth of the Tyropoeon would make us sure. 4. THE BIRKET EL CHAMRA:

    A little below this pool, at the very mouth of el-Wad, is a dry pool, now a vegetable garden, known as Birket el Chamra (“the red pool”). For many years the sewage of Jerusalem found its way to this spot, but when in an ancient city sewer was rediscovered (see PEFS, 1904, 392-94), the sewage was diverted and the site was sold to the Greek convent which surrounded it with a wall. Although this is no longer a pool, there is no doubt but that hereabouts there existed a pool because the great and massive dam which Bliss excavated here (see JERUSALEM, VI, 5) had clearly been made originally to support a large body of water. It is commonly supposed that the original pool here was older than the Birket Silwan, having been fed by an aqueduct which was constructed from Gihon along the side of the Kidron valley before Hezekiah’s great tunnel. If this is correct (and excavations are needed here to confirm this theory), then this may be the “lower pool” referred to in Isaiah 22:9, the waters of which Hezekiah “stopped,” and perhaps, too, that described in the same passage as the “old pool.” 5. THE SILOAM AQUEDUCT:

    The earliest known Hebrew inscription of any length was accidentally discovered near the lower end of the Siloam aqueduct in 1880, and reported by Dr. Schick. It was inscribed upon a rock-smoothed surface about 27 in. square, some 15 ft. from the mouth of the aqueduct; it was about 3 ft. above the bottom of the channel on the east side. The inscription consisted of six lines in archaic Hebrew, and has been translated by Professor Sayce as follows: (1) Behold the excavation. Now this (is) the history of the tunnel: while the excavators were still lifting up (2) The pick toward each other, and while there were yet three cubits (to be broken through) .... the voice of the one called (3) To his neighbor, for there was an (?) excess in the rock on the right.

    They rose up .... they struck on the west of the (4) Excavation; the excavators struck, each to meet the other, pick to pick. And there flowed (5) The waters from their outlet to the pool for a thousand, two hundred cubits; and (?) (6) Of a cubit, was the height of the rock over the head of the excavators ....

    It is only a roughly scratched inscription of the nature of a graffito; the flowing nature of the writing is fully explained by Dr. Reissner’s recent discovery of ostraca at Samaria written with pen and ink. It is not an official inscription, and consequently there is no kingly name and no date, but the prevalent view that it was made by the work people who carried out Hezekiah’s great work ( 2 Kings 20:20) is now further confirmed by the character of the Hebrew in the ostraca which Reissner dates as of the time of Ahab.

    Unfortunately this priceless monument of antiquity was violently removed from its place by some miscreants. The fragments have been collected and are now pieced together in the Constantinople museum. Fortunately several excellent “squeezes” as well as transcriptions were made before the inscription was broken up, so that the damage done is to be regretted rather on sentimental than on literary grounds. E. W. G. Masterman SILOAM, TOWERIN See JERUSALEM; SILOAM.

    SILVANUS <sil-va’-nus > ([ Silouano>v, Silouanos ] (2 Cor 1:19)). See SILAS.

    SILVER <sil’-ver > ([ ts,K, , keceph ]; [ajrgu>rion, argurion ], [a]rgurov, arguros ]):

    Silver was known in the earliest historic times. Specimens of early Egyptian and Babylonian silver work testify to the skill of the ancient silversmiths. In Palestine, silver objects have been found antedating the occupation of the land by the Hebrews. This metal was used for making all kinds of ornamental objects. In the mound of Gezer were found bowls, vases, ladles, hairpins, rings and bracelets of silver. The rings and settings for scarabs or seals were commonly of this metal. The first mention of silver in the Bible is in Genesis 13:2, where it says that Abraham was rich in cattle, in silver and gold. At that time it was commonly used in exchange in the form of bars or other shapes. Coins of that metal were of a much later date ( Genesis 20:16; 23:15; 24:53; 37:28, etc.). Booty was collected in silver ( Joshua 6:19); tribute was paid in the same ( Kings 15:19). It was also used for jewelry ( Genesis 44:2). The Children of Israel systematically despoiled the Egyptians of their silver before the exodus ( Exodus 3:22; 11:2; 12:35, etc.). Exodus 20:23 implies that idols were made of it. It was largely used in the fittings of the tabernacle (Exodus 26 ff) and later of the temple (2 Chronicles 2 ff).

    It is likely that the ancient supply of silver came from the mountains of Asia Minor where it is still found in abundance associated with lead as argentiferous galena, and with copper sulfide. The Turkish government mines this silver on shares with the natives. The Sinaitic peninsula probably also furnished some silver. Later Phoenician ships brought quantities of it from Greece and Spain. The Arabian sources are doubtful ( 2 Chronicles 9:14). Although silver does not tarnish readily in the air, it does corrode badly in the limestone soil of Palestine and Syria. This probably partly accounts for the small number of objects of this metal found. On the site of the ancient jewelers’ shops of Tyre the writer found objects of gold, bronze, lead, iron, but none of silver.

    FIGURATIVE:

    Silver to be as stones in Jerusalem ( 1 Kings 10:27) typified great abundance (compare Job 3:15; 22:25; 27:16; also Isaiah 60:17; Zechariah 9:3). The trying of men’s hearts was compared to the refining of silver ( Psalm 66:10; Isaiah 48:10). Yahweh’s words were as pure as silver refined seven times ( Psalm 12:6). The gaining of understanding is better than the gaining of silver ( Proverbs 3:14; compare 8:19; 10:20; 16:16; 22:1; 25:11). Silver become dross denoted deterioration ( Isaiah 1:22; Jeremiah 6:30). Breast and arms of silver was interpreted by Daniel to mean the inferior kingdom to follow Nebuchadnezzar’s ( Daniel 2:32,39).

    In the New Testament, reference should be made especially to Acts 19:24; James 5:3; Revelation 18:12. James A. Patch SILVERLING <sil’-ver-ling > ([ ts,K, tl,a, , ‘eleph kecheph ] ( Isaiah 7:23)): `A thousand of silver’ means a thousand shekels. See PIECE OF SILVER.

    SILVERSMITH <sil’-ver-smith > ([ajrguroko>pov, argurokopos ]): Mentioned only once ( Acts 19:24), where reference is made to Demetrius, a leading member of the silversmiths’ guild of Ephesus.

    SIMALCUE <si-mal-ku’-e > : the King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) IMALCUE (which see).

    SIMEON (1) <sim’-e-on > ([ ˆwO[m]vi , shim`on ]; [ Sumew>n, Sumeon ]; the Hebrew root is from [ [m”v; , shama `], “to hear” ( Genesis 29:33); some modern scholars (Hitzig, W. R. Smith, Stade, etc.) derive it from Arabic sima`, “the offspring of the hyena and female wolf”): In Genesis 29:33; 30:18-21; 35:23, Simeon is given as full brother to Reuben, Levi, Judah, Issachar and Zebulun, the son of Leah; and in Genesis 34:25; 49:5 as the brother of Levi and Dinah. He was left as a hostage in Egypt by orders of Joseph ( Genesis 42:24; 43:23). 1. THE PATRIARCH: BIBLICAL DATA:

    In the “blessing” of the dying Jacob, Simeon and Levi are linked together: “Simeon and Levi are brethren; Weapons of violence are their swords.

    O my soul, come not thou into their council; Unto their assembly, my glory, be not thou united; For in their anger they slew a man, And in their self-will they hocked an ox.

    Cursed be their anger, for it was fierce; And their wrath, for it was cruel:

    I will divide them in Jacob, And scatter them in Israel” ( Genesis 49:5-7).

    Whatever view may be taken of the events of Genesis 34:25 (and some would see in it “a tradition of the settlement of Jacob which belongs to a cycle quite independent of the descent into Egypt and the Exodus” (see S.

    A. Cook, Encyclopedia Brit, article “Simeon”)), it is clear that we have here a reference to it and the suggestion that the subsequent history of the tribe, and its eventual absorption in Judah, was the result of violence. In the same way the priestly Levites became distributed throughout the other tribes without any tribal inheritance of their own ( Deuteronomy 18:1; Joshua 13:14). From the mention ( Genesis 46:10; Exodus 6:15) of Shaul as being the son of a Canaanite woman, it may be supposed that the tribe was a mixed one.

    In the “blessing of Moses” (Deuteronomy 33) Simeon is not mentioned at all in the Hebrew text, although in some manuscripts of the Septuagint the latter half of Deuteronomy 33:6 is made to apply to him: “Let Simeon be a small company.” The history of the tribe is scanty and raises many problems. Of the many theories advanced to meet them it cannot be said that any one answers all difficulties. 2. THE TRIBE IN SCRIPTURE:

    In the wilderness of Sinai the Simeonites camped beside the Reubenites ( Numbers 2:12; 10:19); it was Zimri, a member of one of the leading families of this tribe, who was slain by Phinehas in the affair of Baal-peor ( Numbers 25:14). The statistics in Numbers 1:22 f, where the Simeonites are given as 59,300, compared with the 2nd census ( Numbers 26:14), where the numbers are 22,200, indicate a diminishing tribe. Some have connected this with the sin of Zimri.

    At the recital of the law at Mt. Gerizim, Simeon is mentioned first among those that were to respond to the blessings ( Deuteronomy 27:12). In the conquest of Canaan “Judah said unto Simeon his brother, Come up with me into my lot, that we may fight against the Canaanites; and I likewise will go with thee into thy lot. So Simeon went with him” ( Judges 1:3; compare 1:17). (Many scholars find in Genesis 34 a tribal attempt on the part of the Simeonites to gain possession of Shechem; if this is so, Judah did not assist, and the utter failure may have been a cause of Simeon’s subsequent dependence upon, and final absorption in, Judah.) In Judges 4 and 5 Simeon is never mentioned. In the settlement of the land there is no account of how Simeon established himself in his territory (except the scanty reference in Judges 1:3), but “their inheritance was in the midst of the inheritance of the children of Judah” ( Joshua 19:1); this is accounted for ( Joshua 19:9), “for the portion of the children of Judah was too much for them.” Nevertheless we find there the very cities which are apportioned to Simeon, allotted to Judah ( Joshua 15:21-32; compare Nehemiah 11:26-29). It is suggested (in 1 Chronicles 4:31) that the independent possession of these cities ceased in the time of David.

    David sent spoil to several Simeonite towns ( 1 Samuel 30:26 f), and in 1 Chronicles 12:25 it is recorded that 7,100 Simeonite warriors came to David in Hebron. In 1 Chronicles 27:16 we have mention of a ruler of the Simeonites, Shephatiah, son of Maacah.

    In 1 Chronicles 4:39 f mention is made of certain isolated exploits of Simeonites at GEDOR (which see), against the MEUNIM (which see), and at MT. SEIR (which see). Later references associate certain Simeonites with the Northern Kingdom ( 2 Chronicles 15:9; 34:6), and tradition has come to view them as one of the ten tribes (compare Ezekiel 48:24,25,33; Revelation 7:7), although all the history of them we have is bound up with Judah and the Southern Kingdom. There is no mention of the return of any Simeonites after the captivity; their cities fall to Judah ( Nehemiah 11:26 f). 3. REFERENCES IN EGYPTIAN AND ASSYRIAN INSCRIPTIONS:

    It has been supposed by many authorities that the name [Shim`an] occurs in the list of places plundered by Thothmes III (see Petrie, Hist, II, 104; also Hommel, Ancient Hebrew Tradition, 268; Sayce, Early Hebrew Traditions, 392). In the 7th century we have a doubtful reference in an inscription of Esar-haddon relating his Egyptian campaign when a city Apku is mentioned as in the country of Sa-me-n(a), which may possibly be a reference to Simeon. The survival of the name so late, if true, is strange, in the light of what we gather from the Bible about the tribe. (For discussion of both of these inscriptions, with references to the lit., see EB, coll. 4528- 30.) 4. THE TERRITORY OF SIMEON:

    The cities of Simeon as given in Joshua 19:2-6 and 1 Chronicles 4:28,31 are (the names in parentheses are variations in the latter reference):

    Beer-sheba, Moladah, Hazar-shual, Balah (Bilhah), Azem (the King James Version) (Ezem), Eltolad (Tolad), Bethuel, Hormah, Ziklag, Bethmarcaboth, Hazar-susah (Hazar Susim), Beth-lebaoth (Beth-biri), Sharuhen (Shaaraim) (Etam), Ain Rimmon, Ether (Tochen), Ashan — in all, 16 cities in Joshua and 17 cities in 1 Chronicles. Ashan ( 1 Chronicles 6:59) is the only one assigned to the priests. It is written wrongly as “Ain” in Joshua 21:16. All the above cities, with certain variations in form, and with the exception of Etam in 1 Chronicles 4:32, which is probably a mistake, occur in the list of the cities of Judah ( Joshua 15:26-32,42). Ziklag is mentioned ( 1 Samuel 27:6) as being the private property of the kings of Judah from the days of David, who received it from Achish, king of Gath.

    For the situation of these cities, so far as is known, see separate articles under their names. It is clear that they were all situated in the southwestern part of Palestine, and that Simeon had no definite territorial boundaries, but isolated cities, with their villages, among those of the people of Judah. E. W. G. Masterman SIMEON (2) ([ ˆwO[m]vi , shim`on ]; [ Sumew>n, Sumeon ]): (1) The 2nd son of Jacob by Leah (see separate article). (2) Great-grandfather of Judas Maccabeus (1 Macc 2:1). (3) A man in Jerusalem described as “righteous and devout, looking for the consolation of Israel.” When the infant Jesus was brought into the Temple, he took Him into his arms and blessed God in words which are famous as the Nunc dimittis. Simeon bestowed his blessing on the wondering father and mother ( Luke 2:25,34). Legend has made him the son of Hillel and father of Gamaliel I, but this has no historical basis. (4) An ancestor of Jesus ( Luke 3:30); the Revised Version (British and American) “Symeon.” (5) The Revised Version (British and American) “Symeon”: one of the prophets and teachers in the Christian community at Antioch. He is also called Niger, which was the Gentile name he had assumed, Symeon being Hebrew. He was among those who set apart Paul and Barnabas for their missionary work ( Acts 13:1,2). Nothing more is known of him. (6) The Revised Version (British and American) “Symeon”: the Hebrew name of Simon Peter ( Acts 15:14). S. F. Hunter SIMEON (NIGER) <ni’-jer > ): The King James Version in Acts 13:1, the Revised Version (British and American) “Symeon” (which see).

    SIMEONITES <sim’-e-on-its > . See SIMEON.

    SIMILITUDE <si-mil’-i-tud > : In the King James Version means either “an exact facsimile” ( <19A620> Psalm 106:20 the King James Version, the Revised Version (British and American) “likeness”; Romans 5:14, etc.), or else “the form itself” ( Numbers 12:8; Deuteronomy 4:12,15,16 for temunah , “form” (so the Revised Version (British and American))); compare LIKENESS . the English Revised Version has retained the word in Chronicles 4:3; Daniel 10:16 (the American Standard Revised Version “likeness”), while the English Revised Version and the American Standard Revised Version have used “similitudes” in Hosea 12:10 ([ hm;D; , damah ], “be like”). The meaning is “I have inspired the prophets to speak parables.”

    SIMON (1) ([ Si>mwn, Simon ], Greek form of SIMEON (which see)): The persons of the name of Simon mentioned in the Apocrypha are: (1) Simon the Maccabean (Hasmonean), surnamed THASSI (which see), the 2nd son of Mattathias and elder brother of Judas Maccabeus.

    On his deathbed, Mattathias commended Simon as a “man of counsel” to be a “father” to his brethren (1 Macc 2:65), and a “man of counsel” he proved himself. But it was not till after the death of Judas and the capture of Jonathan that he played the chief role. Dispatched by Judas with a force to the relief of the Jews in Galilee he fought with great success (1 Macc 5:17 ff; Josephus, Ant, XII, viii, 1 f). We find him next taking revenge along with Jonathan on the “children of Jambri” (1 Macc 9:33 ff), and cooperating in the successful campaign around Bethbasi against Bacchides (circa 156 BC) (1 Macc 9:62 ff), and in the campaign against Apollonius (1 Macc 10:74 ff). In the conflict between Tryphon and Demetrius II, Simon was appointed by Antiochus VI “captain from the Ladder of Tyre unto the borders of Egypt” (1 Macc 11:59). After the capture of Jonathan at Ptolemais by Tryphon, Simon became acknowledged leader of his party. He thwarted Tryphon in his attempts upon Jerusalem, in revenge for which the latter murdered Jonathan (1 Macc 13:23). Simon then took the side of Demetrius on condition of immunity for Judea, and so `in the 170th year’ (143-142 BC) `the yoke of the heathen was taken away from Israel’ (1 Macc 13:41). Simon applied himself to rebuild the strongholds of Judea, reduced Gazara, captured the Acra (citadel) and made Joppa a seaport.

    He showed his wisdom most of all in his internal administration: “He sought the good of his country”; commerce and agriculture revived; lawlessness was suppressed and “the land had rest all the days of Simon (1 Macc 14:4 ff). His power was acknowledged by Sparta and Rome (1 Macc 14:16 ff). In 141 BC he was appointed by the nation leader, high priest and captain “for ever, until there should arise a faithful prophet” (1 Macc 14:41 ff), and thus the Hasmonean dynasty was founded. A new chronological era began with the first year of his administration, and he minted his own coins. A few years later Simon again meddled in Syrian politics (139 BC), this time at the entreaty of Antiochus VII (Sidetes) in his contest against Tryphon; when, however, Antiochus was assured of success, he refused the help of Simon and sent Cendebaeus against Judea. Judas and John, sons of Simon, defeated the invaders near Modin (137-136 BC). In 135 BC Simon met his death by treachery. Ptolemy the son of Abubus, Simon’s own son-in-law, determined to secure supreme power for himself and, in order to accomplish this, to assassinate the whole family of Simon. He accordingly invited Simon and his sons to a banquet in the stronghold of Dok near Jericho, where he treacherously murdered Simon with his two sons Mattathias and Judas. The other son, John Hyrcanus, governor of Gazara, received intimation of the plot and saved himself to become the head of the Hasmonean dynasty. “The significance of Simon’s administration consists in this, that he completed the work of Jonathan and left the Jewish people absolutely independent of Syria” (Schurer). See MACCABAEUS, II, 4. (2) Simon I, the high priest, son of Onias I, whom he succeeded circa 300 BC. He was one of the last of the Great Synagogue, and to him is attributed the saying, “On three things the world depends — the Law, Worship and the showing of kindness.” According to Josephus (Ant., XII, ii, 5) this Simon was called “the Just” ([oJ di>kaiov, ho dikaios ]), “on account of his piety and his benevolent disposition toward his countrymen.”

    Many authorities (Herzfeld, Derenbourg, Stanley, Cheyne) assert that Josephus is wrong in attaching this epithet to Simon I instead of Simon II, and Schurer is not certain on this question. But the Talmud passage which Derenbourg cites means the opposite of what he takes it, namely, it is intended to show how splendid and holy were the days of Simeon (hatsaddiq ) compared with the later days. Besides, Josephus is more likely to have known the truth on this matter than these later authorities. The same uncertainty obtains as to whether the eulogium in Sirach 50:1 ff of “the great priest” refers to Simon I or Simon II. Schurer and others refer it to Simon II. It is more likely to refer to the Simon who was famous as “the Just,” and consequently to Simon I. Besides we know of no achievements of Simon II to entitle him to such praise. The building operations mentioned would suit the time of Simon I better, as Ptolemy captured Jerusalem and probably caused considerable destruction. The Talmud states that this Simon (and not Jaddua) met Alexander the Great. (3) Simon II, high priest, son of Onias II and grandson of Simon I and father of Onias III, flourished about the end of the 3rd century BC, and was succeeded by his son Onias III circa 198 BC. Josephus says that this Simon in the conflict of the sons of Joseph sided with the elder sons against Hyrcanus the younger. Schurer (probably incorrectly) thinks he is the Simon praised in Sirach 50:1 ff. See (2) above (3 Macc 2:1; Josephus, Ant, XII, iv, 10). (4) Simon, a Benjamite, guardian of the temple, who, having quarreled with the high priest Onias III, informed Apollonius of the untold sums of money in the temple treasury. Apollonius laid the matter before the king Seleucus IV, who sent Heliodorus to remove the money. An apparition prevented Heliodorus from accomplishing his task (2 Macc 3:4 ff). It is further recorded, that Simon continued his opposition to Onias. He is spoken of as brother of the renegade Menelaus (2 Macc 4:23). Of his end we know nothing. (5) Simon Chosameus (Codex Vaticanus (and Swete) [ Cosa>maov, Chosamaos ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Cosomai~ov, Chosomaios ]), one of the sons of Annas who had married “strange wives” (1 Esdras 9:32).

    Simon apparently = “Shimeon” (shim`on ) of the sons of Harim ( Ezra 10:31); Chosameus is probably a corruption standing in the place of, but not resembling, any of the three names: Benjamin, Malluch, Shemaraiah, which Esdras omits from the Ezra list. S. Angus SIMON (2) <si’-mon > ([ Si>mwn, Simon ]): (1) Simon Peter. See PETER (SIMON). (2) Another of the Twelve, Simon “the Cananean” ( Matthew 10:4; Mark 3:18), “the Zealot” ( Luke 6:15; Acts 1:13). See CANANAEAN. (3) One of the brethren of Jesus ( Matthew 13:55; Mark 6:3). See BRETHERN OF THE LORD. (4) “The leper” in Bethany, in whose house a woman poured a cruse of precious ointment over the head of Jesus ( Matthew 26:6; Mark 14:3). He had perhaps been healed by Jesus; in that case his ungracious behavior was not consistent with due gratitude. However he was healed, the title referred to his condition in the past, as lepers were ostracized by law. (5) A Pharisee in whose house a woman, “a sinner,” wet the feet of Jesus with her tears, and anointed them with ointment ( Luke 7:36 ff). By some he is identified with (4) , this being regarded as Luke’s version of the incident recorded in Matthew 26 and Mark 14. Others as strongly deny this view.

    For discussion see MARY, IV. (6) A man of Cyrene, who was compelled to carry the cross of Jesus ( Matthew 27:32; Mark 15:21; Luke 23:26). Mark calls him “the father of Alexander and Rufus,” well-known members of the church at (probably) Rome (compare Acts 19:33; Romans 16:13). See CYRENIAN.

    The father of Judas Iscariot ( John 6:71; 12:4 the King James Version, the Revised Version (British and American) omits; John 13:2,26). (8) Simon Magus ( Acts 8:9 ff). See separate article. (9) Simon, the tanner, with whom Peter lodged at Joppa. His house was by the seaside outside the city wall, because of its ceremonial uncleanness to a Jew, and also for reasons of sanitation ( Acts 9:43). S. F. Hunter SIMON MAGUS <ma’-gus > ([ Si>mwn, Simon ], Greek form of Hebrew [ ˆwO[m]vi , shim`on ]; Gesenius gives the meaning of the Hebrew word as “hearing with acceptance”; it is formed from root [ [m”v; , shama `], “to hear”): 1. SIMON, A MAGICIAN:

    The name or term “Magus” is not given to him in the New Testament, but is justly used to designate or particularize him on account of the incident recorded in Acts 8:9-24, for though the word “Magus” does not occur, yet in 8:9 the present participle mageuon is used, and is translated, both in the King James Version and in the Revised Version (British and American), “used sorcery.” Simon accordingly was a sorcerer, he “bewitched the people of Samaria” (the King James Version). In Acts 8:11 it is also said that “of long time he had amazed” them “with his sorceries” (magiais ). The claim, given out by himself, was that he “was some great one”; and this claim was acknowledged by the Samaritans, for previous to the introduction of the gospel into Samaria, “they all gave heed (to him), from the least to the greatest, saying, This man is that power of God which is called Great” (8:10). 2. SIMON AND THE APOSTLES: (1) Simon and Philip: It so happened, however, that Philip the deacon and evangelist went down from Jerusalem to Samaria, and “proclaimed unto them the Christ” ( Acts 8:5); and as the result of the proclamation of the gospel, many were gathered into the Christian church. Many miracles also were performed by Philip, sick persons cured, and demons cast out; and Simon fell under the influence of all these things, both of the preaching and of “the signs.” So great was the impression now made upon Simon that he “believed” ( Acts 8:13). This means, at least, that he saw that Philip was able in the name of Jesus Christ to display powers greater than anything he himself was acquainted with: Philip’s power was greater by far than Simon’s. He therefore came forward as one of the new converts, and was baptized. After his baptism he continued with Philip. The signs which accompanied the introduction of the gospel into this city did not cease, and Simon seeing them “was amazed.” The word denoting Simon’s amazement at the “signs” wrought by Philip is the same as that used to express how the people of Samaria had been amazed at Simon’s sorceries. It is an indication of the nature of the faith which he possessed in the gospel — wondering amazement at a new phenomenon not yet understood, not repentance or trust in Christ. (2) Simon and Peter and John: News having reached Jerusalem of the events which had occurred in Samaria, the apostles sent Peter and John to establish the work there.

    These two apostles prayed for the converts that they might receive the Holy Ghost, which they had not yet received. And when they had laid their hands upon the converts, the Spirit was given to them. At this early period in the history of the church the Holy Ghost was bestowed in a visible manner which showed itself in such miraculous gifts as are described in Acts 2. Simon saw what had taken place, and then, instead of joining the company of those who had truly repented and trusted Christ, he came forward with the same amazement as he had previously shown, and offered money to Peter and John, if they would impart to him the power of giving the Holy Spirit to others. Peter instantly rebuked this bold and ungodly request, and did so with such sterness as to cause Simon to ask that the judgment threatened by the apostle might not fall upon him.

    Such is the unenviable history of Simon Magus, as it is recorded in the New Testament. Later centuries have shown their estimation of the heinousness of Simon’s sin by employing his name to indicate the crime of buying or selling price a spiritual office for a price in money — “simony.” 3. THE MAGICIANS AND THE GOSPEL:

    It is not strange to find the gospel brought into direct conflict with magicians, for in the 1st and 2nd centuries there were a multitude of such persons who pretended to possess supernatural powers by which they endeavored to deceive men. They flattered the sinful inclinations of the human heart, and fell in with men’s current ways of thinking, and required no self-renunciation at all. For these reasons the magicians found a ready belief on the part of many. The emperor Tiberius, in his later years, had a host of magicians in constant attendance upon him. Elymas, with whom Paul came in contact in Cyprus “was with the deputy of the country, Sergius Paulus, a prudent man” ( Acts 13:7 the King James Version).

    Elymas was one of those magicians, and he endeavored to turn away the deputy from the faith. Luke expressly calls this man “magus”, Elymas the magus ( Acts 13:6,8 margin).

    The influence of such persons presented an obstacle to the progress of the Christian faith, which had to force its way through the delusions with which these sorcerers had surrounded the hearts of those whom they deceived. When the gospel came in contact with these magicians and with their works, it was necessary that there should be striking facts, works of supernatural power strongly appealing to men’s outward senses, in order to bring them out of the bewilderment and deception in which they were involved, and to make them able to receive the impression of spiritual truth. Such miracles were wrought both in Cyprus and in Samaria, the spheres of influence of the magicians Elymas and Simon. These divine works first arrested men’s attention, and then dispelled the delusive influence of the sorcerers. 4. TESTIMONY OF EARLY CHRISTIAN WRITERS: (1) The history of Simon Magus does not close with what is narrated in the Acts, for the early Christian writers have much to say in regard to him.

    Justin Martyr, himself a Samaritan, states that Simon Magus was a “Samaritan from the village called Gitton.” Justin also relates that, in the time of Claudius Caesar, Simon was worshipped as a god at Rome on account of his magical powers, and that a statue had been erected to him, on the island in the river Tiber, with the inscription Simoni Deo Sancto, that is, “To Simon the sacred god.” Curiously enough, in the year 1574, a stone which appears to have served as a pedestal of a statue, was dug up in the Tiber at the spot described by Justin; and on it were inscribed the words Semoni Sanco Deo Fidio Sacrum, that is, the stone then discovered was dedicated to the god Semo Sancus, the Sabine Hercules. This antiquarian find makes it probable that Jstin was mistaken in what he said about a statue having been erected in honor of Simon Magus. “It is incredible that the folly should ever be carried to such an extent as that a statue should be erected, and the senate should pass a decree enrolling Simon Magus among the deos Romanos” (Neander, Church History, II, 123). The inscription found in 1574 shows the source of the error into which Justin had fallen.

    There are many stories told by some of the early Christian writers regarding Simon Magus, but they are full of legend and fable: some of them are improbable in the extreme and border on the impossible. (2) Jerome, who professes to quote from writings of Simon, represents him as employing these words in reference to himself, “I am the Word of God, I am the Comforter, I am Almighty, I am all there is of God” (Mansel, The Gnostic Heresies, 82). Irenaeus (Mansel, ibid., 82) writes regarding him: “Simon, having purchased a certain woman named Helena, who had been a prostitute in the city of Tyre, carried her about with him, and said that she was the first conception of his mind, the mother of all things, by whom, in the beginning, he conceived the thought of making the angels and archangels; for that this conception proceeded forth from him, and knowing her father’s wishes, she descended to the lower world, and produced the angels and powers; by whom also he said that this world was made. But after she had produced them, she was detained by them through envy, since they were unwilling to be considered the offspring of any other being; for he himself was entirely unknown by them; but his conception was detained by those powers and angels which were put forth from her, and suffered every insult from them that she might not return upward to her father; and this went so far that she was even confined within a human body, and for ages passed into other female bodies, as if from one vessel into another. He said also that she was that Helen, on whose account the Trojan war was fought .... and that after passing from one body to another, and constantly meeting with insult, at last she became a public prostitute, and that this was the lost sheep. On this account he himself came, that he might first of all reclaim her and free her from her chains, and then give salvation to men through the knowledge of himself. For since the angels ruled the world badly, because one of them desired the chief place, he had come down for the restoration of all things, and had descended, being changed in figure, and made like to principalities and powers and angels, so that he appeared among men as a man, and was thought to have suffered in Judea, though he did not suffer. .... Furthermore he said that the prophets uttered their prophecies under the inspiration of those angels who framed the world; for which reason they who rest their hope on him and his Helena no longer cared for them, but as free men could act as they pleased, for that men are saved by his (i.e. Simon’s) grace, and not according to their own just works, for that no acts were just by nature, but by accident, according to the rules established by the angels, who made the world, and who attempt by these precepts to bring men into bondage. For this reason he promised that the world should be released, and those who are his set at liberty from the government of those who made the world.” 5. SOURCES OF LEGENDARY HISTORY:

    The chief sources of the legendary history of Simon Magus are the collection of writings known as The Clementines (see LITERATURE, SUB-APOSTOLIC; PETER, FIRST EPISTLE OF; PETER, SECOND EPISTLE OF ). What is there said of him is, that he studied at Alexandria, and that he had been, along with the heresiarch Dositheus, a disciple of John the Baptist. He became also a disciple of Dositheus, and afterward his successor. The Clementines comprise (1) The Homilies, (2) The Recognitions, and (3) The Epitome. These three are cognate works, and in part are identical. The date of The Homilies may be placed about 160 AD. The contents comprise a supposed letter from the apostle Peter to the apostle James, along with other matter. Then follow the homilies, of which there are twenty. These record the supposed travels of Clement, a Roman citizen. Clement meets with Barnabas and with Peter. Then there is narrated a discussion between Peter and Simon Magus. This disputation lasts for three days, Simon maintaining that there are two gods, and that the God of the Old Testament is an imperfect being.

    Simon Magus withdraws to Tyre and then to Sidon. Peter follows Simon from place to place, counteracting his sorceries, and instructing the people. At Laodicea a second disputation takes place between the apostle and Simon on the same subjects.

    The Homilies are not a Christian protest against Gnosticism, but merely that of one Gnostic school or sect against another, the Ebionite against the Marcionite. The Deity of Christ is denied, and He is regarded as one of the Jewish prophets.

    In the legends Simon is represented as constantly opposing Peter, who ultimately discredits and vanquishes him. These legends occur in more forms than one, the earlier form selecting Antioch as the place where Simon was discomfited by the apostle and where he also died, while the later tradition chooses Rome for these events. 6. TRADITIONS OF HIS DEATH:

    One tradition tells how the magician ordered his followers to bury him in a grave, promising that if this were done, he would rise again on the third day. They did as he wished and buried him; but this was the end of him, for he did not rise again.

    Simon is said to have met his death at Rome, after an encounter with the apostle Peter. During this his final controversy with the apostle, Simon had raised himself in the air by the help of evil spirits, and in answer to the prayer of Peter and Paul he was dashed to the ground and killed.

    According to another form of this tradition, Simon proposed to give the Roman emperor a proof of his power by flying off to God. He succeeded, it is said, in flying for a certain distance over Rome, but in answer to the prayer of Peter he fell and broke one of his legs. This tradition accounts for his end by saying that the people stoned him to death. 7. THE SIMONIANI:

    The Simoniani, the Simonians or followers of Simon, were an eclectic sect, who seem, at one time, to have adopted tenets and opinions derived from paganism, at another, from Judaism and the beliefs of the Samaritans, and at another still, from Christianity. Sometimes they seem to have been ascetics; at others they are wild scoffers at moral law. They regarded Simon Magus as their Christ, or at least as a form of manifestation of the redeeming Christ, who had manifested Himself also in Jesus. The Simonians were one of the minor Gnostic sects and were carried far away both from the doctrine and from the ethical spirit of the Christian faith.

    Origen denies that the followers of Simon were Christians in any sense.

    The words of Origen are, “It escapes the notice of Celsus that the Simonians do not in any way acknowledge Jesus as the Son of God, but they call Simon the Power of God.” In the time of Origen the followers of Simon had dwindled in number to such a degree that he writes, “I do not think it possible to find that all the followers of Simon in the whole world are more than thirty: and perhaps I have said more than there really are” (Contra Celsus, i.57, quoted by Alford, Greek New Testament, Acts 8:9). 8. WAS SIMON THE ORIGINATOR OF GNOSTICISM?:

    Irenaeus also has much to say regarding Simon and his followers. He makes the legendary Simon identical with the magician of Acts 8, makes him also the first in the list which he gives of heretics, and also says that it was from him that Gnosticism sprang. The account which he gives of the Simonians shows that by the time when Irenaeus lived, their system had developed into Gnosticism; but this fact does not justify Irenaeus in the assertion that Simon of Acts 8 is the originator of the Gnostic system. The early Christian writers took this view, and regarded Simon Magus as the founder of Gnosticism. Perhaps they were right, “but from the very little authentic information we possess, it is impossible to ascertain how far he was identified with their tenets” (Alford, New Testament, II, 86). In the midst of the various legends regarding Simon, it may be that there is a substratum of fact, of such a nature that future investigation and discovery will justify these early Christian writers in their judgment, and will show that Simon Magus is not to be overlooked as one of the sources from which Gnosticism sprang. The exact origin of Gnosticism is certainly difficult to trace, but there is little or no indication that it arose from the incidents narrated in Acts 8. It cannot be denied that a connection is possible, and may have existed between the two, that is between Simon Magus and some of the Gnostic heresies; but the facts of history show widespread tendencies at work, during and even before the Apostolic age, which amply account for the rise of Gnosticism. These are found e.g. in the Alexandrian philosophy, and in the tenets of the false teachers at Colosse and in other places. These philosophical and theosophical ideas commingled with the influences of Zoroastrianism from Persia, and of Buddhism from India, and these tendencies and influences, taken in conjunction, were the sources of the various heresies known by the name of Gnosticism. See GNOSTICISM.

    John Rutherfurd SIMON PETER See PETER, SIMON.

    SIMON THE CANAANITE, OR CANANAEAN, OR ZEALOT ([ Si>mwn Kananai~ov, Simon Kananaios ]; [ yaiN;q” , kanna’i ], “the Jealous (or Zealous) One”): One of the Twelve Apostles. This Simon was also named “the Canaanite” ( Matthew 10:4; Mark 3:18 the King James Version) or “the Cananean” ( Matthew 10:4; Mark 3:18 the Revised Version (British and American)) or “Zelotes” ( Luke 6:15; Acts 1:13 the King James Version) or “the Zealot” ( Luke 6:15; Acts 1:13 the Revised Version (British and American)).

    According to the “Gospel of the Ebionites” or” Gospel of the Twelve Apostles” (of the 2nd century and mentioned by Origen) Simon received his call to the apostleship along with Andrew and Peter, the sons of Zebedee, Thaddaeus and Judas Iscariot at the Sea of Tiberias (compare Matthew 4:18-22; see also Hennecke, Neutestamentliche Apokryphen, 24-27).

    Although Simon, like the majority of the apostles, was probably a Galilean, the designation “Cananaean” is regarded as of political rather than of geographical significance (compare Luke’s rendering). The Zealots were a faction, headed by Judas of Galilee, who “in the days of the enrollment” (compare Acts 5:37; Luke 2:1,2) bitterly opposed the threatened increase of taxation at the census of Quirinius, and would have hastened by the sword the fulfillment of Messianic prophecy.

    Simon has been identified with Simon the brother of Jesus ( Mark 6:3; Matthew 13:55), but there also are reasons in favor of identifying him with Nathanael.

    Thus (1) all the arguments adduced in favor of the Bartholomew-Nathanael identification (see NATTHANAEL ) can equally be applied to that of Simon-Nathanael, except the second. But the second is of no account, since the Philip-Bartholomew connection in the Synoptists occurs merely in the apostolic lists, while in John it is narrative. Further, in the Synoptists, Philip is connected in the narrative, not with Bartholomew but with Andrew. (2) The identity is definitely stated in the Genealogies of the Twelve Apostles (see NATTHANAEL ). Further, the “Preaching of Simon, son of Cleopas” (compare Budge, II, 70 ff) has the heading “The preaching of the blessed Simon, the son of Cleopas, who was surnamed Judas, which is interpreted Nathanael, who became bishop of Jerusalem after James the brother of our Lord.” Eusebius (Historia Ecclesiastica, III, xi, 32; IV, xxii) also refers to a Simon who succeeded James as bishop of Jerusalem and suffered martyrdom under Trajan; and Hegesippus, whom Eusebius professes to quote, calls this Simon a son of Cleopas. (3) The invitation of Philip to Nathanael (compare John 1:45) was one which would naturally be addressed to a follower of the Zealots, who based their cause on the fulfillment of Messianic prophecy. (4) As Alpheus, the father of James, is generally regarded as the same as Clopas or Cleopas (see JAMES, SON OF ALPHAEUS ), this identification of the above Simon Nathanael, son of Cleopas, with Simon Zelotes would shed light on the reason of the juxtaposition of James son of Alpheus and Simon Zelotes in the apostolic lists of Luke and Acts, i.e. they were brothers. C. M. Kerr SIMPLE <sim’-p’l > : In the Old Testament the uniform tranlation of the Hebrew word pethi (root pathah , “be open”). Like the English word “simple” (etymologically “of one fold”), the Hebrew pethi is used sometimes in a good sense, i.e. “open-minded” ( Psalm 19:7; 116:6; 119:130, possibly in all three cases the sense is neutral rather than positively good), and sometimes in a bad sense ( Proverbs 7:7, parallel to “destitute of understanding”; 8:5, parallel to “fools” (blockheads); 14:15, opposed to prudent). The fundamental idea of pethi seems to be open to influence, i.e. easily influenced. That one open to influence should as a rule be classed with the irreligious is one of many instances in which language is an unwilling witness to the miasmatic moral atmosphere in which we live. The line between moral weakness and moral turpitude, between negative goodness (if indeed such a thing be conceivable) and positive badness, is soon passed.

    In the New Testament the word “simple” is found only in Romans 16:18,19 the King James Version. In the first of these passages it is used to translate akakos (the Revised Version (British and American) “innocent”).

    In Hebrews 7:26 the King James Version the same word is rendered “harmless,” the rendering of the Revised Version (British and American) in this instance being “guileless.” This would suit Romans 16:18 better than “innocent.” Guilelessness is not a synonym for gullibility; but the guileless are frequently the prey of designing men. In Romans 16:19 the word translated “simple” is akeraios , literally, “unmixed,” “sincere” (Trench and Godet; Young, erroneously “hornless” and so “harmless”). “Uncontaminated” seems to be the idea of the apostle. He would have those to whom he wrote “wise as regards good” and not ignorant as regards evil — for that would be impossible, even if desirable — but without that kind of knowledge of evil that comes from engaging in it, as we say, mixing themselves up with it, unalloyed with evil. W. M. McPheeters SIMPLICITY <sim-plis’-i-ti > ([ tWYt”P] , pethayyuth ]; [aJplo>thv, haplotes ]): The words in the Old Testament commonly translated “simplicity” are [pethi], “simple” ( Proverbs 1:22), pethayyuth , “simplicity” (9:13 margin), tom, “completeness,” “integrity” ( 2 Samuel 15:11), “They went in their simplicity.” In the New Testament, haplotes , “singleness of mind,” “simplicity,” occurs in Romans 12:8, “He that giveth let him do it with simplicity,” the Revised Version (British and American) “liberality,” margin “Greek: `singleness’”; 2 Corinthians 1:12, “in simplicit and godly sincerity,” the Revised Version (British and American) (with corrected text) “in holiness and sincerity of God”; 2 Corinthians 11:3, “the simplicity that is in Christ,” the Revised Version (British and American) (with corrected text) “the simplicity and the purity that is toward Christ”; compare Ephesians 6:5; Colossians 3:22, where the translation is “singleness” In The Wisdom of Solomon 1:1 we have, “Think ye of the Lord with a good mind (the King James Version “heart”), and in singleness (the King James Version “simplicity”) of heart seek ye him” (haplotes ). our Lord also speaks ( Matthew 6:22; Luke 11:34) of the “single eye” (haplous ), and James (1:5) applies haplos, “simply,” “directly,” without after-thought (the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American) “liberally”) to God, who had been described by Plato (Rep. ii.382 E) as being perfectly simple (haplous) and true, both in word and deed. In such “simplicity” — openness, sincerity, freedom from doublemindedness — man most resembles God and is most open to His visitation and blessing. W. L. Walker SIMRI <sim’-ri > . See SHIMRI.

    SIN (1) ([ taF;j” , chaTTa’th ], “a missing,” [ ˆwO[; , `awon ], “perversity]” [ [v”P, , pesha `], “transgression,” [ [r” , ra `], “evil,” etc.; [aJmarta>nw, hamartano ], “miss the mark,” [para>basiv, parabasis ], “transgression” with a suggestion of violence, [ajdiki>a, adikia ], “injustice,” “unrighteousness”): 1. SIN AS DISOBEDIENCE:

    A fairly exact definition of sin based on Biblical data would be that sin is the transgression of the law of God ( 1 John 3:4). Ordinarily, sin is defined simply as “the transgression of the law,” but the idea of God is so completely the essential conception of the entire Biblical revelation that we can best define sin as disobedience to the law of God. It will be seen that primarily sin is an act, but from the very beginning it has been known that acts have effects, not only in the outward world of things and persons, but also upon him who commits the act. 2. AFFECTS THE INNER LIFE:

    Hence, we find throughout the Scriptures a growing emphasis on the idea of the sinful act as not only a fact in itself, but also as a revelation of an evil disposition on the part of him who commits the act ( Genesis 6:5). 3. INVOLVES ALL MEN:

    Then also there is the further idea that deeds which so profoundly affect the inner life of an individual in some way have an effect in transmitting evil tendencies to the descendants of a sinful individual ( Psalm 51:5,6; Ephesians 2:3). See HEREDITY; TRADITION . Hence, we reach shortly the conception, not only that sin is profoundly inner in its consequences, but that its effects reach outward also to an extent which practically involves the race. Around these various items of doctrine differing systems of theology have sprung up. 4. THE STORY OF THE FALL:

    Students of all schools are agreed that we have in the Old Testament story of the fall of Adam an eternally true account of the way sin comes into the world ( Genesis 3:1-6). The question is not so much as to the literal historic matter-of-factness of the narrative, as to its essentially psychological truthfulness. The essential thought of the narrative is that both Adam and Eve disobeyed an express command of God. The seductiveness of temptation is nowhere more forcefully stated than in this narrative. The fruit of the tree is pleasant to look upon; it is good to eat; it is to be desired to make one wise; moreover, the tempter moves upon the woman by the method of the half truth (see ADAM IN THE OLD TESTAMENT ). God had said that disobedience to the command would bring death; the tempter urged that disobedience would not bring death, implying that the command of God had meant that death would immediately follow the eating of the forbidden fruit. In the story the various avenues of approach of sin to the human heart are graphically suggested, but after the seductiveness of evil has thus been set forth, the fact remains that both transgressors knew they were transgressing ( Genesis 3:2 f). Of course, the story is told in simple, naive fashion, but its perennial spiritual truth is at once apparent. There has been much progress in religious thinking concerning sin during the Christian ages, but the progress has not been away from this central conception of willful disobedience to the law of God. 5. THE FREEDOM OF MAN:

    In this early Biblical account there is implicit the thought of the freedom of man. The idea of transgression has sometimes been interpreted in such wise as to do away with this freedom. An unbiased reading of the Scriptures would, with the possible exception of some passages which designedly lay stress on the power of God ( Romans 8:29,30), produce on the mind the impression that freedom is essential to sin. Certainly there is nothing in the account of the Old Testament or New Testament narratives to warrant the conception that men are born into sin by forces over which they have no control. The argument of the tempter with the woman is an argument aimed at her will. By easy steps, indeed, she moves toward the transgression, but the transgression is a transgression and nothing else. Of course, the evil deed is at once followed by attempts on the part of the transgressors to explain themselves, but the futility of the explanations is part of the point of the narrative. In all discussion of the problem of freedom as relating to sin, we must remember that the Biblical revelation is from first to last busy with the thought of the righteousness and justice and love of God ( Genesis 6:9 tells us that because of justice or righteousness, Noah walked with God). Unless we accept the doctrine that God is Himself not free, a doctrine which is nowhere implied in the Scripture, we must insist that the condemnation of men as sinful, when they have not had freedom to be otherwise than sinful, is out of harmony with the Biblical revelation of the character of God. Of course this does not mean that a man is free in all things. Freedom is limited in various ways, but we must retain enough of freedom in our thought of the constitution of men to make possible our holding fast to the Biblical idea of sin as transgression. Some who take the Biblical narrative as literal historical fact maintain that all men sinned in Adam (see IMPUTATION , III, 1). Adam may have been free to sin or not to sin, but, “in his fall we sinned all.” We shall mention the hereditary influences of sin in a later paragraph; here it is sufficient to say that even if the first man had not sinned, there is nothing in our thought of the nature of man to make it impossible to believe that the sinful course of human history could have been initiated by some descendant of the first man far down the line. 6. A TRANSGRESSION AGAINST LIGHT:

    The progress of the Biblical teaching concerning sin also would seem to imply that the transgression of the law must be a transgression committed against the light ( Acts 17:30; 1 Timothy 1:13). To be sinful in any full sense of the word, a man must know that the course which he is adopting is an evil course. This does not necessarily mean a full realization of the evil of the course. It is a fact, both of Biblical revelation and of revelation of all times, that men who commit sin do not realize the full evil of their deeds until after the sin has been committed ( 2 Samuel 12:1-13). This is partly because the consequences of sin do not declare themselves until after the deed has been committed; partly also because of the remorse of the conscience; and partly from the humiliation at being discovered; but in some sense there must be a realization of the evil of a course to make the adoption of the course sinful. E.g. in estimating the moral worth of Biblical characters, especially those of earlier times, we must keep in mind the standards of the times in which they lived. These standards were partly set by the customs of the social group, but the customs were, in many cases, made sacred by the claim of divine sanction.

    Hence, we find Biblical characters giving themselves readily to polygamy and warfare. The Scriptures themselves, however, throw light upon this problem. They refer to early times as times of ignorance, an ignorance which God Himself was willing to overlook ( Acts 17:30). Even so ripe a moral consciousness as that of Paul felt that there was ground for forgiveness toward a course which he himself later considered evil, because in that earlier course he had acted ignorantly ( Acts 26:9; 1 Timothy 1:13). 7. INWARDNESS OF THE MORAL LAW:

    The Biblical narratives, too, show us the passage over from sin conceived of as the violation of external commands to sin conceived of as an unwillingness to keep the commandments in the depths of the inner life.

    The course of Biblical history is one long protest against conceiving of sin in an external fashion. (1) Prophets.

    In the sources of light which are to help men discern good from evil, increasing stress is laid upon inner moral insight (compare Isaiah 58:5 f; Hosea 6:1-7). The power of the prophets was in their direct moral insight and the fervor with which they made these insights real to the mass of the people. Of course it was necessary that the spirit of the prophets be given body and form in carefully articulated law. The progress of the Hebrews from the insight of the seer to the statute of the lawmaker was not different from such progress in any other nations. It is easy to see, however, how the hardening of moral precepts into formal codes, absolutely necessary as that task was, led to an externalizing of the thought of sin. The man who did not keep the formal law was a sinner. On such basis there grew up the artificial systems which came to their culmination in the New Testament times in Pharisaism. On the other hand, a fresh insight by a new prophet might be in violation of the Law, considered in its literal aspects. It might be necessary for a prophet to attack outright some additions to the Law. We regard as a high-water mark of Old Testament moral utterances the word of Micah that the Lord requires men to do justly and to love mercy and to walk humbly with Him (6:8). At the time this word was uttered, the people were giving themselves up to multitudes of sacrifices. Many of these sacrifices called for the heaviest sufferings on the part of the worshippers. It would seem that an obligation to sacrifice the firstborn was beginning to be taught in order that the Hebrews might not be behind the neighboring heathen nations in observances of religious codes. The simple direct word of Micah must have seemed heresy to many of its first hearers. The outcome, however, of this conflict between the inner and the outer in the thought of transgression was finally to deepen the springs of the inner life. The extremes of externalism led to a break with moral realities which tended to become apparent to the most ordinary observer. The invective of Jesus against New Testament Pharisaism took its force largely from the fact that Jesus gave clear utterance to what everyone knew. Those who thought of religion as external gave themselves to formal keeping of the commandments and allowed the inner life to run riot as it would ( Matthew 23:23, et al.). (2) Paul.

    With the more serious-minded the keeping of the Law became more and more a matter of the inner spirit. There were some who, like Paul, found it impossible to keep the Law and find peace of conscience (Romans 7). It was this very impossibility which forced some, like Paul, to understand that after all, sin or righteousness must be judged by the inner disposition. It was this which led to the search for a conception of a God who looks chiefly at the heart and judges men by the inner motive. (3) Jesus.

    In the teaching of Jesus the emphasis upon the inner spirit as the essential factor in the moral life came to its climax. Jesus honored the Law, but He pushed the keeping of the Law back from the mere performance of externals to the inner stirrings of motives. It is not merely the actual commission of adultery, for example, that is sin: it is the lustful desire which leads to the evil glance; it is not merely the actual killing of the man that is murder; it is the spirit of hatred which makes the thought of murder welcome ( Matthew 5:21,27). Paul caught the spirit of Jesus and carried the thought of Jesus out into more elaborate and formal statements. There is a law of the inner life with which man should bind himself, and this law is the law of Christ’s life itself ( Romans 8:1-4). While both Jesus and Paul recognized the place of the formal codes in the moral life of individuals and societies, they wrought a great service for righteousness in setting on high the obligations upon the inner spirit. The follower of Christ is to guard the inmost thoughts of his heart. The commandments are not always precepts which can be given articulated statement; they are rather instincts and intuitions and glimpses which must be followed, even when we cannot give them full statement. 8. SIN A POSITIVE FORCE:

    From this standpoint we are able to discern something of the force of the Biblical teaching as to whether sin is to be looked upon as negative or positive. Very often sin is defined as the mere absence of goodness. The man who sins is one who does not keep the Law. This, however, is hardly the full Biblical conception. Of course, the man who does not keep the Law is regarded as a sinner, but the idea transgression is very often that of a positive refusal to keep the commandment and a breaking of the commandment. Two courses are set before men, one good, the other evil.

    The evil course is, in a sense, something positive in itself. The evil man does not stand still; he moves as truly as the good man moves; he becomes a positive force for evil. In all our discussions we must keep clearly in mind the truth that evil is not something existing in and by itself. The Scriptures deal with evil men, and the evil men are as positive as their natures permit them to be. In this sense of the word sin does run a course of positive destruction. In the thought, e.g., of the writer who describes the conditions which, in his belief, made necessary the Flood, we have a positive state of evil contaminating almost the whole world ( Genesis 6:11). It would be absurd to characterize the world in the midst of which Noah lived as merely a negative world. The world was positively set toward evil. And so, in later writings, Paul’s thought of Roman society is of a world of sinful men moving with increasing velocity toward the destruction of themselves and of all around them through doing evil. It is impossible to believe that Romans 1 conceives of sin merely in negative terms. We repeat, we do not do full justice to the Biblical conception when we speak of sin merely in negative terms. If we may be permitted to use a present-day illustration, we may say that in the Biblical thought sinful men are like the destructive forces in the world of Nature which must be removed before there can be peace and health for human life. For example, science today has much to say concerning germs of diseases which prove destructive to human life. A large part of modern scientific effort has been to rid the world of these germs, or at least to cleanse human surroundings from their contaminating touch. The man who sterilizes the human environment so that these forces cannot touch men does in one sense a merely negative work; in another sense, however, his work makes possible the positive development of the forces which make for health. 9. HEREDITY:

    It is from this thought of the positiveness of sin that we are to approach the problem of the hereditary transmission of evil. The Biblical teaching has often been misinterpreted at this point. Apart from certain passages, especially those of Paul, which set forth the practically universal contamination of sin (e.g. Romans 5:18, etc.), there is nothing in the Scriptures to suggest the idea that men are born into the world under a weight of guilt. We hold fast to the idea of God as a God of justice and love. There is no way of reconciling these attributes with the condemnation of human souls before these souls have themselves transgressed. Of course much theological teaching moves on the assumption that the tendencies to evil are so great that the souls will necessarily trangress, but we must keep clearly in mind the difference between a tendency to evil and the actual commission of evil. Modern scientific research reinforces the conception that the children of sinful parents, whose sins have been such as to impress their lives throughout, will very soon manifest symptoms of evil tendency.

    Even in this case, however, we must distinguish between the psychological and moral. The child may be given a wrong tendency from birth, not only by hereditary transmission, but by the imitation of sinful parents; yet the question of the child’s own personal responsibility is altogether another matter. Modern society has come to recognize something of the force of this distinction. In dealing with extreme cases of this kind, the question of the personal guilt of the child is not raised. The attempt is to throw round about the child an environment that will correct the abnormal tendency.

    But there can be little gainsaying the fact that the presence of sin in the life of the parent may go as far as to mark the life of the child with the sinful tendency. 10. ENVIRONMENT:

    The positive force of sinful life also appears in the effect of sin upon the environment of men. It is not necessary for us to believe that all the physical universe was cursed by the Almighty because of man’s sin, in order to hold that there is a curse upon the world because of the presence of sinful men. Men have sinfully despoiled the world for their own selfish purposes. They have wasted its resources. They have turned forces which ought to have made for good into the channels of evil. In their contacts with one another also, evil men furnish an evil environment. If the employer of 100 men be himself evil, he is to a great extent the evil environment of those 100 men. The curse of his evil is upon them. So with the relations of men in larger social groups: the forces of state-life which are intended to work for good can be made to work for evil. So far has this gone that some earnest minds have thought of the material and social realms as necessarily and inherently evil. In other days this led to retreats from the world in monasteries and in solitary cells. In our present time the same thought is back of much of the pessimist idea that the world itself is like a sinking ship, absolutely doomed. The most we can hope for is to save individuals here and there from imminent destruction. Yet a more Biblical conception keeps clear of all this. The material forces of the world — apart from certain massive physical necessities (e.g. earthquakes, storms, floods, whirlwinds, fires, etc.), whose presence does more to furnish the conditions of moral growth than to discourage that growth — are what men cause them to be. Social forces are nothing apart from the men who are themselves the forces. No one can deny that evil men can use physical forces for evil purposes, and that evil men can make bad social forces, but both these forces can be used for good as well as for evil. “The whole creation groaneth and travaileth in pain” waiting for the redemption at the hands of the sons of God ( Romans 8:19-23). 11. REDEMPTION:

    In the thought of Jesus, righteousness is life. Jesus came that men might have life ( John 10:10). It must follow therefore that in His thought sin is death, or rather it is the positive course of transgression which makes toward death ( John 5:24). But man is to cease to do evil and to learn to do well. He is to face about and walk in a different direction; he is to be born from above ( John 3:3), and surrender himself to the forces which beat upon him from above rather than to those which surge upon him from below ( Romans 12:2). From the realization of the positiveness both of sin and of righteousness, we see the need of a positive force which is to bring men from sin to righteousness ( John 3:3-8).

    Of course, in what we have said of the positive nature of sin we would not deny that there are multitudes of men whose evil consists in their passive acquiescence in a low moral state. Multitudes of men may not be lost, in the sense that they are breaking the more obvious of the commandments.

    They are lost, in the sense that they are drifting about, or that they are existing in a condition of inertness with no great interest in high spiritual ideals. But the problem even here is to find a force strong enough and positive enough to bring such persons to themselves and to God. In any case the Scriptures lay stress upon the seriousness of the problem constituted by sin. The Bible is centered on redemption. Redemption from sin is thought of as carrying with it redemption from all other calamities. If the kingdom of God and of His righteousness can be seized, all other things will follow with the seizure ( Matthew 6:33). The work of Christ is set before us as chiefly a work of redemption from sin. A keen student once observed that almost all failures to take an adequate view of the person of Christ can be traced to a failure to realize adequately the seriousness of sin. The problem of changing the course of something so positive as a life set toward sin is a problem which may well tax the resources of the Almighty. Lives cannot be transformed merely by precept.

    The only effective force is the force of a divine life which will reach and save human lives. See REDEMPTION. 12. LIFE IN CHRIST:

    We are thus in a position to see something of the positiveness of the life that must be in Christ if He is to be a Saviour from sin. That positiveness must be powerful enough to make men feel that in some real sense God Himself has come to their rescue ( Romans 8:32-39). For the problem of salvation from sin is manifold. Sin long persisted in begets evil habits, and the habits must be broken. Sin lays the conscience under a load of distress, for which the only relief is a sense of forgiveness. Sin blights and paralyzes the faculties to such a degree that only the mightiest of tonic forces can bring back health and strength. And the problem is often more serious than this. The presence of evil in the world is so serious in the sight of a Holy God that He Himself, because of His very holiness, must be under stupendous obligation to aid us to the utmost for the redemption of men.

    Out of the thought of the disturbance which sin makes even in the heart of God, we see something of the reason for the doctrine that in the cross of Christ God was discharging a debt to Himself and to the whole world; for the insistence also that in the cross there is opened up a fountain of life, which, if accepted by sinful men, will heal and restore them. 13. REPENTANCE:

    It is with this seriousness of sin before us that we must think of forgiveness from sin. We can understand very readily that sin can be forgiven only on condition that men seek forgiveness in the name of the highest manifestation of holiness which they have known. For those who have heard the preaching of the cross and have seen something of the real meaning of that preaching, the way to forgiveness is in the name of the cross. In the name of a holiness which men would make their own, if they could; in the name of an ideal of holy love which men of themselves cannot reach, but which they forever strive after, they seek forgiveness. But the forgiveness is to be taken seriously. In both the Old Testament and New Testament repentance is not merely a changed attitude of mind. It is an attitude which shows its sincerity by willingness to do everything possible to undo the evil which the sinner has wrought ( Luke 19:8). If there is any consequence of the sinner’s own sin which the sinner can himself make right, the sinner must in himself genuinely repent and make that consequence right. In one sense repentance is not altogether something done once for all. The seductiveness of sin is so great that there is need of humble and continuous watching. While anything like a morbid introspection is unscriptural, constant alertness to keep to the straight and narrow path is everywhere enjoined as an obligation ( Galatians 6:1). 14. FORGIVENESS:

    There is nothing in the Scriptures which will warrant the idea that forgiveness is to be conceived of in such fashion as would teach that the consequences of sin can be easily and quickly eliminated. Change in the attitude of a sinner necessarily means change in the attitude of God. The sinner and God, however, are persons, and the Scriptures always speak of the problem of sin after a completely personal fashion. The changed attitude affects the personal standing of the sinner in the sight of God. But God is the person who creates and carries on a moral universe. In carrying on that universe He must keep moral considerations in their proper place as the constitutional principles of the universe. While the father welcomes back the prodigal to the restored personal relations with himself, he cannot, in the full sense, blot out the fact that the prodigal has been a prodigal. The personal forgiveness may be complete, but the elimination of the consequences of the evil life is possible only through the long lines of healing set at work. The man who has sinned against his body can find restoration from the consequences of the sin only in the forces which make for bodily healing. So also with the mind and will. The mind which has thought evil must be cured of its tendency to think evil. To be sure the curative processes may come almost instantly through the upheaval of a great experience, but on the other hand, the curative processes may have to work through long years (see SANCTIFICATION ). The will which has been given to sin may feel the stirrings of sin after the life of forgiveness has begun. All this is a manifestation, not only of the power of sin, but of the constitutional morality of the universe. Forgiveness must not be interpreted in such terms as to make the transgression of the Law of God in any sense a light or trivial offense. But, on the other hand, we must not set limits to the curative powers of the cross of God. With the removal of the power which makes for evil the possibility of development in real human experience is before the life (see FORGIVENESS). The word of the Master is that He “came that they may have life, and may have it abundantly” ( John 10:10). Sin is serious, because it thwarts life. Sin is given so large a place in the thought of the Biblical writers simply because it blocks the channel of that movement toward the fullest life which the Scriptures teach is the aim of God in placing men in the world. God is conceived of as the Father in Heaven. Sin has a deeply disturbing effect in restraining the relations between the Father and the sons and of preventing the proper development of the life of the sons. See further ETHICS, I, 3, (2); ETHICS OF JESUS, I, 2; GUILT; JOHANNINE THEOLOGY, V, 1; PAUL THE APOSTLE; PAULINE THEOLOGY; REDEMPTION, etc.

    LITERATURE.

    Tennant, Origin and Propagation of Sin; Hyde, Sin and Its Forgiveness; chapter on “Incarnation and Atonement” in Bowne’s Studies in Christianity; Stevens, Christian Doctrine of Salvation; Clarke, Christian Doctrine of God; various treatises on Systematic Theology. Francis J. McConnell SIN (2) <sin > ([ ˆysi , cin ], “clay or mud”; [ Suh>nh, Suene ], Codex Alexandrinus [ Ta>niv, Tanis ]): A city of Egypt mentioned only in Ezekiel 30:15,16.

    This seems to be a pure Semitic name. The ancient Egyptian name, if the place ever had one such, is unknown. Pelusium (Greek [ Pelou>sion, Pelousion ]) also meant “the clayey or muddy town.” The Pelusiac mouth of the Nile was “the muddy mouth,” and the modern Arabic name of this mouth has the same significance. These facts make it practically certain that the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) is correct in identifying Sin with Pelusium. But although Pelusium appears very frequently in ancient history, its exact location is still not entirely certain.

    The list of cities mentioned in Ezekiel in connection with Sin furnishes no clue to its location. From other historical notices it seems to have been a frontier city. Rameses II built a wall from Sin to Heliopolis, probably by the aid of Hebrew slaves (Diodorus Siculus; compare Budge, History of Egypt, V, 90), to protect the eastern frontier. Sin was a meeting-place of Egypt with her enemies who came to attack her, many great battles being fought at or near this place. Sennacherib and Cambyses both fought Egypt near Pelusium (Herodotus ii.141; iii.10-13). Antiochus IV defeated the Egyptians here (Budge, VIII, 25), and the Romans under Gabinius defeated the Egyptians in the same neighborhood. Pelusium was also accessible from the sea, or was very near a seaport, for Pompey after the disaster at Pharsalia fled into Egypt, sailing for Pelusium. These historical notices of Pelusium make its usual identification with the ruins near el- Kantara, a station on the Suez Canal 29 miles South of Port Said, most probable. “Sin, the stronghold of Egypt,” in the words of Ezekiel (30:15), would thus refer to its inaccessibility because of swamps which served as impassable moats. The wall on the South and the sea on the North also protected it on either flank. M. G. Kyle SIN AGAINST THE HOLY GHOST (SPIRIT) See BLASPHEMY.

    SIN, MAN OF See MAN OF SIN.

    SIN MONEY See SACRIFICE IN THE OLD TESTAMENT.

    SIN OFFERING See SACRIFICE.

    SIN, WILDERNESS OF See WANDERINGS OF ISRAEL.

    SINA <si’-na > : In Acts 7:38 the King James Version, the Revised Version (British and American) “Sinai” (which see).

    SINAI <si’-ni > , <si’-na-i > ([ yn”ysi , cinay ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Sina>, Sina ], Codex Vaticanus [ Seina>, Seina ]): 1. THE NAME:

    The name comes probably from a root meaning “to shine,” which occurs in Syriac, and which in Babylonian is found in the name sinu for “the moon.”

    The old explanation, “clayey,” is inappropriate to any place in the Sinaitic desert, though it might apply to Sin ( Ezekiel 30:15,16) or Pelusium; even there, however, the applicability is doubtful. The desert of Sin ( Exodus 16:1; 17:1; Numbers 33:11 f) lay between Sinai and the Gulf of Suez, and may have been named from the “glare” of its white chalk. But at Sinai “the glory of Yahweh was like devouring fire on the top of the mount in the eyes of the children of Israel” ( Exodus 24:17); and, indeed, the glory of the Lord still dyes the crags of Jebel Musa (the “mountain of Moses”) with fiery red, reflected from its red granite and pink gneiss rocks, long after the shadows have fallen on the plain beneath. Sinai is mentioned, as a desert and a mountain, in 35 passages of the Old Testament. In 17 passages the same desert and mountain are called “Horeb,” or “the waste.” This term is chiefly used in Deuteronomy, though Sinai also occurs ( Deuteronomy 33:2). In the other books of the Pentateuch, Sinai is the usual name, though Horeb also occurs ( Exodus 3:1; 17:6; 33:6), applying both to the “Mount of God” and to the desert of Rephidim, some 20 miles to the Northwest. 2. TRADITIONAL SITE:

    The indications of position, in various passages of the Pentateuch, favor the identification with the traditional site, which has become generally accepted by all those explorers who have carefully considered the subject, though two other theories may need notice. Moses fled to the land of Midian (or “empty land”), which lay East of the Sinaitic peninsula ( Numbers 22:4,7; 25; 31), and when he wandered with his flocks to Horeb ( Exodus 3:1) he is said to have reached the west side of the desert. In another note ( Deuteronomy 1:2) we read that the distance was “eleven days’ journey from Horeb by the way of Mount Seir unto Kadesh-barnea” or Petra (see WANDERINGS OF ISRAEL ), the distance being about 145 miles, or 14 miles of daily march, though Israel — with its flocks, women and children — made 16 marches between these points.

    Sinai again is described as being distant from Egypt “three days’ journey into the wilderness” ( Exodus 5:3), the actual route being 117 miles, which Israel accomplished in 10 journeys. But, for Arabs not encumbered with families and herds, this distance could still be covered by an average march of 39 miles daily, on riding camels, or even, if necessary, on foot. 3. IDENTIFICATION WITH JEBEL MUSA:

    These distances will not, however, allow of our placing Sinai farther East than Jebel Musa. Lofty mountains, in all parts of the world, have always been sacred and regarded as the mysterious abode of God; and Josephus says that Sinai is “the highest of all the mountains thereabout,” and again is “the highest of all the mountains that are in that country, and is not only very difficult to be ascended by men, on account of its vast. altitude but because of the sharpness of its precipices: nay, indeed, it cannot be looked at without pain of the eyes, and besides this it was terrible and inaccessible, on account of the rumor that passed about, that God dwelt there” (Ant., II, xii, 1; III, v, 1). Evidently in his time Sinai was supposed to be one of the peaks of the great granitic block called et Tur — a term applying to any lofty mountain. This block has its highest peak in Jebel Katarin (so named from a legend of Catherine of Egypt), rising 8,550 ft. above the sea.

    Northeast of this is Jebel Musa (7,370 ft.), which, though less high, is more conspicuous because of the open plain called er Rachah (“the wide”) to its Northwest. This plain is about 4 miles long and has a width of over a mile, so that it forms, as Dr. E. Robinson (Biblical Researches, 1838, I, 89) seems to have been the first to note, a natural camp at the foot of the mountain, large enough for the probable numbers (see EXODUS, 3) of Israel. 4. DESCRIPTION OF JEBEL MUSU:

    Jebel Musa has two main tops, that to the Southeast being crowned by a chapel. The other, divided by gorges into three precipitous crags, has the Convent to its North, and is called Ras-es-Cafcafeh, or “the willow top.”

    North of the Convent is the lower top of Jebel edition Deir (“mountain of the monastery”). These heights were accurately determined by Royal Engineer surveyors in 1868 (Sir C. Wilson, Ordnance Survey of Sinai); and, though it is impossible to say which of the peaks Moses ascended, yet they are all much higher than any mountains in the Sinaitic desert, or in Midian. The highest tops in the Tih desert to the North are not much over 4,000 ft. Those in Midian, East of Elath, rise only to 4,200 ft. Even Jebel Serbal, 20 miles West of Sinai — a ridge with many crags, running 3 miles in length — is at its highest only 6,730 ft. above the sea. Horeb is not recorded to have been visited by any of the Hebrews after Moses, except by Elijah ( 1 Kings 19:8) in a time of storm. In favor of the traditional site it may also be observed that clouds suddenly formed, or lasting for days ( Exodus 24:15 f), are apt to cap very lofty mountains. The Hebrews reached Sinai about the end of May ( Exodus 19:1) and, on the 3rd day, “there were thunders and lightnings, and a thick cloud upon the mount” ( Exodus 19:16). Such storms occur as a rule in the Sinaitic desert only in December and January, but thunderstorms are not unknown in Palestine even in May. 5. PATRISTIC EVIDENCE:

    A constant tradition fixing the site is traceable back to the 4th century AD.

    Eusebius and Jerome (Onomasticon, under the word “Choreb”) place Horeb near Paran, which in their time was placed (Onomasticon, under the word “Raphidim”) in Wady Feiran. Anchorites lived at Paran, and at Sinai at least as early as 365 AD, and are noticed in 373 AD, and often later (Robinson, Biblical Res., 1838, I, 122-28); the monastery was first built for them by Justinian in 527 AD and his chapel still exists. Cosmas (Topogr.

    Christ.), in the same reign, says that Rephidim was then called Pharan, and (distinguishing Horeb from Sinai, as Eusebius also does) he places it “about 6 miles from Pharan,” and “near Sinai.” These various considerations may suffice to show that the tradition as to Horeb is at least as old as the time of Josephus, and that it agrees with all the indications given in the Old Testament. 6. LEPSIUS’ THEORY:

    Lepsius, it is true (Letters from Egypt, 1842-44), denying the existence of any unbroken tradition, and relying on his understanding of Cosmas, supposed Sinai to be the Jebel Serbal above mentioned, which lies immediately South of Wady Feiran. His main argument was that, visiting Sinai in March, he considered that the vicinity did not present sufficient water for Israel (Appendix B, 303-18). But, on this point, it is sufficient to give the opinion of the late F. W. Holland, based on the experience of four visits, in 1861, 1865, 1867-68.

    He says (Recovery of Jerusalem, 524): “With regard to water-supply there is no other spot in the whole Peninsula which is nearly so well supplied as the neighborhood of Jebel Musa. Four streams of running water are found there: one in Wady Leja; a second in Wady et Tl’ah which waters a succession of gardens extending more than miles in length, and forms pools in which I have often had a swim; a third stream rises to the North of the watershed of the plain of er Rachah and runs West into Wady et Tl’ah; and a fourth, is formed by the drainage from the mountains of Umm Alawy, to the East of Wady Sebaiyeh and finds its way into that valley by a narrow ravine opposite Jebel edition Deir. In addition to these streams there are numerous wells and springs, affording excellent water throughout the whole of the granitie district. I have seldom found it necessary to carry water when making a mountain excursion, and the intermediate neighborhood of Jebel Masa would, I think, bear comparison with many mountain districts in Scotland with regard to its supply of water. There is also no other district in the Peninsula which affords such excellent pasturage.”

    This is important, as Israel encamped near Sinai from the end of May till April of the next year. There is also a well on the lower slope of Jebel Musa itself, where the ascent begins. 7. GREENE’S THEORY:

    Another theory, put forward by Mr. Baker Greene (The Hebrew Migration from Egypt), though accepted by Dr. Sayce (Higher Cricitism, 1894, 268), appears likewise to be entirely untenable. Mr. Greene supposed Elim ( Exodus 15:27) to be Elath ( Deuteronomy 2:8), now `Ailah at the head of the Gulf of `Akabah; and that Sinai therefore was some unknown mountain in Midian. But in this case Israel would in 4 days (see Exodus 15:22,23,27) have traveled a distance of 200 miles to reach Elim, which cannot but be regarded as quite impossible for the Hebrews when accompanied by women, children, flocks and herds. C. R. Conder SINCERE; SINCERITY <sin-ser’ > , <sin-ser’-i-ti > ([ µymiT; , tamim ]; [ajfqarsi>a, aphtharsia ], [eijlikri>neia, eilikrineia ]): “Sincerity” occurs once in the Old Testament as the translation of tamim , “complete,” “entire,” “sincere,” etc. ( Joshua 24:14); the same word is translated “sincerity” ( Judges 9:16,19, the Revised Version (British and American) “uprightly”). Four different words are rendered “sincere,” “sincerely” “sincerity,” in the New Testament: adolos , “without guile,” “unadulterated,” “desire the sincere milk of the word” (1 Pet 2:2 the King James Version, the Revised Version (British and American) “the spiritual,” the American Revised Version margin “Greek, `belonging to the reason’; compare Romans 12:1,” the English Revised Version margin reasonable”), “milk which is without guile,” with no other purpose but to nourish and benefit the soul (Alford); hagnos , “without blame,” “pure,” “preach Christ .... not sincerely” ( Philippians 1:17); aphtharsia , “without corruption” ( Ephesians 6:24, the King James Version “that love our Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity,” the American Standard Revised Version “with a love incorruptible,” margin “ `in incorruption.’ See Romans 2:7,” the English Revised Version “uncorruptness”; Titus 2:7, the King James Version “shewing uncorruptness .... sincerity,” the Revised Version (British and American) “uncorruptness”); gnesios , “not spurious ” (2 Cor 8:8); eilikrines , literally,, judged of in the sunlight, hence, “clear,” “manifest” ( Philippians 1:10); eilikrineia , with same meaning, is translated “sincerity” (1 Cor 5:8; Corinthians 1:12; 2:17).

    The Revised Version (British and American) has “sincere” for “pure” (2 Pet 3:1), “sincerely” for “clearly” ( Job 33:3).

    In The Wisdom of Solomon 7:25 we have eilikrines in the description of Wisdom as a “pure influence,” the Revised Version (British and American) “clear effluence.” W. L. Walker SINEW <sin’-u > ([ dyGi , gidh ] ( Job 10:11, etc.)): The tendons and sinews of the body are uniformly (7 times) thus called. “Therefore the children of Israel eat not the sinew of the hip which is upon the hollow of the thigh, unto this day: because he touched the hollow of Jacob’s thigh in the sinew of the hip” ( Genesis 32:32). In the poetical description of Behemoth (hippopotamus) it is said: “He moveth his tail like a cedar: the sinews of his thighs are knit together” ( Job 40:17). The prophet Ezekiel saw in his vision (37:6,8) that the dry bones were gathered together, that they were covered with sinews, flesh and skin, and that they were revived by the spirit of the Lord. In figurative language the neck of the obstinate is compared to an “iron sinew” ( Isaiah 48:4). the King James Version “my sinews take no rest” (we`oreqay lo’ yishkabhun , Job 30:17) has been corrected by the Revised Version (British and American) into “the pains that gnaw me take no rest,” but the earlier version has been retained in the margin. H. L. E. Luering SINGERS; SINGING <sing’-erz > , <sing’-ing > : Singing seems to have become a regular profession at quite early date among the Hebrews. David had his troupe of “singing men and singing women” at Jerusalem ( 2 Samuel 19:35), and no doubt Solomon added to their numbers. Isaiah 23:16 suggests that it was not uncommon for foreign female minstrels of questionable character to be heard making “sweet melody,” singing songs along the streets and highways of Judea. Nor was the worship of the temple left to the usually incompetent and inconstant leadership of amateur choristers. The elaborate regulations drawn up for the constitution of the temple orchestra and chorus are referred to under MUSIC (which see). It has been inferred from Ezra 2:65 that women were included among the temple singers, but this is erroneous, as the musicians there mentioned were of the class employed at banquets, festivals, etc. The temple choir consisted exclusively of Levites, one essential qualification of an active member of that order being a good voice.

    Of the vocal method of the Hebrews we know nothing. Wellhausen imagines that he can detect one of the singers, in the portrayal of an Assyrian band, compressing his throat in order to produce a vibrato; and it is quite possible that in other respects as well as this, ancient and modern oriental vocalization resembled each other. But that is about all that can be said.

    On the other hand, we cannot repeat too often that we are quite unable to identify any intervals, scales, or tunes as having been used in ancient Israel.

    Even those who hold that the early church took the Gregorian “tones” from the synagogue, confess that it was “certainly not without considerable modifications.” And, of course, there was not the slightest affinity between the Hebrew and the Anglican chant. See MUSIC; PRAISE; SONG; TEMPLE.

    James Millar SINGLE, EYE <sin’-g’-l > : Matthew 6:22 f parallel Luke 11:34: “If therefore thine eye be single, thy whole body shall be full of light. But if thine eye be evil, thy whole body shall be full of darkness.” “Single” and “evil” here represent [aJplou>v, haplous ], and [ponhro>v, poneros ]. Poneros elsewhere in the New Testament means “wicked”; haplous occurs only here in the New Testament, but is very common in ordinary Greek and always has the meaning “simple.” But in view of the context, most commentators take haplous here as meaning “normal,” “healthy,” and poneros as “diseased,” so rendering “Just as physical enlightenment depends on the condition of the eye, so does spiritual enlightenment depend on the condition of the heart.” This is natural enough, but it is not satisfactory, as it gives to haplous a unique sense and to poneros a sense unique in the 73 New Testament examples of the word. Moreover, the same expression, “evil eye,” is found also in Matthew 20:15; Mark 7:22, where it means “jealousy” or “covetousness.” With poneros = “covetous” haplous would = “generous”; and this rendition gives excellent sense in Matthew, where the further context deals with love of money. Yet in Luke it is meaningless, where the context is of a different sort, a fact perhaps indicating that Luke has placed the saying in a bad context. Or the Greek translation of Christ’s words used by Matthew and Luke may have taken the moral terms haplous and poneros to translate physical terms (“healthy” and “diseased”?) employed in the original Aramaic. The Sinaitic Syriac version of Luke 11:36 may perhaps contain a trace of an older rendering. See Julicher, Die Gleichnisreden Jesu, II, 98-108. Burton Scott Easton SINGULAR <sin’-gu-lar > : “Pertaining to the single person,” “individual,” and so sometimes “unusual,” “remarkable.” So The Wisdom of Solomon 14:18, the King James Version “the singular diligence of the artificer” ([filotimi>a, philotimia ], “love of honor,” the Revised Version (British and American) “ambition”). In Leviticus 27:2 by “when a man shall make a singular vow” the King James Version seems to have understood a “personal” or “private” vow. the Revised Version (British and American) has “accomplish a vow,” with margin “make a special vow.” Compare the same phrase (yaphli’ (yephalle’ ) nedher ) used of the Nazirite vow in Numbers 6:2.

    SINIM, LAND OF <si’-nim > , <sin’-im > ([ µyniysi 6r,a, , ‘erets cinim ]; [gh~ Persw~n, ge Person ]): The name occurs in Isaiah’s prophecy of the return of the people from distant lands: “Lo, these shall come from far; and, lo, these from the north and from the west; and these from the land of Sinim” ( Isaiah 49:12). The land is clearly far off, and it must be sought either in the South or in the East. Septuagint points to an eastern country. Many scholars have favored identification with China, the classical Sinae. It seems improbable that Jews had already found their way to China; but from very early times trade relations were established with the Far East by way of Arabia and the Persian Gulf; and the name may have been used by the prophet simply as suggesting extreme remoteness. Against, this view are Dillmann (Commentary on Isaiah), Duhm, Cheyne and others. Some have suggested places in the South: e.g. Sin (Pelusium, Ezekiel 30:15) and Syene (Cheyne, Introduction to Isa, 275). But these seem to be too near. In harmony with his reconstruction of Biblical history, Cheyne finally concludes that the reference here is to the return from a captivity in North Arabia (EB, under the word). While no certain decision is possible, probability points to the East, and China cannot be quite ruled out. See article “China,” Encyclopedia Brittanica (11th edition), 188b. W. Ewing SINITES <si’-nits > ([ yniysi , cini ]): A Canaanite people mentioned in Genesis 10:17; 1 Chronicles 1:15. The identification is uncertain. Jerome mentions a ruined city, Sin, near Arka, at the foot of Lebanon.

    SINLESSNESS <sin’-les-nes > : The 15th Anglican article (“Of Christ Alone without Sin”) may be quoted as a true summary of Scripture teaching on sinlessness: “Christ in the truth of our nature was made like unto us in all things, sin only excepted, from which He was clearly (prorsus) void, both in His flesh and in His spirit ..... Sin, as Saint John saith, was not in Him. But all we the rest, though baptized, and born again in Christ, yet offend in many things; and, if we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves.” 1. CHRIST SINLESS:

    Here the sinlessness of the Incarnate Son is affirmed. It needs no elaborate argument to show that this is the affirmation of Scripture. It is not only, as we are reminded above, definitely taught there. Yet more is it implied in the mysterious (and morally miraculous) phenomenon of the Lord’s evidently total immunity from the sense of sin, His freedom from inward discord or imperfection, from the slightest discontent with self. It is not too much to say that this representation is self-evidential of its truth to fact.

    Had it been the invention of worshipping disciples, we may say with confidence that they (supposed thus capable of “flee handling”) would have been certain to betray some moral aberrations in their portraiture of their Master. They must have failed to put before us the profound ethical paradox of a person who, on the one hand, enjoins penitence and (with a tenderness infinitely deep) loves the penitent, and, on the other hand, is never for a moment penitent Himself, and who all the while has proved, from the first, a supreme moral and spiritual magnet, “drawing all men to him.” Meanwhile the Scripture represents the sinlessness of the Incarnate Lord as no mere automatic or effortless condition. He is sensitive to temptation, to a degree which makes it agony. His sinlessness, as to actual experience (we are not here considering the matter sub specie aeternitatis), lies in the perfect fidelity to the Father of a will, exercised under human conditions, filled absolutely with the Holy Spirit, willingly received. 2. SAINTS NOT SINLESS:

    On the other hand, “we the rest,” contemplated as true believers, are warned by the general teaching of Scripture never to affirm sinlessness as our condition. There are passages (e.g. 1 John 3:9; 5:1 f) which affirm of the regenerate man that he “sinneth not.” But it seems obvious to remark that such words, taken without context and balance, would prove too much; they would make the smallest sense of sin a tremendous evidence against the person’s regeneration at all. It would seem that such words practically mean that sin and the regenerate character are diametrical opposites, so that sinning is out of character, not in the man as such, but in the Christian as such. And the practical result is an unconquerable aversion and opposition in the regenerate will toward all known sin, and a readiness as sensitive as possible for confession of failure. Meanwhile such passages as 1 John are, to the unbiased reader, an urgent warning of the peril of affirming our perfect purity of will and character. But then, on the other hand, Scripture abounds in both precepts and promises bearing on the fact that in Christ and by the power of His Spirit, received by faith into a watchful soul, our weakness can be so lifted and transformed that a moral purification and emancipation is possible for the weakest Christian which, compared with the best efforts of unregenerate nature, is a “more than conquest” over evil (see e.g. 2 Corinthians 12:9,10; Galatians 2:20; Ephesians 6:16; Jude 1:24). See further FLESH; SPIRIT.

    Handley Dunelm SINNER <sin’-er > ([ aF;j” , chaTTa ]; [aJmartwlo>v, hamartolos ], “devoted to sin,” “erring one”): In the New Testament, in addition to its ordinary significance of one that sins ( Luke 5:8; 13:2; Romans 5:8,19; Timothy 1:15; Hebrews 7:26), the term is applied to those who lived in disregard of ceremonial prescription ( Matthew 9:10,11; Mark 2:15 ff; Luke 5:30; Galatians 2:15); to those stained with certain definite vices or crimes, as the publicans ( Luke 15:2; 18:13; 19:7); to the heathen ( Matthew 26:45; Galatians 2:15; compare Tobit 13:6; Macc 1:34; 2 Macc 2:48,62); to the preeminently sinful ( Mark 8:38; John 9:24,31; Galatians 2:17; 1 Timothy 1:9; Jude 1:15). It was the Jewish term for a woman of ill-fame ( Luke 7:37; compare Matthew 21:32, where it is stated that such had come even to John’s baptism also). For the general Biblical conception of the term, see SIN. M. O. Evans SION <si’-un > ([ ˆwOayci , si’on ]; [ Shw>n, Seon ]): (1) A name given to Mt. Hermon in Deuteronomy 4:48. The name may mean “protuberance” or “peak,” and may have denoted the lofty snow-covered horn of the mountain as seen from the South. It may, however, be a scribal error for Sirion, the name by which the mountain was known to the Zidonians. Syriac takes it in this sense, which, however, may be a correction of the Hebrew. It is possible that this name, like Senir, may have applied to some distinct part of the Hermon Range. (2) Mt. Sion. See ZION.

    SIPHMOTH <sif’-moth > , <sif’-moth > ([ twOmp]ci , siphmoth ] (Ginsburg), [ twOmp\vi , shiphamoth ] (Baer); [ Safei>, Saphei ]): One of the cities to which David sent presents from Ziklag ( 1 Samuel 30:28). It occurs between Aroer and Eshtemoa, so it must have been somewhere in Southern Judah. The site has not been recovered. Zabdi the Shiphmite ( 1 Chronicles 27:27) may quite probably have been a native of this place.

    SIPPAI <sip’-i > , <si-pa’-i > . See SAPH.

    SIR <sur > : In the Old Testament this word in Genesis 43:20 the King James Version (‘adhon ) is changed in the Revised Version (British and American) into “my lord.” In the New Testament the word sometimes represents [ajnh>r, aner ], as in Acts 7:26; 14:15; 19:25, etc.; more frequently [ku>riov, kurios ], “lord,” as in Matthew 13:27; 21:30; 27:36; John 4:11,15,19,49 (the Revised Version margin “lord”); John 20:15. In Revelation 7:14, the Revised Version (British and American) renders “my lord.”

    SIRACH, BOOK OF <si’-rak > , or The Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach:

    Sirach is the largest and most comprehensive example of Wisdom Literature (see WISDOM LITERATURE ), and it has also the distinction of being the oldest book in the Apocrypha, being indeed older than at least two books (Daniel, Esther) which have found a place in the Canon alike of the Eastern and Western churches.

    I. NAME.

    The Hebrew copy of the book which Jerome knew bore, according to his explicit testimony (see his preface to his version of Libri Sol.), the same title as the canonical Proverbs, i.e. [ µyliv;m] , meshalim ], “Proverbs” (Parabolae is Jerome’s word). It is quoted in rabbinical literally, by the sing. of this name, [ lv;m; , mashal ] = Aramaic [ al;t]m” , mathla’ ], but in the Talmud it is cited by the author’s name, “Ben Sira” ([ ar;ysi ˆB, , ben cira’ ]). The Hebrew fragments found in recent years have no title attached to them. In the Greek manuscripts the heading is [ Sofi>a jIhsou~ oiJou~ Sira>c, Sophia Iesou huiou Sirach ] (or [ Seira>c, Seirach ]), “The Wisdom of Jesus, son of Sirach” (so “A”); or simply [ Sofi>a Seira>c, Sophia Seirach ] (B), “The Wisdom of Sirach.” The Fathers called it either (as Euseb., etc.) [hJ pana>retov sofi>a, he panaretos sophia ], “the all virtuous wisdom,” or simply [hJ pana>retov, he panaretos ], “the all virtuous (one),” or (Clement of Alexandria) [paidagwgo>v, paidagogos ], “teacher.” The first Hebrew and the several Greek titles describe the subject-matter, one Hebrew title (ben cira’ ) the author. But the Latin name Ecclesiasticus was given the book because it was one of the books allowed to be read in the Ecclesia, or church, for edification (libri ecclesiastici), though not one of the books of the Canon (libra canonici) which could be quoted in proof or disproof of doctrine. The present book is called Ecclesiasticus by way of preeminence since the time of Cyprian (Testimon. 2, etc.). The Syriac (Peshitta) title as given in the London Polyglot is “The Book of Jesus the son of Simon [ ar;ysia; , ‘Acira’ ], called also the Book of the Wisdom of Baruch (= Hebrew ben , “son of”) ‘Acira’ .” There can be no doubt that Asira (sometimes translated “bound”) is but a corrupted form of Sira. For other explanations see Ryssel in Kautzsch, AT Apocrypha, 234.

    Lagarde in his corrected text prefixes the title, “The Wisdom of Baruch = Hebrew ben , “son of”) Sira.” How is that the Hebrew [ arys , cira’ ], has in the Greek become Sirach (or Seirach )? How are we to explain the final chapter in the Greek? The present writer thinks it is due to an attempt to represent in writing the guttural sound of the final letter ‘aleph (‘) in the Hebrew name as in the Greek [ jAkeldama>c, Akeldamach ], for the Aramaic [ am;D] lq”j\ , chaqal dema’ ] ( Acts 1:19). Dalman, however (Aramaic Grammar, 161, note 6), followed by Ryssel, holds that the final chapter is simply a sign that the word is indeclinable; compare [ jIwsh>c, Iosech ] ( Luke 3:26), for Hebrew [ ysewOy , yoce ].

    II. CANONICITY.

    Though older than both Daniel and Esther, this book was never admitted into the Jewish Canon. There are numerous quotations from it, however, in Talmudic and rabbinic literature, (see a list in Zunz, Die Gottesdiensilichen Vortrage (2) , 101 f; Delitzsch, Zur Geschichte der jud. Poesie, 204 f; Schechter, JQR, III, 682-706; Cowley and Neubauer, The Original Hebrew of a Portion of Ecclesiasticus, xix-xxx). It is not referred to explicitly in Scripture, yet it is always cited by Jewish and Christian writers with respect and perhaps sometimes as Scripture. It forms a part of the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) of the Tridentine Council and therefore of the Romanist Canon, but the Protestant churches have never recognized it as canonical, though the bulk of modern Protestant scholars set a much higher value upon it than they do upon many books in the Protestant Canon (Chronicles, Esther, etc.). It was accepted as of canonical rank by Augustine and by the Councils of Hippo (393) and Carthage (397, 419), yet it is omitted from the lists of accepted books given by Melito (circa 180 AD), Origen, in the Apostolic Canons and in the list of the Councils of Laodicea (341 and 381). Jerome writes in Libri Sol.: “Let the church read these two books (Wisdom and Sirach) for the instruction of the people, not for establishing the authority of the dogmas of the church.” It suffered in the respect of many because it was not usually connected with a great name; compare the so-called “Proverbs of Solomon.” Sirach is cited or referred to frequently in the Epistle of James ( James 1:2-4 — compare Sirach 2:1-5; James 1:5 — compare Sirach 1:26; 41:22; 51:13 f; James 1:8 (“double minded”) — compare Sirach 1:28, etc.). The book is often cited in the works of the Fathers (Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Augustine, etc.) and also in the Apostolical Constitutions with the formula that introduces Scripture passages: “The Scripture says,” etc. The Reformers valued Sirach highly, and parts of it have been incorporated into the Anglican Prayer-book.

    III. CONTENTS.

    It is quite impossible in the book as it stands to trace any one scheme of thought, for the author’s mind moves lightly from topic to topic, recurring frequently to the same theme and repeating not seldom the same idea. It is, however, too much to say with Sonntag (Deuteronomy Jesu Siracidae, etc.) that the book is a farrago of sayings with no connection, or with Berthold that the “work is but a rhapsody,” for the whole is informed and controlled by one master thought, the supreme value to everyone of Wisdom. By this last the writer means the Jewish religion as conceived by enlightened Jews toward the beginning of the 2nd century BC, and as reflected in the Law of Moses (see Sirach 24:23-34), and in a less degree in the books of the Prophets and in the other writings (see Prologue). The book follows the lines of the canonical Book of Proverbs, and is made up of short pithy sayings with occasional longer discussions, largely collected but in part composed, and all informed and governed by the dominant note of the book: true Wisdom, the chief end of man. Most of the book is poetical in form, and even in the prose parts the parallelism of Hebrew poetry is found. Many unsuccessful attempts have been made to trace a definite continuous line of reasoning in the book, but the vital differences in the schemes propounded suggest what an examination of the book itself confirms, that the compiler and author put his materials together with little or no regard to logical connection, though he never loses sight of his main theme — Wisdom, the chief thing.

    Eichhorn (Einleitung, 50 ff) divides the book into three parts (Sirach through 23; 24 through 42:14; 42:15 through 50:24), and maintains that at first each of these was a separate work, united subsequently by the author.

    Julian divides the work into three, Scholz into twelve, Fritzsche (Einleitung, xxxii) and Ryssel (op. cit., 240) into seven, Edershelm (op. cit., 19 f) and R.G. Moulton (Modern Reader’s Bible: Ecclus, xvi ff) into five portions, and many other arrangements have been proposed and defended as by Ewald, Holzmann, Bissell, Zockler, etc. That there are small independent sections, essayettes, poems, etc., was seen by the early scribes to whom the Septuagint in its present form was largely due, for they have prefixed headings to the sections beginning with the following verses: Sirach 18:30 (“Temperance of Soul”); 20:27 (“Proverbs”); 23:7 (“Discipline of the Mouth”); 24:1 (“The Praise of Wisdom”); 30:1 (“Concerning Children”); 30:14 (“Concerning Health”); 30:16 (“Concerning Foods “; this is absent from many manuscripts, though retained by Swete who, however, omits the preceding heading); 30:24 (English Versions of the Bible 33:24, “Concerning Servants”); Sirach (English Versions of the Bible 32:1, “Concerning Rulers”); 44:1 (“Praise of the Fathers”); 51:1 (“The Prayer of Jesus, Son of Sirach”). Probably the whole book possessed such headings at one time, and it is quite possible that they originated in the need to guide readers after the book had become one of the chief church reading-books (so W. J. Deane ii The Expositor, II, vi, 327). These headings are given in English in the King James Version proper (in the margin), though in modern reprints, as also in the Revised Version (British and American), they are unfortunately omitted. The whole book has been arranged in headed sections by H. J. Holzmann (Bunsen’s Bibelwerk, IX, 392 ff) and by R. G. Moulton (op. cit.).

    IV. TEACHING.

    In general it may be said that the principles enunciated in this book agree with those of the Wisdom school of Palestinian Judaism about 200 BC, though there is not a word in the book about a Messianic hope or the setting up of a Messianic kingdom. None of the views characteristic of Alexandrian Judaism and absent from the teaching of Palestinian Judaism are to be found in this book, though some of them at least are represented in Wisdom (see WISDOM OF SOLOMON, VI; TEACHING ). Girorer (Milo und die jud.-alex. Philo., II, 18 ff) and Dahne (Gesch. der jud.-alex. rel. Phil., II, 141 ff) hold that the book contains many Alexandrian expressions and numerous statements peculiar to the Alexandrian philosophy. But apart from some late interpolations, mostly Christian, what these German scholars say is untrue, as Drummond (Philo Judaeus, I, ff), Deane (Expos, II, v, 334 ff) and others have shown. The outstanding features of Alexandrianism are the allegorical interpretation of the Scriptures, its conception of the ecstatic vision of God, its doctrine of mediating powers between man and God and its adoption of purely Greek ideas. None of these can be traced in Sir. The Hebrews never developed a theoretical or speculative theology or philosophy: all their thinking gathered about life and conduct; the duties that men owed to God and to one another; the hopes that they cherished and the fears by which they were animated. This is the only philosophy which the Bible and the socalled Apocrypha teach, and it is seen at its highest point in the so-called WISDOM LITERATURE (which see). The main lines of the teaching of Sirach may be set out as follows, under the three heads of religion, morals, and manners. 1. Religion: (1) God.

    The view of God given in this book agrees generally with that put forth by the later writers of the Old Testament from the exile (Second Isaiah, Job, etc.) onward, though the God of this book lacks the love and tenderness of the Yahweh of the Old Testament prophets. God is present everywhere (Sirach 16:17-23); He created the world as an ordered whole (Sirach 16:26-30) and made man intelligent and supreme over all flesh. The expressions used are no doubt modeled on Genesis 1, and it may fairly be inferred that creation out of nothing is meant. Wisdom, on the other hand, teaches the Alexandrian doctrine that matter ([u[lh, hule ]) is eternal and that the Creator’s work consisted of fashioning, adapting and beautifying.

    The world is a creature of God, not (as in Philo, etc.) an emanation from Him. Yet is He compassionate and forgiving (Sirach 17:24 ff). His works are past finding out (Sirach 18:2 ff); but His compassion is upon all flesh (Sirach 18:13), i.e. upon all that accept His chastening and seek to do His will (Sirach 18:14). In Sirach 43:27 God is said to be “the all” ([to< pa~n, to pan ]), which simply means that He pervades and is the ground of everything. It is not Alexandrian pantheism that is taught. Gfrorer and others take a contrary view. (2) Revelation.

    In harmony with other products of the “Wise Men,” Sirach sets chief value upon natural religion, that revealed in the instincts, reason and conscience of man as well as by the sun, moon, stars, etc. Yet Sirach gives far more prominence than Proverbs to the idea that the Divine Will is specially made known in the Law of Moses (Sirach 24:23; 45:1-4). We do not meet once with the word “law” in Ecclesiastes, nor law in the technical sense (Law of Moses) in either Job, Wisdom or Proverbs. In the last-named it is simply one of many synonyms denoting “Wisdom.” In Sirach the word occurs over 20 times, not, however, always, even when the expression “Law of Moses” is used, in the sense of the “five books” (Pentateuch). It generally includes in its connotation also “the prophecies and the rest of the books” (Prologue); see Sirach 32 (Septuagint 35):24; 33 (Septuagint 36):1-3. (3) Sin.

    Sin is due to the wrong exercise of man’s free will. Men can, if they like, keep the commandments, and when they break from them they are themselves alone to be blamed (Sirach 15:14-17). Yet it was through a woman (Eve) that sin entered the world and death by sin (Sirach 25:24; compare 1 Timothy 2:14). See Romans 5:12 where “one man,” strictly “human being” (5:14, “Adam”), is made the first cause of sin. But nowhere in Sirach is the doctrine of original sin taught. (4) Predestination.

    Notwithstanding the prominence given to “free will” (see (3) , above), Sirach teaches the doctrine of predestination, for God has determined that some men should be high and some low, some blessed and others cursed (33:10 ft). (5) Satan.

    The word “Satan” ([ Satana>v, Satanas ]) in Sirach 21:27 (it occurs nowhere else in the Apocrypha) denotes one’s own wicked heart, as the parallelism shows. (6) Salvation.

    There is no salvation except by way of good works on man’s part (Sirach 14:16 f) and forgiveness on God’s (Sirach 17:24-32). The only atonement is through one’s own good works (Sirach 5:5 f), honoring parents (Sirach 32:14 f), almsgiving, etc. (Sirach 3:30; 17:19 ff). There is no objective atonement (“expiation,” literally, “propitiation”; the Greek verb [ejxila>skomai, exilaskomai ], is the great Septuagint word for the Hebrew [ rP,Ki , kipper ], “to atone”). (7) Sacrifice.

    The sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination to God (Sirach 34:18 ff), though He Himself appointed sacrifices and first-fruits (Sirach 45:20 f), and when the righteous offer sacrifices to God they are accepted and remembered in the time to come (Sirach 35:1-12). (8) Feasts.

    Festivals as well as seasons are ordained by God to be observed by man (Sirach 33 (Septuagint 36):8 f; compare Genesis 1:14). (9) Prayer.

    The duty of prayer is often pointed out (Sirach 37:15, etc.), the necessary preparation defined (Sirach 17:25; 18:20,23), and its successful issue promised (Sirach 35:17). There must be no vain repetitions (Sirach 7:14; compare Matthew 6:7), nor should there be any faint-heartedness in the matter (Sirach 5:10; compare James 1:6). Men are to pray in sickness (Sirach 38:9), but all the same the physician should be consulted and his advice followed (Sirach 38:1 f,12 ff). (10) Angelology.

    Sirach nowhere clearly expresses his belief in angels or uses language which implies such a belief. For “an angel ([oJ a]ggelov, ho aggelos ]) destroyed them” the Hebrew of the original passage ( 2 Kings 19:35) has [ hp;Gem” , maggephah ], “plague,” and so the Syriac, though the Septuagint (followed by the Vulgate) has “angel.” (11) Eschatology.

    Nowhere in this book is the doctrine of a future life taught, and the whole teaching of the book leaves no place for such a doctrine. Men will be indeed rewarded or punished according to their conduct, but in this world (see Sirach 2:10 f; 9:12; 11:26 f). The retribution is, however, not confined to the individuals in their lifetime; it extends to their children and involves their own glorious or inglorious name after death (see Sirach 11:28; 40:15; 41:6; 44:11-13). The passage concerning Gehenna (Sirach 7:17) is undoubtedly spurious and is lacking in the Syriac, Ethiopic, etc. Since the book is silent as to a future life, it is of necessity silent on the question of a resurrection. Nothing is hinted as to a life beyond the grave, even in Sirach 41:1-4, where the author deprecates the fear of death. In these matters Sirach agrees with the Pentateuch and the prophetic and poetical books of the Old Testament (Psalms, Job, etc.), none of which give any intimation of a life beyond the grave. Little or nothing is said of the Messianic hope which must have been entertained largely by Palestinian Jews living in the author’s time, though in Sirach 36 (Septuagint 33):1-17 the writer prays for the restoration of Israel and Jerusalem, i.e. R.H. Charles thinks (Eschatology, etc., 65), for the bringing in of the Messianic kingdom. (12) Sirach’s Doctrine of Wisdom.

    For a general discussion of the rise and development of the conception of Wisdom in the Old Testament and in the Apocrypha see WISDOM LITERATURE . A brief statement as to what the word implies in Sirach is all that can here be attempted. It is in chapters 1 and 24 that Ben Sira’s doctrine is chiefly contained.

    Wisdom is from God: He created it and it must therefore have a separate existence. Yet it is dependent on Him. It is omnipresent, though it dwells in a peculiar sense with all flesh. The root and beginning of Wisdom, its fullness and crown, are the fear of God (Sirach 1:14,16,18,21); so that only the obedient and pious possess it (Sirach 1:10,26); indeed Wisdom is identified with the fear of the Lord and the observance of the Law (Sirach 19:20); it is even made one with the Law of Moses (Sirach 24:23), i.e. it consists of practical principles, of precepts regulating the life. In this doctrine we have a combination of universalism, principles of reason and Jewish particularism as the teaching of the revealed Law. We have the first in Sirach 24:3-21; the second in 24:23-34. Have we in this chapter, as in Proverbs, nothing outside the teaching of Palestinian Judaism? Gfrorer (op. cit., II, 18 ff) denies this, maintaining that the whole of Sirach 24 was written by an Alexandrian Jew and adopted unchanged by Ben Sira. But what is there in this chapter which an orthodox, well-informed Palestinian Jew of Ben Sira’s time might not well have written? It is quite another question whether this whole conception of Wisdom in the so-called Wisdom books is not due, in some measure, to Greek, though not Alexandrian, influence, unless indeed the Greek influence came by way of Alexandria. In the philosophy of Socrates, and in a less exclusive sense in that of Plato and Aristotle, the good man is the wise one. Cheyne (Job and Solomon, 190) goes probably too far when he says, “By Greek philosophy Sirach, as far as we can see, was wholly uninfluenced.” 2. Morals: The ethical principle of Sirach is Hedonism or individual utilitarianism, as is that of Proverbs and the Old Testament generally, though in the Psalms and in the prophetical writings gratitude to God for the love He has shown and the kind acts He has performed is the basis of endless appeals and vows. Moreover, the individual point of view is reached only in the late parts of the Old Testament. In the older Old Testament books, as in Plato, etc., it is the state that constitutes the unit, not the individual human being.

    The rewards and penalties of conduct, good and bad, belong to this present world. See what is said in (11) “Eschatology,” above; see also Sirach 2:7 f; 11:17; 16:6 f; 40:13 f, etc.

    The hedonistic principle is carried so far that we are urged to help the good because they are most likely to prove serviceable to us (Sirach 12:2); to aid our fellow-man in distress, so that in his days of prosperity he may be our friend (Sirach 22:23); contrast the teaching of Jesus Christ ( Luke 6:30-36). Friends are to be bemoaned for appearance’ sake (Sirach 38:17). Yet many of the precepts are lofty. We are exhorted to show kindness and forbearance to the poor and to give help to our fellow-man (Sirach 29:8,20); to give alms (Sirach 12:3); speak kindly (Sirach 18:15-18); masters should treat servants as brethren, nay as they would themselves be treated (Sirach 7:20-22; 33:30 f); parents should give heed to the proper training of their children (Sirach 3:2; 7:23; 30:1-13); and children ought to respect and obey their parents (Sirach 3:1-16). It is men’s duty to defend the truth and to fight for it. So shall the Lord fight for them (Sirach 4:25,28). Pride is denounced (Sirach 10:2 ff), and humility (Sirach 3:18), as well as forgiveness (Sirach 28:2), commended. 3. Manners: Sirach is as much a code of etiquette as one of ethics, the motive being almost invariably the individual’s own good. Far more attention is given to “manners” in Sirach than in Proverbs, owing to the fact that a more complex and artificial state of society had arisen in Palestine. When one is invited to a banquet he is not to show greed or to be too forward in helping himself to the good things provided. He is to be the first to leave and not to be insatiable (Sirach 31:12-18). Moderation in eating is necessary for health as well as for appearance’ sake (Sirach 31:19-22). Mourning for the dead is a social propriety, and it should on that account be carefully carried out, since failure to do this brings bad repute (Sirach 38:16 f). It is quite wrong to stand in front of people’s doors, peeping and listening: only fools do this (Sirach 21:23 f). Music and wine are praised: nay even a “concert of music” and a “banquet of wine” are good in their season and in moderation (Sirach 32 (Septuagint 35):5 f). The author has not a high opinion of woman (Sirach 25:13). A man is to be on his strict guard against singing and dancing girls and harlots, and adultery is an evil to be feared and avoided (Sirach 36:18-26). From a woman sin began, and it is through her that we all die (Sirach 25:4). Yet no one has used more eulogistic terms in praising the good wife than Ben Sira (Sirach 26:1 ff), or in extolling the happiness of the home when the husband and wife “walk together in agreement” (Sirach 25:1). 4. Counsels of Prudence: Never lend money to a man more powerful than thyself or thou wilt probably lose it (Sirach 8:12). It is unwise to become surety for another (Sirach 29:18; 8:13), yet for a good man one would become surety (Sirach 29:14) and he would even lend to him (Sirach 29:1 ff). It should be remembered that in those times lending and becoming financially liable were acts of kindness, pure and simple: the Jewish Law forbade the taking of interest in any form (see Century Bible, “Ezra,” etc., 198). “A slip on, a pavement is better than a slip with the tongue,” so guard thy mouth (Sirach 20:18); “He that is wise in words shall advance himself; and one that is prudent will please great men” (Sirach 20:27). The writer has the pride of his class, for he thinks the common untrained mind, that of the plowman, carpenter and the like, has little capacity for dealing with problems of the intellect (Sirach 38:24-34).

    V. LITERARY FORM.

    The bulk of the book is poetical in form, abounding in that parallelism which characterizes Hebrew poetry, though it is less antithetic and regular than in Prov. No definite meter has been discovered, though Bickell, Margoliouth and others maintain the contrary (see POETRY, HEBREW ).

    Even in the prose parts parallelism is found. The only strophic arrangement is that suggested by similarity of subject-matter.

    Bickell (Zeitschr. far katholische Theol., 1882) translated Sirach 51:1-20 back into Hebrew and tried to prove that it is an alphabetic acrostic psalm, and Taylor supports this view by an examination of the lately discovered fragments of the Hebrew text (see The Wisdom of Ben Sira, etc., by S.

    Schechter and C. Taylor, lxxix ff). After Sirach 51:12 of the Greek and other versions the Hebrew has a psalm of 15 verses closely resembling Psalm 136; but the Hebrew version of Sirach 51:1-20 does not favor Bickell’s view, nor does the ps, found only in the Hebrew, lend much support to what either Bickell or Taylor says. Space precludes detailed proofs.

    VI. AUTHOR. 1. Jesus, Son of Sirach: The proper name of the author was Jesus (Jeshua, Greek Iesous (?)), the family name being “Ben Sira.” The full name would be therefore “Jesus Ben Sirs.” In the Talmud and other Jewish writings he is known as “Ben Sira,” literally, “son (or descendant?) of Sira.” Who Sira was is unknown.

    No other book in the Apocrypha gives the name of its author as the Prologue to Sirach does. In the best Greek manuscripts (Vaticanus, Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus) of Sirach 50:27, the author’s name appears as [ jIhsou~v uiJor oJ JIerosolumei>thv, ‘Iesous huios Seirach Eleazar ho Hierosolumeites ], “Jesus the son of Sirach (son of) Eleazar the Jerusalemite.” For the last two words Codex Sinaiticus has by a copyist’s error, [oJ iJereuthv, ho hiereus ho Solumeites ], “the Solomon-like priest.” The Hebrew text of Sirach 50:27 and 51:30 gives the following genealogy: Simeon son of Jesus, son of Eleazar, son of Sira, making the author the grandson and not the son of Sira, and so he is called by Saadia; see HDB (Nestle) and EB, II, 1165 (Toy). We know nothing of Ben Sira beyond what can be gathered from the book itself. He was a resident in Palestine (24:10 f), an orthodox Jew, well read in at least Jewish literature, a shrewd observer of life, with a philosophical bent, though true to the national faith. He had traveled far and seen much (34:11 f). His interests were too general and his outlook too wide to allow of his being either a priest or a scribe. 2. Other Views: Many suppositions have been put forward as to the author’s identity. (1) That the Author Was a Priest:

    So in Codex Sinaiticus (Sirach 50:27). In Sirach 7:29-31 he speaks much of the priesthood, and there are numerous references to sacrifices in the book. In 45:6-26 he has a long poem in praise of Aaron and his highpriesthood.

    Yet on the whole Ben Sira does not write as a priest. (2) That He Was a High Priest:

    So Syncellus (Chronicles, edition Dindf., 1 525) through a misunderstanding of a passage in Eusebius. But the teaching and temper of the book make this supposition more improbable than the last. (3) That He Was a Physician:

    An inference drawn from Sirach 38:1 f,12 ff and other references to the professional healer of the body (10:10). But this is a very small foundation on which to build so great an edifice. (4) That He Was One of the 72 Translators (Septuagint):

    So Lapide (Comm.), Calmer, Goldhager, a wholly unsupported hypothesis. (5) No One of Course Believes that Solomon Wrote the Book:

    Though many of the early Fathers held that he was the author of the five Wisdom Books — Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Sirach and Wisdom.

    VII. UNITY AND INTERGRITY.

    There is, on the whole, such a uniformity in the style and teaching of the book that most scholars agree in ascribing the whole book (except, the Prologue, which is the work of the translator) to Ben Sira. This does not mean that he composed every line; he must have adopted current sayings, written and oral, and this will account for the apparent contradictions, as about becoming surety (Sirach 29:14), and refusing to become surety (Sirach 8:13; 29:18); words in praise (Sirach 25:1; 26:1 ff) and condemnation of women (Sirach 25:4,13; 36:18-26); the varying estimates of life (Sirach 36:16-35; 40:1-11), etc. But in these seeming opposites we have probably no more than complementary principles, the whole making up the complete truth. Nothing is more manifest in the book than the allpervading thought of one dominant mind. Some have denied the genuineness of Sirach 51, but the evidence is at least indecisive. There is nothing in this chapter inconsistent with the rest of the book.

    In the recently discovered fragments of Hebrew text there is a psalm between Sirach 51:12 and 13 of the Greek and English Versions of the Bible which seems a copy of Psalm 136. It is absent from the versions and its genuineness is doubtful. But in both the Hebrew and Greek texts there are undoubted additions and omissions. There are, in the Greek, frequent glosses by Christian editors or copyists and other changes (by the translators?) in the direction of Alexandrian Judaism; see Speaker’s Apocrypha and other commentaries for details.

    VIII. DATE.

    In the book itself there is one mark of definite date (Sirach 50:1), and in the Prologue there is another. Unfortunately both are ambiguous. In the Prologue the translator, whose grandfather or ancestor (Greek [pa>ppov, pappos ) wrote the book (the younger Siracides, as he is called), says that he reached Egypt, where he found and translated this book in the reign of Euergetes, king of Egypt. But there were two Egyptian kings called Euergetes, namely, Ptolemy Euergetes, or Euergetes I (247-222 BC), and Ptolemy VII Physcon, or Euergetes II (218-198 BC). Sirach 50:1 mentions, among the great men whom he praises, Simon the high priest, son of Onias, who is named last in the list and lived probably near the time of the elder Siracidess. But there were two high priests called Simon and each of them was a son of Onias, namely, Simon I, son of Onias I (circa 310-290 BC), and Simon II, son of Onias II (circa 218-198 BC). Scholars differ as to which Euergetes is meant in the Prologue and which Simon in 50:1. 1. Most Probable Views: The conclusions to which the evidence has brought the present writer are these: (1) that Simon I (died 290 BC) is the high priest meant; (2) that Ptolemy VII Physcon (218-198 BC) is the Euergetes meant. (1) In Favor of the First Proposition Are the Following: (a) The book must have been written some time after the death of Simon, for in the meantime an artificial fame had gathered around the name, and the very allusion to him as a hero of the past makes it clear that he had been long dead. Assuming that Simon had died in 290 BC, as seems likely, it is a reasonable conclusion that the original Hebrew work was composed somewhat later than 250 BC. If Simon II is the man intended, the book could hardly have been composed before 150 BC, an impossible date; see below. (b) In the list of great men in Sirach 44 through 50 the praises of Simon (50:1 ff) are sung after those of Nehemiah (Sirach 49:13), suggesting that the space of time between them was not very great. (c) The “Simon the Just” of Josephus was certainly Simon I, he being so called, this Jewish historian says (Ant., XII, ii, 5), on account of his piety and kindness. (d) It is probable that the “Simon the Just” of the Mishna (‘Abhoth i.2) is also Simon I, though this is not certain. It is said of him that he was one of the last members of the great synagogue and in the Talmud he is the hero of many glorifying legends. The so-called great synagogue never really existed, but the date assigned to it in Jewish tradition shows that it is Simon I that is thought of. (e) In the Syriac version (Pesh) Sirach 50:23 reads thus: “Let it (peace) be established with Simon the Just,” etc. Some manuscripts have “Simon the Kind.” This text may of course be wrong, but Graetz and Edersheim support it. This is the exact title given to Simon I by Josephus (op. cit.), the Mishna and by Jewish tradition generally. (f) The only references to Simon II in Jewish history and tradition depict him in an unfavorable light. In 2 Macc 3 he is the betrayer of the temple to the Syrians. Even if the incident of the above chapter were unhistorical, there must have been some basis for the legend. Josephus (Ant., XII, iv, f) makes him side with the sons of Tobias against Hyrcanus, son of Joseph, the wrong side from the orthodox Jewish point of view. (g) The high priest Simon is said (Sirach 50:1-13) to have repaired the temple and fortified the city. Edersheim says that the temple and city stood in need of what is here described in the time of Simon I, but not in the time of Simon II, for Ptolemy I (247-222 BC) in his wars with Demetrius destroyed many fortifications in Palestine to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy, among which Acco, Joppa, Gaza are named, and it is natural to think that the capital and its sanctuary were included. This is, however, but a priori reasoning, and Derenbourg argues that Simon II must be meant, since according to Josephus (Ant., XII, iii, 3) Antiochus the Great (223-187 BC) wrote a letter in which he undertakes that the city and temple of Jerusalem shall be fully restored. This is not, however, to say that Simon II or anyone else did, at that time, restore either. (h) Of the numerous errors in the Greek text some at least seem due to the fact that the version in that language was made so long after the composition of the original Hebrew that the sense of several Hebrew words had become lost among the Alexandrian Jews. If we assume that the Simon of chapter 50 was Simon I (died 290 BC), so that the Hebrew work was composed about 250 BC; if we further assume that the Euergetes of the Prologue was Ptolemy VII (died 198 BC), there is a reasonable space of time to allow the sense of the Hebrew to be lost in many instances (see Halevy, Revue semitique, July, 1899). It must be admitted that there is no decisive evidence on one side or the other, but the balance weighs in favor of Simon I in the opinion of the present writer. (2) Euergetes of the Prologue:

    That the Euergetes of the Prologue in whose reign the translation was made must have been Ptolemy VII Physcon, Euergetes II, seems proved by the translator’s statement that he came to Egypt in the 38th year, [ejpi< tou~ Eujerge>tou basile>wv, epi tou Euergetou basileos ], i.e. almost certainly of the reign of Euergetes, for what reason could the younger Siracides have for giving his own age? Now Euergetes I reigned but 25 years, but Euergetes II (Physcon) reigned in all 54 years, from 170 to 145 BC as regent with his father, and from 145 to 116 BC as sole monarch. If we accept this interpretation of the above words, the question is settled.

    Westcott, however (DB, 1863, I, 479, note c), says “the words can only mean that the translator in his 38th year came to Egypt during the reign of Euergetes.” The other rendering adopted by Eichhorn is, he adds, “absolutely set at variance with the grammatical structure of the sentence.”

    In the second edition of DB (1893) this note has become expunged, and the article as edited by D.S. Margoliouth (I, 841) teaches the contrary view, which is now accepted by nearly all scholars (Schurer, etc.). We may therefore assume that the original Hebrew book was composed about 240- 200 BC, or some 50 or more years after the death of Simon I, and that the translation was made about 130 BC, for the younger Siracides came to Egypt in 132 BC, and he gives us to understand in the Prologue that he translated the Hebrew work of his grandfather almost immediately after reaching that country. If Simon II (died 198 BC) is meant in Sirach 50, we are compelled to assume a date for the original work of about 150 BC in order to allow time for the growth of the halo of legend which had gathered about Simon. The translation must, in that case, have been completed some 20 years after the composition of the Hebrew, a conclusion which the evidence opposes. The teaching of the book belongs to 200 BC, or slightly earlier. The doctrine of the resurrection taught in Daniel (165 BC) is ignored in Sirach, as it has not yet become Jewish doctrine. 2. Brief Statement of Other Views: (1) That the Euergetes of the Prologue and the Simon of chapter 50 are in both cases the first so called. So Hug, Scholz, Welt, Keil, Edersheim (Speaker’s Apocrypha) and many others. The book was accordingly written after 290 BC, perhaps in 250 BC, or later, and the translation was made some time after 220 BC, say 200 BC. (2) That Euergetes II (died 116 BC) and Simon II (died 198 BC) are the two persons referred to. So Eichhorn, Deuteronomy Wette, Ewald, Franz Delitzsch, Hitzig, Schurer. (3) Hitzig (Psalms, 1836, II, 118) made the original work a product of the Maccabean period — an impossible supposition, for the book says nothing at all about the Maccabees. Moreover, the priestly house of Zadok is praised in this book (Sirach 50, etc.); it was held in little respect during the time of the Maccabean wars, owing to the sympathy it showed toward the Hellenizing party.

    IX. ORIGINAL LANGUAGES. 1. Composed in Hebrew: Even before the discovery of the substantial fragments of what is probably the original Hebrew text of this book, nearly all scholars had reached the conclusion that Sirach was composed in Hebrew. (1) The fact of a Hebrew original is definitely stated in the Prologue. (2) Jerome (Praef. in vers. libri Sol.) says that he had seen the Hebrew original — the same text probably that underlies the fragments recently published, though we cannot be sure of this. (3) Citations apparently from the same Hebrew text are made not seldom in Talmudic and rabbinical literature. (4) There are some word-plays in the book which in the Greek are lost, but which reappear in the discovered Hebrew text, e.g. (Sirach 43:8) [oJ mhnh, ho men kata to onoma autes estin auxanomene ] (read [ajnaneome>nh, ananeomene ), “the month is called after her name,” [ vdjtm awh wmvk vdj , chodhesh kishemo hu’ mitchadhes ], “the moon according to its name renews itself”; the Hebrew words for “moon” and “renews itself” come from one root, as if we said in English — what of course is not English — “the moon moons itself.” There are other cases where mistakes and omissions in the Greek are explained by a reference to the newly found Hebrew text.

    The strongly supported conjecture of former years that the book was composed in Hebrew was turned into a practical certainty through the discovery, by Dr. S. Schechter and others in 1896 and after, of the fragments of a (probably the) Hebrew text called now A B C and D. These contain much over half the whole book, and that the text in them, nearly always identical when the same passages are given in more than one, is the original one, is exceedingly likely, to say the least. 2. Margoliouth’s View: D. S. Margoliouth (Origin of the Original Hebrew of Ecclesiasticus, 1899) has tried to prove that the Hebrew text of the fragments is a translation of a Persian version which is itself derived from Greek and Syriac. The proofs he offers have not convinced scholars. (1) He refers to words in Hebrew which in that language are senseless, and he endeavors to show that they are disguised Persian words. As a matter of fact, in such cases the copyist has gone wholly wrong or the word is undecipherable. (2) There do appear to be Persian glosses, but they are no part of the original text, and there can be no reasonable doubt that they are due to a Persian reader or copyist. (3) There are many cases in which the Hebrew can be proved to be a better and older text than the Greek or Syriac (see Konig, The Expository Times, XI, 170 ff). (4) As regards the character of the language, it may be said that in syntax it agrees in the main with the classical Hebrew of the Old Testament, but its vocabulary links it with the latest Old Testament books. Thus we have the use of the “waw-consecutive” with the imperfect (Sirach 43:23; 44:9,23; 45:2 f, etc.) and with the perfect (Sirach 42:1,8,11), though the use of the simple waw with both tenses occurs also. This mixed usage is exactly what meets us in the latest part of the Old Testament (Ecclesiastes, Esther, etc.). As regards vocabulary, the word [ 6p,je , chephets ], has the sense of “thing,” “matter,” in Sirach 20:9, as in Ecclesiastes 3:1; 5:7; 8:6. In general it may be said that the Hebrew is that of early post-Biblical times.

    Margoliouth holds that the extant Hebrew version is no older than the 11th century, which is impossible. His mistake is due to confounding the age of the manuscripts with that of the version they contain. (5) It is nevertheless admitted that in some cases the Syriac or the Greek or both together preserve an older and correcter text than the Hebrew, but this because the latter has sometimes been miscopied and intentionally changed. (6) The numerous Hebraisms in the Greek version which in the Hebrew have their original expression point to the same conclusion — that this Hebrew text is the original form of the book.

    Margoliouth has been answered by Smend (TLZ, 1889, col. 506), Konig (Expository Times, X, XI, 1899-1900), Noldeke (ZATW, XX, 81-94), and by many others. Bickell (Zeitschrift fur katholische Theol., III, 387 ff) holds also that the Hebrew Sirach extant is a translation from the Greek or Syriac or both.

    X. VERSIONS. 1. Greek: The Septuagint translation was made from the Hebrew direct; it is fairly correct, though in all the extant manuscripts the text is very corrupt in several places. (1) The book occurs in the uncials Vaticanus, Sinaiticus, Ephraemi, and part of Alexandrinus fairly free from glosses, though abounding in obvious errors. (2) The text is found in a much purer form in Codex Venetus and also in Codex Sinaiticus (ca) and part of Codex Alexandrinus. All extant Greek manuscripts except the late cursive 248 seem to go back to one original MS, since in all of them the two sections Sirach 30:25 through 33:15 and 33:16 through 36:11 have changed places, so that 33:16 through 36:11 follows 30:24 and 30:25 through 33:15 comes after 36:11. Most scholars accept the explanation of Fritzsche (Exeg.

    Handbuch zu den Apok, V, 21 f) that the two leaves on which these two parts (of similar size) were written got mixed, the wrong one being put first. On the other hand, the cursive 248 (14th century) has these sections in their proper order, and the same is true of the Syriac (Peshitta), Latin and Armenian versions and of the Greek version of the Complutensian Polyglot (which follows throughout 248 and not the uncials) and English Versions of the Bible which is made from this Polyglot. The superiority of 248 to the older manuscript (B S A C V) is seen in other parts of the Greek text. In the other Greek manuscripts, Sirach 3:25 is omitted, as it is by Edersheim and most commentators before the discovery of the Hebrew text. But this last supports 248 in retaining the verse, and it is now generally kept. In 43:23 “islands” is properly read by 248, Vulgate, Syriac, 23 and the Hebrew, but older Greek manuscripts read “Jesus,” making nonsense (“And Jesus planted her” [[aujth>n, auten ]] for “he planted islands therein”). The other manuscripts have a text which yields no sense in 43:26: English Versions of the Bible “By reason of him his end hath success.” The Greek of 248 and the Hebrew give this sense: “The angel is equipped for his task,” etc. 2. Syriac: The Syriac (Peshitta) version is now almost universally acknowledged to have been made from the Hebrew, of which, on the whole, it is a faithful rendering. In some places, however, it agrees with the Septuagint against the Hebrew, probably under the influence of the inaccurate idea that the Greek text is the original one. In this version the two sections Sirach 30:25 through 33:5 and 33:16 through 36:11 are in proper order, as in the Hebrew, a fresh proof that the Syriac is not translated from the Greek 3. Latin: The Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) agrees with the Old Latin which follows the Septuagint closely. Lapide, Sabatier and Bengel tried to prove that the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) was based on the lost original Hebrew, but the evidence they supply falls far short of proof, and recently discovered Hebrew fragments show that they were wrong. The two sections transposed in the Septuagint (except 248) are also transposed in the Latin, showing that the latter is based on the Greek text. The Latin text of both Sirach and Wisdom according to the codex Amiant is given by Lagarde in his Mittheilungen, I, 243-84. This closely follows the Greek text. 4. English: The King James Version follows the cursives and often repeats their errors. the Revised Version (British and American) is based, for the most part, on the uncials and thus often departs from the Hebrew. Sirach 3:19 is retained by the King James Version but omitted by the Revised Version (British and American). For the latter clause of the verse (“mysteries are revealed unto the meek”), the King James Version is supported by codex 248, the Syriac and the Hebrew. Both English Versions of the Bible should be corrected by the Hebrew in Sirach 7:26 and 38:1,15.

    For fuller details concerning versions see Speaker’s Apocrypha, II, 23-32 (Edersheim); Kautzsch, Die Apok. des Altes Testament, I, 242 ff (Ryssel), and the article by Nestle in HDB, IV, 544 ff.

    LITERATURE.

    In addition to books mentioned under Apocrypha and in the course of the present article, note the following: (1) The Text of the Hebrew Fragments: For accounts of the discovery and decipherments of these see HDB, IV, 546 f (Nestle); Bible Polyglotte (F. Vigoureux), V, 4 ff; Schurer GJ V4, III, 221 ff. The text of the Hebrew as yet known is conveniently printed in the following: H. L. Strack, Die Spruche Jesus, etc. (with notes and glossary), Leipzig, 1903; Isaac Levi, The Hebrew Text of Ecclesiasticus (with notes and glossary), Leiden, 1906; Rudolf Smend, Die Weisheit des Jesus Sirach, Hebrew und Deutsch (with notes and glossary), Berlin, 1906.

    The Hebrew appears also in the Bible Polyglotte, edition F. Vigoureux, with the Septuagint, Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) and a French translation in parallel columns. (No other Polyglot has appeared since the discovery of the Hebrew.) There are parallel texts in Hebrew, Syriac, Greek and English, and also useful notes and tables in The Original Hebrew of Sirach 39:15-49:11, by Cowles and Neubauer, Oxford, 1897.

    Still later and fuller is The Wisdom of Ben Sira in Hebrew and English, with notes on the Hebrew by Schechter and Taylor, Cambridge, 1899. (2) Commentaries: The works of Fritzsche (1859), who neglects the evidence of the Syriac and ignores the Hebrew idioms in the book, and of Bissell (1880) and Edersheim (1888) appeared before the discovery of the Hebrew fragments.

    The last-named shows both learning and ingenuity in tracking the Hebrew idioms and in explaining difficulties by means of Hebrew. The following commentaries take full note of the Hebrew text as far as discovered: Israel Levi, L’Ecclesiastique ou la sagesse de Jesus fils de Sira: traduit et commente, Paris, 1898, 1901; Ryssel in Kautzsch’s Apok. des Altes Testament, I, 280-475, exceedingly valuable, especially for the text and introduction, but he takes account of the Hebrew fragments published by Cowley and Neubauer only in this book. To complete his treatment of the Hebrew parts published after he wrote, see further articles by him in Stud. u. Krit., 1900-1-2; Knabenbaur, Commentarius in Ecclesiasticum, Paris, 1902; Peters, Der jungst wieder aufgefundene hebraische Text des Buches Ecclesiasticus, 1902 (compare the notice by Smend, Theologische Literaturzeitung, 1903, 72-77); Smend, Die Weisheit des Jesus Sirach erklart, 1906 (full discussion of the book in the newest light; compare notice by Julicher in TLZ, 1908, 323-29). The New Oxford Apocrypha (Introduction and Notes), edition by R. H. Charles (1913), contains a full Introduction and Commentary. J. H. A. Hart has published separately a critical edition of codex 248, in which he collates the principal authorities, manuscript and printed. (3) Dictionaries: Of the Dict. articles those in HDB (Nestle, strong in the critical, but weak and defective on the historical and exegetical side); Encyclopedia Biblica (C. H. Toy, sound and well balanced); see also Jewish Encyclopedia (Israel Levi) and Encyclopedia Britannica (11th edition) (W. Baxendale). For detailed register of the literature see HDB (Nestle); Jew Encyclopedia, “Sirach” (Israel Levi); and especially Schurer, GJ V4, III, 219 ff. T. Witton Davies SIRACH, THE ALPHABET OF Usually called The Alphabet of Ben Sira. The compilation so designated consists of two lists of proverbs,22 in Aramaic and 22 in Hebrew, arranged in each case as alphabet acrostics. Each of these proverbs is followed by a haggadic comm., with legends and tales, many of them indecent. Some of the proverbs in the Alphabets are probably genuine compositions by Ben Sira and are quoted as such in the Talmud, but in their present form the Alphabets are at least as late as the 11th century AD.

    LITERATURE.

    The only complete copy of the text known is in the British Museum, the copy in the Bodleian being defective. Steinschneider has published a reprint of this last with critical notes (Alphabeticum Syracidis, Berlin, 1854).

    Cowley and Neubauer (The Original Hebrew of a Portion of Ecclesiasticus), besides giving a general account of this work, add a translation into English of the Aramaic proverbs. In his brief but excellent articles in the Jewish Encyclopedia (Ben Sira, The Alphabet of), Dr. Louis Ginzberg (New York) also gives a translation of the 22 Aramaic proverbs with useful remarks after each. The work has been translated into Latin, Yiddish (often), Judeo-Spanish, French and German, but never, so far, completely into English. T. Witton Davies SIRAH, WELL OF <si’-ra > ([ hr;Sih” rwOB, bor hacirah ], “the pit,” “well” or “cistern of Sarah”): The spot from which Abner was enticed back to Hebron to his death ( 2 Samuel 3:26). Josephus (Ant., VII, i, 5) calls it [ Bh(r)sira>, Be(r)sira ], implying that it was a “well.” It is possible that this spot is now `Ain Sarah, a spring which flows into a little tank near the west side of the road about a mile out of ancient Hebron, on the way to Jerusalem. There is, however, a curious cistern with steps known as Chamam Sarah (“Sarah’s bath”) near Ramet el-Khalil, which is also possibly the site (PEF, 314, Sh XXI).

    SIRION <sir’-i-on > ([ ˆwOyr]ci , siryon ]; [ Saniw>r, Sanior ]): The name of Mt.

    Hermon among the Phoenicians ( Deuteronomy 3:9). It is given as “Shirion” in Psalm 29:6 (Hebrew “breastplate” or “body armor”). Here it is named with Lebanon. Sirion therefore probably did not denote a particular part of the Hermon Range, as did Senir, but may have been suggested by the conformation of the range itself, as seen from the heights above the Phoenician coast.

    SISAMAI <sis’-a-mi > . See SISMAI.

    SISERA <sis’-er-a > ([ ar;s]ysi , cicera’ ], of doubtful meaning; [ S(e)isa>ra, S(e)isara ]): (1) Given in Judges 4 as the captain of the army of Jabin, king of Hazor. The accounts given of the battle of Sisera with Barak, as found in Judges 4 and 5, have important points of difference. The first is a prose, the second a poetic narrative. In the first only Naphtali and Zebulun are mentioned as being under the command of Barak; in the second 6 tribes are given as being under his command. In Judges Sisera is known as the captain of Jabin’s forces, while in Judges 5 he seems to have been an independent leader. There is also a difference as to the scene of the battle and as to the manner in which Sisera met his death at the hand of Jael. Because of these points of difference, added to the fact that this is the only account, in these early times, where a king did not lead his own forces, it is thought by many that there is here the combination of two traditions dealing with different and distinct events.

    Sisera resided in Harosheth of the Gentiles, a place identified with el- Charithiyeh, on the right bank of the Kishon and commanding the way from the Central Plain to the sea. Taking the versions in the two chapters of Judges as being the account of a single campaign, we find Deborah urging Barak to combine the forces of Israel to wage war with Sisera as the representative of Jabin, the king of Hazor. The scene of the battle was on the plain at the foot of the slopes of Mt. Tabor ( Judges 4:12-14), or at the foot of the Carmel heights ( Judges 5:19). The attack of Barak and Deborah was so furious, animated as it was by the hatred of Sisera and the Canaanites, that the hosts of Sisera were put to rout, and Sisera, deserting his troops, fled on foot to the Northeast. He took refuge in the tent of Heber, near Kedesh, and here met death at the hands of Jael, the wife of Heber (see JAEL ). Sisera’s name had long produced fear in Israel because of his oppression of the people, his vast army and his 900 chariots of iron. His overthrow was the cause of much rejoicing and was celebrated by the song in which Deborah led the people. See DEBORAH.

    It is interesting to note that the great rabbi Aqiba, who fought so valiantly in the Jewish war for independence as standard bearer to Bar-cocheba, was descended from the ancient warlike Sisera of Harosheth. (2) In Ezra 2:53 and Nehemiah 7:55 the name Sisera, after a long interval, reappears in a family of the Nethinim. There is no evidence that the latter Sisera is connected by family descent with the former. C. E. Schenk SISINNES <si-sin’-ez > ([ Sisi>nnhv, Sisinnes ]): “The eparch (governor) of Syria and Phoenicia” under Darius Hystaspis (1 Esdras 6:3,7,27; 7:1) circa 520 BC = “Tattenai the governor beyond the river” in Ezra 5:3,6; 6:6,13. He took a prominent part in the efforts to prevent the rebuilding of the temple.

    SISMAI <sis’-mi > ([ ym”s]s , tsitsmay ]; the King James Version Sisamai): A Judahite, of the descendants of the daughter of Sheshan and Jarha, his Egyptian servant ( 1 Chronicles 2:40). Commentators have compared the name to [ µss , tstsm ], a Phoenician god (compare Rudolph Kittel, Commentary at the place; BDB, under the word).

    SISTER <sis’-ter > ([ twOja; , ‘achoth ]): Used repeatedly in the Old Testament of a female (1) having the same parents as another; or (2) having one parent in common, with another, half-sister ( Genesis 20:12; Leviticus 18:9), and also (3) of a female belonging to the same family or clan as another, so a kinswoman ( Genesis 24:60; Job 42:11); (4) also of a woman of the same country ( Numbers 25:18). (5) Figuratively, the two kingdoms, Israel and Judah, are sisters ( Ezekiel 23:7 ff). (6) Confederate cities are conceived of as sisters ( Ezekiel 16:45 ff). (7) [‘Achoth] is used of objects which go in pairs, as curtains, each `coupled to its sister’ ( Exodus 26:3,6), and of wings in pairs ( Ezekiel 1:9; 3:13); (8) of virtues or conditions, with which one is closely related: “Say unto wisdom, thou art my sister” ( Proverbs 7:4; compare Job 17:14); (9) of a lover concerning his spouse, as a term of endearment (Song 4:9 f; 5:1 f; 8:8).

    In the New Testament, [ajdelfh>, adelphe ], used (1) in sense of physical or blood kinship ( Matthew 12:50; 13:56; 19:29; Luke 10:39 f; 14:26; John 11:1 ff; 19:25; Acts 23:16); (2) of fellow-members in Christ: “Phoebe, our sister” ( Romans 16:1; see also 1 Corinthians 7:15; 1 Timothy 5:1; James 2:15); (3) possibly, of a church, “thy elect sister” ( 2 John 1:13). See RELATIONSHIPS, FAMILY.

    Edward Bagby Pollard SISTER’S SON The King James Version translates rightly (1) [ wOtwOja\AˆB, , ben-’achotho ] ( Genesis 29:13); and (2) [uiJohuios tes adelphes ] ( Acts 23:16), and wrongly, (3) [ajneyio>v, anepsios ] ( Colossians 4:10), where, without doubt, the real meaning is “cousin,” as in the Revised Version (British and American). See RELATIONSHIPS, FAMILY.

    SITH <sith > : An Anglo-Saxon word meaning “afterward,” “since” ( Ezekiel 35:6 the King James Version and the English Revised Version, the American Standard Revised Version “since”).

    SITHRI <sith’-ri > ([ yrit]si , cithri ]): A grandson of Kohath ( Exodus 6:22).

    SITNAH <sit’-na > ([ hn;f]ci , siTnah ], “hatred,” “hostility”; [ejcqri>a, echthria ]): The name of the second of the two wells dug by the herdsmen of Isaac, the cause of further “enmity” with the herdsmen of Gerer ( Genesis 26:21, margin “That is, Enmity”). The site is unknown, but Palmer (PEFS, 1871) finds an echo of the name in Shutnet er Rucheibeh, the name of a small valley near Rucheibeh. See REHOBOTH.

    SITTING <sit’-ing > ([ nv”y; , yashabh ], “to sit down or still,” [ rg”D; , daghar ], “to brood,” “hatch”; [kaqe>zomai, kathezomai ], “to sit down,” [ajna>keimai, anakeimai ], “to lie back,” “recline”): The favorite position of the Orientals ( Malachi 3:3; Matthew 9:9; 26:55 (compare Matthew 5:1; Luke 4:20; 5:3); Mark 14:18; Luke 18:35; John 2:14, etc.). “In Palestine people sit at all kinds of work; the carpenter saws, planes, and hews with his hand-adze, sitting upon the ground or upon the plank he is planing. The washerwoman sits by the tub, and, in a word, no one stands where it is possible to sit. .... On the low shopcounters the turbaned salesmen squat in the midst of the gay wares” (LB, II, 144, 275; III, 72, 75).

    FIGURATIVE: (1) To sit with denotes intimate fellowship ( Psalm 1:1; 26:5; Luke 13:29; Revelation 3:21); (2) to sit in the dust indicates poverty and contempt ( Isaiah 47:1), in darkness, ignorance ( Matthew 4:16) and trouble ( Micah 7:8); (3) to sit on thrones denotes authority, judgment, and glory ( Matthew 19:28). M. O. Evans SIVAN <se-van’ > , <si’-van > ([ ˆw;ysi , ciwan ]): The third month of the Jewish year, corresponding to June (Est 8:9). See CALENDAR.

    SIXTY <siks’-ti > ([ µyVivi , shishshim ]; [eJxh~konta, hexekonta ]). See NUMBER.

    SKILL; SKILFUL <skil > , <skil’-fool > (forms of [ [d”y; , yadha `] ( 2 Chronicles 2:14, etc.), [ ˆyBi , bin ] ( 1 Chronicles 15:22), [ lk”c; , sakhal ] ( Daniel 1:4, etc.), [ dm”l; , lamadh ] ( 1 Chronicles 5:18), [ µk”j; , chakham ] ( Chronicles 28:21), [ vr”j; , charash ] ( Ezekiel 21:31), [ bf”y; , yaTabh ] ( Psalm 33:3); in Apocrypha [ejmpeiri>a, empeiria ] (The Wisdom of Solomon 13:13), [wjpisth>mh, episteme ] (Sirach 1:19; 38:3,6); adverb [eujmaqw~v, eumathos ] (The Wisdom of Solomon 13:11)): As a verb “to skill,” meaning to have understanding or to be dexterous, common in Elizabethan English and in the King James Version and the English Revised Version ( 1 Kings 5:6; 2 Chronicles 2:7 f; 34:12), is obsolete. The American Standard Revised Version substitutes such expressions as “knoweth how” ( 1 Kings 5:6) and “were skillful with” ( 2 Chronicles 34:12). As a noun the word is used in the sense of “knowledge” ( Ecclesiastes 9:11), “insight” ( Daniel 1:17), and “wisdom” ( 1 Chronicles 28:21). The adjective skillful is used in corresponding senses, especially in the American Standard Revised Version, where it takes the place of “cunning” ( Exodus 26:31; 31:4; 35:33,35; 38:23; 2 Chronicles 2:7,13,14; Song 7:1; Isaiah 40:20; Jeremiah 10:9) and of “curious” ( Exodus 35:32), where the Hebrew [chashabh] suggests planning or devising, and thus what we should call “original” work. Both the English Revised Version and the American Standard Revised Version use the word in place of “eloquent” ( Isaiah 3:3), “right” ( Ecclesiastes 4:4) and “cunning” ( 1 Chronicles 25:7). In the first of these instances the Hebrew word means “understanding”; in the second, it refers to the manner of doing a thing, and in the third, to the training that makes one “skilled.” the Revised Version (British and American) uses the word “skilled” of those that “took the war upon them” ( Numbers 31:27 the King James Version). Skillfulness ( Psalm 78:72) is used with reference to the hands, not only in their work, but also in guiding (as, e.g., a pilot). To play well (Hebrew [heTibhu naggen]), is rendered “play skillfully” ( Psalm 33:3). “Unskillful” is used with reference to the uninitiated in the sense of “inexperienced” ( Hebrews 5:13, [a]peirov, apeiros ]). Nathan Isaacs SKIN ([ rwO[ , `or ], [ dl,G, , geledh ], “human skin” ( Job 16:15), [ rc;B; , basar ], “flesh,” in the sense of “nakedness” ( <19A205> Psalm 102:5 the King James Version); [de>rma, derma ]):

    LITERAL:

    The word `or designates the skin of both men and animals, the latter both raw and in tanned condition: “Yahweh God made for Adam and for his wife coats of skins (`or ), and clothed them” ( Genesis 3:21); “She put the skins (`or ) of the kids of the goats upon his hands, and upon the smooth of his neck” ( Genesis 27:16); “Can the Ethiopian change his skin, or the leopard his spots?” ( Jeremiah 13:23). The Hebrew geledh is found in the sense of human skin: “I have sewed sackcloth upon my skin, and have laid my horn in the dust” ( Job 16:15).

    FIGURATIVE: `To escape by the skin of the teeth’ is equivalent to a narrow escape ( Job 19:20). Satan says in his calumny of Job: “Skin for skin, yea, all that a man hath will he give for his life” ( Job 2:4). The idea here is, that a man will endure or do the worst, even as it were the flaying of his body, to save his life. The Revised Version (British and American) has replaced “skin” as the translation of Hebrew basar by “flesh”: “My bones cleave to my flesh” ( <19A205> Psalm 102:5). “The bars of his skin” is a poetical expression for “the members of his body” in Job 18:13 margin, where the text interprets rather than translates the original.

    Skins served for purposes of clothing from an early date ( Genesis 3:21).

    In later days they were the raiment of prophets and hermits ( Zechariah 13:4; Hebrews 11:37). Septuagint translates [ tr,D,a” , ‘addereth ], “the mantle” of Elijah ( 1 Kings 19:13,19; 2 Kings 2:8,13 f), with [mhlwth>, melote ], i.e. “sheepskin,” the word in He being derived from these passages. It is not unlikely that the raiment of John the Baptist made “of camel’s hair” and the “leathern girdle about his loins” are identical with the rough garb of Old Testament prophets. The skins of cattle were largely employed for technical uses; “rams’ skins and badgers’ skins” are especially mentioned in the construction of the tabernacle as material for the waterproof covering of the roof ( Exodus 25:5; Numbers 4:8,10 ff).

    The Revised Version, rejecting the translation “badgers’ skins,” substitutes “sealskins” and adds “porpoise skins” in the margin. There is little doubt that the rendering of the King James Version is indeed incorrect. The Hebrew name of the animal (tachash ) is the same as the Arabic tuchas, which means the dolphin and the “sea-cow” or halicore of the Red Sea, of which genus there are two species even now extant (H. tabernaculi Russ, and H. Helprichii Ehr.). It is probable that the Jews included various marine animals, seals, porpoises, dolphins and halicores, under the same expression. See SEALSKIN.

    In Ezekiel 16:10 we find these skins mentioned as material for elegant shoes, and the Arabs of the Red Sea littoral use the same material in the manufacture of sandals. A quaint use was made of skins in the making of skin bottles, the qurbeh or qirbeh of modern Arabia. We find a great variety of Hebrew expressions, which possibly designated special varieties, all of which were rendered [ajsko>v, askos ], in Septuagint and the New Testament ([ tm,je , chemeth ], [ daOn , dwaOn , no’dh ], [ hd;aOn , no’dhah ], [ lb,n, , nebhel ], [ lb,ne , nebhel ], [ qBuq]B” , baqbuq ], [ bwOa , ‘obh ]). the Revised Version (British and American) has rendered the Greek askos in the New Testament by “wineskin” ( Matthew 9:17; Mark 2:22; Luke 5:37) with the marginal addition “that is, skins used as bottles.” These skin bottles were made of the skins of goats, sheep, oxen or buffaloes; the former had more or less the shape of the animals, the holes of the extremities being closed by tying or sewing, and the neck of the skin being closed by a tap or a plug, while the larger ones were sewn together in various shapes. As a rule only the inside of the skin was tanned, the skin turned inside out, and the fluid or semi-fluid filled in, e.g. water, milk, butter, cheese. The hairy inside was not considered as in any way injurious to the contents. Only in the case of wine-and oil-skins was it thought advantageous to tan the skins inside and out. H. L. E. Luering SKIRT <skurt > : (1) [ tn;K; , kanaph ], “wing” “extremity” ( Ruth 3:9, etc.), is the usual word. But in 1 Samuel 24:4 ff perhaps “corner” is the best translation. (2) [ lWv , shul ], “loose hanging” ( Exodus 28:33, etc.; in the King James Version often rendered “hem”). (3) [ hP, , peh ], “mouth,” “opening” ( <19D302> Psalm 133:2, “the precious oil .... that came down upon the skirt”). But the “opening” is that for is that for the head, so that the Revised Version margin “collar” is the correct translation. “Skirt” is frequently used in a euphemistic sense, for which the commentaries must be consulted. See DRESS; TRAIN.

    SKULL <skul > ([ tl,GOl]Gui , gulgoleth ]; [krani>on, kranion ]): The Hebrew word, which is well known to Bible readers in its Aramaic-Greek form “Golgotha,” expresses the more or less globular shape of the human skull, being derived from a root meaning “to roll.” It is often translated in English Versions of the Bible by “head,” “poll,” etc. In the meaning “skull” it is found twice ( Judges 9:53; 2 Kings 9:35). In the New Testament the word is found only in connection with GOLGOTHA (which see), “the place of a skull” ( Matthew 27:33; Mark 15:22; John 19:17), or “the skull” ( Luke 23:33).

    SKY <ski > ([ qj”v” , shachaq ], “fine dust” or “cloud,” apparently from [?] [ qj”v; , shachaq ], “to rub,” “to pulverize”; Samaritan: shechaqayyah instead of Hebrew [ µyim”v; , shamayim ]; sachq = “cloud,” “small dust”): 1. IN THE OLD TESTAMENT:

    The Revised Version (British and American) has “skies” for the King James Version “clouds” in Job 35:5; 36:28; 37:21; Psalm 36:5; 57:10; 68:34; 78:23; 108:4; Proverbs 3:20; 8:28, in which passages BDB supports the rendering of King James Version. In Psalm 89:6,37 Revised Version (British and American) has “sky” for King James Version “heaven.” English Versions has “sky” in Deuteronomy 33:26; Samuel 22:12; Job 37:18; Psalm 18:11; 77:1; Isaiah 45:8; Jeremiah 51:9. The word occurs mainly in poetical passages. 2. IN THE NEW TTESTAMENT:

    In the New Testament [oujrano>v, ouranos ], is translated “heaven” (the King James Version “sky”) in connection with the weather in Matthew 16:2,3; Luke 12:56. In Hebrews 11:12 we find “the stars of heaven” (“the sky”) as a figure of multitude. The conception, however, that the visible “sky” is but the dome-like floor of a higher world often makes it hard to tell whether “heaven” in certain passages may or may not be identified with the sky. See HEAVEN; COSMOGONY.

    Alfred Ely Day SLANDER <slan’-der > (substantive, [ hB;Di , dibbah ], “slander”; [dia>bolov, diabolos ], “slanderer”; verb [ lg”r; , raghal ], “to slink about” as a talebearer, [ ˆv”l; , lashan ], “to use the tongue,” “to slander”; [diaba>llw, diaballo ], “to calumniate,” “to slander”; and other words):

    Slander (etymologically a doublet of “scandal,” from OFr. esclandre, Latin scandalum, “stumblingblock”) is an accusation maliciously uttered, with the purpose or effect of damaging the reputation of another. As a rule it is a false charge (compare Matthew 5:11); but it may be a truth circulated insidiously and with a hostile purpose (e.g. Daniel 3:8, “brought accusation against,” where Septuagint has diaballo , “slander”; Luke 16:1, the same Greek word). Warnings, condemnations and complaints in reference to this sin are very frequent, both in the Old Testament and New Testament. Mischievous “tale-bearing” or “whispering” is condemned ( Leviticus 19:16; Ezekiel 22:9). There are repeated warnings against evil-speaking (as in Psalm 34:13; Proverbs 15:28; Ephesians 4:31; Colossians 3:8; James 4:11; 1 Peter 3:10), which is the cause of so much strife between man and man ( Proverbs 16:27-30), and which recoils on the speaker himself to his destruction ( <19A105> Psalm 101:5; 140:11). Especially is false witness, which is “slander carried into a court of justice,” to be condemned and punished ( Exodus 20:16; Deuteronomy 19:16-21; compare Proverbs 12:17; 14:5,25; 19:5; 21:28; 24:28). Special cases of slander more than usually mean are when a wife’s chastity is falsely impeached by her husband ( Deuteronomy 22:13-19), and when one slanders a servant to his master ( Proverbs 30:10). Even a land may be slandered as well as persons ( Numbers 14:36). Slanderers and backbiters are mentioned in some of Paul’s darkest catalogues of evildoers ( Romans 1:29,30; 2 Corinthians 12:20; Timothy 3:3). To refrain from slander is an important qualification for citizenship in theocracy ( Psalm 15:1,3; 24:3,4) and for a place in the Christian church (1 Tim 3:11; Titus 2:3). Jesus Himself was the victim of slanders ( Matthew 11:19) and of false testimony ( Matthew 27:63). The apostles, too, came in for a full share of it (e.g. Acts 24:5 f; 28:22; 2 Corinthians 6:8). In the case of Paul, even his central doctrine of justification was “slanderously reported” as if it encouraged immorality ( Romans 3:8). The devil (= “the calumniator”) is represented as the great accuser of God’s people ( Revelation 12:10), the slanderer paragraph excellence (compare Job 1:9-11; Zechariah 3:1). See also CRIMES; PUNISHMENTS.

    D. Miall Edwards SLAUGHTER, OF THE INNOCENTS <slo’-ter > . See INNOCENTS, MASSACRE OF.

    SLAUGHTER, VALLEY OF In Jeremiah 7:32; 19:6, a name given to the valley of Hinnom. See HINNOM, VALLEY OF; JERUSALEM, III, 2.

    SLAVE; SLAVERY <slav > , <slav’-er-i > :

    The origin of the term “slave” is traced to the German sklave, meaning a captive of the Slavonic race who had been forced into servitude (compare Slav); French esclave, Dutch slaaf, Swedish slaf, Spanish esclavo. The word “slave” occurs only in Jeremiah 2:14 and in Revelation 18:13, where it is suggested by the context and not expressed in the original languages (Hebrew yelidh bayith , “one born in the house”; Greek soma , “body”). However, the Hebrew word [ db,[, , `ebhedh ], in the Old Testament and the Greek word [dou~lov, doulos ], in the New Testament more properly might have been translated “slave” instead of “servant” or “bondservant,” understanding though that the slavery of Judaism was not the cruel system of Greece, Rome, and later nations. The prime thought is service; the servant may render free service, the slave, obligatory, restricted service.

    Scripture statement rather than philological study must form the basis of this article. We shall notice how slaves could be secured, sold and redeemed; also their rights and their masters’ rights, confining the study to Old Testament Scripture, noting in conclusion the New Testament conception. The word “slave” in this article refers to the Hebrew slave unless otherwise designated. 1. ACQUIRING OF SLAVES:

    Slaves might be acquired in the following ways, namely: (1) Bought.

    There are many instances of buying slaves ( Leviticus 25:39 ff). Hebrew slavery broke into the ranks of every human relationship: a father could sell his daughter ( Exodus 21:7; Nehemiah 5:5); a widow’s children might be sold to pay their father’s debt ( 2 Kings 4:1); a man could sell himself ( Leviticus 25:39,47); a woman could sell herself ( Deuteronomy 15:12,13,17), etc. Prices paid were somewhat indefinite.

    According to Exodus 21:32 thirty shekels was a standard price, but Leviticus 27:3-7 gives a scale of from 3 to 50 shekels according to age and sex, with a provision for an appeal to the priest in case of uncertainty (27:8). Twenty shekels is the price set for a young man (27:5), and this corresponds with the sum paid for Joseph ( Genesis 37:28).

    But in 2 Macc 8:11 the price on the average is 90 for a talent, i.e. shekels each. The ransom of an entire talent for a single man ( 1 Kings 20:39) means that unusual value (far more than that of a slave) was set on this particular captive.

    There were certain limitations on the right of sale ( Exodus 21:7 ff). (2) Exchange.

    Slaves, i.e. non-Hebrew slaves, might be traded for other slaves, cattle, or provisions. (3) Satisfaction of Debt.

    It is probable that a debtor, reduced to extremity, could offer himself in payment of his debt ( Leviticus 25:39), though this was forbidden in the Torath Kohanim; compare ‘Otsar Yisra’el, vii.292b. That a creditor could sell into slavery a debtor or any of his family, or make them his own slaves, has some foundation in the statement of the poor widow whose pathetic cry reached the ears of the prophet Elisha: “Thy servant my husband is dead; .... and the creditor is come to take unto him my two children to be bondsmen” ( 2 Kings 4:1). (4) Gift.

    The non-Hebrew slave, and possibly the Hebrew slave, could be acquired as a gift ( Genesis 29:24). (5) Inheritance.

    Children could inherit non-Hebrew slaves as their own possessions ( Leviticus 25:46). (6) Voluntary Surrender.

    In the case of a slave’s release in the seventh year there was allowed a willing choice of indefinite slavery. The ceremony at such a time is interesting: “Then his master shall bring him unto the judges (margin), and shall bring him to the door, or unto the door-post; and his master shall bore his ear through with an awl; and he shall serve him for ever” ( Exodus 21:6). A pierced ear probably meant obedience to the master’s voice.

    History, however, does not record a single instance in which such a case occurred. (7) Arrest. “If the thief be found breaking in, .... he shall make restitution: if he have nothing, then he shall be sold for his theft” ( Exodus 22:2,3). (8) Birth.

    The children of slaves, born within the master’s house of a wife given to the slave there, became slaves, and could be held, even if the father went free ( Exodus 21:4; compare Leviticus 25:54). (9) Capture in War.

    Thousands of men, women and children were taken in war as captives and reduced, sometimes, to most menial slavery. Such slavery, however, was more humane than wholesale butchery according to the customs of earlier times ( Numbers 31:7-35). Males were usually slain and females kept for slavery and concubinage ( Deuteronomy 21:10,11,14). Captive slaves and bought slaves, “from nations round about,” forced moral ruin into Israel’s early civilization. See SIEGE, 3.

    The two principal sources of slave supply were poverty in peace and plunder in war. 2. HEBREWS AS WAR CAPTIVES:

    The Hebrews themselves were held as captive slaves at various times by (1) Phoenicians (the greatest slave traders of ancient times), (2) Philistines, (3) Syrians ( 2 Kings 5:2 ff), (4) Egyptians, and (5) Romans. There must have been thousands subjected to severest slavery. See also EGYPT; ISRAEL; PHARAOH; SERVANT, etc. 3. FREEDOM OF SLAVES:

    The freedom of slaves was possible in the following ways: (1) By Redemption.

    Manumission by redemption was common among the Hebrews. The slave’s freedom might be bought, the price depending on (a) the nearness to the seventh year or the Jubilee year, (b) the first purchase price, and (c) personal considerations as to age and ability of the one in bondage.

    A slave could be redeemed as follows: (a) by himself, (b) by his uncle, (c) by his nephew or cousin, (d) or by any near relative ( Leviticus 25:48-55). The price depended on certain conditions as indicated above. (2) By the Lapse of Time.

    The seventh year of service brought release from bondage. “If thou buy a Hebrew servant (margin “bondman”), six years he shall serve: and in the seventh he shall go out free for nothing” ( Exodus 21:2-4). (3) By the Law of the Jubilee Year.

    The year of Jubilee was the great year when slaves were no longer slaves but free. “He shall serve with thee unto the year of jubilee: then shall he go out from thee, he and his children .... return unto his own family, and unto the possession of his fathers” ( Leviticus 25:40 f). (4) By Injury.

    A servant whose master maimed him (or her), in particular by causing the loss of an eye or even a tooth, was thereby freed ( Exodus 21:26 f). (5) By Escape. ( Deuteronomy 23:15 f; 1 Kings 2:39). See “Code of Hammurabi” in HDB (extra vol, p. 600) and compare Philem 1:12 ff. (6) By Indifference.

    In case of a certain kind of female slave, the neglect or displeasure of her master in itself gave her the right to freedom ( Exodus 21:7-11; Deuteronomy 21:14). (7) By Restitution.

    A caught thief, having become a bondsman, after making full restitution by his service as a slave, was set at liberty ( Exodus 22:1-4). (8) By the Master’s Death. “And Abram said, .... I go childless, and he that shall be possessor of my house is Eliezer of Damascus .... and, lo, one born in my house is mine heir” ( Genesis 15:2 f). This passage has been mistakenly supposed to indicate that a master without children might give freedom to a slave by constituting the slave an heir to his possessions. But on the contrary, Abram seems to contemplate with horror the possibility that Eliezer will take possession of his goods in the absence of an heir. In view of the fact that adoption, the adrogatio of the Roman law, was unknown both to Biblical and Talmudic law (see Jewish Encyclopedia, under the word), the statement in Genesis 15:2 does not seem to indicate any such custom as the adoption of slaves. If any method of emancipation is here suggested, it is by the death of the master without heir, a method thoroughly discussed in the Talmud (mithath ha-’adhon ). (9) By Direct Command of Yahweh. “The word that came unto Jeremiah from Yahweh, .... that every man should let his man-servant, and .... his maid-servant, that is a Hebrew or a Hebrewess, go free; that none should make bondsmen of them .... they obeyed, and let them go” ( Jeremiah 34:8-10).

    The nine methods here enumerated may be classified thus:

    A. By operation of law: 1. By lapse of time. (a) After serving six years or other contractual period. See (2) above. (b) Upon the approach of the Jubilee year. See (3) above. 2. By death of the master without heirs. See (8) above.

    B. By act of the parties: 1. By an act of the master. (a) Voluntary manumission, including (9) above. (b) Indifference in certain cases. See (6) above. (c) Maiming servant. See (4) above. 2. By act of the servant. (a) Redemption. See (1) above. (b) Restitution. See (7) above. (c) Escape. See (5) above. 3. By act of a third party.

    Redemption — (1) above. 4. RIGHTS OF SLAVES:

    As noted in the beginning of this article, the Hebrew slaves fared far better than the Grecian, Roman and other slaves of later years. In general, the treatment they received and the rights they could claim made their lot reasonably good. Of course a slave was a slave, and there were masters who disobeyed God and even abused their “brothers in bonds.” As usual the unfortunate female slave got the full measure of inhuman cruelty.

    Certain rights were discretionary, it is true, but many Hebrew slaves enjoyed valuable individual and social privileges. As far as Scripture statements throw light on this subject, the slaves of Old Testament times might claim the following rights, namely: (1) Freedom.

    Freedom might be gained in any one of the above-mentioned ways or at the master’s will. The non-Hebrew could be held as a slave in perpetuity ( Leviticus 25:44-46). (2) Good Treatment. “Thou shalt not rule over him (Hebrew slave) with rigor, but shalt fear thy God. .... Ye shall not rule, one over another, with rigor” ( Leviticus 25:43,46). The non-Hebrew seemed to be left unprotected. (3) Justice.

    An ancient writer raises the query of fairness to slaves. “If I have despised the cause of my man-servant or of my maid-servant, when they contended with me; what then shall I do when God riseth up?” ( Job 31:13 f). No doubt the true Hebrew master was considerate of the rights of his slaves.

    The very fact, however, that the Hebrew master could punish a Hebrew slave, “to within an inch of his life,” gave ready opportunity for sham justice. “And if a man smite his servant, or his maid (“bondman or bondwoman”), with a rod, and he die under his hand; he shall surely be punished. Notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished; for he is his money” ( Exodus 21:20 f). (4) Family.

    The slave before his release might have his wife and children ( Exodus 21:5). (5) Voluntary Slavery.

    Even when the seventh year came, the slave had a right to pledge himself, with awl-pierced ear, to perpetual service for his master ( Exodus 21:5 f; Deuteronomy 15:16). The traditional interpretation of “forever” in these passages is “until the next Jubilee year” (compare Kiddushin 21). (6) Money or Property.

    Some cases at least indicate that slaves could have money of their own.

    Thus, if a poor slave “waxed rich” he could redeem himself ( Leviticus 25:49). Compare 1 Samuel 9:5-10, where, however, the Hebrew throughout calls the “servant” na`ar , “a youth,” never `ebhedh . (7) Children.

    If married when free, the slave could take wife and children with him when freedom came, but if he was married after becoming a slave, his wife and children must remain in possession of his master. This law led him often into perpetual slavery ( Exodus 21:3 f). (8) Elevation.

    A chance to rise was allowable in some instances, e.g. Eliezer, a foreign slave in a Hebrew household, and Joseph, a Hebrew slave in a foreign household. Each rose to a place of honor and usefulness ( Genesis 15:2; 39:4). (9) Religious Worship.

    After being circumcised, slaves were allowed to participate in the paschal sacrifice ( Exodus 12:44) and other religious occasions ( Deuteronomy 12:12). (10) Gifts.

    Upon obtaining freedom, slaves, at the discretion of masters, were given supplies of cattle, grain and wine ( Deuteronomy 15:13 f). 5. RIGHTS OF SLAVE MASTERS:

    The rights of a slave master may briefly be stated as follows: (1) to hold as chattel possession his non-Hebrew slaves ( Leviticus 25:45); (2) to leave such slaves as an inheritance for his children ( Leviticus 25:46); (3) to hold as his own property the wife and children of all slaves who were unmarried at the time they became slaves ( Exodus 21:4); (4) to pursue and recover runaway slaves ( 1 Kings 2:39-41); (5) to grant freedom at any time to any slave. This is implied rather than stated. Emancipation other than at the Sabbatical and Jubilee years was evidently the right of masters; (6) to circumcise slaves, both Jew and Gentile, within his own household ( Genesis 17:13,23,27); (7) to sell, give away, or trade slaves ( Genesis 29:24. According to Torath Kohanim a Hebrew servant could be sold only under certain restrictions. See 1, (1) ); (8) to chastise male and female slaves, though not unto death ( Exodus 21:20); (9) to marry a slave himself, or give his female slaves in marriage to others ( 1 Chronicles 2:35); (10) to marry a daughter to a slave ( 1 Chronicles 2:34 f); (11) to purchase slaves in foreign markets ( Leviticus 25:44); (12) to keep, though not as a slave, the runaway slave from a foreign master ( Deuteronomy 23:15,16. See 3, (5) ); (13) to enslave or sell a caught thief ( Genesis 44:8-33; Exodus 22:3); (14) to hold, in perpetuity, non-Hebrew slaves ( Leviticus 25:46); (15) to seek advice of slaves ( 1 Samuel 25:14 ff; but the reference here is open to doubt. See 4, (6) ); (16) to demand service ( Genesis 14:14; 24).

    Throughout Old Testament times the rights of both slaves and masters varied, but in general the above may be called the accepted code. In later times Zedekiah covenanted with the Hebrews never again to enslave their own brothers, but they broke the covenant ( Jeremiah 34:8). 6. THE NEW TESTAMENT CONCEPTION:

    There were slaves during New Testament times. The church issued no edict sweeping away this custom of the old Judaism, but the gospel of Christ with its warm, penetrating love-message mitigated the harshness of ancient times and melted cruelty into kindness. The equality, justice and love of Christ’s teachings changed the whole attitude of man to man and master to servant. This spirit of brotherhood quickened the conscience of the age, leaped the walls of Judaism, and penetrated the remotest regions.

    The great apostle proclaimed this truth: “There can be neither Jew nor Greek, there can be neither bond nor free, .... ye all are one man in Christ Jesus” ( Galatians 3:28). The Christian slaves and masters are both exhorted in Paul’s letters to live godly lives and make Christ-like their relations one to the other — obedience to masters and forbearance with slaves. “Bondservants (m), be obedient unto .... your masters, .... as bondservants (m) of Christ .... And, ye masters .... forbear threatening: .... their Master and yours is in heaven, and there is no respect of persons with him” ( Ephesians 6:5-9).

    Christ was a reformer, but not an anarchist. His gospel was dynamic but not dynamitic. It was leaven, electric with power, but permeated with love.

    Christ’s life and teaching were against Judaistic slavery, Roman slavery and any form of human slavery. The love of His gospel and the light of His life were destined, in time, to make human emancipation earth-wide and human brotherhood as universal as His own benign presence.

    LITERATURE.

    Nowack, Hebrew Arch.; Ewald, Alterthumer, III, 280-88; Grunfeld, Die Stellung des Sklaven bei den Juden, nach bibl. und talmud. Quellen, 1886; Mielziner, Die Verhaltnisse der Sklaven bei den alter Hebrdern, 1859; Mandl, Das Sklavenrecht des Altes Testament, 1886; Kahn, L’esclavagedans la Bible et le Talmud, 1867; Sayce, Social Life among the Assyrians and Babylonians; Lane, Manners and Customs of Modern Egyptians, 205; Arabian Nights, I, 64 ff; Thomson, LB; McCurdy, HPM, 1894; Trumbull, Studies in Oriental Social Life, 1894. There is a wealth of material in the Talmudic tractate Kiddushin (pp. 17-22). William Edward Raffety SLAYING <sla’-ing > (by spear, dart, or sword). See PUNISHMENTS.

    SLEEP <slep > : Represents many words in Hebrew and Greek. For the noun the most common are [ hn;v , shenah ], and [u[pnov, hupnos ]; for the verb, [ ˆvy; , yashen ], [ bk”v; , shakhabh ], and [kaqeu>dw, katheudo ]. The figurative uses for death ( Deuteronomy 31:16, etc.) and sluggishness ( Ephesians 5:14, etc.) are very obvious. See DREAMS.

    SLEEP, DEEP ([ hm;Der]T” , tardemah ], verb [ µd”r; , radham ], from a root meaning “to be deaf”): The verb radham has no further meaning than “to be fast asleep” ( Judges 4:21; Jon 1:5), but the King James Version used “deep sleep” as a translation only in Daniel 8:18; 10:9, where a sleep supernaturally caused (a “trance”) is meant compare “dead sleep” in Psalm 76:6). The Revised Version’s insertion of deep sleep in place of The King James Version’s “fast asleep” in Judges 4:21 is consequently unfortunate. The noun tardemah has the same meaning of “trance” in Genesis 2:21; 15:12; 1 Samuel 26:12; Job 4:13; 33:15, but in Proverbs 19:15; Isaiah 29:10, it is used figuratively of torpor. In Acts 20:9 (huipnos bathtus ), heavy natural sleep is meant. Burton Scott Easton SLEEVES <slevz > ( Genesis 37:3 margin). See DRESSú SLEIGHT <slit > : No connection with “slight,” but from the same root as “sly” and so = “cunning.” So in Ephesians 4:14, “sleight of men,” for [kubei>a, kubeia ], “dice-plalying” (compare “cube”) “gamblers’ tricks” “trickery.”

    SLIME; SLIME PITS <slim > , <slim’-pits > ([ rm;je , chemar ]; Septuagint [a]sfaltov, asphaltos ]; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) bitumen; the Revised Version margin “bitumen”; compare Arabic chummar , “bitumen”; and compare [ rm,jo , chomer ], “clay,” “mortar”): In the account of the ark in Genesis 6:14, [ rp,Ko , kopher ] Septuagint [a]sfaltov, asphaltos ]; Vulgate: bitumen; compare Arabic kufr , “pitch”) does not necessarily denote vegetable pitch, but may well mean bitumen. The same may be said of [ tp,z, , zepheth ], “pitch” (compare Arabic zift, “pitch”), in Exodus 2:3 and Isaiah 34:9. The word “slime” occurs in the following passages: “And they had brick for stone, and slime had they for mortar” ( Genesis 11:3); “Now the vale of Siddim was full of slime pits” ( Genesis 14:10, margin “bitumen pits”); “She took for him an ark of bulrushes, and daubed it with slime and with pitch” ( Exodus 2:3).

    Bitumen is a hydrocarbon allied to petroleum and natural gas. It is a lustrous black solid, breaking with a conchoidal fracture, burning with a yellow flame, and melting when ignited. It is probably derived from natural gas and petroleum by a process of oxidation and evaporation, and its occurrence may be taken as a sign that other hydrocarbons are or have been present in the strata. It is found in small lumps and larger masses in the cretaceous limestone on the west side of the Dead Sea, and there is reason to believe that considerable quantities of it rise to the surface of the Dead Sea during earthquakes. In ancient times it was exported to Egypt to be used in embalming mummies. Important mines of it exist at Chasbeiya near Mt. Hermon and in North Syria. Springs of liquid bituminous matter exist in Mesopotamia, where according to Herodotus and other classical writers it was used as mortar with sun-dried bricks. Various conjectures have been made as to the part played by bitumen in the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah. Diodorus Siculus calls the Dead Sea [li>mnh ajsfalti>tiv, limne asphalstitis ], “lake of asphalt.” See SIDDIM; CITIES OF THE PLAIN.

    Alfred Ely Day SLING See ARMOR, III, 2.

    SLIP As meaning “a cutting from a plant,” it is still good English. In this sense in Isaiah 17:10 for [ hr;wOmz] , zemorah ], “branch,” “twig.” For the phrase “slip of the tongue” compare Sirach 14:1; 19:16; 20:18; 21:7; 25:8.

    SLOPES <slops > . See ASHDOTH-PISGAH.

    SLOW <slo > : Chiefly for [ Ër,a, , ‘erekh ], literally, “long,” in the phrase “slow to anger” ( Nehemiah 9:17, etc.). In Exodus 4:10; Luke 24:25; James 1:19, for [ dbeK; , kabhedh ]; [bradu>v, bradus ], both meaning “heavy,” “sluggish,” while Sirach 7:35 uses “be slow” for [ojkne>w, okneo ], “hesitate.” In addition, the King James Version uses. “slow” for [a]rgov, argos ], “inactive,” in The Wisdom of Solomon 15:15, “slow to go” (the Revised Version (British and American) “helpless for walking”), and in Titus 1:12, “slow bellies” (the Revised Version (British and American) “idle gluttons”). In Sirach 51:24, the King James Version has “be slow” for [uJstere>w, hustereo ], “be lacking” (so the Revised Version (British and American)).

    SLUGGARD <slug’-ard > : Found only in the Old Testament, and there only in Proverbs.

    It is the rendering given the word ‘atsel everywhere in the Revised Version (British and American), but in the King James Version only in Proverbs 6:6,9; 10:26; 13:4; 20:4; 26:16 (elsewhere the King James Version translates by “slothful”). The root meaning of ‘atsel is “to be sluggish,” “stupid.” The English word “slug” is said to be “allied to slack” (Webster).

    SLUICE <sloos > ([ rk,c, , sekher ], literally, “hire”): In Isaiah 19:10, the King James Version reads, “all that make sluices and ponds for fish.” the Revised Version (British and American) entirely alters the translation of the whole verse. It reads, “And the pillars of Egypt shall be broken in pieces; all they that work for hire (margin “that make dams”) shall be grieved in soul.”

    SMELL <smel > (Hebrew and Aramaic [ j”yre , reach ], as noun, “savor,” “scent”; [ j”Wr , ruach ], as verb, literally, “to breathe,” “to inhale,” thence “to smell”; [ojsmh>, osme ], the “smell,” “savor,” [eujwdi>a, euodia ], “sweet smell” “fragrance” [o]sfrhsiv, osphresis ] “the sense of smell”; verb [ojsfrai>nomai, osphrainomai ]): And he came near, and kissed him: and he smelled (way-yarach ) the smell (reach ) of his raiment, and blessed him, and said, See, the smell (reach ) of my son is as the smell (reach ) of a field which Yahweh hath blessed” ( Genesis 27:27). Idols are described as “gods, the work of men’s hands, wood and stone, which neither see, nor hear, nor eat, nor smell” ( Deuteronomy 4:28). Acceptable sacrifices and pious conduct are called a “sweet smell” or “savor” ( Exodus 29:18; Ephesians 5:2; Philippians 4:18) well-pleasing to God. The godless life, which dishonors God, is hateful to Him: “I will not smell the savor of your sweet odors” ( Leviticus 26:31). The phrase, “being in bad odor with a person,” can be traced to Biblical language: “Ye have made our savor to be abhorred in the eyes of Pharaoh, and in the eyes of his servants” ( Exodus 5:21). Thus “smell” is occasionally equivalent with “quality,” “character”: “His (Moab’s) taste remaineth in him, and his scent is not changed” ( Jeremiah 48:11). Character or quality is the most infallible test, the most manifest advertisement of a thing or a person; thus we find the following very instructive passage: “(God) maketh manifest through us the savor (osme ) of his knowledge in every place. For we are a sweet savor (euodia ) of Christ unto God, in (better: “among”) them that are saved, and in (better: “among”) them that perish; to the one a savor (osme ) from death unto death; to the other a savor (osme ) from life unto life” (2 Cor 2:14-16). See TRIUMPH. In the passage Isaiah 3:24, the King James Version “sweet smell” ([ µc,B, , besem ], “balsam plant”) has been changed to “sweet spices” in the Revised Version (British and American). H. L. E. Luering SMITH <smith > . See CRAFTS, 10; TUBAL-CAIN.

    SMITING BY THE SUN See SUN SMITING.

    SMOKE <smok > : Used figuratively of the divine jealousy ( Deuteronomy 29:20) and anger ( Psalm 74:1); symbolic of the glory of the divine holiness ( Isaiah 4:5; 6:4; Revelation 15:8).

    SMYRNA <smur’-na > ([ Smu>rna, Smurna ]): 1. ANCIENT:

    Smyrna, a large ancient city on the western coast of Asia Minor, at the head of a gulf which reaches 30 miles inland, was originally peopled by the Asiatics known as the Lelages. The city seems to have been taken from the Lelages by the Aeolian Greeks about 1100 BC; there still remain traces of the cyclopean masonry of that early time. In 688 BC it passed into the possession of the Ionian Greeks and was made one of the cities of the Ionian confederacy, but in 627 BC it was taken by the Lydians. During the years 301 to 281 BC, Lysimachus entirely rebuilt it on a new site to the Southwest of the earlier cities, and surrounded it by a wall. Standing, as it did, upon a good harbor, at the head of one of the chief highways to the interior, it early became a great trading-center and the chief port for the export trade. In Roman times, Smyrna was considered the most brilliant city of Asia Minor, successfully rivaling Pergamos and Ephesus. Its streets were wide and paved. Its system of coinage was old, and now about the city coins of every period are found. It was celebrated for its schools of science and medicine, and for its handsome buildings. Among them was the Homerium, for Smyrna was one of several places which claimed to be the birthplace of the poet. On the slope of Mt. Pagus was a theater which seated 20,000 spectators. In the 23 AD year a temple was built in honor of Tiberius and his mother Julia, and the Golden Street, connecting the temples of Zeus and Cybele, is said to have been the best in any ancient city. Smyrna early became a Christian city, for there was one of the Seven Churches of the Book of Revelation (2:8-11). There Polycarp, the bishop of Smyrna, was martyred, though without the sanction of the Roman government. It seems that the Jews of Smyrna were more antagonistic than were the Romans to the spread of Christianity, for it is said that even on Saturday, their sacred day, they brought wood for the fire in which Polycarp was burned. His grave is still shown in a cemetery there. Like many other cities of Asia Minor, Smyrna suffered frequently, especially during the years 178-80 AD, from earthquakes, but it always escaped entire destruction. During the Middle Ages the city was the scene of many struggles, the most fierce of which was directed by Timur against the Christians. Tradition relates that there he built a tower, using as stones the heads of a thousand captives which he put to death, yet Smyrna was the last of the Christian cities to hold out against the Mohammedans; in 1424 it fell into the hands of the Turks. It was the discovery of America and the resulting discovery of a sea route to India which ruined the Smyrna trade. 2. MODERN:

    Modern Smyrna is still the largest city in Asia Minor, with a population of about 250,000, of whom half are Greek and less than one-fourth are Mohammedans. Its modern name, Ismir, is but a Turkish corruption of the ancient name. Even under the Turkish government the city is progressive, and is the capital of the Aidin vilayet, and therefore the home of a governor. Several railroads follow the courses of the ancient routes into the distant interior. In its harbor ships from all parts of the world may be seen. The ancient harbor of Paul’s time has been filled in, and there the modern bazaars stand. The old stadium has been destroyed to make room for modern buildings, and a large part of the ancient city lies buried beneath the modern houses and the 40 mosques of which the city boasts. The better of the modern buildings, belonging to the government and occupied by the foreign consuls, stand along the modern quay. Traces of the ancient walls are still to be found. West of Mt. Pagus is the Ephesian gate, and the Black-gate, as the Turks call it, is near the railroad station. The castle upon Mt. Pagus, 460 ft. above the sea, dates from Byzantine times. The prosperity of Smyrna is due, not only to the harbor and the port of entry to the interior, but partly to the perfect climate of spring and autumn — the winters are cold and the summers are hot; and also to the fertility of the surrounding country. Figs, grapes, valonia, opium, sponges, cotton and liquorice root are among the chief articles of trade. See also CHURCHES, SEVEN.

    E. J. Banks SNAIL <snal > ( (1) [ fm,jo , chomeT ], the Revised Version (British and American) “sand-lizard,” Septuagint [sau~ra, saura ], “lizard” ( Leviticus 11:30); (2) [ lWlB]v” , shabbelul ], Septuagint [khro>v, keros ], “wax” ( Psalm 58:8)): (1) ChomeT is 7th in the list of unclean “creeping things” in Leviticus 11:30, and occurs nowhere else. “Snail” is not warranted by Septuagint or Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) the Revised Version (British and American) has “sand-lizard.” It may be the skink or a species of Lacerta. See LIZARD . (2) Shabbelul is translated “snail” in Psalm 58:8: “Let them be as a snail which melteth and passeth away.” Mandelkern gives limax , “slug.” Gesenius derives shabbelul from balal , “to pour”; compare Arabic balla, “to wet,” instancing [lei~max, leimax ], “snail,” or “slug,” from [lei>bw, leibo ], “to pour.” While Septuagint has keros , “wax,” Talmud (Mo`edh QaTan 6b) supports “snail.” The ordinary explanation of the passage, which is not very satisfying, is that the snail leaves a trail of mucus (i.e. it melts) as it moves along. This does not in any way cause the snail to waste away, because its glands are continually manufacturing fresh mucous. Two large species of snail, Helix aspersa and Helix pomatia, are collected and eaten, boiled, by the Christians of Syria and Palestine, especially in Lent. The Jews and Moslems declare them to be unclean and do not eat them. Alfred Ely Day SNARE <snar > ([ jP” , pach ]; [pagi>v, pagis ], but [bro>cov, brochos ], in Corinthians 7:35): Over half a dozen Hebrew words are used to indicate different methods of taking birds and animals, of which the snare ([ jP” , pach ]) is mentioned oftener than any other. It was a noose of hair for small birds, of wire for larger birds or smaller animals. The snares were set in a favorable location and grain scattered to attract the attention of feathered creatures. They accepted the bribe of good feeding and walked into the snare, not suspecting danger. For this reason the snare became particularly applicable in describing a tempting bribe offered by men to lead their fellows into trouble, and the list of references is a long one, all of the same nature. See Exodus 10:7; 1 Samuel 18:21; 28:9; Psalm 11:6; 18:5, “snares of death”; used symbolically of anything that may kill: 91:3; 124:7; 140:5; 141:9; Proverbs 7:23; 13:14; 18:7; 20:25; 22:25; 29:25; Ecclesiastes 9:12. But this is a people robbed and plundered; they are all of them snared in holes, and they are hid in prison-houses: they are for a prey, and none delivereth; for a spoil, and none saith, Restore” ( Isaiah 41:22). Here it is specified that the snare was in a hole so covered as to conceal it. Jeremiah 18:22 clearly indicates that the digging of a pit to take prey was customary, and also the hiding of the snare for the feet.

    North American Indians in setting a snare usually figure on catching the bird around the neck. Jeremiah 50:24, “I have laid a snare for thee”; Hosea 9:8, “A fowler’s snare is in all his ways”; Amos 3:5 seems to indicate that the snare was set for the feet; Luke 21:34, “But take heed to yourselves, lest haply .... that day come on you suddenly as a snare”; Romans 11:9, “Let their table be made a snare, and a trap”; Corinthians 7:35, “not that I may cast a snare upon you”; 1 Timothy 3:7, “the snare of the devil”; also 6:9 “But they that are minded to be rich fall into a temptation and a snare and many foolish and hurtful lusts, such as drown men in destruction and perdition.” See GIN; NET; TRAP.

    Gene Stratton-Porter SNEEZE <snez > ([ rrewOz , zorer ], Pho`el-form [ rr”z; , zarar]): “The child sneezed seven times, and the child opened his eyes” ( 2 Kings 4:35). “Sneezing,” better “snorting,” is found in the description of Leviathan (the crocodile): “His sneezings ([ hv;yfi[\ , `atsishah ]) flash forth light, and his eyes are like the eyelids of the morning” ( Job 41:18 (Hebrew 10)). See NEESING.

    SNOW <sno > ([ gl,v, , shelegh ], [ gl”T] , telagh ] ( Daniel 7:9); [ciw>n, chion ]): (1) Snow is not uncommon in the winter in Jerusalem, but it never reaches any depth and in many winters it is not seen at all. It usually disappears, for the most part, as soon as the sun appears, though it may “hide itself” for a time in the gorge cut by a stream ( Job 6:16). On lower levels than Jerusalem there is never sufficient to cover the ground, though often there are some flakes seen in the air. Even at sealevel there is occasionally a sufficient fall of hail to cover the ground. A very exceptional snowfall is related in 1 Macc 13:22 at Adora (near Hebron). It was heavy enough to prevent the movement of troops. (2) The tops of the mountains of Lebanon are white with snow for most of the year, and snow may be found in large banks in the valleys and the northern slopes at any time in the summer. Mt. Hermon, 9,200 ft. high, has long streaks of snow in the valleys all the summer. (3) The snow of the mountains is the source of the water of the springs which last throughout the drought of summer. In case the snow fails there is sure to be a lack of water in the fountains: “Shall the snow of Lebanon fail .... or shall the cold waters that flow down from afar be dried up?” ( Jeremiah 18:14). (4) Large quantities of snow are stored in caves in the mountains in winter and are brought down to the cities in summer to be used in place of ice for cooling drinks and refrigerating purposes. (5) God’s power over the elements of Nature is often brought out in the Old Testament: “For he saith to the snow, Fall thou on the earth” ( Job 37:6); but man cannot fathom the works of God: “Hast thou entered the treasuries of the snow?” ( Job 38:22). “The snowy day” ( 1 Chronicles 11:22; 2 Samuel 23:20) and the “fear of snow” ( Proverbs 31:21) are figurative uses describing winter and cold. “Snow in summer” ( Proverbs 26:1) would be most out of place, yet it might be most refreshing to the tired workmen in the time of harvest. (6) Snow is the symbol of purity and cleanness, giving us some of our most beautiful passages of Scripture: “Wash me and I shall be whiter than snow” ( Psalm 51:7); “Though your sins be as scarlet, they shall be as white as snow” ( Isaiah 1:18). Carrying the figure farther, snow-water might be expected to have a special value for cleansing: “If I wash myself with snow-water” ( Job 9:30). The most common use in Scripture is to denote whiteness in color and implying purity as well: “His raiment was white as snow” ( Daniel 7:9; Matthew 28:3; Mark 9:3; Revelation 1:14). (7) The whiteness of leprosy is compared to snow ( Exodus 4:6; Numbers 12:10; 2 Kings 5:27). Alfred H. Joy SNUFFERS; SNUFFDISHES <snuf’-erz > , <snuf’-dish-ez > ([ µyij”q;l]m, , melqachayim ], [ twOTj]m” , machtoth ]): These two utensils are thrice mentioned in connection with the wilderness tabernacle ( Exodus 25:38; 37:23; Numbers 4:9). the American Standard Revised Version prefers to read “snuffers and snuffdishes” in place of “tongs and snuffdishes” (compare 2 Chronicles 4:22), the connection between the two utensils being indicated by the fact that both are said to belong to the seven lamps, and were to be made out of the talent of gold which was specified as the weight of the whole ( Exodus 25:37-39).

    The seven-branched candlestick which stood in the holy place of both tabernacle and temple was surmounted, in each of its arms, by a removable lamp in which olive oil was burnt. From the requirement of keeping these lights brilliantly burning throughout each night of the year, arose the need for snuffers and snuffdishes. By the former, the burnt portions of the wick were removed; in the latter they were deposited previous to removal. The lamps may have required to be trimmed as often as every half-hour. For this purpose a priest would enter the outer chamber “accomplishing the services” ( Hebrews 9:6).

    In the time of Solomon’s Temple another word than melqachayim was used to describe this utensil. It is [ twOrB]z”m] , mezammeroth ], from a verb meaning “to prune” or “trim,” and is found in 1 Kings 7:50; 2 Kings 12:13; 25:14; 2 Chronicles 4:22; Jeremiah 52:18. In 4 of these passages, the English text reads, “the snuffers and the basins”; the 5th is merely a summary of things taken to Babylon ( 2 Kings 25:14). In this constant later association of “basins” and “snuffers” it is seen that the basins referred to were used for the reception of the cast-off portions of the wicks of the seven lamps, and took the place of the snuffdishes of an earlier age. See TONGS.

    W. Shaw Caldecott SO <so > ([ awOs , co’ ], although the Hebrew might be pointed [ aw,s, , cewe’ ]; Assyrian Sib’u ; Septuagint [ Shgw>r, Segor ], [ Swa>, Soa ]; Manetho, [ Seu>ecov, Seuechos ]; Latin Sevechus; Herodotus (ii. 137 ff), [ Sabakw>n, Sabakon ]): In all probability the “Sabaeo” of Herodotus, the Shabaka, who founded the Ethiopian dynasty, the XXVth of Egyptian kings. His date is given as 715-707 BC (Flinders Petrie, History of Egypt, III, 281 ff), but we may suppose that before his accession to the throne he was entitled to be designated king, as being actually regent. To this So, Hoshea, king of Israel, made an appeal for assistance to enable him to throw off the yoke of the Assyrian Shalmaneser IV ( 2 Kings 17:3 ff). But Hoshea’s submission to So brought him no advantage, for Shalmaneser came up throughout all the land and laid siege to Samaria. Not long after the fall of Samaria, So ventured upon an eastern campaign, and was defeated by Sargon, the successor of Shalmaneser, in the battle of Raphia in 720 BC.

    LITERATURE.

    Flinders Petrie, History of Egypt, III, 281 ff; McCurdy, HPM, I, 422; Schrader, COT, I, 261. T. Nicol.

    SOAP <sop > ([ tyrBo , borith ]; the King James Version sope): Borith is a derivative of [ rBo , bor ], “purity,” hence, something which cleanses or makes pure. Soap in the modern sense, as referring to a salt of a fatty acid, for example, that produced by treating olive oil with caustic soda, was probably unknown in Old Testament times. Even today there are districts in the interior of Syria where soap is never used. Cooking utensils, clothes, even the body are cleansed with ashes. The ashes of the household fires are carefully saved for this purpose. The cleansing material referred to in Jeremiah 2:22 (compare Septuagint at the place, where borith is rendered by [poi>a, poia ] = “grass”) and Malachi 3:2 was probably the vegetable lye called in Arabic el qali (the origin of English alkali). This material, which is a mixture of crude sodium and potassium carbonates, is sold in the market in the form of grayish lumps. It is produced by burning the desert plants and adding enough water to the ashes to agglomerate them. Before the discovery of Leblanc’s process large quantities of qali were exported from Syria to Europe.

    For washing clothes the women sprinkle the powdered qali over the wet garments and then place them on a flat stone and pound them with a wooden paddle. For washing the body, oil is first smeared over the skin and then qali rubbed on and the whole slimy mixture rinsed off with water.

    Qali was also used in ancient times as a flux in refining precious metals (compare Malachi 3:2). At the present time many Syrian soap-makers prefer the qali to the imported caustic soda for soap-making.

    In Susanna (verse 17) is a curious reference to “washing balls” (smegmata ). James A. Patch SOBER; SOBRIETY; SOBERNESS <so’-ber > , <sa-bri’-e-ti > , <so’-ber-nes > (Greek adjective sophron , and its related nouns, sophrosune , sophronismos ; verbs sophroneo and sophronizo ; adverb sophronos , “of sound mind,” and sophronizo ; “selfpossessed,” “without excesses of any kind,” “moderate and discreet”): In Mark 5:15; Luke 8:35, “sane,” said of one out of whom demons had just been cast. In the Pastoral Epistles, this virtue is especially commended to certain classes, because of extravagances characterizing particular periods of life, that had to be guarded against, namely, to aged men, with reference to the querulousness of old age ( Titus 2:2); to young men, with reference to their sanguine views of life, and their tendency to disregard consequences ( Titus 2:6); enjoined upon young women, with reference to extravagance in dress and speech ( Titus 2:5; 1 Timothy 2:9); and, in a similar manner, commended to ministers, because of the importance of their judgment and conduct, as teachers and exemplars (1 Tim 3:2). “Words of soberness” ( Acts 26:25) are contrasted with the “mania,” “madness,” that Festus had just declared to be the explanation of Paul’s eloquence ( Acts 26:24).

    In a few passages, the Greek verb nepho and its derivative adjective nephalios are used in the same sense. The word originally had a physical meaning, as opposed to drunkenness, and is thus used in Thessalonians 5:6,8, as the foundation of the deeper meaning. Used metaphorically also in the Pastoral Epistles and 1 Peter, as sometimes in the classics, for “cool,” “unimpassioned.” Ellicott, on 1 Timothy 3:2,11, distinguishes between the two words by regarding sophron “as pointing to the outward exhibition of the inward virtue” implied in nephalios . H. E. Jacobs SOCHO <so’-ko > : Occurs in 1 Chronicles 4:18, the Revised Version (British and American) “Soco.” See SOCOH.

    SOCKET <sok’-et > ([ ˆd,a, , ‘edhen ]): The tabernacle in the wilderness being constructed as a portable building without permanent foundation, its stability was attained by the use of “sockets” into which the pillars and boards forming its walls were sunk. The word therefore is used solely in relation to the tabernacle, except in one poetic passage (Song 5:15), where the legs of the beloved are compared to “pillars of marble set upon sockets of fine gold.” In all, the tabernacle with its court rested upon 165 bases or sockets, apportioned thus: (1) silver sockets, each a talent (circa 95 lbs.) in weight (Ex 38:27), namely, 96 to support the 48 boards of the tabernacle (Ex 26:19 ff); for the pillars supporting the veil (Ex 26:32) = 100; (2) bronze sockets, weight not given, namely, 50 to support the standards on which were hung the curtains of the tabernacle on North, South and West (Ex 27:10 ff), 10 to support 10 pillars on the E. (Ex 27:13 ff), and 5 to support the 5 pillars upholding the screen at the tabernacle entrance (Ex 26:27) = 65. The site for the tabernacle being chosen and leveled, these sockets would be “laid” upon it (Ex 40:18), and the tenons of the boards, or projecting base of the pillar, inserted into holes made for the purpose. W. Shaw Caldecott SOCOH; SOCO <so’-ko > ([ hkowOc, sokkhoh], “branches”), ([ wOkwOc , sokho ] (in Chronicles only); [ Swcw>, Socho ], most usual, but many forms in Septuagint and in the King James Version: Socoh, Shochoh, Shoco, Shocho): (1) A city in the Shephelah of Judah mentioned along with Jarmuth, Adullam, Azekah, etc. (Josh 15:35); the Philistines “gathered together at Socoh, which belongeth to Judah, and encamped between Socoh and Azekah” (1 Sam 17:1); it is mentioned as one of the districts from which Solomon drew his supplies (1 Ki 4:10, the King James Version “Sochoh”); the association of Socoh in this verse with Hepher is worth noticing in connection with 1 Ch 4:18 (“Heber”). Soco (the King James Version “Shoco”) was one of the cities fortified by Rehoboam for the defense of Judah (2 Ch 11:7); it was captured by the Philistines in the time of Ahaz (2 Ch 28:18). The site is, without doubt, Khirbet esh Shuweikeh (Shuweikeh is a diminutive of Shaukeh, “a thorn”), a rounded, elongated hilltop, showing clear traces of ancient city walls. The situation is one of considerable natural strength on the south side of the Vale of Elah just where the Wady ec Cur makes a sweep to the West and becomes the Wady es Sunt. Like so many such ancient sites, the hill has very steep slopes on sides (South, West, and North), and is isolated from the ridge of higher ground to the East by a narrow neck of lower ground. In the valley to the Southwest is a plentiful spring. The site was known to Jerome in the 4th century. He described it as 8 or 9 Roman miles from Eleutheropolis (Beit Jibrin) (PEF, III, 53, 125, Sh XVII, BR, II, 21). The Sucathites (1 Ch 2:55) were probably inhabitants of Soco. (2) A city of Judah in the South, associated (Josh 15:48) with Shamir and Jattir. This is doubtless Khirbet Shuweikeh, a large ruin occupying a low hill,10 miles Southwest of Hebron; there are many caves and rock-cut cisterns as well as drafted stones. Cheyne doubtfully locates the Socoh of Ki 4:10 here. See PEF, 404, 410, Sh XXV; B R, I, 494. E. W. G. Masterman SOD, SODDEN <sod’-’-n > . See SEETHE.

    SODA <so’-da > . See NITRE.

    SODERING <sod’-er-ing > ([ qb,D, , debheq ]): the King James Version in Isa 41:7, the Revised Version (British and American) “soldering,” of smith work.

    SODI <so’-di > ([ ydiwOs, codhi ]): One of the spies, representing the tribe of Zebulun (Nu 13:10).

    SODOM <sod’-um > ([ µdos], cedhom ]; [ So>doma, Sodoma ]) One of the 5 CITIES OF THE PLAIN (which see), destroyed by fire from heaven in the time of Abraham and Lot (Gen 19:24). The wickedness of the city became proverbial. The sin of sodomy was an offense against nature frequently connected with idolatrous practices (see Rawlinson, History of Phoenicia). See SODOMITE . The fate of Sodom and Gomorrah is used as a warning to those who reject the gospel (Mt 10:15; 11:24; 2 Pet 2:6; Jude 1:7).

    The word is used in a typical sense in Rev 11:8. Sodom was probably located in plain South of the Dead Sea, now covered with water. The name is still preserved in Jebel Usdum (Mt. Sodom). See ARABAH; CITIES OF THE PLAIN; DEAD SEA.

    LITERATURE.

    Dillmann. Genesis, 111 f; Robinson, BR, II, 187 ff; G. A. Smith, HGHL, 505 ff; Blanckenhorn, ZDPV, XIX, 1896, 53 ff; Baedeker-Socin, Palestine, 143; Buhl, GAP, 117, 271, 274. George Frederick Wright SODOM, VINE OF ([ µdos]Aˆp,G,, gephen cedhom ]): “For their vine is of the vine of Sodom, And of the fields of Gomorrah:

    Their grapes are grapes of gall, Their clusters are bitter” (Dt 32:32).

    This must be distinguished from the “Apples of Sodom” (which see), described by Josephus (BJ, IV, viii, 4), which appear to have been an actual species of fruit, probably either the colocynth or the fruit of the Usher tree, Calotropis procera. It would appear, however, from the above, the only passage referring to the Vine of Sodom, that this expression is metaphorical and does not refer to any particular plant. E. W. G. Masterman SODOMITE <sod’-om-it > ([ vdeq;, qadhesh ], feminine [ hv;deq], qedheshah ]): Qadhesh denotes properly a male temple prostitute, one of the class attached to certain sanctuaries of heathen deities, and “consecrated” to the impure rites of their worship. Such gross and degrading practices in Yahweh’s land could only be construed as a flagrant outrage; and any association of these with His pure worship was abhorrent (Dt 23:17 f): The presence of Sodomites is noted as a mark of degeneracy in Rehoboam’s time (1 Ki 14:24). Asa endeavored to get rid of them (1 Ki 15:12), and Jehoshaphat routed them out (1 Ki 22:46). Subsequent corruptions opened the way for their return, and Josiah had to break down their houses which were actually “in the house of the Lord” (2 Ki 23:7). The feminine qedheshah is translated “prostitute” in Gen 38:21,22; Hos 4:14; in Dt 23:17 “prostitute” (the King James Version margin “sodomitess,” the Revised Version margin transliterates). The English word is, of course, derived from Sodom, the inhabitants of which were in evil repute for unnatural vice. W. Ewing SODOMITISH; SEA <sod’-om-it-ish > . See DEAD SEA.

    SODOMY <sod’-o-mi > . See SODOM; SODOMITE; CRIMES; PUNISHMENTS.

    SOJOURNER <soj’-er-ner > , <so’-jur-ner > , <suj’-er-ner > . See STRANGER AND SOJOURNER.

    SOLDERING <sod’-er-ing > . See SODERING.

    SOLDIER <sol’-jer > . See ARMY.

    SOLEMN; SOLEMNITY <sol’-em > , <so-lem’-ni-ti > : The word “solemn” had (1) at first the meaning “once in the year,” through its derivation from Latin sollus, “whole,” annus, “year.” As, however, a regular annual occurrence is usually one of particular importance, the word took on (2) the meaning “ceremonious.” From this is derived (3) the usual modern force of “grave” in opposition to “joyous.” This last meaning is not in Biblical English, and the meanings of “solemn” in English Versions of the Bible are either (1) or (2) . Nor is there any certain case of (1) , for the word is always a gloss in English Versions of the Bible and, although frequently introduced in references to annual events (Lev 23:36, etc.), it is even more often used where “annual” is foreign to the passage (2 Ki 10:20; Ps 92:3, etc.). The use of the word in the King James Version is unsystematic. It is always (except in Jer 9:2) found in conjunction with “assembly” when (10 times) the latter word represents atsarah (‘atsereth ) (Lev 23:36, etc.) (retained by the Revised Version (British and American) with margin “closing festival,” Lev 23:36; 2 Ch 7:9; Neh 8:18). the King James Version uses “solemnity” or “solemn day,” “feast,” etc., 17 times for the very common word mo`edh (“appointed” time, etc.). See FEAST.

    RV’s treatment of these passages defies analysis. “Solemnity” is kept in Isa 33:20; Ezek 46:11, and “solemn” in Lamentations (4 times); Hosea (3 times); Zeph 3:18. In Ezek 36:38; 45:17; 46:9 it is replaced by “appointed,” elsewhere (and for mo’adhoth , 2 Ch 8:13) by “set.” The margins further complicate the renderings. the King James Version also uses “solemn” with chagh , “feast,” 4 times, and with chaghagh , “keep a feast,” in Dt 16:15. The word is dropped by the Revised Version (British and American), except the English Revised Version in Ps 81:3. Finally, the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American) have “solemn sound” for higgayon , in Ps 92:3. The context, however, demands “resounding melody.” And 11 times the Revised Version (British and American) has introduced “solemn” to represent the intensive in the form shabbath shabbathon (Ex 16:23, etc.), where the King James Version has simply “sabbath” or “sabbath of rest.” the Revised Version (British and American) here has imitated the adverbial “solemnly” in the similar intensified expressions in Gen 43:3; 1 Sam 8:9.

    The Revised Version (British and American) Apocrypha translates en hemerais kairou , “in the days of the season” (Baruch 1:14), by “on the days of the solemn assembly” (the King James Version “solemn days”), and both the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American) have “solemn feast days” for dies festos (2 Esdras 1:31).

    Otherwise the King James Version’s use of “solemn” is dropped by the Revised Version (British and American). Burton Scott Easton SOLEMN ASSEMBLY (MEETING) See CONGREGATION; FASTS AND FEASTS; SOLEMN, SOLEMNITY.

    SOLOMON <sol’-o-mun > ([ hmolov] , shelomoh ]; New Testament [ Solomw>n, Solomon ]):

    I. EARLY LIFE.

    Solomon was the son of David and Bath-sheba, and became the 3rd king of Israel. 1. Name and Meaning: He was so named by his mother (2 Sam 12:24, Qere; see TEXT ), but by the prophet Nathan, or by his father (Vulgate), he was called Jedidiah — “loved of Yahweh.” The name “Solomon” is derived from the root meaning “to be quiet” or “peaceful,” and Solomon was certainly the least warlike of all the kings of Israel or Judah, and in that respect a remarkable contrast to his father (so 1 Ch 22:9). His name in Hebrew compares with Irenaeus in Greek, Friedrich in German, and Selim in Arabic; but it has been suggested that the name should be pronounced shillumah , from the word denoting “compensation,” Bath-sheba’s second son being given in compensation for the loss of the first (but see 3, below). 2. Sources: The oldest sources for the biography of Solomon are doubtless the “Annals of Solomon” referred to in 1 Ki 11:41, the “history of Nathan the prophet,” the “prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite” and the “visions of Iddo the seer,” mentioned in 2 Ch 9:29, all which may be merely the relative sections of the great book of the “Annals of the Kings” from which our Books of Kings and Chronicles are both derived. These ancient works are, of course, lost to us save in so far as they have been embodied in the Old Testament narrative. There the life of South is contained in 2 Sam 12:24 f; 1 Ki 1 through 11; 1 Ch 22 through 2 Ch 9. Of these sources 2 Sam 12:24 f and 1 Ki 1; 2 are much the oldest and in fact form part of one document, 2 Sam 9 through 20; 1 Ki 1; 2 dealing with the domestic affairs of David, which may well be contemporary with the events it describes. The date of the composition of the Books of Chronicles is about 300 BC — 700 years after the time of Solomon — and the date of the Books of Kings, as a completed work, must, of course, be later than the exile. Nothing of importance is gained from citations from early historians in Josephus and later writers. Far and away the best source for, at least, the inner life of Solomon would be the writings ascribed to him in the Old Testament, could we be sure that these were genuine (see below). 3. Birth and Upbringing: The children of David by Bath-sheba are given in 1 Ch 3:5 as Shimea, Shobab, Nathan and Solomon. Compare also 2 Sam 5:14; 1 Ch 14:4, where the same persons evidently are named. It would thus appear that Solomon was the 4th son of Bath-sheba, supposing Shimea to be the child that died. Otherwise Solomon would be the 5th son. There are therefore some events omitted in 2 Sam 12:24 f, or else the names Shobab and Nathan are remains of some clause which has been lost, and not proper names. Like the heir apparent of a Turkish sultan, Solomon seems to have spent his best years in the seclusion of the harem. There he was doubtless more influenced by his mother than by his father, and in close intimacy with his mother was the prophet Nathan, who had given him his by-name of fortunate import (2 Sam 12:25). 4. His Accession: It was not until David lay on his deathbed that Solomon left the women’s quarters and made his appearance in public. That he had been selected by David, as the son of the favorite wife, to succeed him, is pre-supposed in the instructions which he received from his father regarding the building of the Temple. But as soon as it appeared that the life of David was nearing its end, it became evident that Solomon was not to have a “walk over.” He found a rival in Adonijah the son of Haggith, who was apparently the eldest surviving son of his father, and who had the support of Joab, by far the strongest man of all, of Abiathar, the leading, if not the favorite, priest (compare 2 Sam 15:24 ff), and of the princes of the royal house. Solomon, on the other hand, had the support of his mother Bath-sheba, David s favorite wife, of Nathan the court prophet, of Zadok who had eclipsed Abiathar, of Benaiah, the son of a priest, but one of the three bravest of David’s soldiers, and captain of the bodyguard of Cherethites and Pelethites, and of the principal soldiers. It is especially noted that Shimei and Hushai (so Josephus) took no active part at any rate with Adonijah (1 Ki 1:8). The conspiracy came to nothing, for, before it developed, Solomon was anointed at Gibeon (not Gihon, 1 Ki 1:33,38,45), and entered Jerusalem as king. 5. Closing Days of David: The age of Solomon at his accession is unknown. The expression in 1 Ki 3:7 is not, of course, to be taken literally (otherwise Ant, VIII, vii, 8). His reign opened, like that of many an oriental monarch, with a settlement in blood of the accounts of the previous reign. Joab, David’s nephew, who had brought the house within the bounds of blood revenge, was executed.

    Adonijah, as soon as his father had breathed his last, was on a nominal charge put to death. Abiathar was relegated to his home at Anathoth (1 Ki 2:26). Conditions were imposed on Shimei which he failed to keep and so forfeited his life (1 Ki 2:36 ff). These steps having been taken, Solomon began his reign, as it were, with a clean slate.

    II. REIGN OF SOLOMON. 1. His Vision: It was apparently at the very beginning of his reign that Solomon made his famous choice of a “hearing heart,” i.e. an obedient heart, in preference to riches or long life. The vision took place at Gibeon (2 Ch 1:7, but in 1 Ki 3:4 f the ancient versions read “upon the altar that was in Gibeon. And the Lord appeared,” etc.). The life of Solomon was a curious commentary on his early resolution. One of the first acts of his reign was apparently, in the style of the true oriental monarch, to build himself a new palace, that of his father being inadequate for his requirements. In regard to politics, however, the events of Solomon’s reign may be regarded as an endorsement of his choice. Under him alone was the kingdom of Israel a great world-power, fit almost to rank beside Assyria and Egypt. Never again were the bounds of Israel so wide; never again were north and south united in one great nation. There is no doubt that the credit of this result is due to the wisdom of Solomon. 2. His Policy: Solomon was by nature an unwarlike person, and his whole policy was in the direction of peace. He disbanded the above-mentioned foreign legion, the Cherethites and Pelethites, who had done such good service as bodyguard to his father. All his officers seem to have been mediocre persons who would not be likely to force his hand, as Joab had done that of David (2 Sam 3:39). Even the fortification of Jerusalem and of the frontier towns was undertaken with a view to repel attack, not for the purposes of offense. Solomon did, no doubt, strengthen the army, especially the cavalry arm (1 Ki 4:26; 10:26), but he never made any use of this, and perhaps it existed largely on paper. At any rate Solomon seems to have been rather a breeder of and dealer in horse-flesh than a soldier. He appears also to have had a fine collection of armor (1 Ki 10:25), but much of it was made of gold (1 Ki 10:16 f) and was intended for show, not for use. Both in his reputation for wisdom and in his aversion to war Solomon bears a striking resemblance to King James VI of Scotland and I of England, as depicted by the hand of Sir Walter Scott. It was fortunate for him that both the neighboring great powers were for the time in a decadent state, otherwise the history of the kingdom of Israel would have ended almost before it had begun. On the other hand, it has been remarked that if Solomon had had anything like the military genius of David and his enthusiasm for the religion of Yahweh, he might have extended the arms of Israel from the Nile to the Tigris and anticipated the advent of Islam. But his whole idea was to secure himself in peace, to amass wealth and indulge his love of grandeur with more than oriental splendor. 3. Its Results: Solomon, in fact, was living on the achievements and reputation of his father, who laid the basis of security and peace on which the commercial genius of Solomon could raise the magnificent structure which he did. But he took the clay from the foundations in order to build the walls. The Hebrews were a military people and in that consisted their life. Solomon withdrew their energies from their natural bent and turned them to cornmerce, for which they were not yet ripe. Their soul rebelled under the irksome drudgery of an industry of which they did not reap the fruits.

    Solomon had in fact reduced a free people to slavery, and concentrated the wealth of the whole country in the capital. As soon as he was out of the way, his country subjects threw off the yoke and laid claim to their ancient freedom. His son found himself left with the city and a territory as small as an English county. 4. Alliance with Tyre: Solomon’s chief ally was Hiram, the king of Tyre, probably the friend and ally of David, who is to be distinguished from Hiram the artificer of 1 Ki 7:13 ff. Hiram the king entered into a treaty with Solomon which was to the advantage of both parties. Hiram supplied Solomon with cedar and pine wood from Lebanon, as well as with skilled artisans for his building. Tyrian sailors were also drafted into the ships of Solomon, the Hebrews not being used to the sea (1 Ki 9:26 f), besides which Phoenician ships sailed along with those of Solomon. The advantages which Hiram received in return were that the Red Sea was open to his merchantmen, and he also received large supplies of corn and oil from the land of Israel (1 Ki 5:11 corrected by Septuagint and 2 Ch 2:10). At the conclusion of the building of the palace and Temple, which occupied 20 years, Solomon presented Hiram with 20 villages (1 Ki 9:11; the converse, 2 Ch 8:2), and Hiram made Solomon a return present of gold (1 Ki 9:14; omitted in 2 Chronicles). 5. Alliance with Egypt: Second to Hiram was the Pharaoh of Egypt, whose daughter Solomon married, receiving as her dower the town of Gezer (1 Ki 9:16). This Pharaoh is not named in the Old Testament. This alliance with Egypt led to the introduction of horses into Israel (1 Ki 10:28 f), though David had already made a beginning on a small scale (2 Sam 8:4). Both these alliances lasted throughout the reign. There is no mention of an alliance with the eastern power, which was then in a decadent state. 6. Domestic Troubles: It was probably nearer the beginning than the end of Solomon’s reign that political trouble broke out within the realm. When David had annexed the territory of the Edomites at the cost of the butchery of the male population (compare 2 Sam 8:14; Ps 60, title) one of the young princes of the reigning house effected his escape, and sought and found an asylum in Egypt, where he rose to occupy a high station. No sooner had he heard of the death of David and Joab than he returned to his native country and there stirred up disaffections against Solomon (1 Ki 11:14 ff; see HADAD), without, however, restoring independence to Edom (1 Ki 9:26). A second occasion of disaffection arose through a prophet having foretold that the successor of Solomon would have one of the Israelite tribes only and that the other ten clans would be under Solomon’s master of works whom he had set over them. This officer also took refuge in Egypt and was protected by Shishak. He remained there until the death of Solomon (1 Ki 11:26 ff). A third adversary was Rezon who had fled from his master the king of Zobah (1 Ki 11:23), and who established himself at Damascus and rounded a dynasty which was long a thorn in the side of Israel. These domestic troubles are regarded as a consequence of the falling away of Solomon from the path of rectitude, but this seems to be but a kind of anticipative consequence, that is, if it was not till the end of his reign that Solomon fell into idolatry and polytheism (1 Ki 11:4).

    III. HIS BUILDINGS. 1. The Temple: The great undertaking of the reign of Solomon was, of course, THE TEMPLE (which see), which was at first probably considered as the Chapel Royal and an adjunct of the palace. The Temple was begun in the 4th year of the reign and finished in the 11th, the work of the building occupying 7« years (1 Ki 6; 7:13 ff). The delay in beginning is remarkable, if the material were all ready to hand (1 Ch 22). Worship there was inaugurated with fitting ceremony and prayers (1 Ki 8). 2. The Palace: To Solomon, however, his own palace was perhaps a more interesting undertaking. It at any rate occupied more time, in fact 13 years (1 Ki 7:1- 12; 9:10; 2 Ch 8:1), the time of building both palace and Temple being years. Possibly the building of the palace occupied the first four years of the reign and was then intermitted and resumed after the completion of the Temple; but of this there is no indication in the text. It was called the House of the Forest of Lebanon from the fact that it was lined with cedar wood (1 Ki 7:2). A description of it is given in 1 Ki 7:1-12. 3. Other Buildings: Solomon also rebuilt the wall of the city and the citadel (see JERUSALEM; MILLO ). He likewise erected castles at the vulnerable points of the frontiers — Hazor, Megiddo and Gezer (1 Ki 9:15), lower Beth-horon and BAALATH (which see). According to the Qere of 1 Ki 9:18 and the ancient versions as well as 2 Ch 8:4, he was the founder of Tadmor (Palmyra); but the Kethibh of 1 Ki 9:18 reads Tamar (compare Ezek 47:19). Some of the remains of buildings recently discovered at Megiddo and Gezer may go back to the time of Solomon. 4. The Corvee: Solomon could not have built on the scale he did with the resources ordinarily at the command of a free ruler. Accordingly we find that one of the institutions fostered by him was the corvee, or forced labor. No doubt something of the kind always had existed (Josh 9:21) and still exists in all despotic governments. Thus the people of a village will be called on to repair the neighboring roads, especially when the Pasha is making a progress in the neighborhood. But Solomon made the thing permanent and national (1 Ki 5:13-15; 9:15). The immediate purpose of the levy was to supply laborers for work in the Lebanon in connection with his building operations. Thus 30,000 men were raised and drafted, 10,000 at a time, to the Lebanon, where they remained for a month, thus having two months out of every three at home. But even when the immediate cause had ceased, the practice once introduced was kept up and it became one of the chief grievances which levi to the dismemberment of the kingdom (1 Ki 12:18, Adoram = Adoniram; compare 2 Sam 20:24), for hitherto the corvee had been confined to foreign slaves taken in war (1 Ki 9:21). It is said the higher posts were reserved for Israelites, the laborers being foreigners (1 Ki 9:22), that is, the Israelites acted as foremen. Some of the foreign slaves seem to have formed a guild in connection with the Temple which lasted down to the time of the exile (Ezr 2:55-57; Neh 7:57-59). See NETHINIM.

    IV. HIS CHARACTER. 1. Personal Qualities: In Solomon we have the type of a Turkish sultan, rather than a king of Israel. The Hebrew kings, whether of Israel or Judah, were, in theory at least, elective monarchs like the kings of Poland. If one happened to be a strong ruler, he managed to establish his family it might be, for three or even four generations. In the case of the Judean dynasty the personality of the first king made such a deep impression upon the heart of the people that the question of a change of dynasty there never became pressing. But Solomon would probably have usurped the crown if he had not inherited it, and once on the throne he became a thoroughgoing despot. All political power was taken out of the hands of the sheiks, although outward respect was still paid to them (1 Ki 8:1), and placed in the hands of officers who were simply creatures of Solomon. The resources of the nation were expended, not on works of public utility, but on the personal aggrandizement of the monarch (1 Ki 10:18 ff). In the means he took to gratify his passions he showed himself to be little better than a savage and if he did not commit such great crimes as David, it was perhaps because he had no occasion, or because he employed greater cunning in working out his ends. 2. His Wisdom: The wisdom for which Solomon is so celebrated was not of a very high order; it was nothing more than practical shrewdness, or knowledge of the world and of human nature. The common example of it is that given in 1 Ki 3:16 ff, to which there are innumerable parallels in Indian, Greek and other literatures. The same worldly wisdom lies at the back of the Book of Proverbs, and there is no reason why a collection of these should not have been made by Solomon just as it is more likely that he was a composer of verses than that he was not (1 Ki 4:32). The statement that he had breadth of heart (1 Ki 4:29) indicates that there was nothing known which did not come within his ken. 3. His Learning: The word “wisdom,” however, is used also in another connection, namely, in the sense of theoretical knowledge or book leaning, especially in the department of natural history. It is not to be supposed that Solomon had any scientific knowledge of botany or zoology, but he may have collected the facts of observation, a task in which the Oriental, who cannot generalize, excels. The wisdom and understanding (1 Ki 4:29) for which Solomon was famous would consist largely in stories about beasts and trees like the well-known Fables of Pilpai. They included also the “wisdom” for which Egypt was famous (1 Ki 4:30), that is, occult science.

    It results from this last statement that Solomon appears in post-Biblical and Arabian literature as a magician. 4. Trade and Commerce: Solomon was very literally a merchant prince. He not only encouraged and protected commerce, but engaged in it himself. He was in fact the predominant, if not sole, partner in a great trading concern, which was nothing less than the Israelite nation. One of his enterprises was the horse trade with Egypt. His agents bought up horses which were again sold to the kings of the Hittites and the Arameans. The prices paid are mentioned (1 Ki 10:29). The best of these Solomon no doubt retained for his own cavalry (1 Ki 10:26). Another commodity imported from that country was linen yarn (1 Ki 10:28 the King James Version). The navy which Solomon built at the head of the Gulf of Akaba was not at all for military, but purely commercial ends. They were ships of Tarshish, that is, merchant ships, not ships to Tarshish, as 2 Ch 9:21. They traded to OPHIR (which see), from which they brought gold; silver, ivory, apes and peacocks, the round voyage lasting 3 years (1 Ki 9:26 ff; 10:22). Special mention is made of “almug” (1 Ki 10:11) or “algum” (2 Ch 9:10 f) trees (which see). The visit of the Queen of Sheba would point to the overland caravan routes from the Yemen being then open (1 Ki 10:15). What with direct imports and the result of sales, silver and cedar wood became very plentiful in the capital (1 Ki 10:27). 5. Officers of State: The list of Solomon’s officers of state is given in 1 Ki 4:2 ff. These included a priest, two secretaries, a recorder, a commander-in-chief, a chief commissariat officer, a chief shepherd (if we may read ro`eh for re’eh ), a master of the household, and the head of the corvee. The list should be compared with those of David’s officers (2 Sam 8:16 ff; 20:23 ff). There is much resemblance, but we can see that the machine of state was becoming more complicated. The bodyguard of foreign mercenaries was abolished and the captain Benaiah promoted to be commander-in-chief. Two scribes were required instead of one. Twelve commissariat officers were appointed whose duty it was to forward from their districts the supplies for the royal household and stables. The list of these officials, a very curious one, is given in 1 Ki 4:7 ff. It is to be noted that the 12 districts into which the country was divided did not coincide with the territories of the 12 tribes. It may be remarked that Solomon seems as far as possible to have retained the old servants of his father. It will be noticed also that in all the lists there is mention of more than one priest. These “priests” retained some of their original functions, since they acted as prognosticators and diviners. 6. Wives: Solomon’s principal wife was naturally the daughter of Pharaoh; it was for her that his palace was built (1 Ki 3:1; 7:8; 9:16,24). But in addition to her he established marriage relations with the neighboring peoples. In some cases the object was no doubt to cement an alliance, as with the Zidonians and Hittites and the other nationalities (1 Ki 11:1), some of which were forbidden to Israelites (Dt 7:3). It may be that the daughter of Pharaoh was childless or died a considerable time before Solomon, but his favorite wife was latterly a grand-daughter of Nahash, the Ammonite king (1 Ki 14:21 Septuagint), and it was her son who succeeded to the throne. Many of Solomon’s wives were no doubt daughters of wealthy or powerful citizens who wished by an alliance with the king to strengthen their own positions.

    Yet we do not read of his marrying an Israelite wife. According to the Arabian story Bilqis, the Queen of Sheba who visited Solomon (1 Ki 10:1 ff),. was also married to him. He appears to have had only one son; we are not told of any other than Rehoboam. His daughters were married to his own officers (1 Ki 4:11,15). 7. Revenues: Solomon is said to have started his reign with a capital sum of 100,000 talents of gold and a million talents of silver, a sum greater than the national debt of Great Britain. Even so, this huge sum was ear-marked for the building of the Temple (1 Ch 22:14). His income was, for one year, at any rate, 666 talents of gold (1 Ki 10:14), or about twenty million dollars.

    This seems an immense sum, but it probably was not so much as it looks.

    The great mass of the people were too poor to have any commodities which they could exchange for gold. Its principal use was for the decoration of buildings. Its purchasing power was probably small, because so few could afford to buy it. It was in the same category as the precious stones which are of great rarity, but which are of no value unless there is a demand for them. In the time of Solomon there was no useful purpose to which gold could be put in preference to any other metal. 8. Literary Works: It is not easy to believe that the age of Solomon, so glorious in other respects, had not a literature to correspond. Yet the reign of the sultan Ismail in Morocco, whom Solomon much resembles, might be cited in favor of such a supposition. Solomon himself is stated to have composed 3,000 animal stories and 1,005 songs (1 Ki 4:32). In the Old Testament the following are ascribed to him: three collections of Proverbs, 1:1 ff; 10:1 ff; 25:1 ff; The Song of Songs; Psalms 72 and 127; Ecclesiastes (although Solomon is not named). In Prov 25:1 the men of Hezekiah are said to have copied out the following proverbs.

    LITERATURE.

    The relative portions of the histories by Ewald, Stanley (who follows Ewald), Renan, Wellhausen and Kittel; also H. Winckler, Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen; and the commentaries on the Books of Kings and Chronicles. Thomas Hunter Weir SOLOMON, ODES OF See APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE, B, III, 2.

    SOLOMON, POOLS OF See POOLS OF SOLOMON.

    SOLOMON, PSALMS (PSALTER) OF See APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE, B, III, 1.

    SOLOMON, SONG OF See SONG OF SONGS.

    SOLOMON, WISDOM OF See WISDOM OF SOLOMON.

    SOLOMON’S PORCH See PORCH, SOLOMON’S.

    SOLOMON’S SERVANTS ([ hmolov] ydeb][“, ‘adbhedhe shelomoh ]; [dou~loi Salwmw>n, douloi Salomon ]): “The children of Solomon’s servants” constituted a company or guild of the Jewish exiles who returned with Zerubbabel from Babylonia to Jerusalem in 537 BC, pursuant to the decree of Cyrus; they are mentioned 5 times (Ezr 2:55,58 parallel Neh 7:57,60; Neh 11:3). As the prime purpose of the returning exiles was the rebuilding of the Temple and the restoration of Yahweh’s worship (Ezr 1:2,3), it was important that those who held the privileges of sanctuary service as a family heritage should go back to their duties. This included, besides priests and Levites, the NETHINIM (which see) and Solomon’s Servants. In every reference to them, Solomon’s Servants are connected with the Nethinim, who had been “given” or dedicated (nethinim or nethunim is pass. participle of nathan , “to give,” “to appoint”) by David “for the service of the Levites (Ezr 8:20); so Solomon’s Servants traced their official beginning back to Solomon’s appointment, as their name indicates. In the joint references they always fall into the natural chronological order, i.e. following the Nethinim. It is possible, therefore, that they are referred to in Ezr 7:24 also, under the title “servants of this house of God,” which immediately follows “Nethinim” in the list of those exempt from taxation and tolls.

    What their duties in the house of God may have been is not stated in the records. These must have been more or less menial, the more formal and honorable duties being reserved for “the priests and Levites, the singers, (and) porters” (Ezr 7:24). When the ark was brought to Jerusalem by David and the ceremonial of the sacrificial system was more strictly observed, the services of priests and Levites were greatly increased, and to meet the needs of the new order David appointed the Nethinim (Ezr 8:20; compare 1 Ch 9:2). Likewise the much greater increase in such duties on the completion of Solomon’s Temple was the occasion for the dedication of an additional number of these assistants to the Levites.

    The number of those who returned with Zerubbabel was not great, together with the Nethinim being only 392. This does not appear to have been sufficient for the needs of the sanctuary, since Ezra, in preparation for his expedition in 458 BC, made special appeal for Nethinim to go with him, of whom 220 responded (Ezr 8:15-20). No doubt at the first their service was considered to be lowly; but by the time of the exile, certainly after it, their position had developed into one of considerable honor and constituted them a privileged class in the nation. While many of the people were required by Nehemiah to live in Jerusalem, they were allowed to dwell in their possessions “in the cities of Judah” (Neh 11:3).

    A question of some interest and of difference of opinion is whether Solomon’s Servants were Levites or non-Israelites. The latter view is the more generally held, for the following reasons; (1) After the completion of the Temple and his other great buildings a large body of workmen, whom Solomon had drafted from the non- Israelite population, were without occupation, and might well have been assigned to the menial duties of the Temple (1 Ki 9), their name in Septuagint (douloi ) properly indicating such a class; (2) Ezekiel excludes non-Israelites from the service of his ideal temple, as though they had been allowed in the preexilic Temple (44:9); (3) they are always clearly distinguished from the Levites in the lists of religious bodies.

    But, on the other hand, equally strong arguments favor their Levitical descent: (1) Levites also are called douloi in 1 Esdras; (2) it is more probable that Ezekiel refers to the abuses of Athaliah, Ahaz and Manasseh than to the institutions of David and Solomon; (3) Ezra specifically classifies the Nethinim as Levites (8:15-20); (4) there is not the slightest intimation in the text of 1 Ki 9:15-22 that the Gentilebondservants were assigned to temple-service after completion of the great building operations; such an interpretation is wholly inferential, while, on the contrary, it is more probable that such an innovation would have been mentioned in the narrative; and (5) it is not probable that Ezra and Nehemiah, or Zerubbabel, with their strict views of Israelite privilege (compare Ezr 2:62), would have admitted non-Israelites to sacred functions, the less so in view of Ezekiel’s prohibition. There is more ground, then, for holding that Solomon’s Servants, like the porters and singers, were an order of Levites. Edward Mack SOMEIS <so’-me-is > ([ Someei>v, Someeis ]; the King James Version Samis): One of the Israelites, who put away their foreign wives (1 Esdras 9:34) = “Shimei” in Ezr 10:38.

    SOMETIME <sum’-tim > : In modern English means “occasionally,” and is so used in Sirach 37:14 for [ejni>ote, eniote ]. Otherwise the word means “at some past time,” and is the translation of [pote>, pote ]. the Revised Version (British and American) changes to “aforetime” in The Wisdom of Solomon 5:3; 1 Pet 3:20; to “once” in Eph 2:13; 5:8; to “in time past” in Col 1:21; while in Col 3:7 the English Revised Version has “aforetime,” the American Standard Revised Version “once.” the King James Version does not distinguish between “sometime” and “sometimes.”

    SON; SONS <sun > , <sunz > : (1) In Biblical language the word “son” is used first of all in its strictly literal sense of male issue or offspring of a man or woman. In a few cases in the Old Testament, as in Gen 3:16; Josh 17:2; Jer 20:15, the Hebrew word ben , is translated correctly in the English by the word “child” or “children” as it includes both sexes, as in Gen 3:16, or is limited to males by the use of the modifying term “male.” Closely connected with this meaning of direct male issue or of children is its use to denote descendants, posterity in the more general sense. This usage which, as in the case of the sons (children) of Israel, may be regarded perhaps as originating in the conception of direct descent from the common ancestor Israel, came in the course of time to be a mere ethnographic designation, so that the term “the children of Israel” and “the children of Ammon” meant no more than Israelites or Ammonites, that is, inhabitants of the lands of Israel or Ammon respectively. An extension of this usage is to be found in the designation of a people as the sons or children of a land or city; so in Am 9:7 “children of the Ethiopians,” or Ezek 16:28, where the literal rendering would be “sons of Asshur,” instead of the Assyrians, and “the children of Jerus” in Joel 3:6. See BAR (prefix); BEN-. (2) More characteristic of Biblical usage is the employment of the word “son” to indicate membership in a class or guild, as in the common phrase “sons of the prophets,” which implies nothing whatever as to the ancestry, but states that the individuals concerned are members of the prophetic guilds or schools. In the New Testament the word “sons” (huioi ) in Lk 11:19, rendered “children” in Mt 12:27 the King James Version, means, not physical descendants, but members of the class or sect; according to Mt the Pharisees, who were attacking Christ. (3) The word “son” is used with a following genitive of quality to indicate some characteristic of the person or persons described. In the English the word “son” is usually omitted and the phrase is paraphrased as in 2 Sam 3:34, where the words translated “wicked men” in the King James Version mean literally, sons or children of wickedness. Two examples of this usage may be cited: the familiar phrase “sons of Belial” in the Old Testament (Dt 15:13 the King James Version, and often), where the meaning is simply base or worthless fellows (compare Nu 24:17, margin “children of Sheth” (Expository Times, XIII, 64b)); and in the New Testament the phrase “sons of thunder,” which is given in Mk 3:17 as the explanation of the epithet “Boanerges.” This use is common in the New Testament, as the phrases “children of the kingdom,” “children of light,” etc., indicate, the general meaning being that the noun in the genitive following the word children indicates some quality of the persons under consideration. The special phrases “Son of man” and “Son of God” are considered in separate articles. See also RELATIONSHIPS, FAMILY.

    Walter R. Betteridge SON-IN-LAW See RELATIONSHIPS, FAMILY.

    SON OF GOD, THE ([oJ uiJoho huios theou ]): 1. USE OF TITLE IN THE SYNOPTISTS:

    While the title “the Son of man” is always, except once, applied by Jesus to Himself, “the Son of God” is never applied by Jesus to Himself in the Synoptists. When, however, it is applied to Him by others, He accepts it in such a way as to assert His claim to it. Now and then He Himself employs the abbreviated form, “the Son,” with the same intention; and He often speaks of God as “the Father” or “my Father” or “my Father who is in heaven” in such a manner as to betray the consciousness that He is the Son of God. 2. MEANINGS IN THE OLD TESTAMENT:

    While to the common mind “the Son of man” is a title designating the human side of our Lord’s person, “the Son of God” seems as obviously to indicate the divine side. But scholarship cannot take this for granted; and, indeed, it requires only a hasty glance at the facts to bring this home even to the general reader, because in Scripture the title is bestowed on a variety of persons for a variety of reasons. First, it is applied to angels, as when in Job 2:1 it is said that “the sons of God came to present themselves before Yahweh”; they may be so called because they are the creatures of God’s hands or because, as spiritual beings, they resemble God, who is a spirit. Secondly, in Lk 3:38 it is applied to the first man; and from the parable of the Prodigal Son it may be argued that it is applicable to all men.

    Thirdly, it is applied to the Hebrew nation, as when, in Ex 4:22, Yahweh says to Pharaoh, “Israel is my son, my first-born,” the reason being that Israel was the object of Yahweh’s special love and gracious choice.

    Fourthly, it is applied to the kings of Israel, as representatives of the chosen nation. Thus, in 2 Sam 7:14, Yahweh says of Solomon, “I will be his father, and he shall be my son”; and, in Ps 2:7, the coronation of a king is announced in an oracle from heaven, which says, “Thou art my son; this day have I begotten thee.” Finally, in the New Testament, the title is applied to all saints, as in Jn 1:12, “But as many as received him, to them gave he the right to become children of God, even to them that believe on his name.” When the title has such a range of application, it is obvious that the Divinity of Christ cannot be inferred from the mere fact that it is applied to Him. 3. SENSE AS APPLIED TO JESUS:

    It is natural to assume that its use in application to Jesus is derived from one or other of its Old Testament uses; and the one almost universally fixed upon by modern scholarship as that from which it was derived is the fourth mentioned above — that to the Jewish kings. Indeed, it is frequently asserted that in the Jewish literature between the Old Testament and the New Testament, it is found already coined as a title for the Messianic king; but the instances quoted by Dalman and others in proof of this are far from satisfactory. 4. PHYSICAL REASON:

    When we come to examine its use in the New Testament as applied by others to Jesus, the facts are far from simple, and it is not applied in a uniform sense. In Lk 1:35, the following reason for its use is given, “The Holy Spirit shall come upon thee, and the power of the Most High shall overshadow thee: wherefore also the holy thing which is begotten shall be called the Son of God.” This is a physical reason, akin to that on account of which the angels or the first man received the title; but it is rather curious that this point of view does not seem to be adopted elsewhere, unless it be in the exclamation of the centurion at the foot of the cross, “Truly this was the Son of God” (Mt 27:54). As a pagan this soldier might be thinking of Jesus as one of those heroes, born of human mothers but divine fathers, of whom the mythology of his country had so much to tell (compare the margin). 5. ALLEGED EQUIVALENCE TO MESSIAH — PERSONAL SENSE IMPLIED: (1) Baptism, Temptation.

    It has been contended, not without plausibility, that for Jesus Himself the source of the title may have been the employment of it in the voice from heaven at His Baptism, “This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased” (Mt 3:17). By these words, it is usually assumed, He was designated as the Messiah; but in the adjective “beloved,” and the words “in whom I am well pleased,” there is something personal, beyond the merely official recognition. The same may be said of the voice from heaven in the scene of the Transfiguration. Milton, in Paradise Regained, makes Satan become aware of the voice from heaven at the Baptism; but this is also implied in the terms with which he approached Him in the Temptation in the wilderness, “If thou art the Son of God” (Mt 4:3, etc.); and, if this was the sense in which the prince of devils made use of the phrase, we may conclude that in the mouths of the demoniacs who hailed Jesus by the same title it must have had the same meaning. (2) At Caesarea Philippi.

    When, at Caesarea Philippi, Jesus evoked from the Twelve their great confession, this is given by two of the synoptists in the simple form, “Thou art the Christ” (Mk 8:29; Lk 9:20); but Mt adds, “the Son of the living God” (Mt 16:16). It is frequently said that Hebrew parallelism compels us to regard these words as a mere equivalent for “Messiah.” But this is not the nature of parallelism, which generally includes in the second of the parallel terms something in excess of what is expressed in the first; it would be quite in accordance with the nature of parallelism if the second term supplied the reason for the first. That is to say, Jesus was the Messiah because He was the Son of God. (3) Trial before Sanhedrin.

    There is another passage where it is frequently contended that “the Christ” and “the Son of God” must be exactly parallel, but a close examination suggests the reverse. In the account of the ecclesiastical trial in the Gospel of Lk, He is charged, “If thou art the Christ, tell us”; and, when He replies, “If I tell you, ye will not believe: and if I ask you, ye will not answer. But from henceforth shall the Son of man be seated at the right hand of the power of God,” they all say, “Art thou then the Son of God?” and, when He replies in the affirmative, they require no further witness (Lk 22:67-71), Matthew informing us that the high priest hereupon rent his garments, and they all agreed that He had spoken blasphemy and was worthy of death (Mt 26:65 f). The usual assumption is that the second question, “Art thou .... the Son of God?” implies no more than the first, `Art thou the Christ?’; but is not the scene much more intelligible if the boldness of His answer to the first question suggested that He was making a still higher claim than to be the Christ, and that their second question applied to this? It was when Jesus affirmed this also that their angry astonishment knew no bounds, and their sentence was immediate and capital. It may be questioned whether it was blasphemy merely to claim to be the Messiah; but it was rank and undeniable blasphemy to claim to be the Son of God. This recalls the statement in Jn 5:18, “The Jews sought the more to kill him, because he not only brake the sabbath, but also called God his own Father, making himself equal with God”; to which may be added (Jn 10:33), “The Jews answered him, For a good work we stone thee not, but for blasphemy; and because that thou, being a man, makest thyself God.” 6. HIGHER USE BY JESUS HIMSELF:

    Naturally it is with the words of Jesus Himself on this subject that we are most concerned. He speaks of God as His Father, and to the disciples He speaks of God as their Father; but He never speaks to them of God as their common Father: what He says is, “My Father and your Father” (Jn 20:17).

    H. J. Holtzmann and others have attempted to make light of this, and even to speak of the opening words of the Lord’s Prayer, “Our Father who art in heaven,” as if Jesus might have uttered them in company with the disciples; but the distinction is a vital one, and we do not agree with those who can believe that Jesus could have uttered, for Himself along with others, the whole of the Lord’s Prayer, including the petition, “Forgive us our debts, as we also have forgiven our debtors.” 7. THE “SON” IN MATTHEW 11:27:

    Of the passages in the Synoptists where Jesus speaks about God as “the Father” and Himself as “the Son,” a peculiar solemnity attaches to Mt 11:27 parallel Lk 10:22, “All things have been delivered unto me of my Father: and no one knoweth the Son, save the Father; neither doth any know the Father, save the Son, and he to whomsoever the Son willeth to reveal him.” There is a Johannine flavor in these words, and they reveal an intimacy of the Son with the Father, as well as a power over all things, which could not have been conferred by mere official appointment, unless there had been in the background a natural position warranting the official standing. Not infrequently has the word “Messianic” been allowed by scholars to blind them to the most obvious facts. The conferring of an office on a mere man could not enable him to do things beyond the reach of human powers; yet it is frequently assumed that, if only Jesus was Messiah, He was able for anything, even when the thing in question is something for which a mere man is wholly incompetent. 8. THE “SON” IN MARK 13:32:

    There is a saying of Jesus (Mk 13:32) about His own Sonship which may seem to refute the church doctrine on the subject, as in it He confesses ignorance of the date of His Second Coming: “Of that day or that hour knoweth no one, not even the angels in heaven, neither the Son, but the Father.” Yet, while there is much in this passage fitted to produce sane and sober views as to the real manhood of Jesus, there are few sayings of His that betray a stronger consciousness of His being more than man. Four planes of being and of knowledge are specified — that of men, that of angels, that of Himself, and that of God. Evidently the Son is above not only men but angels, and, if it is confessed that He is ignorant of anything, this is mentioned as a matter of surprise. 9. THE “SON” IN MATTHEW 28:18-20:

    The conclusion would seem to be that He is a being intermediate between the angels and God; but this impression is corrected by the greatest of all the sayings in which He calls Himself the Son (Mt 28:18-20), “All authority hath been given unto me in heaven and on earth. Go ye therefore, and make disciples of all the nations, baptizing them into the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit: teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I commanded you: and lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world.” Here the Son is named along with the Father and the Holy Spirit in a way suggesting the equality of all three, an act of worship being directed to them jointly. By those who disbelieve in the Deity of Christ, the most strenuous attempts have been made to get rid of this passage, and in certain quarters it is taken for granted that it must have been an addition to the text of this Gospel. But for this there is no ground whatever; the passage is the climax of the Gospel in which it occurs, in the same way as the confession of Thomas is the climax of the Gospel of Jn; and to remove it would be an intolerable mutilation. Of course to those who disbelieve in the bodily resurrection of our Lord, this has no more substance than the other details of the Forty Days; but to those who believe in His risen glory the words appear to suit the circumstances, their greatness being congruous with the entire representation of the New Testament. 10. APOSTOLIC DOCTRINE: DEITY AFFIRMED:

    Indeed, it is the Son of God, as He appears in this final scene in the First Gospel, who dominates the rest of the New Testament. Thus, in Acts 9:20, the beginning of Paul’s testimony as a Christian is given in these words, “And straightway in the synagogues he proclaimed Jesus, that he is the Son of God”; and what this meant to Paul may be gathered from his own statement in the opening of Romans, “Paul, a servant of Jesus Christ, called to be an apostle, separated unto the gospel of God, which he promised afore through his prophets in the holy scriptures, concerning his Son, who was born of the seed of David according to the flesh, who was declared to be the Son of God with power, according to the spirit of holiness by the resurrection from the dead; even Jesus Christ our Lord” (Rom 1:1-4). In He the equality of the Son with the Father is theme throughout the entire book; and in Rev 2:18, “the Son of God, who hath his eyes like a flame of fire,” speaks from the right hand of power to the church.

    On this subject there was no division of opinion in the apostolic church. On many other questions the followers of Jesus were divided; but on this one they were unanimous. For this the authority of Paul is often assumed to be responsible; but there was a prior and higher authority. This was the selftestimony of Jesus in the Gospel of John. Though this may not have been put in literary form till all the other books of the New Testament had been completed, it was active and influential in the church all the time, affecting Paul and the other New Testament writers. 11. THE FOURTH GOSPEL: DEITY, PREEXISTENCE, ETC.:

    There is no real disharmony between the expression of our Lord’s selfconsciousness in the Synoptists and that in John; only in the latter it is far ampler and more distinct. Here Jesus is not only called “the Son of God” by others, but applies the title to Himself in its full shape, as well as in the abbreviated form of “the Son.” He further calls Himself the “only begotten Son of God” (3:16,18), that is to say, He is Son in a sense in which no others can claim the title. This seems expressly to contradict the statement, so often made, that He makes others sons of God in the same sense as Himself, or that His Sonship is ethical, not metaphysical. No doubt it is ethical — that is to say, He is like the Father in feeling, mind and will — but it does not follow that it is not at the same time metaphysical. In fact, the perfection of ethical unity depends upon that which is metaphysical.

    Between a dog and a man there may be deep sympathy, yet it is limited by the difference of their natures; whereas between a woman and a man there is perfect sympathy, because they are identical in nature.

    Another feature of Sonship in the Fourth Gospel is preexistence, though, strange to say, this is more than once connected with the title “Son of man.” But the strongest and most frequent suggestions as to what is implied in Sonship are to be found in the deeds attributed to the Son; for these are far beyond the competence of any mere man. Thus, He executes judgment (Jn 5:22); He has life in Himself and quickeneth whom He will (Jn 5:26,21); He gives eternal life (Jn 10:10), and it is the will of the Father that all men should honor the Son, even as they do the Father (Jn 5:23).

    Nevertheless, the Son does nothing of Himself, but only what He hath seen the Father do (Jn 5:19); and only that which He hath heard of the Father does He speak (Jn 14:10). In short, God is not only His Father, but His God (Jn 20:17). To statements such as these a merely official Sonship is not adequate; the relation must be ethical and metaphysical as well; and to a perfect Sonship all three elements are essential.

    LITERATURE. See the books on the Theology of the New Testament by Weiss, Beyschlag, Holtzmann, Feine, Schlatter, Weinel, Bovon, Stevens, Sheldon; and on the Teaching of Jesus by Bruce, Wendt, Dalman; Gore, The Incarnation of the Son of God, Bampton Lectures, 1891, and Dissertations on Subjects Connected with the Incarnation; Robertson, Teaching of Jesus concerning God the Father; full bibliography in Stalker, Christ’s Teaching concerning Himself.

    James Stalker SON OF MAN, THE ([oJ uJiopou, ho huios tou anthropou ]) : 1. Use in New Testament: Self-Designation of Jesus: This is the favorite self-designation of Jesus in the Gospels. In Matthew it occurs over 30 times, in Mark 15 times, in Luke 25 times, and in John a dozen times. It is always in the mouth of Jesus Himself that it occurs, except once, when the bystanders ask what He means by the title (Jn 12:34). Outside the Gospels, it occurs only once in Acts, in Stephen’s speech ( Acts 7:56), and twice in the Book of Revelation (1:13; 14:14). 2. Questions as to Meaning: At first sight it appears so apt a term for the human element in our Lord’s person, the divine element being similarly denoted by “the Son of God,” that this was supposed to be its meaning, as it still is by the common man at the present day. As long as it was assumed that the meaning could be elicited by merely looking at the words as they stand and guessing what they must signify, this was substantially the view of all, although this common conception went in two directions — some noting especially the loftier and more ideal elements in the conception, while others emphasized what was lowly and painful in the human lot; and both could appeal to texts in support of their view. Thus, the view “that Christ by this phrase represented Himself as the head, the type, the ideal of the race” (Stanton, The Jewish and the Christian Messiah), could appeal to such a saying as, “The Son of man is Lord even of the sabbath” (Mk 2:28); while the humbler view could quote such a saying as, “The foxes have holes, and the birds of the heaven have nests; but the Son of man hath not where to lay his head” (Mt 8:20).

    The more scientific investigation of the phrase began, however, when it was inquired, first, what the source was from which Jesus derived this title, and, secondly, why He made use of it.

    I. SOURCE OF THE TITLE. 1. The Phrase in the Old Testament — Psalms, Ezekiel, Daniel: That the phrase was not one of Jesus’ own invention is manifest, because it occurs often in the Old Testament.

    Thus, in Ps 8:4 it is used as an equivalent for “man” in the parallel lines, “What is man, that thou art mindful of him?

    And the son of man, that thou visitest him ?” This passage has sometimes been regarded as the source whence Jesus borrowed the title; and for this a good deal might be said, the psalm being an incomparable exposition both of the lowliness and the loftiness of human nature. But there is another passage in the Psalms from which it is far from incredible that it may have been derived: in Ps 80:17 occur the words, “Let thy hand be upon the man of thy right hand, Upon the son of man whom thou maddest strong for thyself.” This is an appeal, in an age of national decline, for the raising up of a hero to redeem Israel; and it might well have kindled the spark of Messianic consciousness in the heart of the youthful Jesus.

    There is a book of the Old Testament in which the phrase “the son of man” occurs no fewer than 90 times. This is the Book of Ezekiel, where it is always applied to the prophet himself and designates his prophetic mission.

    In the words of Nosgen (Christus der Menschenund Gotlessohn): “It expresses the contrast between what Ezekiel is in himself and what God will make out of him, and to make his mission appear to him not as his own, but as the work of God, and thus to lift him up, whenever the flesh threatens to faint and fail.” Thus there was one before Jesus of Nazareth who bore the title, at least in certain moments of his life; and, after Ezekiel, there arose another Hebrew prophet who has put on record that he was addressed from the same high quarter in the same terms; for, in Dan 8:17, it is written, “So he came near where I stood; and when he came, I was affrighted, and fell upon my face: but he said unto me, Understand, O son of man” — words then following intended to raise the spirit of the trembling servant of God. By Weizsacker and others the suggestion has been made that Jesus may have borrowed the term from Ezekiel and Daniel to express His consciousness of belonging to the same prophetic line. 2. “Son of Man” in Daniel 7 — New Testament Allusions: There is, however, in the same Book of Daniel another occurrence of the phrase, in a totally different sense, to which the attention of science is more and more being drawn. In 7:3 ff, in one of the apocalyptic visions common to this prophet, four beasts are seen coming out of the sea — the first a lion with eagle’s wings, the second a bear, the third a fourheaded leopard, and the fourth a terrible monster with ten heads. These beasts bear rule over the earth; but at last the kingdom is taken away from them and given to a fifth ruler, who is thus described, “I saw in the night-visions, and, behold, there came with the clouds of heaven one like unto a son of man, and he came even to the ancient of days, and they brought him near before him. And there was given him dominion, and glory, and a kingdom, that all the peoples, nations, and languages should serve him: his dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall not pass away, and his kingdom that which shall not be destroyed” (Dan 7:13,14). Compare with these words from Dan the words of Jesus to the high priest during His trial, “Henceforth ye shall see the Son of man sitting at the right hand of Power, and coming on the clouds of heaven” (Mt 26:64), and the echo of the Old Testament words cannot be mistaken. Equally distinct is it in the great discourse in Mt 24:30, “Then shall appear the sign of the Son of man in heaven: and then shall all the tribes of the earth mourn, and they shall see the Son of man coming on the clouds of heaven with power and great glory.” 3. Expressive of Messianic Idea: The use of this self-designation by Jesus is especially frequent and striking in passages referring to His future coming to judgment, in which there is necessarily a certain resemblance to the apocalyptic scene in Daniel. In such utterances the Messianic consciousness of Jesus is most emphatically expressed; and the passage in Daniel is also obviously Messianic. In another considerable series of passages in which this phrase is used by Jesus, the references are to His sufferings and death; but the assumption which explains these also most easily is that they are Messianic too; Jesus is speaking of the fortunes to which He must submit on account of His vocation. Even the more dignified passages, expressive of ideality, are best explained in the same way. In short, every passage where the phrase occurs is best understood from this point of view, whereas, from any other point of view, not a few appear awkward and out of place. How little, for example, does the idea that the phrase is expressive of lowliness or of brotherhood with suffering humanity accord with the opening of the judgment-scene in Mt 25:31, “But when the Son of man shall come in his glory, and all the angels with him, then shall he sit on the throne of his glory”! 4. Post-canonical Literature: Book of Enoch: The son of man, or rather “one like unto a son of man” mentioned in Daniel, is primarily the Hebrew people, as is expressly noted in the prophecy itself; but Jesus must have looked upon Himself as the representative of the people of God, in the same way as, in the Old Testament generally, the reigning sovereign was regarded as the representative of the nation. But the question has been raised whether this transference of the title from a collective body to an individual may have been mediated for Him through postcanonical religious literature or the prevalence among the people of ideas generated through this literature. In the Book of Enoch there occur numerous references to the son of man, which bear a remarkable resemblance to some of the sayings of Jesus. The date usually assigned to this production is some 200 years BC; and, if these passages in it actually existed as early as this, the book would almost require to be included in the canonical Scriptures, though for other reasons it is far from worthy of any such honor. The whole structure of the Book of Enoch is so loose and confused that it must always have invited interpolation; and interpolations in it are recognized as numerous. The probability, therefore, is that the passages referring to the son of man are of later date and of Christian origin.

    II. WHY JESUS MADE USE OF THE TITLE.

    The conclusion that this title expresses, not the personal qualities of Jesus as a man, but His functions as Messiah, may be disappointing; but there is a way of recovering what seems to have been lost; because we must now inquire for what reasons He made use of this term. 1. Consciousness of Being the Messiah: The first reason, of course, is, that in Daniel it expressed Messiahship, and that Jesus was conscions of being the Messiah. In the Old Testament He was wont all His days to read His own history. He ranged over all the sacred books and found in them references to His own person and work.

    With divinatory glance He pierced into the secrets of Scripture and brought forth from the least as well as the best-known portions of the ancient oracles meanings which are now palpable to all readers of the Bible, but which He was the first to discover. From the passage in Daniel, or from some other passage of the Old Testament in which the phrase “the son of man” occurs, a hint flashed out upon Him, as He read or heard; and the suggestion grew in His brooding mind, until it rounded itself into the fit and satisfying expression for one side of His self-consciousness. 2. Half Concealed, Yet Half Revealed His Secret: Another reason why He fixed upon this as His favorite self-designation may have been that it half concealed as well as half revealed His secret. Of the direct names for the Messiah He was usually shy, no doubt chiefly because His contemporaries were not prepared for an open declaration of Himself in this character; but at all stages of His ministry He called Himself the Son of man without hesitation. The inference seems to be, that, while the phrase expressed much to Himself, and must have meant more and more for those immediately associated with Him, it did not convey a Messianic claim to the public ear. With this accords well the perplexity once manifested by those listening to Him, when they asked, “Who is this Son of man?” (Jn 12:34); as it also explains the question of Jesus to the Twelve at Caesarea Philippi, “Who do men say that the Son of man is?” or, as it is in the margin, “that I the Son of man am?” (Mt 16:13). That He was the Son of man did not evidently mean for all that He claimed to be the Messiah. 3. Expressive of Identification with Men in Sympathy, Fortunes and Destiny: But when we try to realize for what reasons Jesus may have picked this name out from all which presented themselves to Him in His intimate and loving survey of the Old Testament, it is difficult to resist the belief that a third and the principal reason was because it gave expression to His sense of connection with all men in sympathy, fortunes and destiny. He felt Himself to be identified with all as their brother, their fellow-sufferer, their representative and champion; and, in some respects, the deepest word He ever spake was, “For the Son of man also came not to be ministered unto, but to minister, and to give his life a ransom for many” (Mk 10:45 parallel). 4. Speculations (Lietzmann, Wellhausen, etc.) on Aramaic Meaning:

    These Rejected (Dalman, etc.): In 1896, Hans Lietzmann, a young German scholar, startled the learned World with a speculation on the “Son of man.” Making the assumption that Aramaic was the language spoken by Jesus, he contended that Jesus could not have applied to Himself the Messianic title, because there is nothing corresponding with it in Aramaic. The only term approximating to it is barnash , which means something very vague, like “anyone” or “everyman” (in the sense of the old morality play thus entitled). Many supposed Lietzmann to be arguing that Jesus had called Himself Anyone or Everyman; but this was not his intention. He tried to prove that the Messianic title had been applied to Jesus in Asia Minor in the first half of the 2nd century and that the Gospels had been revised with the effect of substituting it for the first personal pronoun. But he failed to show how the manuscripts could have been so universally altered as to leave no traces of this operation, or how, if the text of the New Testament was then in so fluid a state as to admit of such a substitution, the phrase should not have overflowed into other books besides the Gospels. Although the hypothesis has secured wide attention through being partially adopted by Wellhausen, whose view is to be found in Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, VI, and at p. 66 of his Commentary on Mark, it may be reckoned among the ghosts which appear for an hour on the stage of learning, attracting attention and admiration, but have no permanent connection with the world of reality.

    Dalman, the leading authority on Aramaic, denies the foundation on which the views of both Lietzmann and Wellhausen rest, and holds that, had the Messianic title existed, the Aramaic language would have been quite capable of expressing it. And in 1911 Wellhausen himself explicitly admitted this (Einleitung in die drei eraten Evangelien (2) , 130).

    LITERATURE. See the books on New Testament Theology by Weiss, Beyschlag, Holtzmann, Feine, Schlatter, Weinel, Stevens, Sheldon; and on the Teaching of Jesus by Wentit, Bruce, Dalman; Abbott, The Son of Man, 1910; very full bibliography in Stalker, The Teaching of Jesus concerning Himself.

    James Stalker SONG ([ ryvi , shir ], [ hr;yvi, shirah ]): Besides the great collection of sacred songs contained in the Psalter, as well as the lyric outbursts, marked by strong religious feeling, on great national occasions, it is natural to believe, and we have evidence to show, that the Hebrews possessed a large number of popular songs of a secular kind. Song of Songs (which see) of itself proves this. Probably the very oldest song or fragment of song in the Old Testament is that “To the well” (Nu 21:17).

    W. R. Smith (Religions of the Semites, 167) regards this invocation of the waters to rise as in its origin hardly a mere poetic figure. He compares what Cazwini 1, 189, records of the well of Ilabistan: “When the water failed, a feast was held at its source with music and dancing, to induce it to flow again.” If, however, the song had its origin in an early form of religious belief, it must have been secularized later.

    But it is in the headings of the Psalms that we find the most numerous traces of the popular songs of the Hebrews. Here there are a number of words and phrases which are now believed to be the names or initial words of such lyrics. In the King James Version they are prefaced with the prep. “on,” in the Revised Version (British and American) with “set to,” i.e. “to the tune of.” We give a list: (1) Aijeleth Shahar the King James Version, the Revised Version (British and American) Aijeleth hash-shahar , ‘ayyeleth ha-shachar .

    The title means (Revised Version, margin) “The hind of the morning,” but whether the original song so named was a hunting song or a morning serenade it is useless to conjecture. See HIND OF THE MORNING . (2) Al-taschith (the King James Version), Al-tashheth (Revised Version), ‘al-tashcheth , i.e. “Destroy not,” Psalms 57 through 59; 75, is apparently quoted in Isa 65:8, and in that case must refer to a vintage song. (3) Jonah elem rehokim or Yonath’elem rechoqim (Ps 56), the Revised Version margin “The silent dove of them that are afar off,” or — with a slightly different reading — “The dove of the distant terebinths.” (4) Machalath (Ps 53) and Machalath le`annoth (Ps 88). Machalath may mean “sickness,” and be the first word of a song. It might mean, on the other hand, a minor mode or rhythm. It has also been held to designate a musical instrument. (5) Muthlabben (Ps 9) has given rise to many conjectures. Literally, it may mean “Die for the son,” or “Death of the son.” An ancient tradition referred the words to Goliath (death at the hand of the son [?]), and they have been applied to the fate of Absalom. Such guesses need only be quoted to show their worthlessness. (6) Lastly, we have Shoshannim = “Lilies” (Psalms 45; 69), Shushan `Edhuth = “The lily of testimony” (Ps 60); and Shoshannim `Edhuth = “Lilies, a testimony” (Ps 80), probably to be explained like the others.

    The music to which these songs were sung is irretrievably lost, but it was, no doubt, very similar in character to that of the Arabs at the present day.

    While the music of the temple was probably much more elaborate, and of wider range, both in notes and expression of feeling, the popular song was almost certainly limited in compass to a very few notes repeated over and over in long recitations or ballads. This is characteristic of the performances of Arab minstrels of today. The melodies are plaintive, in spite of the majority of them being in major keys, owing to the 7th being flattened, as in genuine Scottish music. Arabic music, further, is marked by great variety and emphasis of rhythm, the various kinds of which have special names. See SPIRITUAL SONGS.

    James Millar SONG OF SONGS ([ µyriyVih” ryvi , shir hashirim ]; Septuagint [ ]Asma, Asma ]; Codices Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus, Ephraemi, [ ]Asma ajsma>twn, Asma asmaton ]; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) Canticum Canticorum):

    The full title in Hebrew is “The Song of Songs, which is Solomon’s.” The book is called by some Canticles, and by others Solomon’s Song. The Hebrew title implies that it is the choicest of all songs, in keeping with the dictum of Rabbi `Aqiba (90-135 AD) that “the entire world, from the beginning until now, does not outweigh the day in which Canticles was given to Israel.”

    I. CANONICITY.

    Early Jewish and Christian writers are silent as to the Song of Songs. No use is made of it by Philo. There is no quotation from it in the New Testament, nor is there any clear allusion to it on the part of our Lord or the apostles. The earliest distinct references to the Song of Songs are found in Jewish writings of the 1st and 2nd centuries AD (4 Esdras 5:24,26; 7:26; Ta`anith 4:8). The question of the canonicity of the Song was debated as late as the Synod of Jamnia (circa 90 AD), when it was decided that Canticles was rightly reckoned to “defile the hands,” i.e. was an inspired book. It should be borne in mind that the Song of Songs was already esteemed by the Jews as a sacred book, though prior to the Synod of Jamnia there was probably a goodly number of Jewish teachers who did not accept it as canonical. Selections from Canticles were sung at certain festivals in the temple at Jerusalem, prior to its destruction by Titus in AD (Ta`anith 4:8). The Mishna pronounces an anathema on all who treat Canticles as a secular song (Sanhedhrin, 101a). The latest date for the composition of the Song of Songs, according to critics of the advanced school, is toward the close of the 3rd century BC. We may be sure that it was included in the Kethubhim before the ministry of our Lord, and so was for Him a part of the Scriptures.

    II. TEXT.

    Most scholars regard the text of Canticles as comparatively free from corruption. Gratz, Bickell, Budde and Cheyne have suggested a good many emendations of the traditional text, a few of which commend themselves as probable corrections of a faulty text, but most of which are mere guesses without sufficient confirmation from either external or internal evidence. For details see Budde’s able commentary, and articles by Cheyne in JQR and Expository Times for 1898-99 and in the The Expositor, February, 1899.

    III. AUTHORSHIP AND DATE.

    The title in the Hebrew text ascribes the poem to Solomon. That this superscription was prefixed by an editor of Canticles and not by the original writer is evident from the fact that the relative pronoun employed in the title is different from that employed throughout the poem. The beauty and power of the book seemed to later students and editors to make the writing worthy of the gifted king, whose fame as a composer of both proverbs and songs was handed on to later times (1 Ki 4:32). Moreover, the name of Solomon is prominent in the Song of Songs itself (1:5; 3:7,9,11; 8:11 f). If the traditional view that Solomon wooed and won the Shulammite be true, the Solomonic authorship may even yet be defended, though the linguistic argument for a later date is quite strong.

    The question in debate among recent critics is whether the Song was composed in North Israel in preexilic days, or whether it is post-exilic. The author is at home in Hebrew. His vocabulary is extensive, and the movement of the poem is graceful. There is no suggestion of the use of lexicon and grammar by a writer living in the period of the decadence of the Hebrew language. The author is familiar with cities and mountains all over Palestine, especially in the northern section. He speaks of the beauty of Tirzah, the capital of North Israel in the 10th century BC, along with the glory of Jerusalem, the capital of Judah (Song 6:4). The recollection of Solomon’s glory and pomp seems to be fresh in the mind of the writer and his contemporaries. W.R. Smith regarded Canticles as a protest against the luxury and the extensive harem of Solomon. True love could not exist in such an environment. The fidelity of the Shulammite to her shepherd lover, notwithstanding the blandishments of the wealthy and gifted king, stands as a rebuke to the notion that every woman has her price. Driver seems inclined to accept a preexilic date, though the arguments from vocabulary and philology cause him to waver in his opinion (LOT, 8th edition, 450).

    An increasing number of critics place the composition of Canticles in the post-exilic period, many bringing it down into the Greek period. Among scholars who date Canticles in the 3rd century BC we may name Gratz, Kuenen, Cornill, Budde, Kautzsch, Martineau and Cheyne. The chief argument for bringing the Song into the time of the early Ptolemies is drawn from the language of the poem. There are many Hebrew words that are employed elsewhere only in later books of the Old Testament; the word pardec (Song 4:13) is a Persian loan-word for “park”; the word for “palanquin” may be Indian, or possibly Greek. Moreover, the form of the relative pronoun is uniformly that which is found in some of the latest books of the Old Testament. The influence of Aramaic is apparent, both in the vocabulary and in a few constructions. This may be accounted for on theory of the northern origin of the Song, or on the hypothesis of a postexilic date. The question of date is still open.

    IV. HISTORY OF INTERPRETATION. 1. The Allegorical Interpretation: All interpreters of all ages agree in saying that Canticles is a poem of love; but who the lovers are is a subject of keen debate, especially in modern times.

    First in point of time and in the number of adherents it has had is theory that the Song is a pure allegory of the love of Yahweh and His people. The Jewish rabbis, from the latter part of the 1st century AD down to our own day, taught that the poem celebrates a spiritual love, Yahweh being the bridegroom and Israel the bride. Canticles was supposed to be a vivid record of the loving intercourse between Israel and her Lord from the exodus on to the glad Messianic time. The Song is read by the Jews at Passover, which celebrates Yahweh’s choice of Israel to be His spouse.

    The Targum interprets Canticles as an allegory of the marital love of Yahweh and Israel. Origen made the allegorical theory popular in the early church. As a Christian he represented the bride as the church or the soul of the believer. In more recent centuries the Christian allegorical interpreters have favored the idea that the soul of the believer was the bride, though the other type of the allegorical view has all along had its advocates.

    Bernard of Clairvaux wrote 86 sermons on the first two chapters of Canticles; and a host of writers in the Roman church and among Protestants have composed similar mystical treatises on the Song. Devout souls have expressed their fervent love to God in the sensuous imagery of Canticles. The imagery could not become too fervid or ecstatic for some of these devout men and women in their highest moments of beatific vision.

    Whatever may be the final verdict of sane criticism as to the original purpose of the author of the Song, it is a fact that must not be overlooked by the student of Canticles that some of the noblest religious souls, both Hebrew and Christian, have fed the flame of devotion by interpreting the Song as an allegory.

    What justification is there for theory that Canticles is an allegory of the love between Yahweh and His people, or of the love of Christ and the church, or of the love of the soul of the believer and Christ? It must be frankly confessed that there is not a hint in the Song itself that it is an allegory. If the modern reader of Canticles had never heard of the allegorical interpretation, nothing in the beginning, middle or end of the poem would be likely to suggest to his mind such a conception of the poet’s meaning. How, then, did the early Jewish interpreters come to make this the orthodox interpretation of the Song? The question is not easy to answer. In the forefront of our answer we must recall the fact that the great prophets frequently represent the mutual love of Yahweh and Israel under the symbolism of marriage (Hosea 1 through 3; Jeremiah 3; Ezekiel 16; 23; Isa 50:1; 54:5,6). The Hebrew interpreter might naturally expect to find some echo of this bold imagery in the poetry of the Kethubhim. In the Torah the frequent command to love Yahweh might suggest the marital relation as well as that of the father and son (Dt 6:5; 7:7-9,13; 10:12,15; 30:16,20), though it must be said that the language of Dt suggests the high ethical and religious teaching of Jesus in the matter of love to God, in which the sexual does not appear.

    Cheyne suggests (EB, I, 683 f) that the Song was too joyous to be used, in its natural sense, by the Jews after the destruction of Jerusalem, and hence, they consecrated it by allegorical interpretation. The suggestion may contain an element of truth.

    It is an interesting fact that the Psalter has so few expressions in which love to Yahweh is expressed (Ps 31:23; 97:10; 145:20; compare 18:1; 42:1; 63:1). In this manual of devotion one would not be suprised to find the expansion of the image of wedlock as expressive of the soul’s relation to God; but we look in vain for such a poem, unless Ps 45 be capable of allegorical interpretation. Even that beautiful song of love and marriage contains no such highly sensuous imagery as is found in Canticles.

    Christian scholars found it easy to follow the Jewish allegorical interpreters; for the figure of wedlock is employed in the New Testament by both Paul and John to represent the intimate and vital union of Christ and His church (2 Cor 11:2; Eph 5:22-33; Rev 19:7-9; 21:2,9 ff).

    The entire body of true believers is conceived of as the bride of Christ.

    Naturally the purity of the church is sullied through the impure conduct of the individuals of whom it is composed. Hence, the appeal to individuals and to local churches to live pure lives (2 Cor 11:1). To the unmarried believer the Lord Jesus takes the place of the husband or wife as the person whom one is most eager to please (1 Cor 7:32 f). It is not difficult to understand how the fervid, sensuous imagery of Canticles would appeal to the mind of a man like Origen as a proper vehicle for the expression of his passionate love for Christ.

    Sober inquiry discovers no sufficient justification of the allegorical interpretation of the Song of Songs. The pages of the mystical commentators are filled with artificial interpretations and conceits. Many of them practice a familiarity with Christ that is without example in the Biblical devotional literature. 2. The Typical Interpretation: The allegorical interpreters, for the most part, saw in the Song of Songs no historic basis. Solomon and the Shulammite are introduced merely as figures through whom God and His people, or Christ and the soul, can express their mutual love. In modern times interpreters have arisen who regard the Song as primarily the expression of strong and passionate human love between Solomon and a beautiful maiden, but by virtue of the typical relation of the old dispensation, secondarily, the fitting expression of the love of Christ and the church.

    The way for this modern typical interpretation was prepared by Lowth (Sacred Poetry of the Hebrews, Lectionaries XXX, XXXI) in his modified allegorical view, which is thus described by Canon Driver: “Bishop Lowth, though not abandoning the allegorical view, sought to free it from its extravagances; and while refusing to press details, held that the poem, while describing the actual nuptials of Solomon with the daughter of Pharaoh, contained also an allegoric reference to Christ espousing a church chosen from among the Gentiles” (LOT, 451). Few interpreters have been found to follow Theodore of Mopsuestia and Lowth in their view that the Song celebrates the marriage of Solomon and an Egyptian princess; and Lowth’s notion of a reference to the espousal of a church chosen from among the Gentiles is one of the curiosities of criticism. Of the typical interpreters Delitzsch is perhaps the ablest (Commentary on Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs).

    The typical commentators are superior to the allegorical in their recognition of Canticles as the expression of the mutual love of two human beings. The further application of the language to Yahweh and His people (Keil), or to Christ and the church (Delitzsch), or to God and the soul (M.

    Stuart) becomes largely a matter of individual taste, interpreters differing widely in details. 3. The Literal Interpretation: Jewish interpreters were deterred from the literal interpretation of Canticles by the anathema in the Mishna upon all who should treat the poem as a secular song (Sanhedhrin, 101a). Cheyne says of Ibn Ezra, a great medieval Jewish scholar, he “is so thorough in his literal exegesis that it is doubtful whether he is serious when he proceeds to allegorize.” Among Christian scholars Theodore of Mopsuestia interpreted Canticles as a song in celebration of the marriage of Solomon and Pharaoh’s daughter. This strictly literal interpretation of the Song was condemned at the second council of Constantinople (553 AD). For the next thousand years the allegorical theory reigned supreme among Christian interpreters. In 1544 Sebastian Castellio revived the literal theory of the Song, though the allegorical view remained dominant until the 19th century.

    Herder in 1778 published a remarkable little treatise entitled Lieder der Liebe, die altesten und schonsten aus dem Morgenlande, in which he advanced theory that Canticles is a collection of independent erotic songs, about 21 in number, which have been so arranged by a collector as to trace “the gradual growth of true love in its various nuances and stages, till it finds its consummation in wedlock” (Cheyne). But the greatest and most influential advocate of the literal interpretation of Canticles was Heinrich Ewald, who published the 1st edition of his commentary in 1826. It was Ewald who first developed and made popular theory that two suitors compete for the hand of the Shulammite, the one a shepherd and poor, the other a wise and wealthy king. In the Song he ascribes to Solomon 1:9- 11,15; 2:2; 4:1-7; 6:4-13 (quoting the dialogue between the Shulammite and the ladies of the court in 6:10-13); 7:1-9. To the shepherd lover he assigns few verses, and these are repeated by the Shulammite in her accounts of imaginary or real interviews with her lover. In the following passages the lover described is supposed to be the shepherd to whom the Shulammite had plighted her troth: 1:2-7,9-14; 1:16 through 2:1; 2:3-7,8- 17; 3:1-5; 4:8 through 5:1; 5:2-8; 5:10-16; 6:2 f; 7:10 through 8:4; 8:5-14.

    The shepherd lover is thus supposed to be present in the Shulammite’s dreams, and in her waking moments she is ever thinking of him and describing to herself and others his many charms. Not until the closing scene (Song 8:5-14) does Ewald introduce the shepherd as an actor in the drama. Ewald had an imperial imagination and a certain strength of mind and innate dignity of character which prevented him from dragging into the mud any section of the Biblical literature. While rejecting entirely the allegorical theory of Canticles, he yet attributed to it an ethical quality which made the Song worthy of a place in the Old Testament. A drama in praise of fidelity between human lovers may well hold a place beside Ecclesiastes and Proverbs in the Canon. Many of the ablest Old Testament critics have followed Ewald in his general theory that Canticles is a drama celebrating the loyalty of a lowly maiden to her shepherd lover. Not even Solomon in all his glory could persuade her to become his queen.

    Within the past quarter of a century the unity of Canticles has been again sharply challenged. An account of the customs of the Syrian peasants in connection with weddings was given by the Prussian consul at Damascus, J. G. Wetzstein, in 1873, in an article in Bastian’s Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, 270 ff, on “Die syrische Dreschtafel,” in which he illustrated the Old Testament from modern Syrian customs. Driver thus describes the customs that are supposed to throw light upon Canticles: “In modern Syria, the first seven days after a wedding are called the `king’s week’; the young pair play during this time king and queen; the `threshing-board’ is turned into a mock-throne, on which they are seated, while songs are sung before them by the villagers and others, celebrating them on their happiness, among which the watsf, or poetical `description’ of the physical beauty of the bride and bridegroom, holds a prominent place. The first of these watsfs is sung on the evening of the wedding-day itself: brandishing a naked sword in her right hand, and with a handkerchief in her left, the bride dances in her wedding array, lighted by fires, and surrounded by a circle of guests, half men and half women, accompanying her dance with a watsf in praise of her charms” (LOT, 452). Wetzstein suggested the view that Canticles was composed of the wedding-songs sung during “the king’s week.” This theory has been most fully elaborated by Budde in an article in the New World, March, 1894, and in his commentary (1898).

    According to Budde, the bridegroom is called King Solomon, and the bride Shulammith. The companions of the bridegroom are the 60 valiant men who form his escort (Song 3:7). As a bride, the maiden is called the most beautiful of women (Song 1:8; 5:9; 6:1). The pictures of wedded bliss are sung by the men and women present, the words being attributed to the bride and the bridegroom. Thus the festivities continue throughout the week. Budde’s theory has some decided advantages over Ewald’s view that the poem is a drama; but the loss in moral quality is considerable; the book becomes a collection of wedding-songs in praise of the joys of wedlock.

    V. CLOSING HINTS AND SUGGESTIONS.

    Having given a good deal of attention to Canticles during the past years, the author of this article wishes to record a few of his views and impressions. (1) Canticles is lyric poetry touched with the dramatic spirit. It is not properly classed as drama, for the Hebrews had no stage, though much of the Old Testament is dramatic in spirit. The descriptions of the charms of the lovers were to be sung or chanted. (2) The amount that has to be read between the lines by the advocates of the various dramatic theories is so great that, in the absence of any hints in the body of the book itself, reasonable certitude can never be attained. (3) The correct translation of the refrain in Song 2:7 and 3:5 (compare 8:4) is important for an understanding of the purpose of Canticles. It should be rendered as follows: `I adjure you, O daughters of Jerusalem, By the gazelles, or by the hinds of the field, That ye stir not up, nor awaken love, Until it please.’ Love between man and woman should not be excited by unnatural stimulants, but should be free and spontaneous. In Song 8:4 it seems to be implied that the women of the capital are guilty of employing artifices to awaken love: `I adjure you, O daughters of Jerusalem, Why do ye stir up, or awaken love, Until it please?’ That this refrain is in keeping with the purpose of the writer is clear from the striking words toward the close of the book: “Set me as a seal upon thy heart, As a seal upon thine arm:

    For love is strong as death; Jealousy is cruel as Sheol; The flashes thereof are flashes of fire, A very flame of Yahweh.

    Many waters cannot quench love, Neither can floods drown it:

    If a man would give all the substance of his house for love, He would utterly be contemned” (Song 8:6 f). (4) Canticles discloses all the secret intimacies of wedded life without becoming obscene. The imagery is too sensuous for our taste in western lands, so that words of caution are often timely, lest the sensuous degenerate into the sensual; but I have been told by several Syrian and Palestinian students whom I have had the privilege of teaching, that Canticles is considered quite chaste among their people, the wedding-songs now in use among them being more minute in their description of the physical charms of the lovers. (5) Canticles is by no means excluded from the Canon by the acceptance of the literal interpretation. Ewald’s theory makes it an ethical treatise of great and permanent value. Even if Canticles is merely a collection of songs describing the bliss of true lovers in wedlock, it is not thereby rendered unworthy of a place in the Bible, unless marriage is to be regarded as a fall from a state of innocency. If Canticles should be rejected because of its sensuous imagery in describing the joys of passionate lovers, portions of Proverbs would also have to be excised (Prov 5:15-20). Perhaps most persons need to enlarge their conception of the Bible as a repository for all things that minister to the welfare of men. The entire range of man’s legitimate joys finds sympathetic and appreciative description in the Bible.

    Two young lovers in Paradise need not fear to rise and meet their Creator, should He visit them in the cool of the day.

    LITERATURE.

    C. D. Ginsburg, The Song of Songs, with a Commentary, Historical and Critical, 1857; H. Ewald, Dichter des Alten Bundes, III, 333-426, 1867; F.

    C. Cook, in Biblical Commentary, 1874; Franz Delitzsch, Hoheslied u.

    Koheleth, 1875 (also translation); O. Zockler, in Lange’s Comm., 1875; S.

    Oettli, Kurzgefasster Kommentar, 1889; W. E. Griffis, The Lily among Thorns, 1890; J. W. Rothstein, Das Hohe Lied, 1893; K. Budde, article in New World, March, 1894. and Kommentar, 1898; C. Siegfried, Prediger u.

    Hoheslied, 1898; A. Harper, in Cambridge Bible, 1902; G. C. Martin, in Century Bible, 1908; article on “Canticles” by Cheyne in EB, 1899. John Richard Sampey SONG OF THE THREE CHILDREN For general remarks concerning the Additions to Daniel see BEL AND THE DRAGON . 1. NAME:

    This Addition has no separate title in any manuscript or version because in the Septuagint, Theod, Syriac and Latin (Old Latin and Vulgate) it follows Dan 3:23 immediately, forming an integral portion of that chapter, namely, The Song of the Three Children (Azariah) 1:24-90 in the Septuagint and Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) It is the only one of the three Additions which has an organic connection with Daniel; as regards the others see preliminary remarks to BEL AND THE DRAGON. The title in English Versions of the Bible is “The Song of the Three Holy Children,” a title describing its matter as formerly understood, though a more rigid analysis shows that in the 68 verses so designated, we have really two separate sections. See 3, below. 2. CANONICITY: See introductory remarks to BEL AND THE DRAGON . The order in which the three “Additions to Daniel” are found in the (Separate Protestant) Apocrypha is decided by their sequence in the Vulgate, the Song of the Three Children forming part of chapter 3, Susanna of chapter 13, and Bel and the Dragon of chapter 14 of Daniel. 3. CONTENTS:

    Though the English and other Protestant versions treat the 68 verses as one piece under the name given above, there are really two quite distinct compositions. These appear separately in the collection of Odes appended to the Psalter in Cod. A under the headings, “The Prayer of Azarias” ([ Proseuch< jAzari>ou, Proseuche Azariou ], Azariah, Dan 1:6 f) and “The Hymn of Our Fathers” ([ [Umnov tw~n pate>rwn hJmw~n, Humnos ton pateron hemon ]); see Swete, The Old Testament in Greek, 3804 ff, and Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek, 253 f. Luther with his usual independence makes each of these into a separate book under the titles, “The Prayer of Azaria” (Das Gebet Asarjas) and “The Song of the Three Men in the Fire” (Der Gesang der drei Manner im Feuerofen). (1) The Prayer of Azarias (The Song of the Three Children (Azariah) 1:1- 22) ( Daniel 3:24-48).

    Azariah is the Hebrew name of Abed-nego (= Abednebo, “servant of Nebo”), the latter being the Babylonian name (see Dan 1:7; 2:49, etc.).

    This prayer joins on to Dan 3:23, where it is said that “Shadrach, Meshach and Abed-nego (Azariah) fell down bound into the midst of the burning fiery furnace.” [?] (the version of Theodotion; see “Text and Versions” below) adds, “And they walked (Syr adds “in their chains”) in the midst of the fire, praising God, and blessing the Lord.” This addition forms a suitable connecting link, and it has been adopted by the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) and in modern versions which are made from [?] and not from the Septuagint, which last was lost for many centuries (see BEL AND THE DRAGON, III). In the Septuagint the words with which the Prayer was introduced are these: “Thus therefore prayed Hananias, and Azarias and Misael and sang praises (hymns) to the Lord when the king commanded that they should be cast into the furnace.” The prayer (offered by Azarias) opens with words of adoration followed by an acknowledgment that the sufferings of the nation in Babylon were wholly deserved, and an earnest entreaty that God would intervene on behalf of His exiled and afflicted people. That this prayer was not composed for the occasion with which it is connected goes without saying. No one in a burning furnace could pray as Azarias does. There are no groans or sighs, nor prayer for help or deliverance of a personal nature. The deliverance sought is national. (2) The Song of the Three Holy Children (The Song of the Three Children (Azariah) 1:28-68) (Dan 3:51-90).

    This is introduced by a brief connecting narrative (The Song of the Three Children (Azariah) 1:23-27). The king’s servants continued to heat the furnace, but an angel came down and isolated an inner zone of the furnace within which no flames could enter; in this the three found safety.

    Rothstein (Kautzsch, Die Apok., 175) is inclined to think that this narrative section (The Song of the Three Children (Azariah) 1:23-27) stood between Dan 3:23 and 3:24 in the original Hebrew text. The “Song” is really a psalm, probably a translation of a Hebrew original. It has nothing to do with the incident — the three young men in the furnace — except in The Song of the Three Children (Azariah) 1:66 (EV) where the three martyrs call upon themselves by name to praise and bless the Lord for delivering them from the midst of the furnace. This verse is an interpolation, for the rest of the Song is a long litany recalling Ps 103 and especially Psalms 136; 148, and Sirach 43. The Song, in fact, has nothing to do with the sufferings of the three young men, but is an ordinary hymn of praise. It is well known from the fact that it forms a part of the Anglican Prayer-book, as it had formed part of many early Christian liturgies. 4. AUTHOR AND DATE: (1) Author.

    We know nothing whatever of the author besides what may be gathered from this Addition. It is quite evident that none of the three Additions belong to the original text of Daniel, and that they were added because they contained legends in keeping with the spirit of that book, and a song in a slight degree (The Song of the Three Children (Azariah) 1:66 English Version of the Bible) adapted to the situation of the three Hebrew youths in the furnace, though itself of an independent liturgical origin.

    For a long time the three Additions must have circulated independently.

    Polychronius says that “The Song of the Three Holy Children” was, even in the 5th century AD, absent from the text of Daniel, both in the Peshitta and in the Septuagint proper. Rothstein (Kautzsch, Die Apok., 176) contends that the Additions formed a part of the Septuagint from the beginning, from which he infers that they were all composed before the Septuagint was made. What was the date of this version of Daniel? Since its use seems implied in 1 Macc 1:54 (compare Dan 11:31; 12:11), it would be safe to conclude that it existed about 100 BC. (2) Date of the Prayer of Azarias.

    In The Song of the Three Children (Azariah) 1:15 (English Versions of the Bible) it is said that at the time the prayer was offered, there was no prince, prophet or leader, nor sacrifice of any kind. This may point to the time between 168 and 165 BC, when Antiochus IV (Epiphanes) profaned the temple. If written in that interval, it must have been added to Dan at a much later time. But on more occasions than one, in later times, the temple-services were suspended, as e.g. during the invasion of Jerusalem by the Egyptian king, Ptolemy IV (Philopater). (3) Date of the Song.

    We find references in the Song (The Song of the Three Children (Azariah) 1:62 f English Versions of the Bible) to priests and temple-servants, and in The Song of the Three Children (Azariah) 1:31 to the temple itself, suggesting that when the Song was written the temple-services were carried on. This, in itself, would suit a time soon after the purification of the temple, about 164 BC. But the terms of the Song are, except in verse 66 (English Versions of the Bible), so general that it is impossible to fix the date definitely. On the date of the historical connecting narrative (The Song of the Three Children (Azariah) 1:23-27) see 3, (2) , above. 5. ORIGINAL LANGUAGE: (1) Romanist scholars in general and several Protestants (Eichhorn, Einleit., in das Altes Testament, IV, 24 f; Einleit. in die apok. Schriften, 419; Vatke; Delitzsch, De Habacuci, 50; Zockler, Bissell, Ball, Rothstein, etc.) hold that the original language was Hebrew. The evidence, which is weak, is as follows: (a) The style is Hebraistic throughout (not more so than in writings known to have been composed in Alexandrian Gr; the idiom [kataiscu>nesqai + ajpo>, kataischunesthai apo ] = [ ˆmi vwOB, bosh min ] (The Song of the Three Children (Azariah) 1:44 English Versions of the Bible; the Septuagint 1:44), “to be ashamed of,” occurs in parts of the Septuagint which are certainly not translations). (b) The three Hebrew martyrs bear Hebrew names (The Song of the Three Children (Azariah) 1:66 English Versions). This only shows that the tale is of Hebrew origin. (2) Most modern non-Romanist scholars hold that the original language of the Song (and Prayer) was Greek. So Keil, Fritzsche, De Wette, Schurer, Konig, Cornill, Strack, etc.

    Some grounds: (1) The Hebraisms are comparatively few, and those which do exist can be paralleled in other writings composed in Hellenistic Greek (2) It can be proved that in Daniel and also in Bel and the Dragon (see Introduction to Bel in the Oxford Apocrypha, edition R.H. Charles), Theodotion corrects the Septuagint from the Hebrew (lost in the case of Bel); but in Three, Theodotion corrects according to Greek idiom or grammar. It must be admitted, however, that the evidence is not very decisive either way. 6. TEXT AND VERSIONS:

    As to the text and the various versions of the Song, see what is said in the article BEL AND THE DRAGON . It is important to note that the translations in English Versions of the Bible are made from Theodotion’s Greek version, which occurs in ancient versions of the Septuagint (A B V Q dc) instead of the true Septuagint (Cod. 87).

    LITERATURE. See the article BEL AND THE DRAGON; Marshall (Hastings Dictionary of the Bible, IV, 754); W. H. Bennett (Oxford Apocrypha, edition R.H. Charles, 625 ff).

    T. Witton Davies SONGS OF DEGREES See DEGREES, SONGS OF; DIAL OF AHAZ, 7.

    SONS OF See SON, SONS.

    SONS OF GOD (Old Testament) ([ µyhiloa,]h; ynEB], bene ha-’elohim ], “sons of God” (Gen 6:2,4; Job 1:6; 2:1); [ µyhiloa,] yneB], bene ‘elohim ], “sons of God” ( Job 38:7); [ µyliae yneB], bene ‘elim ], “ye mighty,” the King James Version; “ye sons of the mighty,” King James Version margin, the Revised Version (British and American); “sons of God” or “sons of the gods,” the Revised Version margin (Ps 29:1); “sons of the mighty,” the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American); “sons of God” or “sons of the gods,” the Revised Version margin (Ps 89:6 (Hebrew 7)); Septuagint [uiJoi< tou~ qeou~, huioi tou theou ], [oiJ aggeloi tou~ qeou~, hoi aggeloi tou theou ] (Gen 6:2); [uiJoi< tou~ qeou~, huioi tou theou ] (Gen 6:4); [oiJ a]ggeloi tou~ qeou~, hoi aggeloi tou theou ] ( Job 1:6; 2:1); [a]ggeloi> mou, aggeloi mou ] ( Job 38:7); [uiJoi< qeou~, huioi theou ] (Ps 29:1; 89:6; compare Dan 3:25)): 1. JOB AND PSALMS:

    This article will deal with this phrase as it is used in the above passages. In the passages from Job and Psalms it is applied to supernatural beings or angels. In Job the “sons of God” are represented as appearing before the throne of Yahweh in heaven, ready to do Him service, and as shouting for joy at the creation of the earth, In the Psalms they are summoned to celebrate the glory of Yahweh, for there is none among them to be compared to Him. The phrase in these passages has no physical or moral reference. These heavenly beings are called “sons of God” or “sons of the ‘elohim ” simply as belonging to the same class or guild as the ‘elohim , just as “sons of the prophets” denotes those who belong to the prophetic order (see A.B. Davidson, Commentary on Job 1:6). 2. GENESIS 6:2,4:

    Different views, however, are taken of the passage in Gen 6:2,4: “The sons of God saw the daughters of men that they were fair; and they took them wives of all that they chose ..... The Nephilim were in the earth in those days, and also after that, when the sons of God came in unto the daughters of men.” See GIANTS; NEPHILIM. (1) “Sons of God” is interpreted as referring to men, (a) to sons of the nobles, who married daughters of the common people. This is the view of many Jewish authorities, who hold that it is justified by the use of ‘elohim in the sense of “judges” (Ex 21:6; 22:8 f, etc.). But this cannot be the meaning of ‘elohim here, for when ‘adham , “men,” is used to denote the lower classes, it is contrasted with ‘ish , as in Ps 49:2 (Hebrew 3), not with ‘elohim . When contrasted with ‘elohim it signifies the human race. (b) Some commentators hold that by “sons of God” is to be understood the pious race descended from Seth, and by “daughters of men” the daughters of worldly men. These commentators connect the passage with Gen 4:25 f, where the race of Seth is characterized as the worshippers of Yahweh and is designated as a whole, a seed (compare Dt 14:1; 32:5; Hos 1:10 (Hebrew 2:1)). They consider the restricted meaning they put upon “men” as warranted by the contrast (compare Jer 32:20; Isa 43:4), and that as the term “daughters” expresses actual descent, it is natural to understand “sons” in a similar sense. The phrase “took wives,” they contend also, supports the ethical view, being always used to signify real and lasting marriages, and cannot, therefore, be applied to the higher spirits in their unholy desire after flesh. On this view Gen 6:1-4 are an introduction to the reason for the Flood, the great wickedness of man upon the earth (6:5). It is held that nothing is said in 6:4 of a race of giants springing from the union of angels with human wives (see paragraph 2, below), and that the violence which is mentioned along with the corruption of the world (6:11) refers to the sin of the giants. (2) Most scholars now reject this view and interpret “sons of God” as referring to supernatural beings in accordance with the meaning of the expression in the other passages. They hold that Dt 14:1, etc., cannot be regarded as supporting the ethical interpretation of the phrase in a historical narrative. The reference to Jer 32:20, etc., too, is considered irrelevant, the contrast in these passages being between Israel and other nations, not, as here, between men and God. Nor can a narrower signification (daughters of worldly men) be attached to “men” in Gen 6:2 than to “men” in 6:1, where the reference is to the human race in general.

    This passage (Gen 6:1-4), therefore, which is the only one of its kind, is considered to be out of its place and to have been inserted here by the compiler as an introduction to the story of the Flood (6:5-8). The intention of the original writer, however, was to account for the rise of the giant race of antiquity by the union of demigods with human wives. This interpretation accords with Enoch chapters 6 through 7, etc., and with Jude 1:6 f, where the unnatural sin of the men of Sodom who went after “strange flesh” is compared with that of the angels (compare 2 Pet 2:4 ff). (See Havernick, Introduction to the Pentateuch; Hengstenberg on the Pentateuch, I, 325; Oehler, Old Testament Theology, I, 196 f; Schultz, Old Testament Theology, I, 114 ff; Commentary on Genesis by Delitzsch, Dillmann, and Driver.) See ANTEDILUVIANS, 3; CHILDREN OF GOD; GIANTS; NEPHILIM; REPHAIM.

    James Crichton SONS OF GOD (NEW TESTAMENT) 1. NEW TESTAMENT TERMS:

    Two Greek words are translated “son,” [te>knon, teknon ], [uiJo>v, huios ], both words indicating sonship by parentage, the former indicating that the sonship has taken place by physical descent, while the latter presents sonship more from the legal side than from the standpoint of relationship.

    John, who lays special emphasis on sonship by birth, uses teknon , while Paul, in emphasizing sonship from the legal side, as referring to adoption, which was current among the Romans but scarcely if at all known to, or if known, practiced by, the Jews, uses the word huios (Jn 1:12; Rom 8:14,16,19; Gal 4:6,7; 1 Jn 3:1,2). 2. NEW TESTAMENT DOCTRINE:

    Men are not by nature the sons of God, at least not in the sense in which believers in Christ are so called. By nature those outside of Jesus Christ are “children of wrath” (Eph 2:3), “of disobedience” (Eph 2:2), controlled not by the Spirit of God (Rom 8:14), but by the spirit of disobedience (Eph 2:2-4). Men become sons of God in the regenerative and adoptive sense by the acceptance of Jesus Christ as Lord and Saviour (Jn 1:12 f; Gal 3:26).

    The universal brotherhood which the New Testament teaches is that brotherhood which is based on faith in the Lord Jesus Christ as the divine and only Saviour of the world. And the same is true of the universal Fatherhood of God. It is true that all men are “his offspring” ( Acts 17:28 f) in the sense that they are God’s created children; but that the New Testament makes a very clear and striking distinction between sonship by virtue of creation and sonship by faith in the Lord Jesus Christ, there can be no reasonable doubt.

    Sonship is the present possession of the believer in Christ (1 Jn 3:2). It will be completed at the second coming of our Lord (Rom 8:23), at which time the believer will throw off his incognito, by reason of which the world may not have recognized his sonship (1 Jn 3:1,2), and be fully and gloriously revealed as the son of God (2 Cor 5:10). It doth not yet appear, it hath not yet appeared, what we shall be; the revelation of the sons of God is reserved for a coming day of manifestation.

    The blessings of sonship are too numerous to mention, save in the briefest way. His sons are objects of God’s peculiar love (Jn 17:23), and His Fatherly care (Lk 12:27-33). They have the family name (Eph 3:14 f; 1 Jn 3:1); the family likeness (Rom 8:29); family love (Jn 13:35; 1 Jn 3:14); a filial spirit (Rom 8:15; Gal 4:6); a family service (Jn 14:23 f; 15:8). They receive fatherly chastisement (Heb 12:5-11); fatherly comfort (2 Cor 1:4), and an inheritance (Rom 8:17; 1 Pet 1:3-5).

    Among the evidences of sonship are: being led by the Spirit (Rom 8:14; Gal 5:18); having a childlike confidence in God (Gal 4:5); having liberty of access (Eph 3:12); having love for the brethren (1 Jn 2:9-11; 5:1), and obedience (1 Jn 5:1-3). William Evans SOOTHSAYERS <sooth’-sa-erz > . See ASTROLOGY, 1; DIVINATION.

    SOP <sop > ([ywmi>on, psomion ]): A thin, wafer-like piece of bread dipped into the common dish as a sort of improvised spoon, is thus designated in Jn 13:26 ff. See MORSEL.

    SOPATER <so’-pa-ter > , <sop’-a-ter > ([ Sw>patrov, Sopatros ]): the Revised Version (British and American) the son of Pyrrhus; the King James Version omits.

    A man of Berea who is mentioned with some Thessalonians and others as accompanying Paul as far as Asia on his return to Jerusalem after his 3rd missionary journey ( Acts 20:4). He is probably the same as the “Sosipater” of Rom 16:21.

    SOPE <sop > . See SOAP.

    SOPHERETH <so-fe’-reth > , <sof’-e-reth > , <so’-fe-reth > ([ tr,p,so , cophereth ]): One of the remnant returning from captivity (Ezr 2:55 the King James Version; Neh 7:57). In the Revised Version (British and American) of Ezr 2:55 it is “Hassophereth,” the definite article being transliterated.

    SOPHONIAS <sof-o-ni’-as > Septuagint [ Sofoni>av, Sophonias ]): The form in the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American) of 2 Esdras 1:40 for Zephaniah the prophet.

    SORCERER; SORCERY <sor’-ser-er > , <sor’-ser-i > . See ASTROLOGY, 1; DIVINATION; MAGIC; WITCHCRAFT.

    SORE <sor > (substantive) ([ [g”n,, negha` ]; [e[lkov, helkos ], verb [eJlko>omai, helkoomai ]): In the account of the appearance of leprosy (Lev 13:42 f) the spot on the skin is called by this name, which in the King James Version is translated “sore,” but in the Revised Version (British and American) “plague”; similarly in the Dedication Prayer (2 Ch 6:28 f) the Revised Version (British and American) has altered the rendering of negha` for “sore” to “plague” as it has done also in Ps 38:11. The word literally means a “stroke” or “blow,” and so is applied to a disease or infliction from God. [ hY;rif] hK;m”, makkah Teriyah ], in the King James Version is rendered “putrifying sores,” the English Revised Version “festering sores,” the American Standard Revised Version and the English Revised Version margin “fresh stripes.” See STRIPES . In the only other text in the Old Testament in which “sore” is used as a substantive in the King James Version (Ps 77:2), the word used is yadh , which literally means the “outstretched hand,” hence, the Revised Version (British and American) renders the text: “My hand was stretched out in the night and slacked not.”

    In the New Testament the ulcers on the limbs of Lazarus which were the result of poverty and hardship (Lk 16:20), and were licked by the pariah dogs (Lk 16:21), are called “sores.” Sores also which are called noisome and grievous, were the result of the outpouring of the first of the seven bowls of the wrath of God (Rev 16:2-11). Alex. Macalister SOREK, VALLEY OF <so’-rek > ([ qrewOc lj”n”, nachal soreq ], “the valley of the choice (soreq ) vine” (see VINE ); [swrh>c, sorech ]): “(Samson) loved a woman in the valley of Sorek, whose name was Delilah” (Jdg 16:4). Jerome (OS, f, 6) mentions a Capharsorec which was near Saraa (ancient ZORAH (which see)); this latter is undoubtedly the village of Sura`h, high up upon the northern slopes of the great Wady es Surar. About 3/4 of a mile West of this is Khurbet Surik, which is certainly the site referred to by Jerome, and possibly marks that of a more ancient town which gave its name to the whole valley. This valley is of importance in the historical geography of Palestine out of all proportion to its scanty mention in the Old Testament (HGHL, 218 ff). The Wady es Surar is an expansion of the ravine Wady Isma`in (which itself is formed by the junction of the great Wady Beit Chanineh, which rises near Bereh, and the Wady es Sikkeh, which drains the “Plain of Rephaim” near Jerusalem). The Jerus-Jaffa Railway traverses successively the Wady es Surar, the Wady Ismai`n and the Wady es Sikkeh to reach the Jerusalem plateau. The Valley of Sorek is a name which probably belonged only to the open, fertile valley, well suited for vineyards, which traverses the Shephelah. It is now given over almost entirely to the cultivation of wheat, barley and maize (durra). The valley passes between the lofty hill of Sara`h (Zorah) to the North and `Ain Shems (Bethshemesh) and Tibneh (Timnah) on the South. Standing on the ruins of Beth-shemesh, one can watch the modern railway train winding for miles up the valley along almost the very road from Ekron (now `Akiv), upon which came the strange sight of the milch kine dragging the ark (1 Sam 6:12). Very probably it was in this valley that the Philistines were defeated (1 Sam 7:5-14) (PEF, III, 53, Sh XVII). E. W. G. Masterman SORREL <sor’-el > : the Revised Version (British and American) in Zec 1:8 for “speckled.” See COLORS.

    SORROW < sor’-o> ([ lb,je , chebhel ], [ ˆwOgy; , yaghon ], [ bwOak]m”, makh’obh ], etc.; [lu>ph, lupe ]): The Old Testament has very many words translated “sorrow,” those named being the most frequent; in the New Testament “sorrow” is usually the translation of lupe (Lk 22:45; Jn 16:6; 2 Cor 2:3,7, etc.). Penthos, translated “sorrow” in Rev 18:7; 21:4, is in the Revised Version (British and American) “mourning.” Odune , of pain-and distress, is thus rendered in Rom 9:2; 1 Tim 6:10 (compare the verb in Lk 2:48; Acts 20:38). the Revised Version (British and American) frequently gives a more literal rendering of the words used, as “toil” (Gen 3:17), “pangs” (Ex 15:14), “pining” (Dt 28:65), “distress” (Isa 5:30), “lamentation” (Isa 29:2), etc.; sometimes also it uses “sorrow” for other words, as for “grief” (2 Ch 6:29; Ps 31:10; 69:26; etc.; 2 Cor 2:5), “heaviness” (Rom 9:2; 2 Cor 2:1).Sorrow or grief is necessary for discipline, for the development of the finer feelings and higher nature of the soul and spirit (Eccl 7:3, “Sorrow is better than laughter; for by the sadness of the countenance the heart is made glad,” margin “better”). Sorrow inevitably follows sin, and is its punishment, yet the righteous are not exempt from it. The “Servant of Yahweh” was “a man of sorrows” (Isa 53:3). Christians learn how to be “sorrowful, yet always rejoicing” (2 Cor 6:10; 7:4; Col 1:24; 1 Thess 1:6; etc.). In the New Jerusalem it is predicted that there shall be no sorrow, for sorrow shall have done its work, and the first things have passed away (Rev 21:4). W. L. Walker SOSIPATER ([ Swsi>patrov, Sosipatros ]): Sosipater unites with Lucius and Jason in sending greetings to the Roman Christians (Rom 16:21). He is a “kinsman” of Paul, by which Paul means a Jew (Rom 9:3; 16:11,21). It is the same name as SOPATER (which see). “Sopater of Berea” was one of the companions of Paul on his journey from Philippi after his 3rd missionary journey ( Acts 20:4). These two are probably the same person, Paul having with him in Corinth, at the time of writing to the Roman Christians, the two Macedonians, Sopater of Berea and Jason of Thessalonica. The name Sosipater is found on a list of politarchs of Thessalonica.^S. F. Hunter SOSTHENES ([ Swsqe>nhv, Sosthenes ]): Chief of the synagogue at Corinth ( Acts 18:17). Possibly identical with the co-worker (afterward) of Paul mentioned in 1 Cor 1:1.

    SOSTRATUS ([ Sw>stratov, Sostratos ], in Codex Venetus [ Sos-, Sos -]): “The governor of the citadel” of Jerusalem under Antiochus IV (Epiphanes). His duty was to gather the revenues of the city and province for the imperial treasury. He made a new departure in demanding from Menelaus direct the sum promised to the king in 2 Macc 4:27 ff (for Jason had the privilege of sending the money by his own messenger to the king (2 Macc 4:23)). This claim the usurper Menelaus disputed; consequently he and the governor were both summoned to appear before the king. No more is told, and Sostratus is otherwise unknown. S. Angus SOTAI , , ([ yf”so , coTay ]): One of those who returned from captivity, being descendants of Solomon’s servants (Ezr 2:55; Neh 7:57).

    SOTTISH ([ lk;s;, cakhal ] “thick-headed”): “They are sottish (stupid, very foolish) children” (Jer 4:22).

    SOUL ([ vp,n,, nephesh ]; [yuch>, psuche ]; Latin anima): 1. SHADES OF MEANING IN THE OLD TESTAMENT: (1) Soul, like spirit, has various shades of meaning in the Old Testament, which may be summarized as follows: “Soul,” “living being,” “life,” “self,” “person,” “desire,” “appetite,” “emotion” and “passion” (BDB under the word). In the first instance it meant that which breathes, and as such is distinguished from basar, “flesh” (Isa 10:18; Dt 12:23); from she’er , “the inner flesh,” next the bones (Prov 11:17, “his own flesh”); from beTen, “belly” (Ps 31:10, “My soul and my belly are consumed with grief”), etc. (2) As the life-breath, it departs at death (Gen 35:18; Jer 15:2). Hence, the desire among Old Testament saints to be delivered from Sheol (Ps 16:10, “Thou wilt not leave my soul to Sheol”) and from shachath, “the pit” ( Job 33:18, “He keepeth back his soul from the pit”; Isa 38:17, “Thou hast .... delivered it (my soul) from the pit of corruption”). (3) By an easy transition the word comes to stand for the individual, personal life, the person, with two distinct shades of meaning which might best be indicated by the Latin anima and animus. As anima, “soul,” the life inherent in the body, the animating principle in the blood is denoted (compare Dt 12:23,24, `Only be sure that thou eat not the blood: for the blood is the soul; and thou shalt not eat the soul with the flesh’). As animus, “mind,” the center of our mental activities and passivities is indicated. Thus we read of `a hungry soul’ (Ps 107:9), `a weary soul’ (Jer 31:25), `a loathing soul’ (Lev 26:11), `a thirsty soul’ (Ps 42:2), `a grieved soul’ ( Job 30:25), `a loving soul’ (Song 1:7), and many kindred expressions. Cremer has characterized this use of the word in a sentence: “Nephesh (soul) in man is the subject of personal life, whereof pneuma or ruach (spirit) is the principle” (Lexicon, under the word, 795). (4) This individuality of man, however, may be denoted by pneuma as well, but with a distinction. Nephesh or “soul” can only denote the individual life with a material organization or body. Pneuma or “spirit” is not so restricted. Scripture speaks of “spirits of just men made perfect” (Heb 12:23), where there can be no thought of a material or physical or corporeal organization. They are “spiritual beings freed from the assaults and defilements of the flesh” (Delitzsch, in the place cited.). For an exceptional use of psuche in the same sense see Rev 6:9; 20:4, and (irrespective of the meaning of Ps 16:10) Acts 2:27. 2. NEW TESTAMENT DISTINCTIONS: (1) In the New Testament psuche appears under more or less similar conditions as in the Old Testament. The contrast here is as carefully maintained as there. It is used where pneuma would be out of place; and yet it seems at times to be employed where pneuma might have been substituted. Thus in Jn 19:30 we read: “Jesus gave up his pneuma ” to the Father, and, in the same Gospel (Jn 10:15), Jesus gave up His “psuche for the sheep,” and in Mt 20:28 He gave His psuche (not His pneuma ) as a ransom — a difference which is characteristic. For the pneuma stands in quite a different relation to God from the psuche. The “spirit” (pneuma ) is the outbreathing of God into the creature, the life-principle derived from God. The “sour” (psuche ) is man’s individual possession, that which distinguishes one man from another and from inanimate nature. The pneuma of Christ was surrendered to the Father in death; His psuche was surrendered, His individual life was given “a ransom for many.” His life “was given for the sheep” (2) This explains those expressions in the New Testament which bear on the salvation of the soul and its preservation in the regions of the dead. “Thou wilt not leave my soul unto Hades” (the world of shades) ( Acts 2:27); “Tribulation and anguish, upon every soul of man that worketh evil” (Rom 2:9); “We are .... of them that have faith unto the saving of the soul” (Heb 10:39); “Receive ..... the implanted word, which is able to save your souls” (Jas 1:21).

    The same or similar expressions may be met with in the Old Testament in reference to the soul. Thus in Ps 49:8, the King James Version “The redemption of their soul is precious” and again: “God will redeem my soul from the power of Sheol” (Ps 49:15). Perhaps this may explain — at least this is Wendt’s explanation — why even a corpse is called nephesh or soul in the Old Testament, because, in the region of the dead, the individuality is retained and, in a measure, separated from God (compare Hag 2:13; Lev 21:11). 3. OEHLER ON SOUL AND SPIRIT:

    The distinction between psuche and pneuma , or nephesh and ruach , to which reference has been made, may best be described in the words of Oehler (Old Testament Theology, I, 217): “Man is not spirit, but has it: he is soul. .... In the soul, which sprang from the spirit, and exists continually through it, lies the individuality — in the case of man, his personality, his self, his ego.” He draws attention to the words of Elihu in Job (33:4): `God’s spirit made me,’ the soul called into being; `and the breath of the Almighty animates me,’ the soul kept in energy and strength, in continued existence, by the Almighty, into whose hands the inbreathed spirit is surrendered, when the soul departs or is taken from us (1 Ki 19:4). Hence, according to Oehler the phrases naphshi (“my soul”), naphshekha (“thy soul”) may be rendered in Latin egomet, tu ipse; but not ruchi (“my spirit”), ruchakha (“thy spirit”) — soul standing for the whole person, as in Gen 12:5; 17:14; Ezek 18:4, etc. See PSYCHOLOGY.

    J. I. Marais SOUND <sound > : In Isa 63:15 the King James Version has “the sounding of thy bowels,” a painfully literal translation of hamon me’eykha , with the similar phrase, “my bowels shall sound like an harp,” in Isa 16:11 (compare Jer 48:36). The intestines were considered a seat of emotion, and at times of great excitement were thought (in poetry, at least) to become tense and to give forth a musical sound. The Revised Version (British and American) (following the King James Version in Jer 48:36) substitutes “heart” for “bowels” in Isa 16:11, thus obscuring the figure but preserving the sense.

    In Isa 63:15 the Revised Version (British and American) paraphrases “the yearning of thy heart” (the English Revised Version “bowels”), a needless change from 16:11. See also BATH KOL; SOLEMN, SOLEMNITY.

    Burton Scott Easton SOUNDINGS <sound’-ingz > . See SHIPS AND BOATS, III, 2.

    SOUR <sour > : (1) [rs,Bo, bocer ], “immature,” “unripe”: “The fathers have eaten sour grapes” (Jer 31:29 f; Ezek 18:2; compare Isa 18:5 the King James Version). (2) [ rWs , cur ], “to turn aside,” “degenerate”: “Their drink is turned sour” (the King James Version margin “gone,” the Revised Version margin “Their carouse is over”).

    SOUTH <south > : (1) [ bg,n,, neghebh ], according BDB from [?] [bg”n;, naghabh ], meaning “to be dry,” the word most often used, in the Revised Version (British and American) capitalized (South) in those places where it seems to denote a particular region, i.e. to the South of Judah. (2) [ ˆymiy;, yamin ], “right hand,” “right.” The derived meaning, “south,” seems to imply an eastern posture in prayer in which the right hand is toward the South; compare Arabic yamin, “right,” and yemen, “Yemen,” a region in Southwestern Arabia. (3) [ ˆm;yTe , teman ], from the same root as (2) is often used for the south; also for the south wind (Ps 78:26; Song 4:16). (4) [ µy;, yam ], literally, “sea” (Ps 107:3). (5) [ µwOrD; , darom ], etymology doubtful (Dt 33:23; Ezek 40:24). (6) [ rB;d]mi , midhbar ], literally, “desert” (Ps 75:6, reading doubtful). (7) [li>y, lips ], “south west wind” ( Acts 27:12). (8) [meshmbri>a, mesembria ], literally, “mid-day”; “south” ( Acts 8:26); “noon” ( Acts 22:6). (9) [no>tov, notos ], “south wind” (Lk 12:55; Acts 27:13; 28:13); “south” (1 Macc 3:57; Mt 12:42; Lk 11:31; 13:29; Rev 21:13).

    The south wind is often referred to: see Song 4:16; Job 37:9 (compare 9:9); Zec 9:14 (of Isa 21:1); Lk 12:55.

    Of the passages where South (neghebh ) clearly refers to a particular region between Palestine and Sinai see: “And Abraham journeyed, going on still toward the South” (neghbah ) (Gen 12:9; 13:1; Dt 1:7). We read of “the South of the Jerahmeelites,” “the South of the Kenites” (1 Sam 27:10); “the South of the Cherethites,” “the South of Caleb” (1 Sam 30:14); “the South of Judah” (2 Ch 28:18); “Ramoth of the South” (1 Sam 30:27).

    In Ps 126:4, “Turn again our captivity, O Yahweh, as the streams in the South,” we have a figurative reference to the fact that, after a long period of drought, the dry watercourses are finally filled with rushing streams. The reference in Ezek 20:46 f to “the forest of the South” is to a condition of things very different from that which exists today, though the region is not incapable of supporting trees if they are only planted and protected. Alfred Ely Day SOUTH, CHAMBERS OF THE The twelve constellations of the Zodiac. See ASTRONOMY, II, 12.

    SOUTH, QUEEN OF THE (Mt 12:42). See QUEEN OF SHEBA.

    SOUTH RAMOTH See RAMOTH.

    SOUTHEAST See NORTHEAST.

    SOW <sou > . See SWINE.

    SOWER; SOWING <so’-er > , <so’-ing > . See AGRICULTURE.

    SPAIN <span > ([ Spani>a, Spania ]): The country in the Southwest of Europe which still bears this name. It was Paul’s purpose, as stated in Rom 15:24,28, to visit Spain. If, as is probable, he ultimately carried out this intention, it must have been after a release from his first imprisonment.

    Clement of Rome speaks of the apostle as having reached “the extreme limit of the West” (Epistle of Clement, v). See PAUL, THE APOSTLE; TARSHISH.

    SPAN ([ tr,z, , zereth ]; [spiqamh>, spithame ]): A measure of length equal to half a cubit or about 9 in. (Ex 28:16; 39:9; 1 Sam 17:4, etc.). Lam 2:20 the King James Version is a mistranslation; see the Revised Version (British and American). See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

    SPARK <spark > . See LEVIATHAN.

    SPARROW <spar’-o > ([ rwOPxi , tsippor ]; [strouqi>on, strouthion ]; Latin passer): A small bird of the Fringillidae family. The Hebrew tsippor seems to have been a generic name under which were placed all small birds that frequented houses and gardens. The word occurs about 40 times in the Bible, and is indiscriminately translated “bird” “fowl” or “sparrow.” Our translators have used the word “sparrow” where they felt that this bird best filled the requirements of the texts. Sparrows are small brown and gray birds of friendly habit that swarm over the northern part of Palestine, and West of the Sea of Galilee, where the hills, plains and fertile fields are scattered over with villages. They build in the vineyards, orchards and bushes of the walled gardens surrounding houses, on the ground or in nooks and crannies of vine-covered walls. They live on seeds, small green buds and tiny insects and worms. Some members of the family sing musically; all are great chatterers when about the business of life.

    Repeatedly they are mentioned by Bible writers, but most of the references lose force as applying to the bird family, because they are translated “bird” or “fowl.” In a few instances the word “sparrow” is used, and in some of these, painstaking commentators feel that what is said does not apply to the sparrow. For example see Ps 102:7: “I watch, and am become like a sparrow That is alone upon the housetop.” The feeling that this is not characteristic of the sparrow arises from the fact that it is such a friendly bird that if it were on the housetop it would be surrounded by half a dozen of its kind; so it has been suggested that a solitary thrush was intended. There is little force in the change. Thrushes of today are shy, timid birds of thickets and deep undergrowth. Occasionally a stray one comes around a house at migration, but once settled to the business of living they are the last and most infrequent bird to appear near the haunts of man. And bird habits do not change in one or two thousand years. In an overwhelmed hour the Psalmist poured out his heart before the Almighty. The reason he said he was like a “sparrow that is alone upon the housetop” was because it is the most unusual thing in the world for a sparrow to sit mourning alone, and therefore it attracted attention and made a forceful comparison. It only happens when the bird’s mate has been killed or its nest and young destroyed, and this most cheerful of birds sitting solitary and dejected made a deep impression on the Psalmist who, when his hour of trouble came, said he was like the mourning sparrow — alone on the housetop. Another exquisite song describes the bird in its secure and happy hour: “Yea, the sparrow hath found her a house, And the swallow a nest for herself, where she may lay her young, Even thine altars, O Yahweh of hosts, My King, and my God” (Ps 84:3).

    When the mind of man was young and he looked on the commonest acts of creatures around him as filled with mystery, miracle and sign — he held in superstitious reverence any bird that built on a temple, because he thought it meant that the bird thus building claimed the protection of God in so doing. For these reasons all temple builders were so reverenced that authentic instances are given of people being put to death, if they disturbed temple nests or builders. Because he noticed the sparrow in joyful conditions is good reason why the Psalmist should have been attracted by its mourning. There is a reference to the widespread distribution of these birds in Prov 26:2: “As the sparrow in her wandering, as the swallow in her flying, So the curse that is causeless alighteth not.” Once settled in a location, no bird clings more faithfully to its nest and young, so this “wandering” could only mean that they scatter widely in choosing locations. Mt 10:29: “Are not two sparrows sold for a penny? and not one of them shall fall on the ground without your Father.” This is a reference to the common custom in the East of catching small birds, and selling them to be skinned, roasted and sold as tid-bits — a bird to a mouthful. These lines no doubt are the origin of the oft-quoted phrase, “He marks the fall of the sparrow.” Then in verse 31 comes this comforting assurance: “Fear not therefore: ye are of more value than many sparrows.”

    Lk 12:6: “Are not five sparrows sold for two pence? and not one of them is forgotten in the sight of God.” This affirms the implication of Mark that these tiny birds were an article of commerce in the days of Jesus, just as they are now in the Far East. Gene Stratton-Porter SPARTA; SPARTANS <spar’-ta > , <spar’-tanz > ([ Spa>rth, Sparte ] (1 Macc 14:16), [ Spartia~tai, Spartiatai ]; Lacedaemonians (the King James Version Macc 12:2,5,6,10,21; 14:20-23; 15:23; in 2 Macc 5:9, Greek Lakedaimonioi )): The passages in 1 Macc relate to a correspondence initiated by Jonathan, the priest, during the Maccabean revolt, and continued after his death with his brother Simon, between the Jews and the Lacedaemonians or Spartans, with a view to a friendly alliance. The proposals, curiously based on a claim to kindredship, were favorably received by the Lacedaemonians. See the letters (1 Macc 12:5 ff,19 ff; 14:16 ff). The claim to blood-relationship (compare 1 Macc 12:21; 2 Macc 5:9) is of course absurd, but there is no good reason to doubt the genuineness of the transaction described. See ARIUS; ASMONEANS; LACEDAEMONIANS; MACCABEANS, etc.

    James Orr SPEAKING, EVIL <spe’-king > . See EVIL-SPEAKING; SLANDER.

    SPEAR; SPEARMEN <sper > , <sper’-men > . See ARMOR, III, 4; ARMY, 7.

    SPECIALLY <spesh’-al-i > ([ daom], me’odh ] (Ps 31:11 the King James Version); [ma>lista, malista ]): Used in an emphatic sense; derived from a superlative. While usually employed for emphasis, it carries with it slightly the idea of something additional. Not used in the Old Testament in the Revised Version (British and American), the sense of the Hebrew being,,expressed more clearly by “exceedingly,” “very.” Its ordinary New Testament usage is, “mostly,” “particularly,” “chiefly” or, “most of all.”

    Paul in his practical exhortations says: “But if any provideth not for his own, and specially his own household, he hath denied the faith (1 Tim 5:8; compare Gal 6:10; 1 Tim 4:10). Walter G. Clippinger SPECKLED <spek’-l’-d > : Zec 1:8; the Revised Version (British and American) “sorrel.” See COLORS; HYENA.

    SPECTACLE <spek’-ta-k’-l > ([qe>atron, theatron ]): Occurs twice in the New Testament: (1) of the place where assemblies or exhibitions Were held ( Acts 19:29, “theatre”); (2) figuratively of the suffering apostles (1 Cor 4:9).

    SPEECH <spech > ([ hr;m]ai , ‘imrah ], [ rb;D;, dabhar ], etc.; [lo>gov, logos ]): “Speech,” the articulate utterance of thought, is the tranlation of various Hebrew terms which convey this idea of “saying” or “word”; so, in the New Testament, the term generally so rendered is logos , “word.” See LOGOS; WORD . Eulogia in Rom 16:18 is “fair speech”; lalia in Mt 26:73; Mk 14:70 the King James Version; Jn 8:43 is simply “talk.” the Revised Version (British and American) has “speech” for various other words in the King James Version, as “matters” (1 Sam 16:18, margin “bussiness”), “communication” (Mt 5:37; Eph 4:29), “words” (Lk 20:20; 1 Cor 14:9); “persuasiveness of speech” for “enticing words” (Col 2:4), etc. W. L. Walker SPELT <spelt > ([ tm,S,Ku , kuccemeth ]; [o]lura, olura ], [ze>a, zea ] (Ex 9:32, the King James Version “rye”; Isa 18:25, the King James Version “rye,” margin “spelt”; Ezek 4:9, the King James Version “fitches” margin “spelt”; the Revised Version (British and American) adopts “spelt,” influenced by the Septuagint, in all passages)): Spelt is the seed of Triticum spelta, a kind of wild wheat. Several writers would identify this kuccemeth with the Arabic kirsenneh (Vicia ervilia), a kind of vetch much used as camels’ fodder.

    SPICE; SPICES <spis > , <spi’-sis > , <-sez > : (1) ([ µc,B, , besem ] (Ex 30:23), [ µc,Bo , bosem ], plural [ µymic;B] , besamim ], all from root “to attract by desire,” especially by smell): The list of spices in Ex 30:23 includes myrrh, cinnamon, “sweet calamus cassia.” These, mixed with olive oil, made the “holy anointing oil.” Officials of the temple had charge of the spices (1 Ch 9:29). Among the treasures of the temple shown by Hezekiah to the messengers of Babylon were the spices (2 Ki 20:13). They were used in the obsequies of kings (2 Ch 16:14) and in preparation of a bride for a royal marriage (Est 2:12, “sweet-odors” = balsam). Spices are frequently mentioned in Song (4:10,14,16; 5:1, margin and the King James Version “balsam”; Song 5:13; 6:2, “bed of spices,” margin “balsam”; 8:14). These passages in Song may refer in particular to balsam, the product of the balsam plant, Balsamodendron opobalsamum, a plant growing in Arabia. According to Josephus it was cultivated at Jericho, the plant having been brought to Palestine by the Queen of Sheba (Ant., VIII, vi, 6; see also XIV, iv, 1; XV, iv, 2; BJ, I, vi, 6). See MYRRH. (2) [ µyMis”, cammim ] (Ex 30:34, “sweet spices”)): “Take unto thee sweet spices, stacte, and onycha, and galbanum; sweet spices with pure frankincense.” It is a general term for fragrant substances finely powdered.

    Compare Arabic shamm, “a smell” or “sense of smell”; generally translated “sweet incense” (Ex 25:6; 30:7; 31:11; 35:8,15,28; 39:38; 40:27 (the King James Version only); Lev 4:7; 16:12; Nu 4:16; 2 Ch 2:4 (the King James Version only); 2 Ch 13:11). In Ex 37:29; 40:27; 2 Ch 2:4, we have [ µyMis” tr,foq], qsToreth cammim ], “incense of sweet spices.” (3) ([ takon ] , nekho’th ]; [qumia>mata, thumiamata ] (Gen 37:25, “spicery,” margin “gum tragacanth or storax”); [qumi>ama, thumiama ] “incense” (Gen 43:11, “spicery”; some Greek versions and the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) have “storax”)): Storax is the dried gum of the beautiful Styrax officinalis (see POPLAR ), which was used as incense — different article from that now passing under that name. Tragacanth is the resinous gum of several species of milk vetch (Natural Order, Leguminosae), especially of the Astragalus gummifer. Septuagint “incense” is probably the best translation. (4) ([ jq”r, , reqach ], “spiced” wine (Song 8:2)). See WINE. (5) ([a]rwma, aroma ], “spices” (Mk 16:1, the King James Version “sweet spices”; Lk 23:56; 24:1; Jn 19:40; in 19:39 defined as a mixture of aloes and myrrh)). See PERFUMES; BURIAL. (6) ([a]mwmon, amomon ] (Rev 18:13), margin “amomum”; the King James Version “odours”): The Greek means “blameless,” and it was apparently applied in classical times to any sweet and fine odor. In modern botany the name Amomum is given to a genus in the Natural Order. Zingiberaceae.

    The well-known cardamon seeds (Amomum cardamomum) and the A. grana Paradisi which yields the well-known “grains of Paradise,” used as a stimulant, both belong to this genus. What was the substance indicated in Rev 18:13 is quite uncertain. E. W. G. Masterman SPIDER <spi’-der > ( (1) [ vybiK;[“, `akkabhish ]; compare Arabic `ankabut, English Versions of the Bible “spider”; Septuagint [ajra>cnh, arachne ] ( Job 8:14; Isa 59:5); (2) [ tymim;c] , semamith ], “lizard,” the King James Version “spider”; Septuagint [kalabw>thv, kalabotes ] (Prov 30:28)): Semamith of Prov 30:28 is probably the gecko, a kind of lizard, as Septuagint and the Revised Version (British and American) have it. See LIZARD . In Job 8:14 the spider’s web is an emblem of frailty: “Whose confidence shall break in sunder, and whose trust is a spider’s web.”

    Frailty or futility seems to be indicated also in Isa 59:5,6: “They hatch adders’ eggs, and weave the spider’s web: .... Their webs shall not become garments, neither shall they cover themselves with their works” “Spider’s web” is in Job 8:14 both `akkabhish , “spider’s house,” while in Isa 59:5 it is qure `akkabhish , [ rWq , qur ], according to BDB, being “thread” or “film.” Alfred Ely Day SPIKENARD <spik’-nard > ( [D]r]ne , nerd ]; [na>rdov, nardos ] (Song 1:12; 4:14); [ µydir;n ] , neradhim ]; [na>rdoi, nardoi ] (Song 4:13), “spikenard plants”; [na>rdov pistikh>, nardos pistike ] (Mk 14:3; Jn 12:3), “pure nard,” margin “liquid nard”; the English word is for “spiked nard,” which comes from the Nardus spicatus of the Vulgate): Spikenard is the plant Nardostachys jatamansi (Natural Order, Valerianaceae); in Arabic the name Sunbul hind, “Indian spike,” refers, like the English and Latin name, to the “snike”-like shape of the plant from which the perfume comes. The dried plant as sold consists of the “withered stalks and ribs of leaves cohering in a bundle of yellowishbrown capillary fibres and consisting of a spike about the size of a small finger” (Sir W. Jones, As. Res., II, 409); in appearance the whole plant is said to look like the tail of an ermine. It grows in the Himalayas.

    The extracted perfume is an oil, which was used by the Romans for anointing the head. Its great costliness is mentioned by Pliny.

    With regard to the exact meaning of the [pistikh>, pistike ], in the New Testament, there is much difference of opinion: “pure” and “liquid” are both given in margin, but it has also been suggested among other things that this was a local name, that it comes from the Latin spicita or from pisita, the Sanskrit name of the spikenard plant. The question is an open one: either “genuine” or “pure” is favored by most commentators. E. W. G. Masterman SPINDLE <spin’-d’-l > . See SPINNING.

    SPINNING <spin’-ing > : Although spinning must have been one of the commonest of the crafts in Bible times, it is mentioned definitely in three passages only, namely, Ex 35:25 f, where [ hw;f ; , Tawah ], is so translated, and in Mt 6:28; Lk 12:27 [nh>qein, nethein ]), where Jesus refers to the lilies of the field as neither toiling nor spinning.

    The materials commonly spun were flax, cotton, wool, goats’ hair. Goats’ hair required little preparation other than washing, before spinning. Wool was first cleansed and then carded. The present method of carding, which no doubt is of ancient origin, is to pile the wool on a mat and then detach the fibers from each other by snapping a bow-string against the pile. The bow is specially constructed and carefully balanced so that it can be easily held with one hand while with the other the string is struck with a pestleshaped mallet like a carver’s mallet. The same instrument is used for carding cotton.

    Flax was treated in ancient times as today, if the Egyptian sculptures have been rightly interpreted. The stalks after being stripped of their seeds were first retted. This operation consisted in soaking the stems in water until fermentation or rotting had so loosened the fibers that they could be separated from each other by combing. A series of washings and long exposure to the weather finally produced what was termed snowy-white linen.

    The various fibers, mentioned above, to be made into thread, were gathered into a loose rope which was wound around a distaff or about the left hand. From this reel it was unwound as needed, the fibers more carefully adjusted with the thumbs and two first fingers of both hands, and then the rope twisted by means of a spindle. The spindle varied in form but was always a shaft, 8 to 12 in. in length, provided at one end with a hook or other means of fastening the thread and at the other end with a circular wharve or whorl of stone or other heavy material to give momentum to the rotating spindle. When 2 or 3 ft. of the rope was prepared as mentioned above, the spindle was twirled with the right hand or laid on the thigh and rotated by passing the hand over the shaft. After the thread was twisted it was wound on the spindle, fastened, and a new portion of rope prepared and twisted. The rope was sometimes fastened to a post and the spindle twisted with both hands, in which case the whorl was not necessary (see Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, I, 317; II, 170, 172). Spinning was the work of both men and women in ancient Egypt. The Bible characterizes it as the work of women (Ex 35; Prov 31:19). The same method of spinning is still used by the women of Syria, although imported yarn is largely taking the place of homespun thread. See DISTAFF.

    James A. Patch SPIRIT <spir’-it > ([ j”Wr , ruach ]; [pneu~ma, pneuma ]; Latin, spiritus): 1. PRIMARY AND FIGURATIVE SENSES: (1) As Wind, Breath: Used primarily in the Old Testament and New Testament of the wind, as in Gen 8:1; Nu 11:31; Am 4:13 (“createth the wind”); Heb 1:7 (angels, “spirits” or “winds” in margin); often used of the breath, as in Job 12:10; 15:30, and in 2 Thess 2:8 (wicked consumed by “the breath of his mouth”). (2) As Anger or Fury: In a figurative sense it was used as indicating anger or fury, and as such applied even to God, who destroys by the “breath of his nostrils” ( Job 4:9; Ex 15:8; 2 Sam 22:16; see 2 Thess 2:8). (3) As Mental and Moral Qualities in Man: Hence, applied to man — as being the seat of emotion in desire or trouble, and thus gradually of mental and moral qualities in general (Ex 28:3, “the spirit of wisdom”; Ezek 11:19, “a new spirit” etc.). Where man is deeply stirred by the Divine Spirit, as among the prophets, we have a somewhat similar use of the word, in such expressions as: “The Spirit of the Lord came .... upon him” (1 Sam 10:10). 2. SHADES OF MEANING: (1) As Life-Principle: The spirit as life-principle in man has various applications: sometimes to denote an apparition (Mt 14:26, the King James Version “saying, It is a spirit”; Lk 24:37, the King James Version “had seen a spirit”); sometimes to denote angels, both fallen and unfallen (Heb 1:14, “ministering spirits”; Mt 10:1, “unclean spirits”; compare also 12:43; Mk 1:23,26,27; and in Rev 1:4, “the seven Spirits .... before his throne”). (2) As Surviving Death: The spirit is thus in man the principle of life — but of man as distinguished from the brute — so that in death this spirit is yielded to the Lord (Lk 23:46; Acts 7:59; 1 Cor 5:5, “that the spirit may be saved”). Hence, God is called the “Father of spirits” (Heb 12:9). (3) Spiritual Manifestations: Thus generally for all the manifestations of the spiritual part in man, as that which thinks, feels, wills; and also to denote certain qualities which characterize the man, e.g. “poor in spirit” (Mt 5:3); “spirit of gentleness” (Gal 6:1); “of bondage” (Rom 8:15); “of jealousy” (Nu 5:14); “of fear” (2 Tim 1:7 the King James Version); “of slumber” (Rom 11:8 the King James Version). Hence, we are called upon to “rule over our own spirit” (Prov 16:32; 25:28), and are warned against being overmastered by a wrong spirit (Lk 9:55 the King James Version, “Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of”). So man may submit to the “spirit of error,” and turn away from the “spirit of truth” (1 Jn 4:6). Thus we read of the “spirit of counsel” (Isa 11:2); “of wisdom” (Eph 1:17). 3. HUMAN AND DIVINE SPIRIT: (1) The Human as Related with the Divine: We go a step higher when we find the human spirit brought into relationship with the Divine Spirit. For man is but a creature to whom life has been imparted by God’s spirit — life being but a resultant of God’s breath. Thus life and death are realistically described as an imparting or a withdrawing of God’s breath, as in Job 27:3; 33:4; 34:14, “spirit and breath” going together. The spirit may thus be “revived” (Gen 45:27), or “overwhelmed” (Ps 143:4), or “broken” (Prov 15:13). And where sin has been keenly felt, it is “a broken spirit” which is “a sacrifice to God” (Ps 51:17); and when man submits to the power of sin, a new direction is given to his mind: he comes under a “spirit of whoredom” (Hos 4:12); he becomes “proud in spirit” (Eccl 7:8), instead of being “patient in spirit”; he is a fool because he is “hasty in spirit” and gives way to “anger” (Eccl 7:9).

    The “faithful in spirit” are the men who resist talebearing and backbiting in the world (Prov 11:13). In such instances as these the difference between “soul” and “spirit” appears. See SOUL; PSYCHOLOGY. (2) Operations of the Divine Spirit as Third Person of the Trinity: On this higher plane, too, we find the Divine Spirit at work. The terminology is very varied here: In the New Testament we read of the “Holy Spirit” (1 Cor 6:19; Mt 1:18,20; 1 Thess 1:5,6); the “Spirit of God” (1 Cor 2:10 ff; 3:16; Rom 8:9,11; Eph 3:16, etc.); the “Spirit of Christ” (Rom 8:9; 1 Cor 3:17; Gal 4:6); or simply of “Spirit,” with distinct reference to God (1 Cor 2:10; Rom 8:16,23, etc.). God Himself is Spirit (Jn 4:24). Hence, God’s power is manifested in human life and character (Lk 4:14; Rom 1:1; 1 Cor 2:4; especially Lk 24:49). The Book of Acts may be termed the Book of the Holy Spirit, working with power in man.

    This Spirit is placed on a level with Father and Son in the Apostolic Benediction (2 Cor 13:14) and in the parting message of the Saviour to His disciples (Mt 28:19). As the agent in redemption and sanctification His work is glorified by lives “renewed” in the very “spirit of the mind” — a collocation of terms which has puzzled many interpreters (Eph 4:23,24), where pneuma and nous appear together, to indicate a renewal which is allembracing, `renewed in the spirit of your mind, so that the new man is put on, created in righteousness and true holiness’ (see also Jn 14:17,26; 15:26; 16:13; 1 Cor 12:11, etc.). 4. OLD TESTAMENT APPLICATIONS:

    In the Old Testament this spirit of God appears in varied functions, as brooding over chaos (Gen 1:2; Job 26:13); as descending upon men, on heroes like Othniel, Gideon, etc. (Jdg 3:10; 6:34), on prophets (Ezek 37:1), on “cunning workmen,” like Bezalel and Aholiab (Ex 31:2,3,4, “filled with the Spirit of God”), and specially in such passages as Ps 51:11, where the very presence of God is indicated by an abiding influence of the Holy Spirit: “The Spirit of Yahweh is Yahweh himself.” 5. VARIOUS INTERPRETATIONS:

    May we not reach a still higher stage? Wendt in his interesting monograph (Die Begriffe Fleisch und Geist), of which extracts are given in Dickson’s Paul’s Use of the Terms Flesh and Spirit, draws attention to the transcendental influence of the Divine ruach in the Old Testament as expressed in such phrases as `to put on’ (Jdg 6:34), `to fall upon’ (14:6,19), `to settle’ (Nu 11:25 f). May we not then rightly assume that more is meant than a mere influence emanating from a personal God? Are we not right in maintaining with Davidson that “there are indeed a considerable number of passages in the Old Testament which might very well express the idea that the Spirit is a distinct hypostasis or person.”? (see SUBSTANCE ). Rejecting the well-known passage in Genesis: “Let us make man after our own image,” which some have interpreted in a trinitarian sense, we may point to such texts as Zec 4:6, “by my Spirit”; Isa 63:10,11, “They rebelled, and grieved his holy Spirit”; “Where is he that put his holy Spirit in the midst of them?” This is borne out by the New Testament, with its warnings against “grieving the Holy Spirit,” “lying against the Holy Spirit,” and kindred expressions (Eph 4:30; Acts 5:3).

    It is this Spirit which “beareth witness with our spirit, that we are children of God” (Rom 8:16) — the spirit which, as Auberlen has put it (PRE1, article “Geist des Menschen”), “appears in a double relationship to us, as the principle of natural life, which is ours by birth, and that of spiritual life, which we receive through the new birth (Wiedergeburt).” Hence, Paul speaks of God whom he serves “with his spirit” (Rom 1:9); and in 2 Tim 1:3 he speaks of serving God “in a pure conscience.” See CONSCIENCE; FLESH; HOLY SPIRIT; PSYCHOLOGY; SOUL.

    J. I. Marais SPIRIT, EVIL See SATAN; DEMON, DEMONIAC.

    SPIRIT, FAMILIAR See FAMILIAR SPIRIT; DIVINATION; PYTHON.

    SPIRIT, HOLY See HOLY SPIRIT.

    SPIRIT OF DIVINATION See DIVINATION.

    SPIRIT, UNCLEAN (OR EVIL) See DEMON, DEMONIAC.

    SPIRITS, DISCERNINGS OF See DISCERNINGS OF SPIRITS; SPIRITUAL GIFTS.

    SPIRITS IN PRISON See PRISON; SPIRITS IN.

    SPIRITUAL <spir’-it-u-al > ([pneumatiko>v, pneumatikos ], “spiritual,” from [pneu~ma, pneuma ], “spirit”): Endowed with the attributes of spirit. Any being made in the image of God who is a Spirit (Jn 4:24.), and thus having the nature of spirit, is a spiritual being. (1) Spiritual hosts of wickedness (Eph 6:12), in distinction from beings clothed in “flesh and blood” — the devil and his angels. This use of the word has reference to nature, essence, and not to character or moral quality. God, angels, man, devil, demons are in essence spiritual. The groundwork and faculties of their rational and moral being are the same.

    This limited use of the word in the New Testament has its adverb equivalent in Rev 11:8, “which (the great and wicked city) spiritually is called Sodom.” As the comprehensive term moral includes immoral, so spiritual includes unspiritual and all that pertains to spirit. (2) With the above exception, “spiritual” in the New Testament signifies moral, not physical antithesis: an essence springing from the Spirit of God and imparted to the spirit of man. Hence, spiritual in this sense always presupposes the infusion of the Holy Spirit to quicken, and inform. It is opposed (a) to [sarkiko>v, sarkikos ], “fleshly” (1 Cor 3:1), men of the flesh and not of the spirit; (b) to [yuciko>v, psuchikos ], “natural,” man in whom the pneuma , “spirit,” is over-ridden, because of the Fall, by psuche , the principle of the animal life, “soul”; hence, the unrenewed man, unspiritual, alienated from the life of God (1 Cor 2:14; 2 Pet 2:12; Jude 1:10). See MAN, NATURAL ; (c) to natural, meaning physical, “.... sown a natural body; .... raised a spiritual body” (1 Cor 15:44). (3) In the New Testament and general use “spiritual” thus indicates man regenerated, indwelt, enlightened, endued, empowered, guided by the Holy Spirit; conformed to the will of God, having the mind of Christ, living in and led by the Spirit. The spiritual man is a new creation born from above (Rom 8:6; 1 Cor 2:15; 3:1; 14:37; Col 1:9; 1 Pet 2:5). (4) Ecclesiastically used of things sacred or religious, as spiritual authority, spiritual assembly, spiritual office. See SPIRIT.

    Dwight M. Pratt SPIRITUAL BLESSING ([eujlogi>a pneumatikh>, eulogia pneumatike ]): Any blessing administered in the realm of the spiritual life; specifically the blessing of the Spirit in introducing the believer into “the heavenly places in Christ” (Eph 1:3); a term expressing the fullness of blessing in God’s gift of eternal life in Jesus Christ.

    SPIRITUAL BODY ([sw~ma pneumatiko>n, soma pneumatikon ], “body spiritual”): The resurrection-body, a body fitted to the capacities and wants of the spirit in the celestial world; an organism conformed to the spiritual life at the resurrection (see 1 Cor 15:44). See BODY, SPIRITUAL.

    SPIRITUAL DRINK ([pneumatikoma, pneumatikon poma ]): Having a spiritual significance, as referring to the water that flowed miraculously from the smitten rock (1 Cor 10:4; Nu 20:11). Symbolic also of nourishment for the thirsty soul in the sacramental cup and the outpoured blood (life) of Christ. See ROCK, 2, (1); SPIRITUAL ROCK.

    SPIRITUAL GIFTS ([cari>smata, charismata ]):

    The word charisma , with a single exception (1 Pet 4:10), occurs in the New Testament only in the Pauline Epistles, and in the plural form is employed in a technical sense to denote extraordinary gifts of the Spirit bestowed upon Christians to equip them for the service of the church.

    Various lists of the charismata are given (Rom 12:6-8; 1 Cor 12:4-11,28- 30; compare Eph 4:7-12), none of which, it is evident, are exhaustive.

    Some of the gifts enumerated cannot be said to belong in any peculiar sense to the distinctive category. “Faith” (1 Cor 12:9), for example, is the essential condition of all Christian life; though there were, no doubt, those who were endowed with faith beyond their fellows. “Giving” and “mercy” (Rom 12:8) are among the ordinary graces of the Christian character; though some would possess them more than others. “Ministry” (Rom 12:7), again, i.e. service, was the function to which every Christian was called and the purpose to which every one of the special gifts was to be devoted (Eph 4:12). The term is applied to any spiritual benefit, as the confirmation of Christians in the faith by Paul (Rom 1:11). And as the general function of ministry appears from the first in two great forms as a ministry of word and deed ( Acts 6:1-4; 1 Cor 1:17), so the peculiar charismatic gifts which Paul mentions fall into two great classes — those which qualify their possessors for a ministry of the word, and those which prepare them to render services of a practical nature. 1. GIFTS CONNECTED WITH THE MINISTRY OF THE WORD: (1) Apostleship (1 Cor 12:28 f; compare Eph 4:11). — The name “apostle” is used in the New Testament in a narrower and a wider sense. It was the peculiar title and privilege of the Twelve (Mt 10:2; Lk 6:13; Acts 1:25 f), but was claimed by Paul on special grounds (Rom 1:1; 1 Cor 9:1, etc.); it was probably conceded to James the Lord’s brother (1 Cor 15:7; Gal 1:19), and in a freer use of the term is applied to Barnabas ( Acts 14:4,14; compare 1 Cor 9:5,6), Andronicus and Junias (Rom 16:7). From the Didache (xi.4 ff) we learn that the ministry of apostles was continued in the church into the sub-apostolic age (see LITERATURE, SUB-APOSTOLIC). The special gift and function of apostleship, taken in the widest sense, was to proclaim the word of the gospel ( Acts 6:2; 1 Cor 1:17, etc.), and in particular to proclaim it to the world outside of the church, whether Jewish or Gentile (Gal 2:7,8). See APOSTLE. (2) Prophecy (Rom 12:6; 1 Cor 12:10,28,29), under which may be included exhortation (Rom 12:8; compare 1 Cor 14:3). The gift of prophecy was bestowed at Pentecost upon the church as a whole ( Acts 2:16 ff), but in particular measure upon certain individuals who were distinctively known as prophets. Only a few of the Christian prophets are directly referred to — Judas and Silas ( Acts 15:32), the prophets at Antioch ( Acts 13:1), Agabus and the prophets from Jerusalem ( Acts 11:27 f), the four daughters of Philip the evangelist ( Acts 11:9). But 1 Corinthians shows that there were several of them in the Corinthian church; and probably they were to be found in every Christian community. Some of them moved about from church to church ( Acts 11:27 f; 21:10); and in the Didache we find that even at the celebration of the Eucharist the itinerant prophet still takes precedence of the local ministry of bishops and deacons (Didache x.7).

    It is evident that the functions of the prophet must sometimes have crossed those of the apostle, and so we find Paul himself described as a prophet long after he had been called to the apostleship ( Acts 13:1). And yet there was a fundamental distinction. While the apostle, as we have seen, was one “sent forth” to the unbelieving world, the prophet was a minister to the believing church (1 Cor 14:4,22). Ordinarily his message was one of “edification, and exhortation, and consolation” (1 Cor 14:3). Occasionally he was empowered to make an authoritative announcement of the divine will in a particular case ( Acts 13:1 ff). In rare instances we find him uttering a prediction of a future event ( Acts 11:28; 21:10 f). (3) Discernings of Spirits With prophecy must be associated the discernings of spirits (1 Cor 12:10; 14:29; 1 Thess 5:20 f; compare 1 Jn 4:1). The one was a gift for the speaker, the other for those who listened to his words. The prophet claimed to be the medium of divine revelations (1 Cor 14:30); and by the spiritual discernment of his hearers the truth of his claim was to be judged (1 Cor 14:29). There were false prophets as well as genuine prophets, spirits of error as well as spirits of truth (1 Jn 4:1-6; compare 2 Thess 2:2; Didache xi). And while prophesyings were never to be despised, the utterances of the prophets were to be “proved” (1 Thess 5:20 f), and that in them which came from the Spirit of God spiritually judged (1 Cor 2:14), and so discriminated from anything that might be inspired by evil spirits. See DISCERNINGS OF SPIRITS. (4) Teaching (Rom 12:7; 1 Cor 12:28 f). — As distinguished from the prophet, who had the gift of uttering fresh truths that came to him by way of vision and revelation, the teacher was one who explained and applied established Christian doctrine — the rudiments and first principles of the oracles of God (Heb 5:12). (5) The Word of Knowledge Possibly the word of knowledge (gnosis). (6) The Word of Wisdom The word of wisdom (sophia) (1 Cor 12:8) are to be distinguished, the first as the utterance of a prophetic and ecstatic intuition, the second as the product of study and reflective thought; and so are to be related respectively to the functions of the prophet and the teacher. See TEACHER, TEACHING. (7) Kinds of Tongues (1 Cor 12:10,28,30). — What Paul means by this he explains fully in Corinthians 14. The gift was not a faculty of speaking in unknown foreign languages, for the tongues (glossai ) are differentiated from the “voices” or languages (phonai ) by which men of one nation are distinguished from those of another (14:10,11). And when the apostle says that the speaker in an unknown tongue addressed himself to God and not to men (14:2,14) and was not understood by those who heard him (14:2), that he edified himself (14:4) and yet lost the power of conscious thought while praying with the spirit (14:14 f), it would appear that the “tongues” must have been of the nature of devout ejaculations and broken and disjointed words, uttered almost unconsciously under the stress of high ecstatic feeling. (8) Interpretation of Tongues Parallel to this gift was that of the interpretation of tongues (1 Cor 12:10,30). If the gift of tongues had been a power of speaking unknown foreign languages, the interpretation of tongues would necessarily have meant the faculty of interpreting a language unknown to the interpreter; for translation from a familiar language could hardly be described as a charisma. But the principle of economy makes it improbable that the edification of the church was accomplished in this round-about way by means of a double miracle — a miracle of foreign speech followed by a miracle of interpretation. If, on the other hand, the gift of tongues was such as has been described, the gift of interpretation would consist in turning what seemed a meaningless utterance into words easy to be understood (1 Cor 12:9). The interpretation might be given by the speaker in tongues himself (1 Cor 12:5,13) after his mood of ecstasy was over, as he translated his exalted experiences and broken cries into plain intelligible language. Or, if he lacked the power of self-interpretation, the task might be undertaken by another possessed of this special gift (1 Cor 12:27,28).

    The ability of a critic gifted with sympathy and insight to interpret the meaning of a picture or a piece of music, as the genius who produced it might be quite unable to do (e.g. Ruskin and Turner), will help us to understand how the ecstatic half-conscious utterances of one who had the gift of tongues might be put into clear and edifying form by another who had the gift of interpretation. See TONGUES, GIFT OF. 2. GIFTS CONNECTED WITH THE MINISTRY OF PRACTICAL SERVICE: (1) Workings of Miracles (1 Cor 12:10,28,29). — The word used for miracles in this chapter (dunameis , literally, “powers”) is employed in Acts (8:7,13; 19:11,12) so as to cover those cases of exorcism and the cure of disease which in Paul’s list are placed under the separate category of “gifts of healing.” As distinguished from the ordinary healing gift, which might be possessed by persons not otherwise remarkable, the “powers” point to a higher faculty more properly to be described as miraculous, and bestowed only upon certain leading men in the church. In 2 Cor 12:12 Paul speaks of the “powers” he wrought in Corinth as among “the signs of an apostle.” In Heb 2:4 the writer mentions the “manifold powers” of the apostolic circle as part of the divine confirmation of their testimony. In Rom 15:18 ff Paul refers to his miraculous gifts as an instrument which Christ used for the furtherance of the gospel and the bringing of the Gentiles to obedience.

    The working of “powers,” accordingly, was a gift which linked itself to the ministry of the word in respect of its bearing upon the truth of the gospel and the mission of the apostle to declare it. And yet, like the wider and lower gift of healing, it must be regarded primarily as a gift of practical beneficence, and only secondarily as a means of confirming the truth and authenticating its messenger by way of a sign. The Book of Acts gives several examples of “powers” that are different from ordinary healings. The raising of Dorcas (9:36 ff) and of Eutychus (20:9 ff) clearly belong to this higher class, and also, perhaps, such remarkable cures as those of the lifelong cripple at the Temple gate (3:1 ff) and Aeneas of Lydda (9:32 ff). (2) Gifts of Healings (1 Cor 12:9,28,30). See HEALING, GIFTS OF. (3) Ruling, Governments (Rom 12:8, 1 Cor 12:28). — These were gifts of wise counsel and direction in the practical affairs of the church, such as by and by came to be formally entrusted to presbyters or bishops. When Paul wrote to the Corinthians, the ministry of office had not yet supplanted the ministry of inspiration, and Christian communities were guided and governed by those of their members whose wisdom in counsel proved that God through His Spirit had bestowed upon them the gift of ruling. (4) Helps (1 Cor 12:28). — This has sometimes been understood to denote the lowliest Christian function of all in Paul’s list, the function of those who have no pronounced gifts of their own and can only employ themselves in services of a subordinate kind. But the usage of the Greek word (antilempsis ) in the papyri as well as the Septuagint points to succor rendered to the weak by the strong; and this is confirmed for the New Testament when the same Greek word in its verbal form (antilambano ) is used in Acts 20:35, when Paul exhorts the elders of the Ephesian church to follow his example in helping the weak. Thus, as the gift of government foreshadowed the official powers of the presbyter or bishop, the gift of helps appears to furnish the germ of the gracious office of the deacon — the “minister” paragraph excellence, as the name diakonos denotes — which we find in existence at a later date in Philippi and Ephesus (Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:1-13), and which was probably created, on the analogy of the diakonia of the Seven in Jerusalem ( Acts 6:1 ff), as a ministry, in the first place, to the poor. See, further, HELPS.

    LITERATURE.

    Hort, Christian Ecclesia, Lect X; Neander, Hist of the Planting of the Christian Church, I, 131 ff; Weizsacker, Apostolic Age, II, 255-75; Lindsay, Church and Ministry, passim; EB, IV, article “Spiritual Gifts”; ERE, III, article “Charismata”; PRE, VI, article “Geistesgaben.” J. C. Lambert SPIRITUAL HOUSE ([oi+kov pneumatiko>v, oikos pneumatikos ], “house spiritual”): A body of Christians (a church), as pervaded by the Spirit and power of God (1 Pet 2:5); a term applicable to God’s house: “house of prayer,” the temple (Mt 21:13); to heaven: “my Father’s house” (Jn 14:2); to the tabernacle: “Moses .... faithful in all his house” (Heb 3:2); to saints: as “the household of God” (Eph 2:19), and “the temple of the Holy Spirit” (1 Cor 6:19); hence, any “habitation of God in the spirit” (Eph 2:22) in which His glory dwells and His power and grace are manifest.

    SPIRITUAL MAN ([oJ pneumatio>v, ho pneumatikos ]): In distinction from the natural, the unrenewed man (1 Cor 2:15); man in whom the Holy Spirit dwells and rules. This divine indwelling insures mental illumination: “He that is spiritual discerneth (AVm) (or interpreteth) all things”; moral renewal: “a new creature” (2 Cor 5:17); “a new man” (Eph 4:24); spiritual enduement: “Ye shall receive power” ( Acts 1:8). See SPIRITUAL, 2; SPIRITUALITY; MAN, NEW.

    SPIRITUAL MEAT ([brw~ma pneumatiko>n, broma pneumatikon ], “food spiritual”):

    Nourishment for the soul, referring specifically (1 Cor 10:3) to the manna by which the children of Israel were miraculously fed and which was made by Paul prophetically equivalent to the broken bread of the Christian sacrament symbolizing the body of Christ. Hence, (1) Christ Himself as the food of the soul: “I am the bread of life” (Jn 6:48-58); (2) anything that nourishes the spiritual life: (a) obedience to the will of God: “My meat is to do the will of him that sent me” (Jn 4:32-34); (b) the truths of God in the Scriptures: “Word of righteousness” = “strong meat” (Heb 5:12-14); “word of God” (Mt 4:4); (c) the things of the Spirit (1 Cor 3:1-2; compare 1 Cor 2). Dwight M. Pratt SPIRITUAL ROCK ([pneumatikh< pe>tra, pneumatike petra ]): Having a spiritual significance: supernatural, manifesting the power of the Divine Spirit; allegorically applied to Christ as fulfilling the type in the smitten rock in the desert, from which water miraculously burst forth to nourish the Israelites. A tradition current among the Jews affirms that this rock followed the people in their journeyings and gave forth a living stream for their supply. Paul made this ever-flowing rock a beautiful and accurate symbol of Christ: “The rock was Christ” (1 Cor 10:4).

    Without the characterizing word “spiritual,” this figurative term, with the same significance, is common to the Scriptures; applied (1) to Yahweh, God: “Rock of his salvation,” “their rock is not as our Rock” (Dt 32:15,31); “Yahweh is my rock” (Ps 18:2; compare Isa 26:4; 32:2; 1 Sam 2:2; 2 Sam 22:2); (2) to the foundation-stone of Christian confession and testimony (Mt 16:18; compare Eph 2:20; 1 Cor 3:11; 1 Pet 2:6-8), and thus to Christ Himself; (3) in Christian hymnology to Jesus crucified and spear-pierced: “Rock of ages, cleft for me.” Dwight M. Pratt SPIRITUAL SACRIFICE [pneumatikai< qusi>ai, pneumatikai thusiai ]): A figure taken from the victim slain and offered on the altar, as e.g. the paschal lamb; thus signifying the complete and acceptable offering of the self-dedicated spirit.

    As the temple, priesthood and God Himself are spiritual, so is the sacrifice of the consecrated believer (1 Pet 2:5); compare “living sacrifice” (Rom 12:1); “sacrifice of praise” (Heb 13:15,16). Any self-dedicating act of the inner man; the devout, renewed, consecrated spirit, e.g. Christian benevolence (Phil 4:18); “to do good and to communicate” (Heb 13:16); “mercy” and “knowledge of God,” instead of material and outward sacrifice (Hos 6:6). This is defined and beautifully illustrated in the classic verse on this theme, “The sacrifices of God are a broken spirit,” etc. (Ps 51:17). Dwight M. Pratt SPIRITUAL SONGS ([wj|dai< pneumatikai>, odai pneumatikai ]): [wj|dh>, ode ], English “ode,” is the general, and generic word for “song,” of which “psalms and hymns” are specific varieties (Eph 5:19; Col 3:16). It includes all lyric poetry, but is limited by the word “spiritual” to songs inspired by the Holy Spirit and employed in the joyful and devotional expression of the spiritual life. While songs, like psalms and hymns, were used in public worship and praise, they were more intended for, and suited to, personal and private and social use; as, e.g. in family worship, at meals, in the agapai (“love-feasts”), in meetings for prayer and religious intercourse from house to house. The passages above cited give apostolic authority for the use of other than the Old Testament psalms in public praise, and rebuke the narrowness and unbelief that would forever limit the operations of the Holy Spirit and the hymnology of the church to the narrow compass of the Davidic era and the Davidic school of poetry and song.

    The “new song” of Rev 5:9; 14:3, and “the song of Moses and of the Lamb” (15:3), indicate that spiritual songs are to be perpetuated in the eternal melodies of the redeemed. Dwight M. Pratt SPIRITUAL THINGS ([ta< pneumatika>, ta pneumatika ]): Things proceeding from the Holy Spirit and pertaining to man’s spiritual life, worship, service. Contrasted in 1 Cor 9:11 and in Rom 15:27 with [ta< sarkika>, ta sarkika ], things fleshly, physical, which have to do with man’s sensuous, corporeal nature, such as food, raiment, money. By “spiritual things” Paul signifies the benefits accompanying salvation, the gifts of the Spirit — faith, hope, love, justification, sanctification, peace — all the fruits and blessings and aids of the regenerate life.

    ECCLESIASTICALLY:

    Things pertaining to spiritual office, the ministry of the Word, or the service of the sanctuary. Dwight M. Pratt SPIRITUALITY <spir-it-u-al’-i-ti > : The state of being spiritual in the higher use of the word. It is purely a religious term and signifies the state of a soul vitalized by the Divine Spirit and made alive unto God. It covers the entire range of man’s faculties: intellect, feeling, will — all the attributes of personality. 1. INTELLECT:

    The intellectual can be divorced from the spiritual, but the spiritual can never be divorced from the intellectual. If a man is spiritual, his intellect is touched with the divine life and comes under the power of the divine baptism. One word describes this mental quickening and illumination — “vision.” “The pure in heart shall see God.” Paul affirms (1 Cor 2:12,13) that the Spirit of God operates directly on the mental faculties, adjusting reason and intellect to the divine reason, and enabling man to think God’s thoughts and discern His purposes, nature and will. The common use of the word “spirituality” limits it mistakenly to religious experience, narrowly interpreted, but as spirituality brings the intellect into harmony with the divine reason in every realm of mental action, it may be as manifest in science, art, philosophy, commerce and law as in religion. 2. AFFECTIONS:

    The feelings and emotions are fertile soil for the spiritual life. Love is the beginning and end of true religion. Spirituality in the realm of the affections is that state of soul in which the heart with its holiest love is centered on God as revealed in Christ. The specific and supreme work of the Holy Spirit is to shed abroad God’s love in the heart (Rom 5:5). Spirituality sets the affections on things above and brings the entire emotional nature under the regulating and redeeming sway of the Holy Spirit. 3. WILL:

    A spiritually-minded man is one whose will is set on God as well as his intellect and affections. In every fiber of his moral being, and in all the activities of his soul, he is under the guidance and dominion of the Holy Spirit. The affections present motives, the intellect estimates their worthiness, the will decides upon the course of action. When this trinity of mental operation — necessary to normal manhood — is under the sway of the Divine Spirit, man possesses spirituality, a state in which all the faculties of the soul are voluntarily and joyfully under the dominion and guidance of Christ’s indwelling Spirit. When intellect, heart and will focus their energies reverently and affectionately upon Him, love — a passionate, ever-present, everdominant love — is the result. This is the triune sphere of the Holy Spirit’s indwelling and activity, and the character of such a Godcentered and Spirit-filled life is described by the exalted word “spirituality.” Dwight M. Pratt SPIRITUALLY <spir’-it-u-al-i > ([pneumatikw~v, pneumatikos ]): As in 1 Cor 2:14, “spiritually judged,” i.e. by means of the spirit renewed and enlightened by the spirit of God; having the mind of the Spirit is to be spiritually-minded (compare the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American) Rom 8:6).

    Allegorically used also (Rev 11:8) to characterize, in a bad sense, the qualities of the spiritual (i.e. the spirit’s) life: “which spiritually is called Sodom.” See SPIRITUAL.

    SPIT; SPITTLE <spit > , <spit’-l > ([ qr”y; , yaraq ], [ qro , roq ]; [ (ejm)ptu>w, (em)ptuo ]): Spitting in a person’s face indicated gross contempt (Nu 12:14; Dt 25:9; Job 30:10; Isa 50:6; Mt 26:67; 27:30, etc.); when performed by an unclean person it produced defilement (Lev 15:8) which necessitated washing the clothes and a bath. When David allowed his spittle ([ ryri , rir ]) to run down over his beard, it was his purpose to behave like a lunatic (1 Sam 21:13). “Till I swallow down my spittle” ( Job 7:19) has the same import as the English “in the twinkling of an eye” (1 Cor 15:52). Spittle was used by our Lord in restoring sight and speech (Mk 7:33; Jn 9:6) as signifying His will to cure. It was a widespread belief that spittle, accompanied with magical formulas, possessed medicinal qualities. “Oil” possessed a similar virtue. (Mk 6:13; Jas 5:14). T. Lewis SPOIL <spoil > . See BOOTY; WAR, 8.

    SPOILER <spoil’-er > ([ ddeVoh”, ha-shodhedh ], “the spoiler”): A favorite expression of the prophet Jeremiah by which he describes generally the enemies that invade and devastate a country — with special reference to enemies that invade Judah (Jer 12:12; 15:8); to enemies who devastate Moab (48:8,18); to enemies from the North who are to assail Babylon (51:48), and in one case (6:26) to Nebuchadrezzar making an irresistible advance upon Jerusalem. the American Standard Revised Version uniformly renders “destroyer.”

    SPOKE <spok > (1 Ki 7:33). See SEA, MOLTEN.

    SPONGE <spunj > ([spo>ggov, spoggos ]): The word “sponge,” the King James Version “spunge,” occurs only in the accounts of our Lord’s crucifixion in Mt 27:48; Mk 15:36; Jn 19:29. Sponges have been known from the earliest periods. They are mentioned by Homer, Aeschylus, Aristophanes and other ancient writers. The sponge fisheries of the Eastern Mediterranean are still among the most important in the world. Sponges are animals of a very simple organization, fixed to rocks or other objects in the sea or in fresh water. The marketable sponge consists of a mass of soft interlacing fibers which constituted the skeleton of the living animal. The sponge fishers of the Levant dive from boats, with or without diving apparatus, and tear the sponges from the rocks with their hands. The sponges are allowed to die and rot in the air and are then thoroughly washed until nothing but the skeleton remains. Sponges which have calcareous or silicious skeletons are unfit for use. Alfred Ely Day SPOON <spoon > ([ tK” , kaph ]; Septuagint [qui`>skh, thuiske ], except in Jer 52:18, where it is [krea>gra, kreagra ], literally, “fork”): A hollow vessel, a censer; a small vessel in which incense was to be burnt, as is seen from the account given in Nu 7 of the oblations of the princes of the tribes after the setting-up of the tabernacle. Beginning with 7:14, we meet at every succeeding 6th verse the statement, “one golden spoon of ten shekels, full of incense,” till at 7:86 the summary statement is made, “the twelve golden spoons, full of incense.”

    SPORTS <sports > . See GAMES.

    SPOT; SPOTTED <spot > , <spot’-ed > ([ µWm , mum ]; [spi~lov, spilos ]): The Hebrew word is used to denote a blemish which mars the perfection of the face, as in Song 4:7; Job 11:15. It is translated “blemish” in Lev 24:19 f, where it means an injury the result of violence, and is rendered “blot” in Prov 9:7, where it signifies “shame” or “disgrace.” The “spotted” cattle of Gen 30:32-39 are animals of variegated color ([ al;f; , Tala’ ]; compare Ezek 16:16, “decked with divers colors”; Josh 9:5, “patched”). For chabharburah in Jer 13:23, see LEOPARD. Spilos is used in the figurative sense of a stain of sin in Pet 3:14, and similarly along with rhutis (“a wrinkle”) in Eph 5:27. The “garment spotted (verb, spiloomai) by the flesh” of Jude 1:23 is, as Calvin has para-phrased it, anything that in any way savors of sin or temptation. The “spots” of Jude 1:12 the King James Version are spilades, “hidden (sunken) rocks” which are betrayed by the surf beating over them (as in Homer Od. iii.298), and are so rendered in the Revised Version (British and American). “Spot” in Lev 13 is referred to under FRECKLED SPOT; LEPROSY; TETTER. “Without spot” in Nu 19:2, etc., is tamim, a usual word for “perfect” (so the Revised Version margin); aspilos (the negative form of spilos) occurs in 1 Tim 6:14; 1 Pet 1:19; 2 Pet 3:14, with Jas 1:27 (“unspotted”). For the King James Version Heb 9:14 see BLEMISH. Alex. Macalister SPOUSE <spouz > ([ hL;K” , kallah ], “bride,” “daughter-in-law”): the Revised Version (British and American) gives “bride” for the King James Version “spouse” in Song 4:8 ff, and “brides” for “spouses” in Hos 4:13 f (margin “daughters-in-law”). See ESPOUSAL; MARRIAGE; RELATIONSHIPS, FAMILY.

    SPREAD; SPREADING <spred > , <spred’-ing > : Alone, or in phrases like “spread abroad,” “spread forth,” etc., “spread” represents very many Hebrew terms, principally [ cr”P;, paras ]; in the New Testament the act of spreading is [strw>nnumi, stronnumi ], where in Mt 21:8b the King James Version has “strawed” (which see); compound in Lk 19:36. For “spread abroad” in Mk 1:28; 1 Thess 1:8 (exerchomai), the Revised Version (British and American) has “went out” and “gone forth”; conversely, the Revised Version (British and American) has “spread abroad” for the King James Version “break forth” (Isa 54:3,), and “published” (diaphero , Acts 13:49), and for “commonly reported” (diaphemizo , Mt 28:15).

    SPRING See FOUNTAIN; WELL.

    SPRINKLE; SPRINKLING <sprin’-k’-l > , <sprin’-kling > ([ qr”z; , zaraq ], [ hz;n; , nazah ]; [rJanti>zein, rhantizein ]): The first word means “to toss” or “scatter abundantly,” e.g. in handfuls, as dust on the head ( Job 2:12) or blood from a bowl (Ex 9:8).

    The other Hebrew word is used of sprinkling with the finger (Lev 14:7; 16:14, etc.). In the account of Jezebel’s death the word is used in its literal meaning of “spurt” (2 Ki 9:33).

    Sprinkling (blood, water, oil) formed an important — if not the essential — part of the act of sacrifice. A consideration of the chief passages in the Old Testament will reveal the prominence and the significance of sprinkling as a feature of the sacrificial act. The significance of the sprinkling of blood is seen in the account of the establishment of the covenant between Yahweh and Israel (Ex 24:6-8). Half the blood was sprinkled on the altar as representing the Deity, while the remainder was put into a basin and then sprinkled on the people. This ceremony is a survival in a modified form of the communal meal in which the tribal god and his worshippers sat together and participated in the same food, and in this way came to possess the same life. The two-fold sprinkling of blood resulted in the establishment of an inviolable bond (Nu 18:17; 2 Ki 16:15). In the account of the consecration of Aaron and his sons (Ex 29:16,20,21) the blood of the ram of the burnt offering was sprinkled on the altar, while the blood of the ram of consecration was put on the altar and sprinkled on Aaron and his sons and on their garments. Water of purifying was sprinkled on the Levites at their ordination (Nu 8:7). Lev gives detailed information in regard to sacrificial sprinkling. In the case of burnt offering the blood was sprinkled round about upon the altar (Lev 1:5,11). The same practice obtained in the case of peace offerings, whether ox, lamb or goat (Lev 3:2,8,13). When a sin offering for sins inadvertently committed was made, the priest dipped his fingers in the blood and sprinkled it seven times before Yahweh, before the veil of the Holy Place (Lev 4:6). Elsewhere (Lev 16:11,15) we read that Aaron took the blood of the sin offering and sprinkled it with his finger upon the mercy-seat, eastward, 7 times (see also Nu 19:4). Sprinkling constituted part of the process of purification. But it is obvious that the sprinkling, even in this case, was a religious act, and not part of the actual physical cleaning. A simple kind of sprinkler was made by fastening a bunch of hyssop to a cedar rod by a piece of scarlet thread or wool and then the patient was besprinkled 7 times (Lev 14:7), while oil was sprinkled with the finger, also 7 times, before Yahweh (Lev 14:16; see also Ex 12:22; Nu 19:18; Ps 51:7). The house in which the leper lived was disinfected in the same thorough manner (Lev 16:51).

    In the case of persons who had contracted uncleanness through contact with a corpse, sprinkling with the “water of separation” was part of the process of cleansing. The water of separation consisted of the ashes of a red heifer (slain for the purpose) mixed with running water (Nu 19). A sprinkler was used as in the case of the leper (Nu 19:18). The final sprinkling — on the 7th day — was followed by a bath (Nu 19:19). The “tent” in which the corpse lay, together with all the contents, were thoroughly disinfected. See HEIFER, RED.

    According to Ex (9:8,10) the plague of “boils and blains” was caused through the sprinkling of ashes (“soot” the Revised Version margin) in the air toward heaven, which settled on man and beast and produced the eruption. The narrative gives no clue in reference to the connection between the ashes and the eruption, but the religious character of the act is obvious. By means of it, the assistance of the Deity was invoked.

    According to primitive thought, there was no necessary connection between the religious act and the consummation devoutly wished for. The purpose of the religious observance was to influence, or bring pressure to bear upon, the Deity so that He might exert Himself on behalf of the worshipper. It is evident that sprinkling as part of the act of worship was believed to be religiously effectual. It was not symbolical nor morally significant. It was a religious act. It is not denied that in some passages sprinkling is symbolical. According to Ezek (36:25) the restored community will experience moral and spiritual renewal. There will be a “new heart” and a “new spirit.” The sprinkling with clean water is the outward symbol of the inward lustration. In Isa 63:3 the sacrificial allusion is obvious. The conqueror who strides triumphantly from Bozrah is “besprinkled” with the life-blood (or juice) of his victims. In Isa 52:15 “sprinkle” is a doubtful rendering. There is no apparent connection between bodily disfigurement and national purification. the Revised Version margin renders “startle” (literally, “cause to spring”). The exalted dignity of the “martyr” will excite the wonder of kings and peoples.

    In 1 Pet 1:2, “sprinkling of the blood of Jesus Christ” is used figuratively of its cleansing efficacy (compare Heb 9:13,14; 10:22). T. Lewis SPURIOUS, ACTS, EPISTLES, GOSPELS <spa’-ri-us > . See APOCRYPHAL ACTS; APOCRYPHAL EPISTLES; APOCRYPHAL GOSPELS.

    SPY <spi > . See ESPY.

    STACHYS <sta’-kis > ([ Sta>cuv, Stachus ]): The name of a Roman Christian to whom Paul sent greetings. The name is Greek and uncommon; it has been found in inscriptions connected with the imperial household. Paul designates him “my beloved” (Rom 16:9).

    STACK <stak > : Ex 22:6 the King James Version, the Revised Version (British and American) “shocks” (of grain).

    STACTE <stak’-te > ([ tf;n; , nataph ], “drops” ( Job 36:27); [stakth>, stakte ], meaning “oozing out in drops”): One of the ingredients of the holy ointment (Ex 30:34; Ecclesiasticus 24:15, margin “opobalsamum,” the King James Version “storax”). The marginal reading is a concession to Jewish tradition, but see SPICE, (1) . Dioscorides describes two kinds of stacte, one of pure myrrh and one of storax and a fat mixed. See MYRRH.

    This nataph must have been either myrrh “in drops,” as it is collected, or some other fragrant gum, similarly collected, such, for example, as gum tragacanth.

    STAFF <staf > : Many Hebrew terms are represented by this word. The “staves” of the ark translate the word [ dB” , badh ], literally, “a part,” hence, branch, bar, etc. (Ex 25:13,14,15,27,28, etc.). Other words, as matteh , maqqel , shebhet , used of the staff in the hand, the shepherd’s staff, figuratively, “staff of bread” (matteh , Ezek 4:16; 5:16; 14:13), as indispensable for support of life, are dealt with under ROD (which see). The New Testament word is [rJa>bdov, rhabdos ] (Mt 10:10 parallel Lk 9:3; Heb 11:21). See also SCEPTRE.

    STAIR <star > . See HOUSE.

    STAKE <stak > : Isa 33:20; 54:2 for [ dtey; , yathedh ], “tent-pin,” or, perhaps, “tentpole” (Ex 27:19; Jdg 4:21, etc.). The King James Version Sirach 43:19, “The hoar frost, .... being congealed, lieth on the top of sharp stakes,” is of course meaningless. the Revised Version (British and American) “When it is congealed, it is as points of thorns” renders the Greek very exactly, but the Hebrew would indicate for the original meaning “forms frost-flowers of sapphire.”

    STALK <stok > : In Gen 41:5,22 is for [ hneq; , qaneh ], “cane”; in Josh 2:6 for [ 6[e , ets ], “wood.” In Hos 8:7, the Revised Version margin has “stalk” for [ hm;q ; , qamah ], “that which stands.” The Revised Version’s “standing grain” is due to this meaning of qamah in Ex 22:6, etc., but this translation spoils the figure. The meaning is, “They sow the wind, a worthless sowing, for such seed produces no stalk, it yields no grain.”

    STALL <stol > ( (1) [ qBer]m” , marbeq ], literally,, “a place for tying up” (Am 6:4; Mal 4:2), (2) [ sb”a; , ‘abhac ], “to give fodder” (Prov 15:17), (3) [ hw;r]au , ‘urvah ], “to pluck and feed” (1 Ki 4:26; 2 Ch 9:25; 32:28), (4) [ tp,r , , repheth ], “a resting place” (Hab 3:17); (5) [fa>tnh, phatne ], “a manger” or “crib” (Lk 13:15; compare [ sWbae , ‘ebhuc ], translated “crib” in Isa 1:3; Prov 14:4)): During the season when cattle are not being used they are allowed to roam in the fields.

    Otherwise they are tied in rooms in the winter time, or under shelters made of green boughs in the summer, and all their food brought to them. Horses and cattle alike are haltered and the chains fastened through holes made in stones projecting from the walls. No stanchions and no separating partitions between animals are used. The horses are usually hobbled as well. James A. Patch STAMMERER <stam’-er-er > : Isa 32:4, [ gLe[i , `illegh ], “inarticulate speaking.” In Isa 28:11; 33:19, l`g (pointing uncertain) is rendered “strange” by the Revised Version (British and American), with “stammering” in the King James Version, the Revised Version margin. Probably the word means both, as primitive people always think that their own language alone is clearly pronounced. Or the word may mean “mocking.”

    STANDARD-BEARER <stand’-ard-bar’-er > . See WAR, 5; BANNER.

    STANDARDS <stand’-ardz > . See WAR, 5; BANNER; ASTRONOMY, II, 7.

    STANDING <stand’-ing > . See ATTITUDES.

    STAR; STARS <star > , <starz > . See ASTRONOMY, I, 6.

    STARGAZERS <star’-gaz-erz > . See ASTROLOGY, 5.

    STAR IN THE EAST See STAR OF THE MAGI; MAGI.

    STAR OF BETHLEHEM See STAR OF THE MAGI.

    STAR OF THE MAGI 1. THE MAGI:

    The birth of our Lord was announced in a supernatural manner not only to Jews by the angelic message to the shepherds, but also to Gentiles, for “Wise-men from the east came to Jerusalem, saying, Where is he that is born King of the Jews? for we saw his star in the east, and are come to worship him” (Mt 2:1,2). The word which has been rendered “wise men” in the King James Version and the English Revised Version (the American Standard Revised Version “Wise-men”) is “Magi.” These, according to Herodotus, were originally a tribe of the Medes (Herodotus i.101) and from their supposed skill in divination the term was applied to the learned and priestly caste among the followers of Zoroaster; they were thus in principle worshippers of one only God, and rejecters of polytheism and idolatry. The simple creed and high morality, which Zoroastrianism in its purest form professed, were well adapted to prepare its faithful disciples to receive a further revelation, and we may reasonably believe that the wise men who had been thus guided to worship the new-born king of the Jews had been faithful to the light afforded to them, for “in every nation he that feareth him (God), and worketh righteousness, is acceptable to him” ( Acts 10:35). See MAGI. 2. HEROD’S ENQUIRY:

    The gospel tells us that the arrival of the Magi at Jerusalem threw Herod the king and all the city into great excitement, and Herod at once called a council of all the chief priests and scribes of the people that he might learn from them where the Messiah should be born. In reply they quoted to him the prophecy of Micah which had indicated Bethlehem as the destined site. “Then Herod privily called the Wise-men, and learned of them exactly what time the star appeared. And he sent them to Bethlehem, and said, Go and search out exactly concerning the young child; and when ye have found him, bring me word, that I also may come and worship him. And they, having heard the king, went their way; and lo, the star, which they saw in the east, went before them, till it came and stood over where the young child was. And when they saw the star, they rejoiced with exceeding great joy” (Mt 2:7-10). So much, and no more, are we told of the star of the Magi, and the story is as significant in its omissions as in that which it tells us. 3. TWO FACTS CONCERNING THE STAR:

    What sort of a star it Was that led the wise men; how they learned from it that the King of the Jews was born; how it went before them; how it stood over where the young Child was, we do not know. We are indeed told but two facts concerning it: first, that its appearance in some way or other did inform the wise men, not of the birth of a king of the Jews, but of the King of the Jews for whose coming, not Israel only, but more or less consciously the whole civilized world was waiting; next, that, when they had come to Judea in consequence of this information, the star pointed out to them the actual spot where the new-born King was to be found. It went before them till it came and stood over where the young Child was. It may also be inferred from Mt 2:10 that in some way or other the wise men had for a time lost sight of the star, so that the two facts mentioned refer to two separate appearances. The first appearance induced the Magi to leave the East and set out for Judea; the second pointed out to them the place at Bethlehem where the object of their search was to be found. Nothing is told us respecting the star except its work as a guide.

    There can be no doubt that the Magi took their journey in obedience to direct revelation from God, and since we are told that God warned them in a dream not to return to Herod, so that they departed to their own country another way, it is but reasonable to suppose that their outward journey had been directed in a similar manner. 4. THE WISDOM OF THE MAGI NOT ASTROLOGICAL:

    It has been conjectured that as the Magians were credited with a great skill in astrology they may have been able to forecast the birth of our Lord by the rules of their article But this conjecture must be peremptorily rejected.

    It ascribes to the pseudo-science of astrology a reality to which it has no claim, for it is inconceivable that the planetary configurations can really foretell the birth of princes. Even if it were admitted that such could be the case, no such event could be taken as indicating the One Birth for which the world was waiting, unless some direct and explicit revelation from God had been received to that effect. For that Birth was necessarily unique, and science can deal only with repeated events. No astronomical research is now, or was at any time, competent in itself to supply the indication needed; it was not in virtue of any natural learning that the wise men understood the meaning of the star. And if a mere astronomical research was helpless to supply any such power of prediction, still more emphatically must the claim of “occult knowledge” be disallowed. So far as occult knowledge has had any basis in fact at all, it has been simply a euphemistic way of describing the frauds, impostures and crimes by which debased heathen priesthoods and “medicine men” have imposed upon the gross superstition of their followers. The very suggestion that, by means like these, God’s purpose would be made known shows that those who suggest it have not entirely shaken off the influence of heathenism. 5. THE PROPHECY OF BALAAM:

    The suggestion has often been made that the prophecy of Balaam, “There shall come forth a star out of Jacob, and a scepter shall rise out of Israel” (Nu 24:17), may have been preserved in the East and have furnished the clue upon which the Magi acted. It is a pleasing thought that these devout Gentiles had thus preserved and meditated upon the prophecy given through one who may well have been of an allied order to themselves; but that prophecy can surely not have been sufficient in itself, and some much more direct intimation must have been vouch-safed to them; though the prophecy may have aided their faith and have dictated the form in which they announced their mission to King Herod and the Jews. 6. THE STAR NOT A CONJUNCTION OF PLANETS:

    We are not told how the Magi learned the meaning of the star, neither are we told what kind of a star it was. Some three centuries ago the ingenious and devout Kepler supposed that he could identify the star with a conjunction of the planets Jupiter and Saturn in the constellation Pisces, the two planets being so close as to seem a single star. This conjunction took place in the month of May, 7 BC, not very long before the birth of our Lord is supposed to have taken place. But the late Professor Pritchard has shown (Nature and Revelation, 243-55), first, that a similar and closer conjunction occurred 59 years earlier, and should therefore have brought a Magian deputation to Judea then. Next, that the two planets never approached each other nearer than twice the diameter of the moon, so that they would have appeared, not as one star, but as two, and thirdly, if the planets had seemed to stand over Bethlehem as the wise men left Jerusalem, they would assuredly not have appeared to do so when they arrived at the little city. Ingenious as the suggestion was, it may be dismissed as unworthy of serious consideration. 7. THE STAR NOT NOVA CASSIOPEIAE:

    Another suggestion has received at times a very wide popularity. In the year 1572 a wonderful new star appeared in the constellation Cassiopeia.

    At its brightest it outshone Venus and was visible in the daylight, and though it gradually declined in splendor it was not lost to sight until after 16 months. There have been other instances of outbursts of short-lived bright stars, and in the annals of the years 1265 and 952 some brief notices have been found which may have referred to objects of this class, but more probably described comets. The guess was then hazarded that these three events might all refer to the same object; that the star in Cassiopeia might be a “variable” star, bursting into brilliancy about every 350 years or so; that it was the star that announced the birth of our Lord, and that it would reappear about the end of the 19th century to announce His second coming. This rumor was widely spread, and from time to time ignorant people have noticed the planet Venus which shines with extraordinary brilliancy when in particular parts of her orbit, and have imagined, especially when she has been thus seen as a morning star in the east, that she was none other than the star of Bethlehem at its predicted return.

    There is no reason to suppose that the star of 1572 had ever appeared before that date or will ever appear again; but in any case we are perfectly sure that it could not have been the star of Bethlehem, for Cassiopeia is a northern constellation, and the wise men in their journey from Jerusalem to Bethlehem had Cassiopeia and all her stars behind their back.

    The statement that the star “went before” the Magi gives the impression that it was some supernatural light like the shekhinah, “glory,” resting upon the tabernacle, or the pillar of fire which led the children of Israel through the wilderness. But this view raises the questions as to the form in which it first appeared to the wise men, when they were still in the East, and how they came to call it a star, when they must have recognized how un-starlike it was. On the other hand, if what they saw when in the East was really a star, it seems most difficult to understand how it can have appeared to go before them and to stand over the place where the young Child lay. 8. THE LEGEND OF THE WELL:

    Yet there is a legend still current in Palestine which may possibly explain how an actual star may have fulfilled this part, and there is a well at Bethlehem that is still shown to pilgrims as the means whereby the wise men “saw the star” the second time. It is said that when they had reached Bethlehem, apparently nearly at mid-day, one of them went to the well of the inn in order to draw water. Looking down into the well he saw the star reflected from the surface of the water and knew that it must be directly overhead. Its re-observation under such unusual circumstances would be a sufficient assurance to the Magi that they had reached the right place, and inquiry in the inn would soon inform them of the visit of the shepherds, and of the angelic message which had told them where to find the babe `born in the city of David, the Saviour, which is Christ the Lord.’

    If we may accept this legend we may take the star as having been what astronomers know as a “new” or “temporary” star, like that of 1572. When the Magi first saw it, and in consequence set out upon their journey, it may have been an evening star and thus, being seen only in the west shortly after sunset, it would appear, evening after evening, to point them their way to Judea. As they journeyed thither it probably faded as temporary stars in general quickly do. At the same time it would have drawn nearer and nearer to the sun, until it was lost in its rays by the time they reached Jerusalem, when they would seem to have lost sight of it altogether.

    Having thus lost it, they would naturally not expect to see it again until it had drawn away from the sun on the other side, and been detected as a morning star in the east before sunrise; they would not expect to discover it in the daytime.

    In the ordinary way, the planet Venus is, after the two “great lights,” the brightest object in the heavens, but temporary stars are on record that have even exceeded Venus in brightness. The difficulty of seeing the planet Venus in full sunshine does not lie in her want of brightness, but in picking up and holding steadily so minute a point of light in the broad expanse of the gleaming sky. This difficulty, which would be even greater in the case of a star, would be lessened by looking down the well, as the shaft would narrow the field of view down to a small area, and would direct the observer’s gaze straight to the star. There may also have been, at the very time of observation, a temporary revival of the brightness of the star as has been recorded in the case of one or two objects of the same class. The legend, whether well founded or not, seems to have some astronomical verisimilitude, and at any rate suggests a mode in which an actual star could have seemed to stand over the place where the young Child lay. It would also explain what seems to have been implied in the narrative, how it happened that the Magi alone, and not the Jews in general, perceived the star at its second appearance. 9. LESSON OF THE NARRATIVE:

    Yet it seems safer to conclude that the narrative has been purposely left — astronomically — too incomplete for any astronomical conclusion to be drawn from it. One verse more, and that a short one, could have answered all our inquiries, could have told us whether the star was a conjunction of the planets, a comet, or a temporary star; or whether it was a supernatural light like the pillar of fire in the wilderness. But that verse has not been given. The score of additional words which could have cleared up the matter have been withheld, and there can be no doubt as to the reason. The star, whatever its physical nature, was of no importance except as a guide to the birthplace of the infant Jesus. The reticence of the gospel narrative on all points, except those directly relating to our Lord Himself, enforces the truth that the Scriptures were not written to instruct us in astronomy, or in any of the physical sciences, but that we might have life eternal (Jn 17:3). E. W. Maunder STAR OF WORMWOOD See WORMWOOD.

    STARS, COURSES OF See ASTRONOMY, I, 1.

    STARS, FALLING; MORNING; WANDERING See ASTRONOMY, I, 8; I, 7; I, 9.

    STARS, SEVEN See ASTRONOMY.

    STATELY <stat’-li > ([ hD;WbK] , kebhuddah ], “weight,” “honor,” “wealth”): “And sit upon a stately (magnificent) bed” (Ezek 23:41).

    STATER <sta’-ter > ([stath>r, stater ]): Used only once, Mt 17:27, where it is rendered by “piece of money” in the King James Version and “shekel” in the Revised Version (British and American). It was originally a standard Greek weight equal to two drachmas, but later it was used to designate the tetradrachma, and this is probably the coin referred to in the above passage. See MONEY.

    STATURE <stat’-ur > ([ dm”, madh ], [ hD;mi , middah ], “measure” (Nu 13:32, etc.), [ hm;wOq , qomah ], “standing up” (1 Sam 16:7, etc.); [hJliki>a, helikia ], “greatness”): This last word means “height of the body,” “stature,” in Lk 2:52; 19:3; Eph 4:13, but it can mean “length of life” equally well and has this force in Jn 9:21,23; Heb 11:11. And this meaning, not “stature” (as in the King James Version), is fixed for Mt 6:27 parallel Lk 12:25, for to add some 18 inches (see CUBIT) to one’s “stature” would be a grotesque feat, while it is the smallness of the act that is emphasized. Hence, the translation “able to extend his long path of life by a single cubit” (the Revised Version (British and American) “measure of life”). Compare also “great of stature” Baruch 3:26 ([eujmege>qhv, eumegethes ]). Burton Scott Easton STAVES <stavz > ([ µyDiB” , baddim ]): Ten or eleven Hebrew words are used in the Old Testament to describe various staffs, bars, and wooden rods used by the Hebrews (compare START; ROD; SCEPTER). One word only is used to describe the staves or wooden poles used for carrying the holy furniture of the tabernacle from place to place. That word is badh (plural baddim ), which occurs 28 times in Exodus and Numbers and 5 times in Kings and Chronicles (compare also Job 17:16; Hos 11:6). The only passage in which these staves are mentioned by another name is 1 Ch 15:15, where the staves used for carrying the ark from its captivity into Jerusalem are called motah. The reason for this probably is that the original baddim had been lost during the long absence of the sacred chest from its home in the tabernacle.

    In the wilderness wanderings, arrangements were made that four items of the holy furniture of the portable tabernacle should be carried on the shoulders of Levites, suspended on these staves. These were the golden altar of incense, the golden table for shewbread, the brazen altar of sacrifice, and the ark of the covenant (Ex 35:12-16).

    In the case of the large altar of sacrifice, which was in reality a hollow wooden chest covered with brass (bronze) plates (see ALTER ), four rings were attached to the brass grating which rose midway in the chest, and through these rings the staves passed. The staves were of acacia wood and were covered with brass plating. In the case of the three golden utensils of the sanctuary, the staves were of acacia wood, covered with gold plates.

    The last mention of any of these staves is in 1 Ki 8:7-9, where it is stated of the ark, in the holy of holies in Solomon’s Temple, that the ends of its staves were seen by anyone standing in the adjoining holy place, before (i.e. east of) the oracle. Priests only might view them there, the curtain being withdrawn. The writer of 1 Ki 8 adds that the staves were thus visible when he wrote, an item of evidence worthy of note as to the date of the document. W. Shaw Caldecott STAY <sta > : Is derived from two distinct forms. From one derivation it has the meaning “to stand” and so “to continue in one place” (Gen 8:10; Lev 13:23,28, etc.), “to forbear to act” ( Ruth 1:13), “to rest,” “to be trustful” (King James Version, the English Revised Version Isa 10:20; see below). Transitively it means “to cause to stay,” “to hinder” (Dan 4:35, etc.), and “stay” as a noun means “cessation of progress”‘ (Lev 13:5,37), “sojourn.” From the second derivation the verb means “to support” (Ex 17:12; 1 Ki 22:35; Song 2:5), while the noun means “a support” (1 Ki 10:19; Isa 3:1, etc.). the American Standard Revised Version has judged obsolete “stay on” in the sense “trust in,” and for “stay” has substituted “lean” in Isa 10:20 and “rely” in 30:12; 31:1; 50:10, although “stay themselves upon” (= “support themselves by”) has been kept in 48:2.

    Otherwise the Revised Version (British and American) has made few alterations. But such as have been made (“tarry ye” for “stay yourselves” in Isa 29:9 and the American Standard Revised Version “restrain” for “stay” in Job 37:4) could have been carried farther with advantage. Burton Scott Easton STEAD; STEADS <sted > , <stedz > ([ tj”T” , tachath ], “(same) place”; AS stede, “place”):

    Occurs only in 1 Ch 5:22, “They dwelt in their stead (place) until the captivity.”

    STEALING <ste’-ling > . See CRIMES; PUNISHMENTS.

    STEDFASTNESS <sted’-fast-nes > : (1) [stere>wma, stereoma ], “firmness”: “The steadfastness of your faith in Christ” (Col 2:5). Some take this figuratively, in a military sense, of a “solid front” (see Thayer, Greek-English Lexicon of New Testament, under the word). (2) [sterigmo>v, sterigmos ], “stability” (2 Pet 3:17; compare 1 Cor 15:58).

    STEEL <stel > : the Revised Version (British and American) substitutes “brass” for “steel” in 2 Sam 22:35; Job 20:24; Ps 18:34; Jer 15:12, and “steel” for “torches” in Nah 2:3. See BRASS.

    STEPHANAS <stef’-a-nas > ([ Stefana~v, Stephanas ]): The name occurs only in 1 Cor 1:16; 16:15-18. Stephanas was a Christian of Corinth; his household is mentioned in 1 Cor 16:15 as the first family won to Christ in Achaia, and in 1 Cor 1:16 as among the few personally baptized by Paul at Corinth. The “house of Stephanas,” apparently of independent means, had “set themselves to minister unto the saints” (1 Cor 16:15), i.e. to do Christian service. Possibly this service consisted in putting their house at the disposal of the Christians at Corinth for worshipping, or in rendering special assistance in establishing intercommunication between the Corinthian church and the apostle, or the other churches. An instance of such service was the commission of Stephanas at Ephesus referred to in 1 Cor 16:17,18.

    At the occasion of some disorders in the Corinthian church Stephanas, with Fortunatus and Achaicus in the deputation, brought a letter of the Corinthians to Paul. Our present 1 Corinthians is the reply to this letter, and thus, in all probability, the three men mentioned above were the bearers of this epistle. With fine courtesy Paul expresses his appreciation for this service in 1 Cor 16:18, referring to it as a cherished opportunity of fellowship with his beloved Corinthians through these representatives. It is in consideration of such Christian service that Paul enjoins upon the Corinthians to show the house of Stephanas that respect and deference due to Christian leaders by willingly submitting to their direction. S. D. Press STEPHEN <ste’-vn > ([ Ste>fanov, Stephanos ], “crown” ( Acts 6:5 through 8:12)):

    Known best as the proto-martyr of the Christian church, introducing the heroic period of persecutions. He deserves as well to be called the first great apologist for Christianity, since it was this that brought on his death as a martyr (circa 36 or 37 AD). 1. HIS PERSONAL ANTECEDENTS:

    As his name and his relations in the church at Jerusalem seem to imply ( Acts 6:3 ff), he was a Hellenist, i.e. a Greek-speaking Jew. Thus he belonged to that class of Jews usually residing outside of Palestine who, though distinguished from the orthodox Palestinian Jew by a broader outlook on life due to a more liberal education, were Jews none the less, the original Jewish element predominating in their character, and who might be true Israelites indeed, as Stephen was. Of his conversion to Christianity we know nothing, though there is a tradition that he was among the Seventy. As Stephen by his life and work marks a period of transition in the development of the early Christian church, so his name is connected with an important new departure within the organization of the church itself, namely, the institution of the office of the Seven ( Acts 6:1 ff), who were entrusted with the administration of the work of relief in the church at Jerusalem — the foundation of the diaconate (Iren., Haer., i.26; Cyprian, Epist., iii.3). Of the seven men, all Hellenists, elected to this office at the occasion of a grievance of the Hellenistic Christians in the Jerusalem church against the Hebrew Christians, to the effect that in the distribution of alms their widows were being discriminated against, Stephen, who heads the list, is by far the most distinguished. 2. HIS CHARACTER AND ACTIVITY:

    Stephen more than met the requirements of the office to which he was elected ( Acts 6:3); the record characterizes him as “a man full of faith and of the Holy Spirit” ( Acts 6:5), i.e. of an enthusiastic faith and of a deep spirituality, and his activity was not restricted to the functions of his office; in fact while nothing is said of the manner in which he fulfilled the duties of his office, though without doubt he fulfilled them faithfully, the record makes it very clear that the importance of Stephen lay in his activity as a preacher, a witness for Christ; it is this activity which has given him the place he holds in history ( Acts 22:20). In itself that is not surprising, for in the early Christian church every Christian was at once a witness for Christ, and lay-preaching was common. The Seven from the first were occupied with essentially spiritual work, as also the later diaconate was engaged in something far different from mere charity organization. But Stephen was especially qualified for this high work, having been endued by the Holy Spirit with apostolical gifts, not only that of preaching, but also that of working miracles ( Acts 6:8). In his freer views of Jewish law and customs, due to his deeper conception and better understanding of the essence of Christianity, he even excelled the apostles. 3. HIS TEACHING:

    He burst the bonds of Judaism, by which the other apostles were still bound, by teaching that the temple and the Law of Moses were evanescent and that Christianity was destined to supersede Judaism ( Acts 6:14).

    These freer views of Stephen, though possibly attributable to his Hellenic culture, were certainly not of Hellenistic origin, for just their promulgation is what brought him into controversy with the Hellenistic synagogues of Jerusalem. Though the Hellenist dispensed himself from keeping all of the Pharisaic additions to the Law, he always regarded the Law of Moses and the temple at Jerusalem as highly as the Palestinian Jew. Even Philo characterizes the Law of Moses in distinction from the laws of other nations, as stedfast, immovable and unchangeable, placing it on a level with the laws of Nature. The true source of Stephen’s freer views of the Mosaic Law and the temple was Christ’s own teachings, Stephen showing a wonderfully ripened understanding of them, paralleled only by that of Paul some time later. Christ’s words regarding the temple (Jn 4:20-24; Mk 13:2) not only led Stephen to see that the true worship of God was not confined to the temple, but opened his eyes as to the purely formal character of this worship in that day, which, far from being true worship, had become a mere ceremonialism (Mk 7:6), and in the words of Christ (Jn 2:19) he saw an intimation of the new temple which was to take the place of the old. Thus also his conception of the transitory nature of the Mosaic Law may be traced to Christ’s teaching as to the Sabbath, the laws of purifying, the fulfillment of the Law and Jewish customs of the day (Mt 5:20) and of a better righteousness than that of the Pharisees and scribes (Mt 9:16). As Christ had been drawn into controversy with Pharisees and scribes on account of these freer views, and as His word about the temple was used to frame the accusation against Him in His trial, so also in the case of Stephen. He did not hesitate to preach his views, choosing the Hellenistic synagogues for this purpose, and soon became engaged in controversies there. But, as the record says, his opponents “were not able to withstand the wisdom,” i.e. better understanding, convincing knowledge, “and the Spirit,” i.e. the deep earnestness and spirituality, “by which he spake” so convincingly ( Acts 6:10; Mt 10:19,20). Seeing themselves beaten, they took recourse to the ignoble method of declaring him a blasphemer and a heretic, by using the same foul means that the enemies of Jesus had resorted to, by suborning false witnesses to the plot, by stirring up the people against him, by appealing to their Jewish prejudices and to the scribes and elders, members of the Sanhedrin, and thus eventually brought about his arraignment. 4. HIS ARRAIGNMENT BEFORE THE SANHEDRIN:

    The accusation which they brought against him, through the introduction of false witnesses, included a twofold charge, one against his person, a charge of blasphemous words against Moses which would make him also a blasphemer of God, and one against his teaching, charging him with revolutionary and radical statements concerning the temple and the Law. (compare Mk 14:58; 13:2; 15:29). “Customs of Moses” ( Acts 6:14) were the institutions that distinguished the Jews and that were derived from Moses. By his reference to “this place” and “these customs” Stephen was understood to imply the destruction of the temple and the change of the Law, Christianity thus aiming not only at the overthrow of the Jews’ religion but the very termination of their national existence.

    The charge against Stephen’s person was a baseless accusation. There was no blasphemy on the part of Stephen, save by perversion of his words. The charge against his teaching was both false and true. It was false as an implied insinuation that he impugned the divine origin and character of the temple and the Mosaic Law, but it was true as far as he conceived both to be only of a temporary nature and serving a merely provisional purpose, which, as we have seen, constituted the peculiarity of his teaching. As in the trial of Christ, the judge, Pontius Pilate, read his true verdict, “I find no guilt in him,” written on His countenance and whole bearing, thus here the record tells us that the judges of Stephen, “All that sat in the council .... saw his face as it had been the face of an angel” ( Acts 6:15; 2 Cor 3:18); as if in refutation of the charge made against him, Stephen receives the same mark of divine favor which had been granted to Moses. It is a significant fact that Stephen was not arraigned before the Sanhedrin as being a Nazarene though at bottom it was the real cause of his arraignment. Thus also his defense before the Sanhedrin, though the name of Jesus was not mentioned until the very last, was in reality a grand apology for Christ. 5. HIS DEFENSE BEFORE THE SANHEDRIN:

    While the assembly was overawed by the evidence of singular innocence and holiness written upon the countenance of Stephen ( Acts 6:15), the question of the high priest “Are these things so?” broke in upon the silence.

    It drew forth from Stephen that masterful pleading which, so sublime in form and content and bare of all artificiality, belongs to the highest type of oratory, characterized by its deep, earnest, and genuine spirituality, the kind of oratory of which the great speeches of our own martyred Lincoln were models. It is not so much a plea in selfdefence as a grand apology for the cause which Stephen represents.

    Beginning by mentioning “the God of glory” and ending with a vision of that glory itself, the speech is a wonderful apotheosis of the humble cause of the Nazarene, the enthusiastic tribute of its first great martyr delivered in the face of death. The contents of his speech are a recital of the most marked phases of Jewish history in the past, but as read from the point of view of its outworkings in the present — old facts interpreted by a spiritfilled disciple of Christ. It is in reality a philosophy of Israel’s history and religion, and in so far it was a novum. Thus the new feature that it furnishes is its philosophy of this history which might be termed the Christian philosophy of Jewish history. In appealing to their reason he calls up picture after picture from Abraham to Moses; the speech exhibits vividly the continuity and the progress of the divine revelation which culminated in Jesus of Nazareth, the same thought as that expressed by Christ in Mt 5:17 of the principal agreement between the Old Testament and the New Testament revelation.

    The emotional appeal lies in the reverential and feeling manner in which he handles the history sacred to them all. The strong appeal to the will is made by holding up the figure of Moses type of the Law, in its vital significance, in such a way as passionately to apply it to the fundamental relation of divine plan and human conduct. Thus the aim of Stephen was to point out to his hearers the true meaning of Jewish history and Jewish Law in reference to the present, i.e. in such a way that they might better understand and judge the present and adjust their conduct to it accordingly.

    Their knowledge of Jewish history and Jewish religion as he would convey it to them would compel them to clear him of the accusation against him as blasphemer and false teacher.

    In accordance with the accusation against him, his defense was a twofold one: personal defense and defense of his teaching. (1) Personal Defense The charge of blasphemy against God and contempt of the Law is implicitly repudiated by the tenor of the whole speech. The courteous and at once endearing terms in Stephen’s address ( Acts 7:2) to the council, and the terms “our fathers” and “our race” in Acts 7:2,19 by which he closely associates himself with his hearers, his declaration of the divine majesty of Yahweh with which the speech opens (7:2), of the providential leading of the patriarchs (7:8,10), his recognition of the Old Testament institutions as divinely decreed (7:8), his reference to the divine sanction of the Law and its condemnation of those who had not kept it (7:53), at the close of his speech, show clearly his reverence, not only for the past history of the Jewish race, but as well for its Sacred Writings and all of its religious institutions. It makes evident beyond doubt how not grounded the accusation of blasphemy against him was. Not to impiety or frivolity in Stephen, but to some other cause, must be due therefore the difference between him and his opponents. What it is Stephen himself shows unmistakenly in the second part of his defense. (2) Defence of His Teaching The fundamental differences between Stephen and his opponents, as is evident from the whole tone and drift and purpose of his speech, lay in that he judged Old Testament history from the prophetical point of view, to which Jesus had also allied Himself, while his opponents represented the legalistic point of view, so characteristic of the Jewish thought of that day.

    The significance of this difference is borne out by the fact upon which Stephen’s refutation hinges, namely, the fact, proved by the history of the past, that the development of the divine revelation and the development of the Jewish nation, so far from combining, move in divergent lines, due to a disposition of obstinate disobedience on the part of their fathers, and that therefore not he but they were disobedient to the divine revelation. Thus in a masterful way Stephen converts the charge of Antinomianism and anti- Mosaism brought against him into a countercharge of disobedience to the divine revelation, of which his hearers stood guilty in the present as their fathers had in the past. In this sense the speech of Stephen is a grand apology for the Christian cause which he represented, inasmuch as it shows clearly that the new religion was only the divinely-ordered development of the old, and not in opposition to it.

    The main arguments of the speech may be summed up as follows: (a) God’s self-manifestation to Israel in revealing His covenant and His will, so far from being bound to one sanctuary and conveyed to one single person (Moses), began long before Moses and long before there was a temple. Thus it was gradual, and as it had begun before Moses it was not completed by him, as is evident from his own words, “A prophet shall God raise up unto you from among your brethren, like unto me” ( Acts 7:2-37). (b) The Jews to whom these revelations were granted, so far from being thankful at all stages of their history, had been slow to believe and understand them because they “would not be obedient” ( Acts 7:39,57). They resisted the purpose of God by obstinately and stiffneckedly opposing those through whom God worked. Thus their fathers had turned away from Moses at the very moment when he was receiving God’s greatest revelation, and, instead of obeying the “living oracles” (7:38) he gave them, turned to idol-worship for which God punished them by the Babylonian captivity (7:39-43). They had killed the prophets who had protested against the dead ritualism of the temple-worship and raised their voice in behalf of a true spiritual worship as that of the tabernacle had been (7:44-50,52). This disposition of disobedience so characteristic of the race in its whole history, because, in spite of the divine revelation received, they remained unregenerate (7:51), reached its culmination in that awful crime of betrayal and murder committed by the present generation upon the “Righteous One” whose coming the prophets had predicted the rejection of Jesus of Nazareth, by which the Jews doomed not only their national existence, but also their temple-worship and the reign of the Law to destruction (7:52 through 6:14).

    Though the name of Jesus was not uttered by Stephen in his speech and does not occur until in his dying prayer, his hearers could not fail to notice the hidden reference to Him throughout the entire speech and to draw parallels intended by Stephen: As Joseph and Moses, types of the Messiah, had been rejected, scorned and illtreated ( Acts 7:9,27,39), before being raised to be ruler and deliverer, so Jesus had also been repulsed by them.

    The climax of his speech is reached in Acts 7:51-53, when Stephen, breaking off the line of argument, suddenly in direct address turns upon his hearers, and, the accused becoming the accuser, charges them openly with the sin of resisting the Holy Spirit, with the murder of the prophets and the Righteous One, and with continual disobedience to the Law. These words which mark the climax, though probably not the close of the speech, pointed the moral in terms of the most cutting rebuke, and were at once prophetical as to the effect the speech would have upon his hearers and for him. 6. MARTYRDOM OF STEPHEN:

    Such arguing and directness as Stephen’s could have but one result.

    Prejudiced and enraged as they were, the unanswerable arguments of Stephen, based on their own Scriptures, made them mad with fury, and doubtless through their demonstrations they stopped the speech. But Stephen, ansported with enthusiasm and inspiration, was vouchsafed a vision of the “glory of God,” which he had mentioned in the beginning of his speech ( Acts 7:2), and of Jesus, whose cause he had so gallantly defended ( Acts 7:55). Stephen standing there, his gaze piercing into heaven, while time and human limitations seemed effaced for him, marks one of the most historic moments in the history of Israel, as his words constitute the most memorable testimony ever uttered in behalf of Christ: “Behold, I see the heavens opened, and the Son of man” — the only place where this title is uttered by any other person than Jesus — “standing on the right hand of God” ( Acts 7:56). Now the audience could restrain its rage no longer, and the catastrophe followed immediately. Contrary to Roman law and order they took Stephen, and without awaiting sentence against him, amid a tumultuous scene, stoned him to death, the punishment prescribed in Mosaic Law for a blasphemer (Dt 17:7; Lev 24:14-16). This recourse to lynch law may have been connived at by the Roman authorities, since the act was without political significance. It is noteworthy, however, that the Jewish legal forms were observed, as if to give to the violence the appearance of legality. Accordingly, Stephen was taken outside the city (Lev 24:14; compare Lk 4:29); the witnesses threw the first stone at him (compare Dt 17:7) after taking off their upper garments and laying them at the feet of a “young man named Saul” ( Acts 7:58) — afterward Paul, now about 30 years old — who evidently had charge of the whole proceedings.

    Stephen died as he had lived, a faithful witness to his Master whom he acknowledged as such amid the rain of stones hurled at him, loudly calling upon His name, “Lord Jesus, receive my spirit” ( Acts 7:59; compare Lk 23:46), and whose spirit he exemplified so nobly when, with a final effort, bending his knees, he “cried with a loud voice, Lord, lay not this sin to their charge” ( Acts 7:60; compare Lk 23:34). “And when he had said this, he fell asleep” ( Acts 7:60; compare 1 Cor 15).

    The impression made by Stephen’s death was even greater than that made by his life. Though it marks the beginning of the first great persecution of Christians, the death of the first Christian martyr resulted in the greatest acquisition Christianity has probably ever made, the conversion of Saul of Tarsus. The vision of the risen and exalted Jesus vouchsafed to the dying Stephen presented Christianity to Saul of Tarsus in a new light, tending to remove what had been its greatest stumbling-block to him in the Crucified One. This revelation coupled with the splendid personality of Stephen, the testimony of his righteous life and the noble bravery of his sublime death, and above all his dying prayer, fell upon the honest soul of Saul with an irresistible force and inevitably brought on the Damascus event, as Augustine clearly recognized: “Si Stephanus non orasset, ecclesia Paulum non habuisset.” Judged by his teaching, Stephen may be called the forerunner of Paul. He was one of the first to conceive of the fact that Christianity represented a new order of things and as such would inevitably supersede the old order. Thus his teachings forecast that greatest controversy of the first Christian century, the controversy between Judaism and Christianity, which reached its culmination-point in the Council of Jerusalem, resulting in the independence of the Christian church from the fetters of Judaistic legalism.

    LITERATURE.

    R. J. Knowling, “Acts” in Expositor’s Greek Testament., II (1900); Feine, PRE3, XIX (1907); Pahncke in Studien u. Krit. (1912), I. S. D. Press STEWARD <stu’-erd > ([ tyiB” l[“ vyai , ‘ish `al bayith ] (Gen 43:16,19; 44:1; 1 Ki 16:9), [ rx”l]M,h” , ha-meltsar ] (Dan 1:11), [ ˆkeSoh” , ha-cokhen ] (Isa 22:15)): 1. OLD TESTAMENT USAGE:

    In the King James Version the word “steward” is found in Gen 15:2; 1 Ch 28:1, in addition to the above. The American Standard Revised Version renders Gen 15:2 as “possessor,” and 1 Ch 28:1 “rulers.”

    The phrase ben-mesheq in Gen 15:2 is best rendered “son of acquisition,” hence, “heir.” But this is disputed. Skinner in the ICC on Gen regards the text as hopelessly corrupt, and offers no solution of the difficulty. In the other passages, the phrase ‘ish `al bayith is conveniently translated “steward,” though literally it is “man over the house.” The word hameltsar in Dan 1:11 is translated in the King James Version as a proper noun. This is certainly a mistake. The margin gives “the steward,” and this is followed in the Revised Version (British and American). A better rendering perhaps would be “overseer,” as this man seemed to have the superintendence of the training and feeding of the young men until they were fitted to enter the king’s service. He was thus rather a steward of persons than of property (see MELZAR ). In Isa 22:15 Shebna is described in the text as “treasurer,” but in the margin as “steward,” and seems to combine the ideas in both the words “treasurer” and “steward.” Shebna was thus one of the highest officials, having charge of the city’s funds, and of administering them for the city’s benefit.

    Though the word for “steward” occurs but once in that sense, the idea is one familiar to the Old Testament. Eliezer of Damascus was Abraham’s slave and trusted steward. Heseems to have had the oversight of all his affairs and was entrusted with the important duty of getting a wife for Isaac. He apparently had charge over the family of his master as well as his property. Whether Isaac had such a steward or not is nowhere stated, but it is practically certain that he had. Jacob seems to have been Laban’s steward for a time, as he apparently had full charge of the flocks and herds of his master. Joseph was practically Potiphar’s steward, and when he became Pharaoh’s chief minister, he himself had a steward over his own house (Gen 39:4,5; 44:1,4). The king Elah in his brief reign of two years had a steward in charge of his household (1 Ki 16:9). The same was doubtless true of all the kings, and it may be safely inferred that every household of distinction or of sufficient wealth had a steward in charge.

    The functions of this officer seem at times to have included the care of the children or minors, as well as of the property. Sometimes he was a slave, sometimes a freedman. 2. IN THE NEW TESTAMENT: [ejpi>tropov, epitropos ], [oijkono>mov, oikonomos ]. These two terms denote similar positions. The exact difference cannot be clearly defined, as they are sometimes almost synonymous. The two are found together in Gal 4:2. Some scholars say they are used synonymously, others that the first word is a more general term including the latter. Lightfoot and Ellicott think that the former refers rather to the guardianship of persons, the child’s legal representative, while the latter word refers to the head servant appointed to manage the household or property (compare 2 Macc 11:1; 13:2). There would, however, not be any such hard-and-fast line between their respective duties; these might vary with every master, or might be combined in one individual. (1) In the Gospels.

    The idea seems to have been perfectly familiar to the people in Christ’s day. Every household of distinction seems to have had a steward in charge, Herod’s steward was named Chuzas, and his wife, Joanna, followed and ministered to Jesus (Lk 8:3). The word epitropos used here is held by some scholars to imply that he had charge of the education of Herod’s children. This is very probable but not certain. In the parable of the Laborers in the Vineyard, it is the steward who pays the laborers at the close of the day (Mt 20:8). The parable of the Unjust Steward best illustrates the practice. This steward was a freeman, had full charge of his master’s affairs and could use them to his own advantage if he chose, was fully accountable to his master and had to render an account when called upon. If unfaithful he was usually discharged at once (Lk 16:1-13). The parables of the Minae or Pounds (Lk 19:12-27), the Talents (Mt 25:14- 30), and the Wicked Husbandmen (Mt 21:33-46) teach similar truths. In His warning to His disciples Jesus seems to imply that they were to act as stewards in His absence (Lk 12:42). According to this passage a steward’s task was to manage all the affairs of his master, attend to receipts and expenditures, and portion out to each one of the household what should come to him. The disciples were left thus in charge of His gospel and were to use this gift to the best advantage in behalf of others until His return. In Jn 2:8 the term “ruler” is given in the margin as “steward.” The one referred to here was really director of the feast rather than steward, though in a sense charged with the responsibility of conducting it. Many stewards were no doubt slaves, as is implied in Mt 24:45, while others were freedmen (Lk 16:1-21). (2) In the Epistles.

    The application of this term is largely confined to the ministry of the gospel. Paul and his fellow-laborers regarded themselves as stewards of the mysteries of God (1 Cor 4:1,2). The idea is that he take scrupulous care of that which was entrusted to him, and give it out to others faithfully and as directed by his master Jesus Christ. A bishop or overseer is to be as God’s steward (Tit 1:7). Peter considered himself and all other Christians as “stewards of the manifold grace of God” (1 Pet 4:10). The prevalence of the custom of having guardians and stewards over children in their minority is shown in Gal 4:2. The difference in meaning of the two words used here is stated above. In Romans 16:23 Erastus is called the oikonomos of the city. This is best translated “treasurer.” Erastus was thus an influential member of the community of Corinth and evidently a faithful Christian. James Josiah Reeve STEWPAN <stu’-pan > (Lev 11:35 margin). See PAN.

    STIFF-NECKED <stif’-nekt > ([ tr,[o hveq ] , qesheh `oreph ], literally, “hard of neck”): As it is figuratively used, both in the Old Testament and in the New Testament, the word means “stubborn,” “untractable,” “not to be led.” The derivation of the idea was entirely familiar to the Jews, with whom the ox was the most useful and common of domestic animals. It was especially used for such agricultural purposes as harrowing and plowing (Jdg 14:18; 1 Cor 9:9).

    The plow was usually drawn by two oxen. As the plowman required but one hand to guide the plow, he carried in the other an “ox-goad.” This was a light pole, shod with an iron spike. With this he would prick the oxen upon the hind legs to increase their speed, and upon the neck to turn, or to keep a straight course when deviating. If an ox was hard to control or stubborn, it was “hard of neck,” or stiff-necked. Hence, the figure was used in the Scriptures to express the stubborn, untractable spirit of a people not responsive to the guiding of their God (Ex 32:9; 33:3; Dt 9:6; Ch 36:13; Jer 17:23, etc.). See also the New Testament where [sklhrotra>chlov, sklerotrachelos ], is so translated ( Acts 7:51), “Ye stiff-necked and uncircumcised in heart and ears, ye do always resist the Holy Spirit.”. Compare Baruch 2:30,33. Arthur Walwyn Evans STILL <stil > : “To be still” is “to keep silence” (Ps 4:4, etc.) and so “to be quiet” (Ps 107:29, etc.) or “inactive” in any way (Jdg 18:9; 1 Ki 22:3; Zec 1:11, etc.). So “be still” in Ps 46:10 means “desist from your war” (compare the Revised Version margin “let be”). The “still small voice” of 1 Ki 19:12 (the Revised Version margin “sound of gentle stillness”) is due to taking the Hebrew demamah in its literal force of “silent,” but the word here means “whisper” — “a whispering, little voice.” This familiar passage, however, has made “still voice” good English, and the combination is used in Job 4:16 by the Revised Version margin. In Ps 23:2 the translation “still waters” takes “waters of rest” (so literally for [ hj;Wnm ] , menuchah ]; compare the Revised Version margin) to mean “waters with little motion.”

    But the meaning is either “wells by which the flocks rest” or “wells that give refreshing water.” As an adverb “still” is perhaps more emphatic than in modern English; compare “power to keep still the kingdom,” 2 Ch 22:9 the King James Version (the Revised Version (British and American) “to hold the kingdom”). Burton Scott Easton STING <sting > ([ vr”P’ , parash ], “to cut into”; [ke>ntron, kentron ], “a goad,” “spur”): A sharp, pointed organ or instrument for inflicting wounds by puncture; sting of an adder, Prov 23:32; of scorpions, Rev 9:10. In the free quotation of 1 Cor 15:55 from Hos 13:14, death is personified as a deadly animal, like a scorpion or serpent, which inflicts destruction by means of sin as its kentron. It should also be remembered that in Acts 26:14 the same Greek word is used with reference to an instrument for exciting fear, rather than death. Both figures are pertinent; for death is powerless, except through sin, and, also, when sin is vanquished, the fear of death (Heb 2:15) is gone. H. E. Jacobs STIR, STIR UP <stur > : Used transitively and intransitively to indicate inner, concentrated movement; translates a number of Hebrew and Greek verbs, each of which has its different shade of meaning. Thus, e.g. in Ps 39:2, we have `akhar , “to be troubled,” “excited”; in Song 2:7, `ur , “to awake,” “disturb” (by the festal dances and songs). In 2 Tim 1:6, it stands for Greek anazopureo , used of the resuscitation of a flame; in 2 Pet 1:13; 3:1, Greek diegeiro , “to awaken from sleep or stupor”; in Acts 21:27, Greek sugcheo , “to commingle,” vividly portraying the confusion and tumult that resulted; in Acts 13:50, Greek parotruno , “to urge on”; Acts 17:13, Greek saleuo , “to shake to and fro.”

    STOCK <stok > : In English Versions of the Bible is used for: (1) The stem of a tree, whether alive ( Job 14:8; Isa 40:24) or cut down (Isa 44:19; The Wisdom of Solomon 14:21). In Jer 2:27; 3:9; Hos 4:12, where the Hebrew has simply [ 6[e , `ets ], “wood,” either meaning is possible (tree-worship? idolatry?). In Jer 10:8 the text is doubtful. (2) A family (Lev 25:47; 1 Esdras 5:37; Tobit 5:13; 1 Macc 12:21; 2 Macc 1:10; Acts 13:26; Phil 3:5). (3) Elsewhere ( Job 13:27, etc.) the word refers to an instrument of punishment. See PUNISHMENTS.

    STOICS <sto’-iks > ([ Stwi`koi> , Stoikoi ]): 1. ORIGIN AND PROPAGATION:

    The name was derived from the Stoa Poikile, the painted porch at Athens, where the founders of the school first lectured. This school of Greek philosophy was founded at Athens circa 294 BC by Zeno (circa 336-264 BC), a native of Citium, a Greek colony in Cyprus. But the Semitic race predominated in Cyprus, and it has been conjectured that Zeno was of Semitic rather than Hellenic origin. His Greek critics taunted him with being a Phoenician. It has therefore been suggested that the distinctive moral tone of the system was Semitic and not Hellenic. Further color is given to this view by the fact that Zeno’s immediate successors at the head of the school also hailed from Asia Minor, Cleanthes (331-232 BC) being a native of Assos, and Chrysippus (280-206 BC) of Soli in Cilicia. Several other adherents of the system hailed from Asia Minor, and it flourished in several Asiatic cities, such as Tarsus and Sidon. In the 2nd century BC the doctrine was brought to Rome by Panaetius of Rhodes (circa 189-109 BC), and in the course of the two succeeding centuries it spread widely among the upper classes of Roman society. It reckoned among its adherents a Scipio and a Cato, Seneca and Marcus Aurelius, as well as the freedman Epictetus. The most adequate account of the teaching of the Greek Stoics has been preserved in the writings of Cicero, who, however, was a sympathetic critic, rather than an adherent of the school. The system acquired its most lasting influence by its adoption as the formative factor in the jurisprudence of imperial Rome, and Roman law in its turn contributed to the formation of Christian doctrine and ethics. 2. METAPHYSICS AND RELIGION:

    The main principles of Stoicism were promulgated by Zeno and Cleanthes, and Chrysippus formulated them into a systematic doctrine which became a standard of orthodoxy for the school, and which permitted but little freedom of speculation for its subsequent teachers. Whatever may have been the Semitic affinities of mind of Zeno and his followers, they derived the formal principles of their system from Greek antecedents. The ethical precept, “Follow Nature,” they learnt from the Socratic school of Antisthenes, the Cynics. But they followed the earlier philosopher Heraclitus in defining the law of Nature as reason (logos), which was at once the principle of intelligence in man, and the divine reason immanent in the world. This doctrine they again combined with the prevalent Greek hylozoism, and therefore their metaphysics inclined to be a materialistic pantheism. On the one side, Nature is the organization of material atoms by the operation of its own uniform and necessary laws. On the other side, it is a living, rational being, subduing all its parts to work out a rational purpose inherent in the whole. As such it may be called Providence or God.

    While the Stoics rejected the forms and rites of popular religion, they defended belief in God and inculcated piety and reverence toward Him.

    Their pantheism provided a basis for Greek polytheism also alongside of their monism, for where all the world is God, each part of it is divine, and may be worshipped. Another consequence of their pantheism was their attitude to evil, which they held to be only apparently or relatively evil, but really good in the harmony of the whole. Therefore they bore evil with courage and cheerfulness, because they believed that “all things worked together for good” absolutely. 3. SENSATIONALIST EPISTEMOLOGY:

    The materialistic trend of their metaphysics also comes out in their epistemology, which was sensationalist. The human mind at its birth was a tabula rasa. Its first ideas were derived from sensations, the impressions made by the external world upon the soul, which they also conceived as a material body, though made of finer atoms than the external body. Out of these sense-impressions the mind built up its intuitions or preconceptions, and its notions, which constituted its store of ideas. It is not clear how far they attributed originative power to the mind as contributing some factor to the organization of knowledge, which was not derived from experience.

    The Stoic system is never consistently materialistic, nor consistently idealistic. Most of its terms are used in a dual sense, material and spiritual. 4. ETHICAL TEACHING:

    But its ethical teaching shows that the main trend of the system was spiritualistic. For its crown and climax was the ethics. The Stoics did not pursue knowledge for its own sake. They speculated about ultimate problems only for the practical purpose of discovering a rule of life and conduct. And in their ethics, the great commandment, “Follow Nature,” is interpreted in a distinctly idealistic sense. It means, “Follow reason,” as reason inheres both in man and in the universe as a whole. It is submission to Providence or the rational order of the universe, and the fulfillment of man’s own rational nature. The life according to Nature is man’s supreme good. How actual Nature could be the ideal good that man ought to seek, or how man was free to pursue an ideal, while he was bound in a system of necessity, were fundamental paradoxes of the system which the Stoics never solved. They summed up their moral teaching in the ideal of the sage or the wise man. His chief characteristic is ataraxy, a calm passionless mastery of all emotions, and independence of all circumstances. He therefore lives a consistent, harmonious life, in conformity with the perfect order of the universe. He discovers this order by knowledge or wisdom.

    But the Stoics also defined this ideal as a system of particular duties, such as purity in one’s self, love toward all men, and reverence toward God. In Stoic ethics, Greek philosophy reached the climax of its moral teaching.

    Nowhere else outside Christianity do we find so exalted a rule of conduct for the individual, so humane, hopeful and comprehensive an deal for society. 5. RELATION TO CHRISTIANITY:

    When “certain .... of the Epicurean and Stoic philosophers encountered” Paul at Athens, and when, after the apostle had spoken on Mars’ Hill, “some mocked; but others said, We will hear thee concerning this yet again” ( Acts 17:18,32), it is no improbable inference that the Epicureans mocked, while the Stoics desired to hear more. For they would find much in the apostle’s teaching that harmonized with their own views.

    Paul’s quotation from the classics in his Athenian speech was from the Stoic poet, Aratus of Soli in Cilicia: “For we are also his offspring.” His doctrine of creation, of divine immanence, of the spirituality and fatherhood of God, would be familiar and acceptable to them. His preaching of Christ would not have been unwelcome to them, who were seeking for the ideal wise man. Paul’s moral teaching as it appears in his Epistles reveals some resemblance to Stoic ethics. it is possible that Paul had learnt much from the Stoic school at Tarsus. It is certain that subsequent Christian thought owed much to Stoicism. Its doctrine of the immanent Logos was combined with Philo’s conception of the transcendent Logos, to form the Logos doctrine through which the Greek Fathers construed the person of Christ. And Stoic ethics was taken over almost bodily by the Christian church. See EPICUREANS; PHILOSOPHY.

    LITERATURE.

    The chief extant sources are the writings of Cicero, De Finibus, De Natura Deorum, etc.; Seneca, Plutarch, M. Antoninus Aurelius, Epictetus, Diogenes Laertius, Sextus Empiricus and Stobaeus. Modern works: H. von Arnim, Stoicorum veterum fragmenta; Zeller, Stoics, Epicureans and Sceptics; R. D. Hicks, Stoic and Epicurean; W. L. Davidson, The Stoic Creed; E. V. Arnold, Roman Stoicism, which contains a full bibliography and deals with the relation of Stoicism to Christianity; on the latter point see also Lightfoot, Philippians, Excursus II, “St. Paul and Seneca”; histories of philosophy by Rogers, Windelband, Ueberweg, and E. Caird. T. Rees STOMACH <stum’-uk > ([sto>macov, stomachos ]): In man and most vertebrates, a membranous sac-like portion of the alimentary canal, in which the earlier stages of digestion take place and in which food is prepared to yield its nourishment (1 Tim 5:23).

    Used figuratively of pride, “A proud look and high stomach” (Ps 101:7, Prayer-book Version), and courage, “Stirring up her womanish thoughts with a manly stomach” (2 Macc 7:21 the King James Version, the Revised Version (British and American) “with manly passion”).

    STOMACHER <stum’-uk-er > : Used to translate [ lygiytiP] , pethighil ] (Isa 3:24 the King James Version), where the meaning is uncertain. The English word denotes that part of a woman’s dress which covered the breast and the pit of the stomach. It was usually much ornamented.

    STONE, STONES <ston > , <stonz > : 1. HEBREW AND GREEK WORDS: (1) Chiefly [ ˆb,a, , ‘ebhen ], and [li>qov, lithos ]; but also, occurring rarely, [ Ëv,a,, ‘eshekh ] (Lev 21:20); [ rWx , tsur ] ( Job 22:24), usually “rock”; [ rwOrx] , tseror ] (2 Sam 17:13); [pe>trov, petros ] (Jn 1:42); [yh~fov, psephos ] (Rev 2:17). For [ [l”s , , cela` ], usually “cliff,” “crag,” “rock,” the King James Version, in Ps 137:9; 141:6, has “stone,” but the Revised Version (British and American) “rock.” For the King James Version “stones,” [ vor,j, , cheres ] ( Job 41:30), the Revised Version (British and American) has “potsherds.” See SELA. 2. LITERAL USAGE:

    The word is used of great stones (Gen 29:2); of small stones (1 Sam 17:40); of stones set up as memorials (1 Sam 7:12, “Eben-ezer,” “stone of help”); of precious stones (Ex 35:9, etc.); of hailstones (Josh 10:11). 3. FIGURATIVE USAGE:

    Of hardness: “I will take the stony heart out of their flesh” (Ezek 11:19); of one smitten: “(Nabal’s) heart died within him, and became as a stone” (1 Sam 25:37); of weight: “A stone is heavy, and the sand weighty” (Prov 27:3); of dumbness: “Woe unto him that saith to the wood, Awake; to the dumb stone, Arise!” (Hab 2:19); of Jerusalem: “I will make Jerusalem a burdensome stone for all the peoples” (Zec 12:3); of the corner-stone as a figure of high position: “The stone which the builders rejected Is become the head of the corner” (Ps 118:22).

    See FLINT; ROCK. (2) Used also anatomically of the testicles (Lev 21:20; Dt 23:1; Job 40:17, [ dj”P” , pachadh ], the Revised Version (British and American) “thighs”). Alfred Ely Day STONE-SQUARERS <ston’-skwar-erz > : the King James Version in 1 Ki 5:18; the Revised Version (British and American) “the Gebalites” (which see).

    STONES, PRECIOUS: 1. ANCIENT AND MODERN NAMES:

    Great difficulty is met with in any attempt to translate the Greek and Hebrew names mentioned in the Bible into names that would be used for the same minerals in a particular country at the present day. It is only within the last century, through the development of the sciences of chemistry and crystallography, that it has become possible to define mineral species with any considerable approach to precision. In ancient times various minerals were regarded as belonging to a single kind, and indicated by a single name, that are now distributed into different kinds and mentioned under different names.

    For example, 2,000 years ago the Greek term anthrax was used to signify various hard, transparent, red stones that are now known to differ much from one another in chemical composition, and are therefore assigned to different species and given different names; among them are oriental ruby (red corundum), balas ruby (red spinel), almandine and pyrope (red garnets); a stone designated anthrax by the ancient Greeks might thus belong to any one of a number of various kinds to the assemblage of which no name is now given, and the word anthrax has no simple equivalent in a modern language. 2. CHANGE OF SIGNIFICATION OF NAMES:

    Confusion is introduced in another way. The English names of most of the precious stones mentioned in the Bible are adaptations of Greek names through the Latin; for instance, the English word “topaz” is a modification of the Latin word topazius, itself merely a Latin form of the Greek word topazion . It would at first sight appear that the Greek word topazion must be translated into English by the word “topaz”; but, strangely, although the words are virtually identical, the stones indicated by the words are quite different. The topazion of the ancient Greeks was a green stone yielding to the action of a file and said to be brought from an island in the Red Sea, whereas the topaz of the present day is not a green stone, does not yield to the action of a file, and has not been brought from an island in the Red Sea.

    The topazion of the ancient Greeks is really the peridot, not the topaz, of modern mineralogy; topazion and topaz are different kinds of stone. For the interpretation of the Bible it is thus necessary to ascertain, if possible, the kind of stone to which a Greek or Hebrew name was applied at the time when the word was written. 3. THREE IMPORTANT LISTS OF STONES:

    Most of the names of the precious stones mentioned in the Bible are contained in the Hebrew description of the breastplate of the high priest and the Greek description of the foundations of the New Jerusalem. The ornaments assigned to the king of Tyre (Ezek 28:13) included only stones that had been used in the breastplate; indeed, in the Septuagint, they are the same twelve, mentioned in precisely the same order.

    The stones of the breastplate according to our Hebrew text (Ex 28:17-21) were:

    The foundations of the New Jerusalem are (Rev 21:19,20): 1 iaspis 2 sappheiros 3 chalkedon 4 smaragdos 5 sardonux 6 sardion 7 chrusolithos 8 berullos 9 topazion 10 chrusoprasos 11 huakinthos 12 amethustos Only 4 of the latter stones are mentioned elsewhere in the New Testament, also in the Book of Revelation, namely: iaspis (4:3; 21:18), smaragdos (4:3), sardion (4:3) and huakinthos (9:17). 4. INTERPRETATION OF GREEK NAMES USED BY JOHN:

    For the interpretation of the Greek names used by John, much help is given by Pliny’s great work on Natural History, published 77 AD, for it records what was known about precious stones at the very time when John himself was living. The Greek names of stones and their Latin verbal equivalents had presumably the same signification for both these writers; it is thus possible, in some cases at least, to ascertain what name is now assigned to a stone mentioned in the New Testament if the name and description are recorded in the treatise of Pliny; the results are given in the alphabetical list below. All twelve stones, except chalkedon, are mentioned by Pliny; the few important stones described by him, but not mentioned by John as foundations, are crystallum and adamas, both of them colorless; onyx, remarkable rather for structure than color; electrum (amber), a soft material; carbunculus, fiery red; callaina, pale green, probably turquoise; cyanus, dark blue; and opalus (opal); ranked in Pliny’s time immediately after smaragdus in value. Achates (agate) is omitted, but was no longer precious. 5. INTERPRETATION OF HEBREW NAMES:

    In the interpretation of the Hebrew names of the stones of the breastplate there is much greater difficulty, for no Hebrew literature other than the Old Testament has been preserved, and little help is afforded by the contexts of other verses in which some of the Hebrew names of precious stones occur.

    If we could assume that the Septuagint and the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) versions of the description of the breastplate were made from Hebrew texts absolutely identical in respect of the names of the stones with those used for the preparation of the English Versions of the Bible, and that the versions were correctly made, the Greek equivalents of the Hebrew terms for the time of the Septuagint translators (about BC) and their Latin equivalents for the time of Jerome (about 400 AD) would be directly determinable by collation of the Hebrew original with the Greek and Latin translations.

    It must be remembered, however, that a Hebrew writer, in describing the arrangement of a row of stones, began with that on his right and mentioned them in the order right to left, while a western writer begins with the stone on his left and mentions them in the reverse order. Hence, in translating a Hebrew statement of arrangement into a western language, one may either translate literally word by word, thus adopting the Hebrew direction of reading, or, more completely, may adopt the western direction for the order in the row. As either method may have been adopted by the Septuagint translators, it follows that ‘odhem and bareqeth , the first and last stones of the 1st row according to our Hebrew text, may respectively be equivalent either to sardion and smaragdos, or, conversely, to smaragdos and sardion; and similarly for the other rows. The number of the middle stone of any row is the same whichever direction of reading is adopted. ‘Odhem being red, and sardion and smaragdos respectively red and green (see below), ‘odhem must be equivalent to the former, not the latter, and the Septuagint translators must have adopted the Hebrew direction of reading the rows. 6. GREEK AND LATIN EQUIVALENTS OF HEBREW NAMES:

    Other sets of possible equivalents are derivable by collation of the Biblical description with each of the two descriptions given by Josephus (Ant., III, vii, 5; BJ, V, v, 7). The possible Greek and Latin equivalents of Hebrew names are thus as follows:

    It may be remarked, as regards the 1st stone of the 1st row, that in the time of Josephus the stone sardonux could be signified also by the more general term sardion; and, as regards the 1st stone of the 2nd row, that anthrax and carbo being respectively Greek and Latin for “glowing coal,” anthrax and carbunculus, diminutive of carbo, were used as synonyms for certain red stones. 7. INCONSISTENCIES OF TEXT OR TRANSLATIONS From the inconsistencies of the above table of possible equivalents it may be inferred that either (1) essentially different translations were given in several cases for the same Hebrew word, or (2) the Hebrew texts used in the preparation of the Septuagint and the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) versions were, in respect of the precious stones, different from each other and from that used in the preparation of English Versions of the Bible, or (3) the breastplate differed at different epochs, or (4) one or other, or both, of the descriptions by Josephus are incorrect.

    Conceivably differences may have arisen in all the above-mentioned ways. (1) Inconsistency of Septuagint Translators That the Septuagint translators were uncertain as to the correct translation of the Hebrew names used for the precious stones into the Greek names used in their time, and that they translated the Hebrew name of a stone in more than one way may be shown as follows. In the Hebrew text corresponding to English Versions of the Bible the word shoham , designating the 2nd stone of the 4th row of the breastplate, occurs also in several verses where there is no mention of other stones, and where there is thus no risk of accidental interchange, such as may easily occur when technical terms, more especially if unintelligible to the transcriber, are near to one another in the text. Now, for our versions shoham has been systematically translated “onyx,” and for the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) the Hebrew word having the same position in the text has been systematically translated by a Latin synonym of onyx, namely, lapis onychinus (except in Job 28:16, where lapis sardonychus is the rendering). Hence, it is probable that the word in these particular verses was shoham in the Hebrew original of the Vulgate, and therefore also of the Hebrew original of the Septuagint. Yet in the Septuagint the Hebrew word is translated soom (1 Ch 29:2, indicating that the translator, not knowing the Greek word for shoham , gave merely its Greek transliteration) as well as smaragdos (Ex 28:9; 35:27; 39:6 or Septuagint 36:13), prasinos (Gen 2:12), sardion (Ex 25:7; 35:9 or Septuagint 35:8), onux ( Job 28:16).

    These differences suggest that there were different Septuagint translators, even for different chapters of the same book, and that little care was taken by them to be consistent with one another in the translation of technical terms. (2) Differences of Hebrew Texts That the Hebrew texts used for the Septuagint, Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) and English Versions of the Bible were not identical in all the verses in which there is mention of precious stones is especially clear from an analysis of the respective descriptions of the ornaments of the king of Tyre (Ezek 28:13). In the Septuagint 12 stones are mentioned; as already stated, they have precisely the same names and are mentioned in precisely the same order as the stones of the breastplate described in that version, the only difference being that gold and silver are inserted in the middle of the list. On the other hand, in Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) and English Versions of the Bible descriptions of the ornaments, only 9 of the 12 stones of the breastplate are mentioned; they are not in the same order as the corresponding stones in the breastplate as described in those VSS, silver is not mentioned at all, while gold is placed, not in the middle, but at the end of the list. Further, the order of mention of the stones in English Versions of the Bible differs from that of mention in Vulgate. (3) Changes in the Breastplate That the breastplate in use in the time of the Septuagint translators (about 280 BC) may have been different from the one described in the Book of Exodus is manifest if we have regard to the history of the Jewish nation; for Jerusalem was captured by Shishak, king of Egypt, about 973 BC, by Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, about 586 BC, and by Ptolemy Soter, king of Egypt, about 320 BC. The original breastplate may have been part of the spoil on one or other of these occasions, and have then disappeared forever.

    Again, between the times of the Septuagint translators and Josephus, Jerusalem was more than once in the hands of its enemies; in 198 BC the city was captured by Antiochus the Great; in 170 BC it was stormed, and its temple plundered, by Antiochus Epiphanes; in 54 BC the temple was desecrated by Crassus. The breastplate familiar to Josephus (for he was long a priest in the temple of Jerusalem) may thus not have been identical with that in use when the Septuagint version was made.

    And if the signification of the Hebrew names of the stones had not been carefully passed down from one generation to another while the breastplate was no longer in existence (for instance, during the Babylonian captivity), or if stones like those of the original breastplate were not available when a new breastplate was being made, there would inevitably be differences in the breastplate at different times.

    The probability of this hypothesis of one or more replacements of the breastplate is still further increased if we have regard to the large stones that were set in gold buttons and fastened to the shoulderpieces of the ephod, the vestment to which the breastplate itself was attached (Ex 28:9; 39:6 or Septuagint 36:13). According to the Septuagint, the material was smaragdos (and therefore green); according to Josephus it was sardonux (and therefore red with a layer of white). Though the Septuagint translators may never have had opportunities of looking closely at the stones, they might be expected to know the color of the material; Josephus must have seen them often. But the complete difference of colors of smaragdos and sardonux suggests that the difference of the names is due, not to a Septuagint mistranslation of the Hebrew name shoham , but to an actual difference of the material; it may have been smaragdos (and green) at the time when the Septuagint translation was made, and yet sardonux (and red with a layer of white) in the time of Josephus. (4) Descriptions Given by Josephus That in respect of the breastplate it is unsafe to collate the Hebrew texts of the various versions with that of Josephus may be demonstrated as follows.

    The 2nd stone of the 2nd row, termed cappir in our Hebrew text, is termed sappheiros in the Septuagint and sapphirus in the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) Wherever else cappir occurs in our Hebrew text, sappheiros occurs in the corresponding place in the Septuagint and sapphirus in the Vulgate; it may thus be inferred that in respect of the word cappir our Hebrew text and the Hebrew texts used for the Septuagint and Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) versions were in complete accord with one another. Also, it is certain that the Latin word sapphirus was derived from the Greek word sappheiros , and that either the latter had its origin in the Hebrew word cappir or that both words had the same source. There is no reason to think that from the time of the Septuagint translators to that of Jerome the word sappheiros was ever used to signify any other than one kind of stone or that the kind was ever called iaspis .

    But in both the descriptions given by Josephus the middle stone of the 2nd row is given as iaspis , not as sappheiros , which he makes the last stone of the row. Hence, for the middle stone of the 2nd row, the Hebrew texts were concordant in giving the name cappir , but they fundamentally differed from that of Josephus whose two descriptions agree in giving the name iaspis ; it is not a difference of mere nomenclature or translation, but of the kind of stone set in a definite part of the breastplate. This being the case, collation of the Hebrew, Septuagint and Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) descriptions of the breastplate with those given by Josephus cannot be relied on to give a true Greek or a true Latin equivalent for the Hebrew name of any of the stones.

    It may be added that the two descriptions given by Josephus differ from each other only as regards the order of the stones in the last two rows; in the 3rd row, the order is precisely reversed; in the 4th row the order is chrusolithos, onuchion, berullion for Ant, and onuchion, berullion, chrusolithos for BJ. Josephus, Antiquities was written at greater leisure than BJ, and was not completed till 18 years later; Josephus had thus more time for the consultation of old manuscripts. Speaking generally, it is more accurate than his earlier treatise as regards the history of those times of which he had no direct knowledge; its description of the breastplate is more precise as regards the arrangement of the stones, and is therefore the one to which the greater weight must be given. It differs from the Septuagint only through the interchange of the 2nd and 3rd stones in the 2nd, 3rd and 4th rows; and possibly Josephus gave the order from his memory either of the Septuagint or of the actual breastplate.

    The only difference between the descriptions given in the Septuagint and the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) is that the last two stones, namely berullion (beryllus) and onuchion (onychinus), are interchanged. 8. VULGATE AND SEPTUAGINT:

    As already pointed out, the Hebrew texts of the Septuagint and English Versions of the Bible must have differed completely as regards the descriptions of the ornaments of the king of Tyre; it is thus not at all certain that they were in complete accord as regards the descriptions of the breastplate. In fact, it is generally accepted that the Hebrew word yashepheh and the Greek word iaspis are virtually identical, and that they were used to signify the same kind of stone. 9. HEBREW TEXTS OF SEPTUAGINT AND ENGLISH VERSIONS OF THE BIBLE:

    Hence, it follows that the Hebrew text of English Versions of the Bible is not identical with the Hebrew texts of the Septuagint and the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) versions in respect of the stones in the 2nd and 4th rows; if our Hebrew text is correct as regards yashepheh , that stone was the last stone in the last row; if the Hebrew texts of the Septuagint and Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) versions were correct, yashepheh , which had for its Greek equivalent iaspis , must have been the last stone in the 2nd row; further, onuchion (Septuagint) and beryllus (Vulgate) must be equivalent, not to yashepheh , but to some other stones of the breastplate. 10. EQUIVALENCE OF HEBREW AND GREEK NAMES:

    Taking these matters into consideration, the following have considerable claims to be regarded as equivalents:

    The remaining three stones, tarshish, shoham and yahalom, are thus equivalent to chrusolithos, onuchion and berullion, but it is uncertain which Greek name corresponds to any of those Hebrew names. 11. INTERPRETATION OF GREEK NAMES USED BY SEPUAGINT:

    For the interpretation of the Greek names of stones mentioned in the Septuagint (and thus of the Hebrew names in the original text), the work of Theophrastus, a contemporary of the Septuagint translators, is very useful.

    That author mentions, besides krustallos and margarites which occur elsewhere than in the description of the breastplate, nine of the Septuagint names of the breastplate stones, namely: achates , amethustos (as amethuson ), anthrax , iaspis , ligurion (as lugkurion ), onuchion , sappheiros , sardion , smaragdos . The three stones mentioned in the Septuagint but not by Theophrastus are berullion , chrusolithos , and topazion . Since he mentions only four stones that are not referred to in the Septuagint, namely chrusokolla , hualoeides , kuanos and omphax , it follows that the Septuagint translators at Alexandria introduced every important name that was then in use at Athens for a precious stone.

    In the following alphabetical list references are given to all the verses in which each name of a precious stone occurs, and for each use of a translated name the corresponding word in the original text. 12. LIST OF NAMES WITH BIBLICAL REFERENCES: Achates ([ajca>thv, achates ]): probably Septuagint translation of shebho (Ex 28:19; 39:12). It is not mentioned in Apocrypha or the New Testament.

    Adamant (see also special article): in Ezek 3:9; Zec 7:12, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew shamir .

    Agate: in Ex 28:19; 39:12, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew shebho ; in Isa 54:12; Ezek 27:16, the King James Version translation of Hebrew kadhkodh . [ hm;l;j]a”, ‘Achlamah ]: in Ex 28:19; 39:12: 3rd stone, 3rd row, of the breastplate. Septuagint translates amethustos; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates amethystus; English Versions of the Bible “amethyst.”

    The Septuagint rendering amethustos is generally accepted as correct, but the late Professor N. S. Maskelyne, F.R.S., formerly (1857-80) Keeper of Minerals in the British Museum, gave reasons for regarding the ‘achlamah of breastplate times as possibly an onyx in which white bands alternated with waxy-yellow to reddish-yellow bands.

    Amber: in Ezek 1:4,27; 8:2, the King James Version, the English Revised Version and the American Revised Version margin translation of Hebrew chashmal ; in Ex 28:19, the Revised Version margin translation of Hebrew leshem . Amethustos ([ajme>qustov, amethustos ]): in Rev 21:20: the 12th foundation of the New Jerusalem; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates amethystus; English Versions of the Bible “amethyst.” Four varieties of amethystus were recognized by Pliny as precious; all of them were transparent, and of purple tint or of tints derived from purple.

    According to the Septuagint, amethustos was the 3rd stone, 3rd row, of the breastplate, and the stone occupying this position is given in our Hebrew text as ‘achlamah . Amethustos is mentioned under the name amethuson by Theophrastus; he describes it as a transparent stone resembling wine in color and as used by the gem engravers of his day.

    Amethystus and amethuson were doubtless identical with the amethyst of the present day, a purple variety of quartz (silica). Beads and other ornaments of amethyst found in old Egyptian tombs show that the stone was regarded as precious in very ancient times.

    Amethyst: in Ex 28:19; 39:12, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew ‘achlamah ; in Rev 21:20, English Versions of the Bible translation of Greek amethustos . Anthrax ([a]nqrax, anthrax ]): in Tobit 13:17; Ecclesiasticus 32:5, English Versions of the Bible translates “carbuncle.” According to the Septuagint, anthrax was also a stone of the breastplate, 1st stone, 2nd row, but there is uncertainty as to the Hebrew text of the Septuagint in respect of this word.

    The anthrax of Theophrastus included different kinds of hard, red stone used by the gem engravers. It is the carbunculus of Pliny’s time, and probably included the oriental ruby (corundum, alumina), the balas ruby (spinel, aluminate of magnesium), the almandine (a kind of garnet, alumino-silicate of iron) and pyrope (another kind of garnet, aluminosilicate of magnesium) of the present day. [ tq,r,B; , Bareqeth ]: in Ex 28:17; 39:10; Ezek 28:13: 3rd stone, 1st row, of breastplate. Septuagint probably translates smaragdos , but there is uncertainty as to the Hebrew text of the Septuagint in respect of this word:

    English Versions of the Bible translates “carbuncle”; the Revised Version margin translates “emerald.” The rendering smaragdos may be correct, but no emeralds of very early age have been found in Egypt. From the similarity of the words bareqeth and baraq (“lightning”), it has been suggested that possibly the breastplate stone was not green but of bluishred color, in which case it may have been an almandine (garnet). English Versions of the Bible has interchanged the names given by Septuagint, to the 3rd stone of the 1st row (smaragdos , “emerald”) and the 1st stone of the 2nd row (anthrax , “carbuncle”).

    Bdellium (see also special article): in Gen 2:12; Nu 11:7, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew bedholach . [ jl”doB] , Bedholach ]: The Septuagint translates anthrax in Gen 2:12, and krustallos in Nu 11:7; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) and English Versions of the Bible translate bdellium. Some commentators, rejecting both the Septuagint translations, interpret the material to be pearl, others to be the gum of an Arabian tree. Berullos ([bh>rullov, berullos ]): in Tobit 13:17; Rev 21:20: the 8th foundation of the New Jerusalem. Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates beryllus; English Versions of the Bible translates “beryl.”

    According to Septuagint, berullion was a stone of the breastplate, the 2nd stone, 4th row; owing to uncertainty as to their Hebrew text, there is doubt as to the Hebrew word translated berullion. Berullos is not mentioned by Theophrastus, who may have regarded it as included in the smaragdos of his day.

    In the time of Pliny 8 varieties were recognized; he says that beryllus was already thought by some to be “of the same nature as the smaragdus, or at least closely analogous. India produces them, and they are rarely to be found elsewhere. The lapidaries cut all beryls of a hexagonal form because the color which is deadened by a dull uniformity of surface is heightened by the reflections resulting from the angles. If they are cut in any other way, these stones have no brilliancy whatever. The most esteemed beryls are those which in color resemble the pure green of the sea. Some are of opinion that beryls are naturally angular.”

    This description suggests the identity of the seagreen beryllus of Pliny’s time with the sea-green beryl (alumino-silicate of beryllium) of the present day.

    Beryl: in Ex 28:20; 39:13; Song 5:14; Ezek 1:16; 10:9; 28:13; Dan 10:6, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew tarshish ; in Gen 2:12; Ex 25:7 margin; 28:9,20; 35:27 margin; 1 Ch 29:2 margin; Job 28:16 margin, the Revised Version margin translation of Hebrew shoham ; in Tobit 13:17; Rev 21:20, English Versions of the Bible translation of Greek berullos .

    Carbuncle: in Ex 28:17; 39:10; Ezek 28:13, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew bareqeth ; in Ex 28:18 margin; 39:11; Ezek 27:16; 28:13, the Revised Version margin translation of Hebrew nophekh ; in Isa 54:12, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew ‘eqdach ; Tobit 13:17; Ecclesiasticus 32:5, English Versions of the Bible translation of Greek anthrax .

    Chalcedony: in Ex 28:20, the Revised Version margin translation of Hebrew tarshish ; in Rev 21:19, English Versions of the Bible translation of Greek chalkedon . Chalkedon ([calkhdw>n, chalkedon ]): in Rev 21:19: the 3rd foundation of the New Jerusalem. Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates calcedonius; English Versions of the Bible translates “chalcedony.” Though the name Chalcedon (Latin form) occurs in Pliny, it is not as the name of a stone but as that of a free town then standing on the southern side of the Bosphorus, probably close to the site on which Scutari now stands. Chalcedon had once been noted for its copper mines; but the latter, when Pliny wrote, had been so far exhausted that they were no longer worked.

    Pliny refers to a kind of smaragdus (a green stone) as having been found near Chalcedon, but adds that the stones were of very small size and value.

    They were “brittle, and of a color far from distinctly pronounced; they resembled in their tints the feathers that are seen in the tail of the peacock or on the neck of the pigeon. More or less brilliant, too, according to the angle at which they were viewed, they presented an appearance like that of veins and scales.” In another place he refers to a stone from Chalcedon or Calchedon (another reading) as being an iaspis of turbid hue. It is possible that at Patmos or Ephesus, at one of which John was living when he wrote the Book of Revelation, the word chalkedon was used to specify the particular kind of smaragdus or iaspis that had been found near the town of that name. It is uncertain what name would be given to such a stone in the present day, but the signification now attached to the name “chalcedony” (cryptocrystalline silica) cannot be traced farther back than the 15th century. Chrusolithos ([cruso>liqov, chrusolithos ]): in Rev 21:20: the 7th foundation of the New Jerusalem. Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates chrysolithus; the King James Version translates “chrysolyte”; the Revised Version (British and American) translates “chrysolite.” According to Septuagint chrusolithos was one of the stones of the breastplate (lst stone, 4th row), but there is uncertainty as to the Hebrew text of the Septuagint in respect of this word; the name is not mentioned by Theophrastus. The chrysolithus of Pliny was a “transparent stone with a refulgence like that of gold.” Those were most valued which “when placed by the side of gold, impart to it a sort of whitish hue, and so give it the appearance of silver.”

    It may perhaps have included the yellow sapphire (alumina), the yellow quartz (citrine, silica) and the yellow jargoon (zircon; silicate of zirconium) of the present day. The term “chrysolite” is now applied to a different mineral, namely, to a yellow variety of olivine (silicate of magnesium and iron), a species that includes the green precious stone peridot as another of its varieties. Chrusoprasos ([cruso>prasov, chrusoprasos ]): in Rev 21:20: the 10th foundation of the New Jerusalem. Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) and the King James Version translate chrysoprasus; the Revised Version (British and American) translates “chrysoprase.” The chrysoprasus was regarded by some naturalists of the time of Pliny as a variety of beryllus. The 1st variety of beryllus and the most esteemed was, as stated above, of a pure sea-green color; the 2nd was paler, and approached a golden tint; the 3rd, allied to the 2nd in brilliancy but more pallid, was the chrysoprasus. The latter was thought by other naturalists to belong to an independent genus of stone. In another place Pliny describes the color as like that of the leek, but as varying in tint between the topazion of his day (our peridot) and gold. The stone may have been a yellowish-green plasma (chalcedony, crypto-crystalline silica) or, as suggested by King, pale chrysoberyl (aluminate of beryllium); it is not the chrysoprase of the present day, which is an apple-green chalcedony (colored by nickel).

    Chrysolite, chrysolyte: “chrysolite” in Ezek 28:13, the King James Version margin translation of Hebrew tarshish ; Rev 21:20, the Revised Version (British and American) translation of Greek chrusolithos ; “chrysolyte” in Rev 21:20, the King James Version translation of Greek chrusolithos .

    Chrysoprase, chrysoprasus: “chrysoprase” in Ezek 27:16, the King James Version margin translation of Hebrew kadhkodh ; Rev 21:20, the Revised Version (British and American) translation of Greek chrusoprasos ; “chrysoprasus” in Rev 21:20, the King James Version translation of Greek chrusoprasos .

    Coral, red coral (see special article): “coral” in Job 28:18; Ezek 27:16, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew ra’moth ; Lam 4:7, the Revised Version margin translation of Hebrew peninim ; “red coral” in Job 28:18, the Revised Version margin translation of Hebrew peninim .

    Crystal (see special article): in Job 28:17, the King James Version translation of Hebrew zekhukhith ; Ezek 1:22, the King James Version translation of Hebrew qerach ; in Job 28:18, the Revised Version (British and American) translation of Hebrew gabhish ; in Rev 4:6; 22:1, English Versions of the Bible translation of Greek krustallos ; in Rev 21:11, English Versions of the Bible translation of Greek krustallizo (“to shine like crystal”).

    Diamond: in Jer 17:1, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew shamir ; in Ex 28:18; 39:11; Ezek 28:13, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew yahalom . [ jD;q]a,, ‘Eqdach ]: in Isa 54:12: Septuagint translates krustallos; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) periphrases as lapides sculpti (“engraved stones”); English Versions of the Bible translates “carbuncles.”

    From the similarity to [ jd”q; , qadhach ], “to burn,” it is interpreted as meaning fiery or sparkling, whence comes the rendering “carbuncles.”

    Electrum (see special article): Ezek 1:4, the Revised Version margin translation of Hebrew chashmal , “amber.”

    Emerald: in Ex 28:18; 39:11; Ezek 27:16; 28:13, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew nophekh ; in Ex 28:17; 39:10, the Revised Version margin translation of Hebrew bareqeth ; in Tobit 13:16; Judith 10:21; Ecclesiasticus 32:6; Rev 21:19, English Versions of the Bible translation of Greek smaragdos ; in Rev 21:19, English Versions of the Bible translation of Greek adjective smaragdinos . [ vybiG; , Gabhish ]: in Job 28:18: The Septuagint transliterates gabis; the King James Version translates “pearls”; the Revised Version (British and American) translates “crystal.” From the similarity to [ vb”G; , gabhash ], “ice,” the rendering “crystal” is suggested. [ lm”v]j” , Chashmal ]: in Ezek 1:4,27; 8:2: The Septuagint translates elektron; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) and the Revised Version margin translate electrum; the King James Version, the English Revised Version and the American Revised Version margin translate “amber”; the American Standard Revised Version translates “glowing metal.” The elektron of the time of the Septuagint and Theophrastus was the amber, of the present day; in the time of Pliny amber was an object of luxury ranked next to crystal, and the term electrum was then applied, not only to amber, but also to a metallic alloy of gold and silver. Huakinthos , ([uJa>kinqov, huakinthos ]): in Rev 9:17; 21:20: the 11th foundation of the New Jerusalem. Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates hyacinthus; the King James Version translates “jacinth”; the Revised Version (British and American) translates “jacinth” (Rev 21:20) and “hyacinth” (Rev 9:17); the Revised Version margin translates “sapphire” (Rev 21:20). Pliny describes the hyacinthus as being very different from amethystus, “though partaking of a color that closely’ borders upon it” and as being of a more diluted violet, It may have been the pale blue sapphire (alumina) of the present day; the modern hyacinth, or jacinth, is a quite different stone, a brownish to reddish zircon (silicate of zirconium).

    Hyacinth, jacinth (see also special article on HYACINTH): “hyacinth” in Rev 9:17, the Revised Version (British and American) translation of Greek huakinthos ; “jacinth” in Ex 28:19; 39:12, the Revised Version (British and American) translation of Hebrew leshem ; in Rev 9:17; 21:20, the King James Version translation of Greek huakinthos .

    Iaspis ([ I]aspiv, iaspis ]): in Rev 4:3; 21:11,18 f: the 1st foundation of the New Jerusalem. Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates jaspis; English Versions of the Bible translates “jasper.” According to Septuagint iaspis was the 3rd stone, 2nd row, of the breastplate, but there is uncertainty as to the Hebrew text of the Septuagint in respect of this word; Septuagint translates also kadhkodh as iaspis (Isa 54:12). Pliny describes iaspis as being generally green and often transparent; he recognizes as many as 14 varieties.

    He adds that “many countries produce this stone: that of India is like smaragdus in color; that of Cyprus is hard and of a full sea-green; and that of Persia is skyblue. Similar to the last is the Caspian iaspis. On the banks of the river Thermodon the iaspis is of an azure color; in Phrygia it is purple; and in Cappadocia of an azure-purple, somber and not refulgent.

    The best kind is that which has a shade of purple, the next best being the rose-colored, and the next the stone with the green color of the smaragdus,” etc.

    The term “jasper” is now restricted to opaque stones; the green transparent kind of iaspis may have been identical with the green chalcedony (cryptocrystalline silica) called plasma at the present day.

    Jasper: in Ex 28:20; 39:13; Ezek 28:13, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew yashepheh ; in Rev 4:3; 21:11,18,19, English Versions of the Bible translation of Greek iaspis . [ dKod] Kadhkodh ]: in Isa 54:12; Ezek 27:16: The Septuagint translates iaspis (Isa 54:12) and transliterates chorchor (Ezek 27:16); Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates jaspis (Isa 54:12) and transliterates chodchod (Ezek 27:16); the King James Version translates “agate”; the King James Version margin translates “chrysoprase” (Ezek 27:16); the Revised Version (British and American) translates “ruby.”

    There is little to indicate the probable meaning of the word. [ jr”q, , Qerach ]: in Ezek 1:22: Septuagint translates krustallos; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates crystallum; English Versions of the Bible translates “crystal”; the Revised Version margin translates “ice.” The translations are suggested by the similarity to the Hebrew [ jr”q, , qerach ], “ice.”

    Krustallos ([kru>stallov, krustallos ]): in Rev 4:6; 22:1: Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates crystallum; English Versions of the Bible translates “crystal.” The crystallum of Pliny was the rock-crystal (clear quartz) of the present day. Among the localities cited for crystallum by Pliny are “the crags of the Alps, so difficult of access that it is usually found necessary to be suspended by ropes in order to extract it.”

    Lapis lazuli: in Rev 21:19, the Revised Version margin translation of Greek sappheiros . [ µv,l, , Leshem ]: in Ex 28:19; 39:12: 1st stone, 3rd row, of the breastplate. Septuagint probably translates ligurion, but there is uncertainty as to their Hebrew text; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) probably translates ligurius; the King James Version translates “ligure”; the Revised Version (British and American) translates “jacinth”; the Revised Version margin translates “amber.”

    The ligurion of the Septuagint is probably identical with the lugkurion of Theophrastus; this was a yellow to yellowishred stone used by seal engravers, and was transparent and difficult to polish. The yellow ligurion may be the yellow jargoon of the present day (zircon, silicate of zirconium), a stone much used by the ancient Greek and Roman engravers; but as the jargoon has not been found among ancient Egyptian work, it has been suggested that the ligurion of the breastplate may have been a yellow quartz (citrine) or agate. The yellowish-red ligurion may have been one of the stones to which the name “jacinth” (also a zircon) is now applied.

    Professor Maskelyne, rejecting the Septuagint translated, suggests that the leshem was identical with the neshem of the Egyptians, namely the green feldspar now called amazon stone; as an alternative rendering to this he suggests yellow jasper. The translation “amber” (Revised Version, margin) is not likely to be correct, for that material would have been too soft for use as a stone of the breastplate; its properties do not accord with those assigned by Theophrastus to the lugkurion.

    Ligure: in Ex 38:19; 39:12, the King James Version translation of Hebrew leshem . Ligurion ([ligu>rion, ligurion ]): in Septuagint Ex 28:19; 39:12, Septuagint translation of Hebrew leshem : 1st stone, 3rd row, of breastplate.

    Margarites ([margari>thv, margarites ]): in Mt 7:6; 13:45,46; 1 Tim 2:9; Rev 18:12,16; 21:21: Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates margarita; English Versions of the Bible translates “pearl.” The margarites is mentioned by Theophrastus as being one of the precious stones, but not pellucid, as produced in a kind of oyster and in the pinna, and as brought from the Indies and the shores of certain islands in the Red Sea. Hence, it was identical with the pearl of the present day. [ Ëp,nO , Nophekh ], in Ex 28:18; 39:11; Ezek 27:16; 28:13: 1st stone, 2nd row, of the breastplate. There is uncertainty as to the Hebrew text used by the Septuagint, but probably nophekh is translated anthrax (except in Ezek 27:16, where the text differs); Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) probably translates carbunculus; English Versions of the Bible translates “emerald”‘ the Revised Version margin translates “carbuncle.”

    English Versions of the Bible interchanges the names given by the Septuagint to the 3rd stone, 1st row (smaragdos, “emerald”) and the 1st stone, 2nd row (anthrax, “carbuncle”). Professor Maskelyne suggests that the nophekh of the breastplate may have been the mophak or mafka of the Egyptian hieroglyphics, the turquoise of the present day. [ µd,ao , ‘Odhem ], in Ex 28:17; 39:10; Ezek 28:13: 1st stone, 1st row, of the breastplate. Septuagint probably translates sardion, Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) probably translates sardius; English Versions of the Bible translates “sardius”; EVm translates “ruby.” The Hebrew word is related to [ µd”a; , ‘adham ], “to be red,” and signifies a reddish stone; it may have been sard (a name given not only to red, but also to pale reddish- yellow or brown, translucent chalcedony), but was more probably carnelian, a red stone closely allied to sard, and much used by the ancient Egyptians and Assyrians. Onuchion , ([ojnu>cion, onuchion ], [o]nux, onux ]): “onux ,” Septuagint translation of Hebrew shoham ( Job 28:16); onuchion , perhaps Septuagint translation of shoham in the descriptions of the ornaments of the king of Tyre (Ezek 28:13) and the stones of the breastplate (being there made 3rd stone, 4th row, in Ex 28:20; 39:13), but there is uncertainty as to the Hebrew text of the Septuagint; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates onyx, lapis onychinus, lapis sardonychus. The onuchion of Theophrastus was a hard, translucent stone used by the seal engravers; it consisted of white and dusky layers in alternation. The onyx of Roman times was an opaque stone of white and black layers, like the onyx of the present day.

    Onyx: in Gen 2:12; Ex 25:7; 28:9,20; 35:9,27; 39:6,13; 1 Ch 29:2; Job 18:16; Ezek 28:13, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew shoham .

    Pearl: in Job 28:18, the King James Version translation of Hebrew gabhish ; in Job 28:18, the Revised Version margin translation of Hebrew peninim ; in Mt 7:6; 13:45 f; 1 Tim 2:9; Rev 18:12,16; 21:20,21, English Versions of the Bible translation of Greek margarites . [ µyniyniP] , Peninim ], in Job 28:18; Prov 3:15; 8:11; 20:15; 31:10; Lam 4:7: Septuagint (from which Prov 20:15 is missing) periphrases the word or had a different Hebrew text; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates ebur antiquum (“old ivory”) in Lam 4:7, but elsewhere periphrases the word or had a different Hebrew text; English Versions of the Bible translates “rubies”; the Revised Version margin translates “red coral,” or “pearls,” except for Lam 4:7, where the translation is “corals.”

    The word is similar to an Arabic word meaning “branches” and may signify red coral, which has been highly esteemed since very ancient times; a description of korallion is given by Theophrastus. Pliny says that in his day the reddest and most branched was most valued. [ hd;f]P , PiTedhah ], in Ex 28:17; 39:10; Job 28:19; Ezek 28:13: 2nd stone, 1st row, of the breastplate. Septuagint translates topazion in Job 28:19 and probably also in the other verses; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates topazius; English Versions of the Bible translates “topaz.” The topazion of ancient times appears to have been scarcely known before the Ptolemaic period, and Professor Maskelyne suggested that the Hebrew word may possibly be allied to bijada, which in Persian and Arabic signifies “garnet.”

    Ramoth: in Job 28:18, the King James Version margin translation of Hebrew ra’moth . [ twOmar; , Ra’moth ], in Job 28:18; Ezek 27:16: Septuagint translates meteora ( Job 28:18) and ramoth (Ezek 27:16); Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) periphrases the passages; English Versions of the Bible translates “coral”; the King James Version margin translates “ramoth” (only in Job 28:18). There is little to indicate the meaning of the Hebrew word.

    Ruby: in Job 28:18; Prov 3:15; 8:11; 20:15; 31:10; Lam 4:7, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew peninim ; in Isa 54:12; Ezek 27:16, the Revised Version (British and American) translation of Hebrew kadhkodh ; in Ex 28:17; 39:10; Ezek 28:13, the King James Version margin translation of Hebrew ‘odhem .

    Sappheiros ([sa>pfeirov, sappheiros ]): in Tobit 13:16; Rev 21:19: the 2nd foundation of the New Jerusalem. Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390- 405 A.D.) translates sapphirus; English Versions of the Bible translates “sapphire”; the Revised Version margin translates “lapis lazuli” (but only in Rev 21:19). According to the Septuagint, sappheiros was the 2nd stone, 3rd row, of the breastplate, but there is uncertainty as to the Hebrew text.

    Pliny describes sapphirus as “refulgent with spots like gold. It is also of an azure color, though sometimes, but rarely, it is purple; the best kind being that which comes from Media. In no case, however, is this stone transparent.” These characteristics correspond to the lapis lazuli (sulphatosilicate of sodium and aluminum), not to the sapphire (alumina) of the present day. [ ryPis”, Cappir ], in Ex 24:10; 28:18; 39:11; Job 28:6,16; Song 5:14; Isa 54:11; Lam 4:7; Ezek 1:26; 10:1; 28:13: 2nd stone, 2nd row, of the breastplate. Septuagint translates sappheiros; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates sapphirus and (Ex 24:10) lapis sapphirinus; English Versions of the Bible translates “sapphire.” The Hebrew word is universally accepted as equivalent to the Greek sappheiros ; that name was used, not for the stone now known as sapphire, but for that now known as lapis lazuli, a substance which was regarded by the ancient Egyptians as a precious stone.

    Sardine (stone), sardius: “sardine” (stone) in Rev 4:3, the King James Version translation of Greek sardinon , an error of text for sardion ; “sardius” in Rev 4:3, the Revised Version (British and American) translation of Greek sardion ; in Rev 21:20, English Versions of the Bible translation of Greek sardion ; in Ex 28:17; 39:10; Ezek 28:13, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew ‘odhem . Sardion ([sa>rdion, sardion ]): in Rev 4:3; 21:20: the 6th foundation of the New Jerusalem. According to the Septuagint, sardion was the 1st stone, 1st row, of the breastplate. Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates sardius; the King James Version translates “sardine” (stone) (Rev 4:3) and “sardius” (Rev 21:20); the Revised Version (British and American) translates “sardius.” The sarda of Pliny’s time was much used by the seal engravers. There were three Indian varieties, all of them transparent, one of them red in color; there was then no precious stone in more common use; those of honey-color were less valued. It probably included both the sard and the carnelian of the present day (cryptocrystalline silica).

    Sapphire: in Ex 24:10; 28:18; 39:11; Job 28:6,16; Song 5:14; Isa 54:11; Lam 4:7; Ezek 1:26; 10:1; 28:13, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew sappir ; in Tobit 13:16; Rev 21:19, English Versions of the Bible translation of Greek sappheiros ; in Rev 21:20, the Revised Version margin translation of Greek huakinthos . Sardonux ([sardo>nux, sardonux ]): in Rev 21:20: the 5th foundation of the New Jerusalem. Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) and English Versions of the Bible translate sardonyx . According to Pliny, the name sardonyx was at first given to an Indian (red) sarda with a layer of white in it, both being transparent.

    Pliny says that later three colors were considered essential, but that they might be repeated indefinitely. The Arabian sardonyx was “characterized by several different colors, black or azure for the base and vermilion surrounded with a line of rich white for the upper part, not without a certain glimpse of purple as the white passes into the red.”

    The sardonux of John’s time is included in the sardonyx of the present day.

    Sardonyx: in Rev 21:20, English Versions of the Bible translation of Greek sardonux ; Ex 28:18; 39:11, the Revised Version margin translation of Hebrew yahalom . [ rymiv; , Shamir ], in Jer 17:1; Ezek 3:9; Zec 7:12; Septuagint omits Jer 17:1, and in the other two verses either periphrases the word or had a different text; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates (unguis) adamantinus in Jer 17:1, and adamas in the other two verses; English Versions of the Bible translates “diamond” (Jer 17:1) and “adamant” (Ezek 3:9; Zec 7:12). Shamir was a hard material used for engraving precious stones; in the days of Jeremiah, Ezekiel and Zechariah, splinters of both diamond and corundum (white sapphire or adamant stone) were probably available for the purpose. Both diamond and adamant are English modifications of the Latin adamas; the form “diamond” has been restricted for some centuries to the more precious of the above stones. [ wObv] , Shebho ], in Ex 28:19; 39:12: the 2nd stone, 3rd row, of the breastplate. Both Septuagint and Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) probably translate achates , but their Hebrew texts are uncertain; English Versions of the Bible translates “agate.” The name achates was given in ancient times to certain stones having banded structures, the agates of the present day. In the time of Theophrastus achates was sold at a great price, but by the time of Pliny had ceased to be a precious stone.

    Professor Maskelyne suggests that the shebho of the breastplate may have signified the “stone of Sheba” or “Seba,” a district in Southern Arabia, and have been the Arabian onyx. [ µh”vo , Shoham ], in Gen 2:12; Ex 25:7; 28:9,20; 35:9,27; 39:6,13; 1 Ch 29:2; Job 28:16; Ezek 28:13: the 2nd stone, 4th row, of the breastplate.

    Septuagint translates prasinos , i.e. “leek-green stone” (Gen 2:12), sardion (Ex 25:7; 35:9), smaragdos (Ex 28:9; 35:27), berullion , probably, through interchange of words in the Hebrew text (Ex 28:20; 39:13), soom (1 Ch 29:2), onux ( Job 28:16) and perhaps onuchion (Ezek 28:13); Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates onyx (Ezek 28:13), lapis sardonychus ( Job 28:16) and lapis onychinus elsewhere; English Versions of the Bible translates “onyx”; the Revised Version margin translates “beryl” (except in Ezek 28:13). Professor Maskelyne and Professor Sayce, accepting green as the color of shoham , have expressed the opinion that the stone known by that name in very early times was the stone called ‘siamu by the Assyrians, and therefore the green turquoise; Professor Maskelyne gives “amazon stone” as an alternative rendering of the word. Berullion is given by the Septuagint as the 2nd stone, onuchion as the 3rd stone, of the 4th row; sardion as the 1st stone, smaragdos as the 3rd stone, of the 1st row; but their Hebrew text is uncertain. Smaragdinos , smaragdos ([smara>gdinov, smaragdinos ]): in Rev 4:3: the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates smaragdinus; English Versions of the Bible translates “emerald.” Smaragdos ([sma>ragdov, smaragdos ]) in Tobit 13:16; Judith 10:21; Ecclesiasticus 32:5; Rev 21:19: the Vulgate translates it as smaragdus; English Versions of the Bible translates “emerald.” According to the Septuagint, smaragdos was the 3rd stone, 1st row, of the breastplate, but their Hebrew text is uncertain. The smaragdos of Theophrastus was a small, scarce, presumably green, stone used by the gem engravers. In Pliny’s time the genus smaragdus comprised no fewer than 12 kinds; one of them was the emerald of the present day, and probably the smaragdos of Theophrastus. [ vyvir]T”, Tarshish ], in Ex 28:20; 39:13; Song 5:14; Ezek 1:16; 10:9; 28:13; Dan 10:6: the 1st stone, 4th row, of the breastplate. The Septuagint translates tharsis (Song 5:14; Ezek 1:16; Dan 10:6), anthrax (Ezek 10:9); in the remaining verses there is uncertainty as to the order of the Hebrew words in the several texts. The most likely Septuagint equivalent of tarshish is either chrusolithos or berullion ; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates hyacinthus (Song 5:14), mare (“sea”) (Ezek 1:16), chrysolithus (Ezek 10:9; Dan 10:6). The Septuagint gives anthrax as the 1st stone, 2nd row, chrusolithos as the 1st stone, 4th row, berullion as the 2nd stone, 4th row, of the breastplate; English Versions of the Bible translates “beryl”; the King James Version margin translates “chrysolite” (in Ezek 28:13 only); the Revised Version margin translates “chalcedony” (Ex 28:20; 39:13), “topaz” (Song 5:14) and “stone of Tarshish” (Ezek 10:9). Professor Maskelyne suggests that the stone may have been citrine (quartz), if yellow as suggested by chrusolithos , and green jasper, if green as suggested by berullion .

    Topaz: in Ex 28:17; 39:10; Job 28:19; Ezek 28:13, English Versions of the Bible translation of Hebrew piTedhah ; in Rev 21:20, English Versions of the Bible translation of Greek topazion ; in Song 5:14, the Revised Version margin translation of Hebrew tarshish . Topazion ([topa>zion, topazion ]): in Rev 21:20: the 9th foundation of the New Jerusalem. According to the Septuagint topazion was the 2nd stone, 1st row, of the breastplate. Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates topazius; English Versions of the Bible translate it as “topaz.”

    The topazion of Pliny’s time was “held in very high estimation for its green tints; when it was first discovered it was preferred to every other kind of precious stone.” It was said to be brought from an island in the Red Sea, off the coast of Arabia. It was the only stone of high value that yielded to the action of the file. Topazion is not mentioned by Theophrastus. Pliny’s account corresponds to the peridot of the present day (silicate of magnesium and iron), not to our topaz (fluosilicate of aluminium). [ µwOlh\y” , Yahalom ], in Ex 28:18; 39:11; Ezek 28:13: the 3rd stone, 2nd row, of the breastplate. Owing to the uncertainty as to the order of the words in the Hebrew text of the Septuagint, there is uncertainty as to the Greek equivalent of yahalom ; probably it is one of the words chrusolithos , berullion , onuchion , given by the Septuagint as the names of the stones of the 4th row. English Versions of the Bible translates “diamond”; this is certainly wrong, for the stone had a name engraved on it and the method of engraving a diamond was not invented till 2,000 or 3,000 years after the breastplate was made; nor were diamonds, if known at all, then known so large as to be comparable in respect of size, with the other stones of the breastplate. The Revised Version margin translates “sardonyx” (in Exodus only). Professor Maskelyne suggests that the Hebrew yahalom and the Greek hualos may be kindred words and that yahalom may have been a bluish glass (considered valuable in very early times), or blue chalcedony, or perhaps even beryl. [ hpev]y; , Yashepheh ], in Ex 28:20; 39:13; Ezek 28:13: the 3rd stone, 4th row, of the breastplate. Septuagint probably translates iaspis , though iaspis is placed by the Septuagint as the 3rd stone, 2nd row; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) probably translates jaspis; English Versions of the Bible translate it as “jasper.” The equivalence of the Hebrew yashepheh and the Greek iaspis is generally accepted. [ tykiWkz] , Zekhukhith ], in Job 28:17: Septuagint translates hualos, a name given at first to any transparent stone, but in later times only to glass; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) translates vitrum; the King James Version translates “crystal”; the Revised Version (British and American) translates “glass.” Zekhukhith is related to a Hebrew word meaning “to be pure,” whence the renderings crystal and glass. Lazarus Fletcher STONING <ston’-ing > . See PUNISHMENTS.

    STOOL <stool > ([ µyin”b]a; , ‘obhnayim ]): It is not clear what the character and purpose of this stool were Septuagint has no reference to it). It seems to have been a chair of a peculiar sort upon which a woman reclined in parturition (Ex 1:16). The Hebrew word is in the dual number and primarily means “two stones.” The only other place where it occurs is Jer 18:3, where it is rendered “wheels” Septuagint [ejpi< tw~n li>qwn, epi ton lithon ], “on the stones”). In 2 Ki 4:10, the word translated in the King James Version as “stool” ([ aSeKI , kicce’ ]) is in the Revised Version (British and American) more correctly translated “seat.” See also BIRTH-STOOL; SEAT.

    Jesse L. Cotton STORAX <sto’-raks > . See POPLAR; STACTE.

    STORE-CITIES <stor’-cit-iz > ([ twOnK]s]mi , mickenoth ]): the Revised Version (British and American) Ex 1:11 (of PITHOM and RAAMSES (which see)) for the King James Version “treasure cities” (compare 1 Ki 9:19; 2 Ch 8:4,6; 16:4, etc.). Depots of provisions and magazines of arms.

    STOREHOUSES <stor’-houz-iz > , <-ez > : The following chief changes in the use of this word (representing various Hebrew words) in the Revised Version (British and American) to be noted are: In Dt 28:8, the Revised Version (British and American) has “barns” (‘acamim ); in 1 Ch 27:25, “treasures” (‘otsroth ); in Neh 12:25, for “thresholds” has “storehouses” (‘asuppim ), so, for “Asuppim” in 1 Ch 26:15,17 (“house of Asuppim,” “toward Asuppim”) has “store-house”; in Lk 12:24, for “storehouse” has “store-chamber” (tameion). In other passages the King James Version “storehouse” is retained (Gen 41:56; 2 Ch 32:28, mickenoth ; Ps 33:7, ‘otsroth ; Jer 50:26, ma’abhucim ).

    STORIES <sto’-riz > : For the King James Version “stories” (ma’aloth) in Am 9:6, the Revised Version (British and American) reads “chambers” (in heavens); in Gen 6:16 (ark); Ezek 42:3,6 (temple), the word is supplied. the Revised Version (British and American) in the latter verse reads in the text “the third story” (margin as in the King James Version). In 1 Ki 6:5,10, the Revised Version (British and American) has “stories” (yatsia` yatsua`; see TEMPLE ), and in Ezek 41:6 supphes “stories.”

    STORK <stork > ([ hd;ysij\ , chacidhah ]; variously rendered in the Septuagint: Lev 11:19, [ejrwdio>v, erodios ]; Dt 14:18, [peleka>n, pelekan ]; Job 39:13, [aJsida>, hasida ] (transliteration of Hebrew); Zec 5:9, ([e]poy, epops ]; Latin Ciconia alba): A large wading bird of the family Ardeidae, related to crane, ibis, heron and bittern. The stork on wing is a bird of exquisite beauty. The primary, secondary and a few of the tertiary wing feathers are black, the remainder, also the head, neck, and back and under parts white, the bill and legs red. When a perching white bird suddenly unfolds these wonderful wings, having at times a sweep of 7 ft., and sails away, it makes a very imposing picture. Zechariah in a vision saw a woman having the wings of a stork; Zec 5:9, “Then lifted I up mine eyes, and saw, and, behold, there came forth two women, and the wind was in their wings; now they had wings like the wings of a stork; and they lifted up the ephah between eaxth and heaven.” These birds winter in Africa. In their spring migration many pairs pause in Palestine, others cross the Mediterranean and spread over the housetops, ruins and suitable building-places of Europe as far north as Rolland and England. Always and everywhere the bird has been more or less protected on account of its fidelity to a chosen location, its fearlessness of man and the tender love between mated pairs and for its young.

    The stork first appears among the birds of abomination, and it is peculiar that the crane does not, for they are closely related. But the crane eats moles, mice, lizards and smaller animals it can capture, also frogs and fish.

    To this same diet the stork adds carrion and other offensive matter, and the laws of Moses, as a rule, are formulated with good reason. Yet at one time, storks must have been eaten, for Pliny quoted Cornelius Nepos, who died in the days of Augustus Caesar, as saying that “in his time storks were holden for a better dish at board than cranes.” Pliny adds: “Yet see, how in our age now, no man will touch a stork if it be set before him on the board, but everyone is ready to reach into the crane and no dish is more in request.” He also wrote that it was a capital crime in Thessaly to kill storks, because of their work in slaying serpents. This may have been the beginning of the present laws protecting the bird, reinforced by the steady growth of respect and love for its tender, gentle disposition. The Hebrew word [chaidhah], from which the stork took its name, means “kindness.”

    There is a smaller stork having a black neck and back, that homes in Palestine, but only in small numbers as compared with the white. These birds flock and live in forests around the borders of waste and desert places, and build in trees. The young of both species remain a long time in the nest and are tenderly cared for, so much so indeed that from their performances and love of building on housetops arose the popular tradition that the stork delivers newly born children to homes. The birds first appear in Lev 11:19 and Dt 14:18. Jeremiah noticed that the stork was migratory; see 8:7: “Yea, the stork in the heavens knoweth her appointed times; and the turtle-dove and the swallow and the crane observe the time of their coming; but my people know not the law of Yahweh.” The Psalmist referred to their nesting in the cedars of Lebanon, for in Palestine these birds could not build on housetops, which were flat, devoid of chimneys and much used by the people as we use a veranda today; see Ps 104:17: “Where the birds make their nests:

    As for the stork, the fir-trees are her house.”

    Gene Stratton-Porter STORY <sto-ri > . See COMMENTARY.

    STORY TELLING See GAME, I, 4.

    STORY WRITER <sto’-ri-rit-er > : In the sense of chronicler or historian occurs in 1 Esdras 2:17 (margin “recorder”) and 2:25.

    STOUT; STOUTNESS <stout > , <stout’-nes > : In modern English the word signifies strength firmness, corpulence, etc., but in English Versions of the Bible (Ps 76:5; Isa 10:12; 46:12; Dan 7:20; Mal 3:13 with stoutness” in Isa 9:9) it always means “bold” or “proud” and invariably in a bad sense; compare the German stolz, with which “stout” is allied.

    STRAIGHT; STRAIGHTWAY <strat > , <strat’-wa > : “Straiglit” and “strait” are two entirely different words that have no connection with each other in English, the former being derived from the Anglo-Saxon, while the latter has come back from the Latin through the Romance. At some point still farther back, however, the two words may have had some common original with the general meaning “to stretch.” But in straight the stretched object is a cord from which all curvature is removed, while in strait a solid is thought of, which is drawn out and made narrow, used figuratively in Job 20:22; 36:16; Mt 7:13 f; Phil 1:23. Before English spelling had reached a relatively settled stage the spelling of the two words was interchanged occasionally, but in even Elizabethan times this could happen only through ignorance. In English Versions of the Bible the forms are kept distinct with great care. “Straight,” then, appears only in the sense “not crooked,” in the Old Testament most commonly for some form of [ rv”y; , yashar ], “be smooth” (2 Ch 32:30, etc.). In the Apocrypha and New Testament the word is not very common, being used for [ojrqo>v, orthos ] (Baruch 6:27; Heb 12:13); [eujqu>v, euthus ] (Judith 13:20; Mk 1:3 and parallel’s), with the verbs [ajnorqo>w, anorthoo ] (Lk 13:13), and [eujqu>nw, euthuno ] (Jn 1:23; Heb 12:12 the Revised Version margin), “to make straight,” and [eujqudrome>w, euthudromeo ], “to make a straight course” ( Acts 16:11; 21:1). For straightway in English Versions of the Bible overwhelmingly the most common word is [eujqu>v, euthus ], or [eujqe>wv, eutheos ]. the King James Version varies the translation of this adverb by using either “straightway” or “immediately” without distinction, but the Revised Version (British and American) (with a very few exceptions, e.g., Mt 24:29) has adhered to “straightway.” The other occurrences in the Bible (1 Sam 9:13; 28:20, etc.) represent no special word. Burton Scott Easton STRAIGHT STREET <strat stret > . See DAMASCUS.

    STRAIN <stran > ([diuli>zw, diulizo ], “to strain off,” “to filter”): Mt 23:24, “Ye blind guides, that strain out the gnat, and swallow the camel” The imagery is that of a drinking-vessel full of liquid, from which tiny impurities are carefully removed while immense masses of other impure matter (Lev 11:4) are overlooked (compare Mt 7:3 f). The first edition of the King James Version read the same as the Revised Version (British and American), but in the later editions a misprint converted “strain out” into “strain at,” an error that has never been corrected.

    STRAIT; STRAITEN; STRAITLY <strat > , <strat’-’-n > , <strat’-il > : The word “strait” and its compounds are used in English Versions of the Bible in the literal sense of “narrow” (tsar , 2 Ki 6:1; Isa 49:20; mutsaq , Job 37:10; ‘atsal , Ezek 42:6) and in the figurative sense of “strict” (shabha `, Ex 13:19; caghar , Josh 6:1; tsarar , “to be distressed,” 2 Sam 24:14 parallel; yatsar , Job 20:22; metsar , Lam 1:3). In Apocrypha the verb “straitened” occurs in Susanna verse 22.

    In the New Testament we have stenos (Mt 7:13 f parallel, the Revised Version (British and American) “narrow”; polus , “much”; so the Revised Version (British and American) Mk 3:12; 5:43; sunecho , “to urge,” “hold together,” Lk 12:50; Phil 1:23). It occurs in its superlative form in Acts 26:5, “After the straitest (akribestatos , “most exact,” “scrupulous”) sect of our religion,” i.e. “the most precise and rigorous in interpreting the Mosaic Law, and in observing the more minute precepts of the Law and of tradition” (Thayer, Lexicon, under the word; compare Acts 22:3). See also STRAIGHT, STRAIGHTWAY.

    M. O. Evans STRAKES <straks > : An older form for “streaks” (so the American Standard Revised Version) in the King James Version, the English Revised Version Gen 30:37 (pitslah , “peeled spot”); Lev 14:37 (sheqa`aruroth , “hollow places”). For “strake,” Tobit 11:11; the King James Version Acts 27:17. See STRIKE.

    STRANGE, FIRE <stranj > ([ hr;z; vae , ‘esh zarah ], “alien fire”): These words are mentioned in connection with the fatal sin committed by the two oldest sons of Aaron, Nadab and Abihu, in “offering strange fire before Yahweh,” on the occasion of the formal consecration of the Aaronitic priesthood (Lev 10:1,2). The fact is mentioned again in Nu 3:4; 26:61. The greatest calamity of all befell them in that they were cut off childless, which for every true Israelite was the darkest fate imaginable. This fact is mentioned twice (Nu 3:4 and 1 Ch 24:2). The power which cut off the lives of Nadab and Abihu (Lev 10:1,2) is the same as that which shortly before had consumed the consecratory burnt offering (Lev 9:24). What was its true character, whether, as Rosenmuller and Dachsel surmise, it was a lightning stroke or some other supernatural agency, is not worth while debating. It is enough for us to know that “there came forth fire from before Yahweh and devoured them.” Yet this latter word is not to be taken literally, since they were carried out for burial in their own linen garments (Lev 10:5). They were therefore merely killed, not incinerated. What was their sin? The words “strange fire” have been explained either as common fire, which they placed in their censers, or as unholy incense, which they put thereon (Ex 39:38). But the text plainly points to the former. The sacred fire, once kindled on the altar, was never to be permitted to go out (Lev 6:12 f).

    When later the temple was dedicated Yahweh again lighted the fire on the altar from heaven, as in the case of the dedication of the tabernacle. As, however, the injunction to take fire for the censers of the incense offering only from the coals of the altar is not found before (Lev 16:12), Rosenmuller’s observation would seem to be very much to the point: “Quamquam enim in iis quae praecedunt, non extat hoc interdictum, tamen est verisimile Mosem vetasse Aaroni et filiis eius ne ignem alienum altari imponerent.” (“For although his injunction does not hold in regard to the preceding cases, yet it is very probable that Moses had forbidden Aaron and his sons to place strange fire upon the altar.”) A verbal injunction of Moses must have preceded the fatal mistake. But the text leads us to believe there was more than a mistake here. Some find here the sin of drunkenness, from the enjoined abstinence from any intoxicating drink before the priests thereafter minister before Yahweh (Lev 10:9). The likeliest explanation is that, inflated with pride on account of the exaltation of the Aaronitic family above all Israel, they broke unbidden into the ritual of the consecration of the tabernacle and priesthood, eager to take part in the ceremony, and in their haste bringing strange fire into the tabernacle, and thus met their death (see Oehler, Old Testament Theol., 126, 282).

    The fire burning on the altar came from God, it might never go out, since it represented “the unbroken course of adoration of Yahweh, carried on in sacrifice.” And this course was interrupted by Nadab and Abihu. The fire on the altar was a symbol of holiness, and they sought to overlay it with unholiness. And thus it became to them a consuming fire, because they approached the Holy One in a profane spirit (compare Isa 33:14). Henry E. Dosker STRANGE GODS See GODS, STRANGE.

    STRANGE WIFE “Strange” as contrasted with “an Israelite.” Such wives are spoken of in the King James Version Ezr 10:2,11 (the English Revised Version “strange women,” the American Standard Revised Version “foreign women”; see STRANGER AND SOJOURNER ; in the parallel 1 Esdras 8:68 through 9:37, the King James Version uses “strange wives” and “strange women” indifferently, and the Revised Version (British and American) here follows the King James Version) as “wives of the people of the land,” in taking whom the men of Israel are said to have “trespassed against their God.”

    Accordingly such wives were “put away.”

    STRANGE WOMAN The Hebrew [ rz; , zar ], translated “stranger,” meant primarily one “who turns aside,” i.e. to visit another country; then a “sojourner,” “stranger.”

    The “strange woman” of Prov 2:16 is a technical term for “harlot”; compare Jdg 11:1,2, where “son of a strange (the Revised Version (British and American) “another”) woman” (11:2, ‘acher ) is parallel to “the son of a harlot” (11:1). See STRANGE WIFE.

    STRANGER AND SOJOURNER (IN THE OLD TESTAMENT) <stranj’-er > :

    Four different Hebrew words must be considered separately: (1) [ rGe , ger ], the American Standard Revised Version “sojourner” or “stranger”; (2) [ bv;wOT , toshabh ], the American Standard Revised Version “sojourner”; (3) [ yrik]n; , nokhri ], [ rk;ne ˆB, , ben nekhar ], the American Standard Revised Version “foreigner”; (4) [ rz; , zar ], the American Standard Revised Version “stranger.”

    I. THE GER.

    This word with its kindred verb is applied with slightly varying meanings to anyone who resides in a country or a town of which he is not a full native land-owning citizen; e.g., the word is used of the patriarchs in Palestine, the Israelites in Egypt, the Levites dwelling among the Israelites (Dt 18:6; Jdg 17:7, etc.), the Ephraimite in Gibeah (Jdg 19:16). It is also particularly used of free aliens residing among the Israelites, and it is with the position of such that this article deals. This position is absolutely unparalleled in early legal systems (A. H. Post, Grundriss der ethnologischen Jurisprudenz, I, 448, note 3), which are usually far from favorable to strangers. 1. Legal Provisions: (1) Principles.

    The dominant principles of the legislation are most succinctly given in two passages: He “loveth the ger in giving him food and raiment” (Dt 10:18); “And if a ger sojourn with thee (variant “you”) in your land, ye shall not do him wrong. The ger that sojourneth with you shall be unto you as the home-born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself; for ye were gerim in the land of Egypt” (Lev 19:33 f). This treatment of the stranger is based partly on historic recollection, partly on the duty of the Israelite to his God. Because the ger would be at a natural disadvantage through his alienage, he becomes one of the favorites of a legislation that gives special protection to the weak and helpless. (2) Rules.

    In nationality the freeman followed his father, so that the son of a ger and an Israelitess was himself a ger (Lev 24:10-22). Special care was to be taken to do him no judicial wrong (Dt 1:16; 94:17; 27:19). In what may roughly be called criminal law it was enacted that the same rules should apply to gerim as to natives (Lev 18:26, which is due to the conception that certain abominations defile a land; 20:2, where the motive is also religious; 24:10-22; see SBL, 84 ff; Nu 35:15). A free Israelite who became his slave was subject to redemption by a relative at any time on payment of the fair price (Lev 25:47 ff). This passage and Dt 28:43 contemplate the possibility of a stranger’s becoming wealthy, but by far the greater number of the legal provisions regard him as probably poor. Thus provision is made for him to participate in tithes (Dt 14:29; 26:12), gleanings of various sorts and forgotten sheaves (Lev 19:10; 23:22; Dt 24:19,20,21), and poor hired servants were not to be oppressed (Dt 24:14). 2. Relation to Sacrifice and Ritual: Nearly all the main holy days apply to the ger . He was to rest on the Sabbath (Ex 20:10; 23:12, etc.), to rejoice on Weeks and Tabernacles (Dt 16), to observe the Day of Atonement (Lev 16:29), to have no leaven on the Festival of Unleavened Bread (Ex 12:19). But he could not keep the Passover unless he underwent circumcision (Ex 12:48). He could not eat blood at any rate during the wilderness period (Lev 17:10-12), and for that period, but not thereafter, he was probihited from eating that which died of itself (Lev 17:15; Dt 14:21) under pain of being unclean until the even. He could offer sacrifices (Lev 17:8 f; 22:18; Nu 15:14 f), and was subject to the same rules as a native for unwitting sins (Nu 15:22-31), and for purification for uncleanness by reason of contact with a dead body (Nu 19:10-13). 3. Historical Circumstances: The historical circumstances were such as to render the position of the resident alien important from the first. A “mixed multitude” went up with the Israelites from Egypt, and after the conquest we find Israelites and the races of Palestine living side by side throughout the country. We repeatedly read of resident aliens in the historical books, e.g. Uriah the Hittite.

    According to 2 Ch 2:17 f (Hebrew 16 f) there was a very large number of such in the days of Solomon, but the figure may be excessive. These seem to have been the remnant of the conquered tribes (1 Ki 9:20 f). Ezekiel in his vision assigned to gerim landed inheritance among the Israelites (47:22 f). Hospitality to the ger was of course a religious duty and the host would go to any lengths to protect his guest (Gen 19; Jdg 19:24).

    II. THE TOSHABH.

    Of the toshabh we know very little. It is possible that the word is practically synonymous with ger , but perhaps it is used of less permanent sojourning. Thus in Lev 22:10 it appears to cover anybody residing with a priest. A toshabh could not eat the Passover or the “holy” things of a priest (Ex 12:45; Lev 22:10). His children could be purchased as perpetual slaves, and the law of the Jubilee did not apply to them as to Israelites (Lev 25:45). He is expressly mentioned in the law of homicide (Nu 35:15), but otherwise we have no information as to his legal position. Probably it was similar to that of the ger .

    III. THE NOKHRI BEN NEKHAR.

    The nokhri or ben nekhar was a foreigner. The word is far wider than those considered above. It covers everything of alien or foreign character regardless of the place of residence. By circumcision a foreign slave could enter into the covenant with Abraham. Foreigners were of course excluded from the Passover (Ex 12:43), but could offer sacrifices to Israel’s God at the religious capital (Lev 22:25). The Israelite could exact interest of them (Dt 23:20) and the payment of debts in cases where an Israelite debtor was protected by the release of Dt 15:3. Moses forbade the appointment of a foreigner as a ruler (Dt 17:15, in a law which according to Massoretic Text relates to a “king,” but in the preferable text of Septuagint to a ruler generally). Later the worship of God by foreigners from a distance was contemplated and encouraged (1 Ki 8:41-43; Isa 2:2 f; 56:3,6 f; etc.), while the case of Naaman shows that a foreigner might worship Him abroad (2 Ki 5:17). A resident foreigner was of course a ger .

    The distinction between these three words is perhaps best seen in Ex 12:43,45,48 f. in the first of these verses we have ben nekhar, used to cover “alien” generally; in the last the ger is contemplated as likely to undergo a complete naturalization; while in 12:45 the toshabh is regarded as certain to be outside the religious society. 1. Marriage: In the earlier period marriages with foreigners are common, though disliked (e.g. Gen 24:3; 27:46 ff; Nu 12:1; Jdg 14:3, etc.). The Law provides for some unions of this kind (Dt 21:10 ff; compare Nu 31:18), but later Judaism became more stringent. Moses required the high priest to marry a virgin of his own people (Lev 21:14); Ezekiel limited all descendants of Zadok to wives of the house of Israel (44:22); Ezra and Nehemiah carried on a vigorous polemic against the intermarriage of any Jew with foreign women (Ezr 10; Neh 13:23-31). 2. Exclusion of Some Races from Assembly: Deuteronomy further takes up a hostile attitude to Ammonites and Moabites, excluding them from the assembly of the Lord even to the tenth generation, while the children of the third generation of Edomites and Egyptians could enter it (23:3-8 (Hebrew 4-9)). From 1 Ki 9:20,21,24; Ch 22:2 we learn of the existence of foreign quarters in Israel.

    IV. THE ZAR.

    The remaining word zar means “stranger” and takes its coloring from the context. It may mean “stranger in blood,” e.g. non-Aaronite (Nu 16:40 (Hebrew 17:5)), or non-Levite (e.g. Nu 1:51), or a non-member of some other defined family (Dt 25:5). In opposition to priest it means “lay” (Lev 22:10-13), and when the contrast is with holy, it denotes “profane” (Ex 30:9). See FOREIGNER; GENTILE; PROSELYTE; CHERETHITES; PELETHITES; MARRIAGE; COMMERCE.

    Harold M. Wiener STRANGER AND SOJOURNER (IN THE APOCRYPHA AND THE NEW TESTAMENT) The technical meaning attaching to the Hebrew terms is not present in the Greek words translated “stranger” and “sojourner,” and the distinctions made by English Versions of the Bible are partly only to give uniformity in the translation. For “stranger” the usual Greek word is [xe>nov, xenos ], meaning primarily “guest” and so appearing in the combination “hatred toward guests” in The Wisdom of Solomon 19:13 ([misoxeni>a, misoxenia ]). Xenos is the most common word for “stranger” in the New Testament (Mt 25:35, etc.), but it seems not to be used by itself with this force in the Apocrypha. Almost equally common in the New Testament is [ajllo>triov, allotrios ], “belonging to another” (Mt 17:25,26; Jn 10:5 (bis)), and this is the usual word in the Apocrypha (Sirach 8:18; 1 Macc 1:38, etc.), but for some inexplicable reason the Revised Version (British and American) occasionally translates by “alien” (contrast, e.g. 1 Macc 1:38; 2:7). Compare the corresponding verb [ajpallotrio>w, apallotrioo ] (Eph 2:12; 4:18; Col 1:21). With the definite meaning of “foreigner” are [ajllogenh>v, allogenes ], “of another nation,” the Revised Version (British and American) “stranger” (1 Esdras 8:83; 1 Macc 3:45 (the King James Version “alien”); Lk 17:18 (the Revised Version margin “alien”)), and [ajllo>fulov, allophulos ], “of another tribe,” the Revised Version (British and American) “stranger” (Baruch 6:5; 1 Macc 4:12, etc.) or “of another nation” ( Acts 10:28). For “to sojourn” the commonest form is [paroike>w, paroikeo ], “to dwell beside,” the Revised Version (British and American) always “to sojourn” (Judith 5:7; Sirach 41:19; Lk 24:18 (the King James Version “to be a stranger”); Heb 11:9). The corresponding noun for “sojourner” is [pa>roikov, paroikos ] (Sirach 29:26 f (the King James Version “stranger”); Acts 7:6,26; Eph 2:19; 1 Pet 2:11), with [paroiki>a, paroikia ], “sojourning” (The Wisdom of Solomon 19:10; Sirach 16:8; Acts 13:17 (the King James Version “dwelling as strangers”); 1 Pet 1:17). In addition, [ejpidhme>w, epidemeo ], “to be among people,” is translated “to sojourn” in Acts 2:10; 17:21, and its compound [parepi>dhmov, parepidemos ], as “sojourner” in 1 Pet 1:1 (in Heb 11:13; 1 Pet 2:11, “pilgrim”). Burton Scott Easton STRANGLED <stran’-g’-ld > ([ qn”j; , chanaq ]; [pnikto>v, pniktos ], from verb [pni>gw, pnigo ], “to choke,” “to smother,” “to strangle” (compare choking of swine in the lake, Mk 5:13; the seed are choked by the thorns, Mt 13:7; the servant takes his fellow-servant by the throat, the King James Version Mt 18:28)): As adjective “strangled,” used of animals deprived of life by choking, and so without the shedding of the blood. Flesh thus killed was forbidden as food among the Hebrews, because it contained the blood (Lev 17:12). Even Jewish Christians in the Jerusalem council thought it best to forbid things strangled to be eaten by Gentile converts, so as not to give offense to Jewish sentiment, and doubtless also to prevent participation in heathen sacrificial feasts ( Acts 15:20; 21:25). Edward Bagby Pollard STRANGLING <stran’-g’-ling > . See PUNISHMENTS.

    STRAW; STUBBLE <stro > , <stub’-’-l > : The cognates of Hebrew [ ˆb,T, , tebhen ], “straw” and [ vq”, qash ], “stubble,” have been retained in the modern Arabic terms tibn and qashsh. Tibn applies to the straw which has been cut up into short pieces and more or less split by the threshing operations. It is commonly used throughout the East as a coarse fodder or roughage for domestic herbivorous animals (compare Gen 24:25,32; Jdg 19:19; 1 Ki 4:28; Isa 11:7; 65:25). Hay and similar cured crops are practically unknown. Barley, peas and other grain, when fed to animals, are mixed with the tibn. The animals will frequently reject the tibn unless there is grain in it. They often nose about the tibn until the grain settles to the bottom so that they can eat the latter without the straw. Straw left in the manger is thrown out in the stall to form part of the bedding (compare Isa 25:10).

    Tibn is mixed with clay for plastering walls or for making sun-dried bricks.

    It is also mixed with lime and sand for plastering. The children of Israel had their task of brickmaking made more arduous by being required to gather stubble and prepare it by chopping it up instead of being given the already prepared straw of the threshing-floors (Ex 5:7 ff).

    Qashsh (literally, “dried up”) refers to the stalks left standing in the wheat fields or to any dried-up stalks or stems such as are gathered for burning.

    Camels and other flocks sometimes supplement their regular meals by grazing on the stubble, otherwise it has no use. In the Bible stubble is used to typify worthless inflammable material (Ex 15:7; Job 13:25; 41:28,29; Ps 83:13; Isa 5:24, etc.; 1 Cor 3:12, [kala>mh, kalame ]). [ ˆBet]m” , mathben ], is translated “straw” in Isa 25:10. James A. Patch STRAWED <strod > : Past participle of “to strew,” “scatter,” or “spread about,” as powder (of the golden calf, Ex 32:20, the Revised Version (British and American) “strewed”); branches (Mt 21:8, the Revised Version (British and American) “spread”); seed (Mt 25:24,26, the Revised Version (British and American) “scatter”).

    STREAM <strem > : (1) [ lj”n”, nachal ], English Versions of the Bible “stream,” as: “Behold, he smote the rock, so that waters gushed out, and streams overflowed” (Ps 78:20). Often “valley,” as “the valley (the King James Version “river”) of the Arnon” (Dt 2:24); or “brook,” as “the brook (the King James Version “river”) of Egypt” (Josh 15:4; see BROOK or EGYPT ); or “river,” as “the river Kishon” (Jdg 4:7). (2) [ rh;n; , nahar ] (Aramaic [ rh”n] , nehar ] (Dan 7:10); compare Arabic nahr, “river”): “He bindeth the streams,” the King James Version “floods” ( Job 28:11); “the River” (Euphrates) (Ex 23:31, etc.); “Abanah and Pharpar, the rivers of Damascus” (2 Ki 5:12). (3) [ gl,P, , pelegh ], the root [ gl”P; , palagh ], “to split,” “to divide,” hence, “cleft,” “channel”: “a tree planted by the streams (the King James Version “rivers”) of water” (Ps 1:3); “There is a river, the streams whereof make glad the city of God” (Ps 46:4); but: “The king’s heart is .... as the watercourses” (the King James Version “rivers of water”) (Prov 21:1). (4) [ qypia; , ‘aphiq ], the root [ qp”a; , ‘aphaq ], “to be strong,” hence, “channel,” “valley,” as holding, confining (BDB): “the streams in the South” (Ps 126:4); elsewhere “brook,” as “the brooks (the King James Version “rivers”) of Judah” ( Joel 3:18); or “channel,” as “the channel of brooks” ( Job 6:15); or “watercourses” (the Revised Version margin “ravines,” the King James Version “rivers”) (Ezek 6:3, etc.). (5) [ rwOay] , ye’or ], from Egyptian ‘iotr, ‘io’r, especially of the Nile, as: “Seven other kine came up after them out of the river” (Gen 41:3); the Revised Version (British and American) “stream,” the King James Version “river” (Ex 7:19; 8:5);, the Revised Version (British and American) “stream,” the King James Version “brook”; “The streams (margin “canals”) of Egypt shall be diminished and dried up” (Isa 19:6). (6) [ lb;y; , yabhal ], the root [ lb”y; , yabhal ], “to bear along”: “brooks and streams of waters” (Isa 30:25); compare [ lb”Wy , yabhal ], “river,” “that spreadeth out its roots by the river” (Jer 17:8); [ lb”Wa , ‘ubhal ], “the river Ulai” (Dan 8:2). (7) [ lz”n; , nazal ], “to flow,” “to trickle”: “He brought streams also out of the rock” (Ps 78:16). (8) [ dv,a, , ‘eshedh ], “the slope of the valleys,” the King James Version “the stream of the brooks” (Nu 21:15); compare [ twOdvea\ , ‘ashedhoth ], “the slopes” (Josh 10:40); “the slopes (margin “springs”) of Pisgah” (Dt 3:17). (9) [potamo>v, potamos ], “The stream brake against that house” (Lk 6:48,49); elsewhere “river,” as “the river Jordan” (Mk 1:5). (10) [klu>dwn, kludon ], “stream,” the King James Version The Wisdom of Solomon 19:7 (the Revised Version (British and American) “surge”). See BROOK; CANAL; CHANNEL; RIVER; VALE; WATERCOURSE.

    Alfred Ely Day STREET <stret > . See CITY.

    STRENGTH, OF ISRAEL <strength > : For “the strength of the children of Israel,” applied to Yahweh in the King James Version Joel 3:16, the Revised Version (British and American) reads “a stronghold to the children of Israel.”

    STRIKE <strik > : The verbs “to strike” and “to stroke” (latter not in English Versions) have the same derivation, and originally “strike” was the intrans, “stroke” the transitive form. “Strike” however, became used in both senses (always transitive in English Versions of the Bible), while “to stroke” took on the meaning “to, rub gently.” But in the King James Version this last force still belonged sometimes to “strike” and is so found in 2 Ki 5:11, “strike his hand over the place” (the Revised Version (British and American) “wave”), and perhaps Ex 12:7,22; Tobit 11:11 Otherwise AV’s uses of the simple “strike” are modern, including “strike sail” ( Acts 27:17; here and in Tobit 11:11 with an archaic preterite “strake,” elsewhere “struck”). The Revised Version’s “They lowered the gear” is a more precise translation, not a modernizing of the King James Version’s English.

    The combination “to strike through,” however, is not modern English, and was used by the King James Version as meaning either “to pierce” (Jdg 5:26; Job 20:24; Prov 7:23; Lam 4:9), or, as an intensive, “to strike violently,” “to crush” (Ps 110:5). The Revised Version (British and American) has attempted to distinguish only in Hab 3:14, “pierce,” margin “smite.” “Striking hands” is a common custom at the conclusion of a bargain (Additions to Esther 14:8), but in Job 17:3; Prov 6:1; 17:18; 22:26; the Revised Version margin 11:15, the ceremony is used technically for an agreement to be surety for another. Striking (the Revised Version margin “firing”) stones to produce a fire is mentioned (2 Macc 10:3).

    The past participle of “strike” is stricken (modern English “struck”) (compare Prov 23:35; Jer 5:3; Lam 4:9). So Isa 1:5, “Why will ye be still stricken?” is equivalent to “Why should ye receive any more blows?” (compare 16:7; 53:4,8 margin). But in the phrase “stricken in age” (Gen 18:11, etc.) “strike” has an older meaning, “advance.”

    Striker is found in 1 Tim 3:3; Tit 1:7 as a literal translation of [plh>kthv, plektes ]. A hot-tempered man, prone to physical outbursts, is meant. A stroke is simply a”blow,” but in Dt 17:8; 21:5, “stroke” is used technically for “assault.” Burton Scott Easton STRINGED, INSTRUMENTS <stringd > . See MUSIC.

    STRIPES <strips > . See PUNISHMENTS.

    STRIVE <striv > . See GAMES, II, 2.

    STRONGHOLD <strong’-hold > . See FORTIFIED CITIES, IV, 1.

    STUBBLE <stub’-’-l > ([ vq”, qash ] (Ex 5:12, etc.); [kala>mh, kalame ] (The Wisdom of Solomon 3:7; 1 Cor 3:12)): These Hebrew and Greek forms are used of the stalks of wheat, etc., left knee-high in the field by the reapers. [ ˆb,T, , tebhen ] ( Job 21:18), is a mixture of chopped straw and chaff produced in threshing, which is winnowed out by the fan (compare Jer 23:28; Isa 5:24; Mt 3:12). When tebhen was withheld from them the Israelites had to utilize qash for the manufacture of their bricks (Ex 5:12).

    STUDS <studz > ([ twODqun] , nequddoth ], “engraving,” “stud”): Ornaments consisting of small silver points which it was proposed (Song 1:11) to affix to the new golden “plaits” (the Revised Version) or “borders” (the King James Version), and which were to replace the strung beads of the bride’s necklace.

    STUFF <stuf > ([ yliK] , keli ]; [skeu~ov, skeuos ]): “Material” for any purpose (Ezek 12:3,4,7); or “supplies” in a more general sense (Ex 36:7, Hebrew mela’- khah ; compare the King James Version, the English Revised Version Sam 10:22; 25:13; 30:24 (the American Standard Revised Version substitutes “baggage”)); frequently, “household possessions” (Gen 31:37; 45:20; Ex 22:7; Josh 7:11; Neh 13:8; Judith 16:19; the King James Version Judith 15:11 (skeuasmata, the Revised Version (British and American) “furniture”); the King James Version Lk 17:31, where the Revised Version (British and American) reads “goods”). “Mingled stuff” is the translation of sha’aTnez in the Revised Version (British and American) instead of “garment of divers sorts” the King James Version (Dt 22:11).

    STUMBLING-BLOCK; STUMBLING-STONE <stum’-bling-blok > , ([ lwOvk]mi , mikhshol ], [ hl;vek]m”, makhshelah ]; [pro>skomma, proskomma ], [ska>ndalon, skandalon ]): These are the most important of the varied renderings of either of two cognate Hebrew words, or of two different Greek words. Sometimes the Greek word for “stone” ([li>qov, lithos ]) accompanies the principal word. There is no important difference in the meaning of the words or of their renderings. the Revised Version (British and American) generally substitutes “stumbling” for “offence” of the King James Version.

    The literal meaning of the Hebrew words — an object which causes one to stumble or fall — appears in such passages as Lev 19:14: “Thou shalt not .... put a stumblingblock (mikhshol ) before the blind” (compare Jer 6:21).

    But the expression is ordinarily figurative, referring to that which causes material ruin or spiritual downfall, which were closely connected in Old Testament thought (Ps 119:165; Ezek 21:15). The things that lead astray are silver and gold (Ezek 7:19); idols (Ezek 14:3; Zeph 1:3, etc.).

    One of the New Testament words, [ska>ndalon, skandalon ], literally means the stick of a trap to which the bait is attached, and which when touched springs the trap. Figuratively either word refers to a thing or a person that leads one to fall into error, into sin or into destruction: the cross of Christ (Gal 5:11; Rom 11:9); another’s liberty (1 Cor 8:9); Peter in Mt 16:23; Christ, whose life and character were so different from Jewish expectation (Rom 9:33). See also OFFENCE.

    George Rice Hovey SUA <su’-a > ([ Soua>, Soua ]; the King James Version, Sud): Name of a family of temple-servants who went up from exile with Zerubbabel (1 Esdras 5:29) = “Sia” of Neh 7:47; “Siaha” of Ezr 2:44.

    SUAH <su’-a > ([ j”Ws , cuach ]): Son of Zophah, of the tribe of Asher (1 Ch 7:36).

    SUBAI <su’-ba-i > , <su’-bi > ([ Subaei>, Subaei ]): Name of a family of templeservants who returned with Zerubbabel (1 Esdras 5:30) = “Shamlai” of Ezr 2:46; “Salmai” of Neh 7:48.

    SUB-APOSTOLIC LITERATURE See LITERATURE, SUB-APOSTOLIC.

    SUBAS <su’-bas > ([ Souba>v, Soubas ]; the King James Version, Suba): Name of a family of “the sons of the servants of Solomon” returning with Zerubbabel (1 Esdras 5:34), wanting in the parallel lists of Ezr 2:57; Neh 7:59.

    SUBORN <sub-orn’ > ([uJpoba>llw, hupoballo ] ( Acts 6:11; only here in the New Testament)): The word means to introduce by collusion, to put one person in the place of another, to employ anyone in a secret manner and instruct such a one to act for and as though he were another person.

    SUBSTANCE <sub’-stans > ([ vWkr] , rekhush ]; [uJpo>stasiv, hupostasis ]): Lit. that which stands under, is in the Bible used chiefly of material goods and possessions. In the Old Testament it is the translation of numerous Hebrew words, of which rekhush , “that which is gathered together,” is one of the earliest and most significant (Gen 12:5; 13:6; 15:14; 1 Ch 27:31; Ezr 8:21, etc.). In the New Testament “substance” appears in a few passages as the translation of ousia, “being,” “subsistence” (Lk 15:13), huparxis , “goods,” “property” (Heb 10:34), huparchonta , “things at hand” (Lk 8:3). Special interest attaches to Heb 11:1, the King James Version “Now faith is the substance of things hoped for,” etc., where the word is used in its proper etymological sense as the translation of hupostasis , “that which stands under.” the Revised Version (British and American) changes to “assurance,” margin “the giving substance to,” which last seems best to bring out the idea of faith as that which makes the things hoped for real to the soul. The same Greek word hupostasis is rendered “substance” in Heb 1:3 the Revised Version (British and American), instead of the King James Version “person,” with reference to Christ, “the very image (margin “impress”) of his substance,” i.e. of God’s invisible essence or being, the manifestation of God Himself. W. L. Walker SUBTIL; SUBTLE; SUBTLETY; SUBTILTY <sub’-til > , <sut’-’-l > , <sut’-’-l-ti > ([ µk;j; , chakham ], [ lk”n; , nakhal ], [ hm;r]mi , mirmah ]; [do>lov, dolos ]): These words are used (1) in a good sense: 2 Sam 13:3, chakham , “wise,” “Jonadab was a very subtle (the American Standard Revised Version “subtle”) man” (discreet); Prov 1:4, `ormah , “prudence,” “to give subtlety to the simple,” the American Standard Revised Version and the English Revised Version margin “prudence”; The Wisdom of Solomon 7:22, leptos , “thin,” said of the spirit in Wisdom (very fine or refined); 8:8, strophe , “winding,” “subtilties of speeches”; Ecclesiasticus 39:2, “subtil parables,” the Revised Version (British and American) “the subtleties of parables”; (2) in a bad sense: Gen 3:1, `arum , “crafty,” “Now the serpent was more subtle than any beast of the field,” the American Standard Revised Version “subtle.”

    Gen 27:35, mirmah , “deceit,” “fraud,” “Thy brother came with subtlety,” the Revised Version (British and American) “with guile”; Ps 105:25, nakhal , “to deceive,” the King James Version “deal subtlely,” the American Standard Revised Version “subtly”; Prov 7:10, natsar , “to watch,” “guard,” “to be hidden or subtle of heart,” the Revised Version (British and American) “wily,” margin “ `close,’ Hebrew `guarded’”; 2 Ki 10:19, `oqebhah , “deceit” or “treachery” (here only); Judith 5:11, katasophizo , “to use subtlety”; Ecclesiasticus 19:25, panourgia, “cunning,” “unscrupulousness,” “There is an exquisite subtlety, and the same is unjust”; 2 Cor 11:3, “The serpent beguiled Eve through his subtlety,” the Revised Version (British and American) “in his craftiness”; Mt 26:4, dolos, “deceit,” “that they might take Jesus by subtlety, and kill him”; Acts 13:10, “O full of all subtlety and all mischief,” the Revised Version (British and American) “all guile and all villany.”

    English Revised Version has “subtilty” for “wisdom” (Prov 8:5,12), margin and the American Standard Revised Version, “prudence”; for “with subtlety” (the English Revised Version Mk 14:1, the King James Version “by craft”) the American Standard Revised Version has “with subtlety.” W. L. Walker SUBURBS <sub’-urbz > . See CITY.

    SUBVERT <sub-vurt’ > ([ tw”[; , `awath ]; [ajnatre>pw, anatrepo ]): Occurs 5 t: (1) in the sense of overturning, etc., as the translation of `awath , “to make bent or crooked” (Lam 3:36), “to subvert a man in his cause”; of anaskeudzo, primarily, “to pack up baggage”; then, “to ravage,” etc. ( Acts 15:24, “subverting your souls”); of anatrepo , “to turn upside down,” “to overturn” (Tit 1:11, “who subvert whole houses,” the Revised Version (British and American) “overthrow”); of katastrophe , “overthrow,” “destruction” (2 Tim 2:14, “to the subverting of them that hear”); (2) in the sense of perverting: ekstrepho , “to turn or twist out” “to turn about” (Tit 3:11, “such is subverted,” the Revised Version (British and American) “perverted”). For “overthrown me” ( Job 19:6) the Revised Version (British and American) has “subverted me (in my cause),” margin “overthrown me”; for “perverteth” (Prov 19:3), “subverteth.” W. L. Walker SUCATHITES <su’kath-its > ([ µytik;Wc , sukhathim ]; Codex Vaticanus [ Swcaqiei>m, Sochathieim ]; Codex Alexandrinus [ Swkaqiei>m, Sokathieim ]; the King James Version Suchathites): These are named only once (1 Ch 2:55), a family of scribes living at Jabez.

    SUCCEED; SUCCESS <suk-sed’ > , <suk-ses’ > ([ vr”y; , yarash ], [ lk”c; , sakhal ]; [eujhmeri>a, euemeria ]): “To succeed” means, (1) and originally, “to follow after”; (2) mostly in modern English, “to prosper”; in the King James Version, with one exception, the word has a qualifying adjective. (1) In the first sense it is the translation of yarash , “to seize” or “to take possession” (Dt 2:12; 12:29, the American Standard Revised Version “dispossessest,” the English Revised Version “possessest”); of qum, “to rise up” (Dt 25:6, “shall succeed in the name of his brother”); of diadechomai (Ecclesiasticus 48:8, “prophets to succeed after him”). (2) In the sense of prospering, “success” is the translation of sakhal, “to be wise,” “to prosper” (Josh 1:8, “Thou shalt have good success,” the King James Version margin “do wisely,” the Revised Version margin “deal wisely”; compare the King James Version margin Job 22:2; Ps 111:10; Prov 3:4); “good success” occurs in Tobit 7:12, euodosei ta kallista; The Wisdom of Solomon 13:19, epituchia; Ecclesiasticus 20:9, euodia, the Revised Version (British and American) “prosperity,” “There is a prosperity that a man findeth in misfortunes; and there is a gain that turneth to loss”; Ecclesiasticus 38:13, euodia (so Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Ephraemi — this word = “sweet savior,” “fragrance”; compare Phil 4:18; Eph 5:2; 2 Cor 2:15). See further EUODIA. the Revised Version (British and American) “the issue for good” 1 Macc 4:55, euodoo ; 8:23, kalos , etc. “Success,” simply (as “prosperity,” euemeria), 2 Macc 10:28, “a pledge of success and victory”; “successor” occurs (Ecclesiasticus 46:1, “Joshua .... was the successor diadochos of Moses”; 2 Macc 9:23; 14:26). W. L. Walker SUCCOR; SUCCORER <suk’-er > , <suk’-er-er > ([ rz”a; , ‘azar ]; [bohqe>w, boetheo ], [prosta>tiv, prostatis ]): Is the translation of [ rz”a; , ‘azar ], “to gird” (2 Sam 8:5, etc.); of [bohqe>w, boetheo ], “to come in aid of” (2 Cor 6:2, “In a day of salvation did I succor thee”; Heb 2:18, “He is able to succor them that are tempted”); of [prosta>tiv, prostatis ], “one standing before” (Rom 16:2, the American Standard Revised Version “helper of many”); of antilepsis (Ecclesiasticus 51:7, the King James Version “I looked for the succour of men, but there was none”); of phugadeuterion (1 Macc 1:53, “flee for succor,” the Revised Version (British and American) “place of refuge”); of sozo (1 Macc 2:44, “for succor,” the Revised Version (British and American) “for safety”); of skepe (2 Macc 5:9, the Revised Version (British and American) “shelter”); “succors” occurs (The Wisdom of Solomon 17:12, the King James Version boethema , “for fear is nothing else but a betraying (the Revised Version (British and American) “surrender”) of the succours which reason offereth”); “succoreth” (1 Macc 12:15, boetheo , “help from heaven that succoureth us,” the Revised Version (British and American) “to help us”). the Revised Version (British and American) has “succor” for “help” (1 Ch 18:5); “O thou my succor,” for “O my strength” (Ps 22:19). W. L. Walker SUCCOTH (1) <suk’-oth > , <suk’-oth > ([ twOKsu , cukkoth ], “booths”; [ Skhnai>, Skenai ], [ Sokcw>q, Sokchoth ], etc.): After parting with Esau, Jacob journeyed to Succoth, a name which he gave to the place from the “booths” which he erected to shelter his cattle (Gen 33:17). It was in the territory of Gad, and is mentioned with Beth-nimrah (Josh 13:27). In his pursuit of Zeba and Zalmunnah, Gideon seems to have retraced the path followed by Jacob, passing Succoth before Penuel (Jdg 8:5 ff). Their churlishness on that occasion brought dire punishment upon the men of Succoth. Gideon on his return “taught them” with thorns and briers (Jdg 8:16). In the soil of the valley between Succoth and Zarethan, which was suitable for the purpose, the brass castings of the furniture for Solomon’s Temple were made (1 Ki 7:46; 2 Ch 4:17). Jerome (on Gen 33:17) says that in his day it was a city beyond Jordan in the district of Scythopolis. From the above data it is clear that Succoth lay on the East of the Jordan and North of the Jabbok. From Ps 60:6; 108:7, we may infer that it was close to the Jordan valley, part of which was apparently known by its name. Neubauer (Geog. du Talmud, 248) gives the Talmudic name as Tar`ala. Merrill (East of the Jordan, 386) and others compare this with Tell Deir `Alla, the name of an artificial mound about a mile North of the Jabbok, on the edge of the valley, fully miles East of the Jordan. There is a place called Sakut West of the Jordan, about 10 miles South of Beisan. This has been proposed by some; but it is evident that Succoth lay East of the river. No trace of the name has been found here. W. Ewing SUCCOTH (2) ([ twOKsu , cukkoth ]; [ Sokcw>q, Sokchoth ] (Ex 12:37; 13:20; Nu 33:5)): The first station of the Hebrews on leaving Rameses (see EXODUS ). The word means “booths.” The distance from ETHAM (which see) suggests that the site may have lain in the lower part of Wady Tumeilat, but the exact position is unknown. This region seems possibly to have been called T-K-u by the Egyptians (see PITHOM ). Brugsch and other scholars suppose this term to have been changed to Succoth by the Old Testament writer, but this is very doubtful, Succoth being a common Hebrew word, while T-K-u is Egyptian The Hebrew “c” does not appear ever to be rendered by “t” in Egyptian. The capital of the Sethroitic nome was called T-K-t (Pierret, Vocab. hieroglyph., 697), and this word means “bread.” If the region of TK- u was near this town, it would seem to have lain on the shore road from Edom to Zoan, in which case it could not be the Succoth of the Exodus. C. R. Conder SUCCOTH-BENOTH <suk’-oth, suk’-oth-be’-noth > , <be’-noth > ([ twOnB] twOKsu , cukkoth benoth ]; [ jRoccwqbaineiqei>, Rhochchothbaineithei ], Codex Alexandrinus (better) [ Sokcwqbeniqei>, Sokchothbenithei ]): 1. THE MEANING ACCORDING TO THE HEBREW:

    The name of an idol made by the Babylonians sent into exile at Samaria by an Assyrian king (Shalmaneser), and mentioned among the deities of the various nationalities there assembled (2 Ki 17:30). In Hebrew, Succothbenoth means “booths of daughters,” and has been explained as the chambers wherein the Babylonians placed women for prostitution; or booths or tabernacles in which images of certain goddesses were worshipped. 2. SIR H. RAWLINSON’S IDENTIFICATION OF THE NAME:

    The parallelism, however, requires a deity, like the Nergal of the Cutheans, the Ashima of the Hamathites, etc., and not a chamber or shrine. This consideration caused Sir H. to suggest an identification of Succoth-benoth with the Babylonian Zer-panitum (= Zer-banitum), whose name was probably pronounced Zer-panith, the spouse of Merodach (the god of Babylon), as the “seed-creatress.” The difference in the first component, zer, was regarded as due to its possible Hamitic (= Sumerian) equivalent, or to a Semitic mistranslation, both of which explanations are now known to be untenable. 3. IS SUCCOTH THE BABYLONIAN SAKUT?:

    As the people who made Succoth-benoth were Babylonians, we should expect here either a name of Merodach, the god of Babylon, or one of the deities identified with him. At present the only suggestion which can be made is that Benoth is for [ tw; ˆB”, ban wath ], i.e. ban’(i) mati, “creator of the land.” Both the Semitic and the bilingual creation-stories speak of Merodach as the creator of the world, with its products, and the great cities of Babylonia; and “father Enlil,” who bore the title “lord of the world,” bestowed the same upon Merodach at the creation, thus identifying Merodach with himself. Now there is a group which may be read either Dikut, “the Judge,” or Sakut, “the Counselor,” and if we can read Succothbenoth as Sakut(h)ban’ wat(h), “the Counselor, creator of the land,” a satisfactory explanation of this puzzling name will be furnished. The terminal -i of the Babylonian has been preserved in the [ei, ei ], of the Greek. The adoption of such a descriptive name of Enlil-Merodach would form a compromise between abandoning their old objects of worship and accepting “the god of the land” (2 Ki 17:26). T. G. Pinches SUCHATHITES <su’-kath-its > . See SUCATHITES.

    SUD <sud > : The King James Version = the Revised Version (British and American) SUA (which see).

    SUDIAS <su’-di-as > ([ Soudi>av, Soudias ]): In 1 Esdras 5:23, a Levitical family that returned with Zerubbabel, called in Ezr 2:40 “Hodaviah” and in Neh 7:43 “Hodevah” (which see).

    SUFFERING <suf’-er-ing > : A great variety of Hebrew and Greek expressions, too large to be here enumerated, have been translated by “suffering” and other forms derived from the same verb. The most obvious meanings of the word are the following: (1) The commonest meaning perhaps in the English Versions of the Bible is “to permit,” “to allow,” “to give leave to”: “Moses suffered to write a bill of divorcement, and to put her away” (Mk 10:4). (2) “To experience,” “to go through,”‘ “to endure”: “I have suffered many things this day in a dream because of him” (Mt 27:19). A woman “had suffered many things of many physicians” (Mk 5:26). Other common phrases are “to suffer affliction” (1 Thess 3:4; Heb 11:25, the Revised Version (British and American) “share ill-treatment”), “to suffer hardship” (2 Tim 2:9), “to suffer adversity” (Heb 13:3 the King James Version, the Revised Version (British and American) “to be illtreated”), “to suffer dishonor” (the King James Version “shame,” Acts 5:41), “to suffer violence,” (Mt 11:12), “to suffer wrong” ( Acts 7:24), “to suffer terror” (Ps 88:15), “to suffer shipwreck” (2 Cor 11:25), “to suffer hunger” (Ps 34:10; Prov 19:15), “to suffer thirst” ( Job 24:11). (3) “To put up with,” “to tolerate”: the King James Version, “For ye suffer fools gladly (the Revised Version (British and American) “ye bear with the foolish gladly”), seeing ye yourselves are wise” (2 Cor 11:1,9). (4) “To undergo punishment”: “Think ye that these Galileans were sinners above all the Galileans, because they have suffered these things?” (Lk 13:2). (5) “To sustain loss”: “If any man’s work shall be burned, he shall suffer loss” (1 Cor 3:15; also Phil 3:8). (6) “To suffer death.” Here the clearest references are to the suffering or passion of Christ, which indeed includes the enduring of untold hardships and affliction, all of which culminate in His vicarious death for man (Mt 16:21; Mk 8:31; 9:12; Lk 9:22; 17:25; 22:15; 24:26,46; Acts 3:18; 17:3; 26:23; 1 Pet 3:18).

    Suffering belongs to the discipline of all Christ’s followers (Rom 8:17; Cor 1:7; Gal 3:4; Phil 3:10; 1 Thess 2:2; 2 Thess 1:5; 2 Tim 2:12; 3:12; Jas 5:10; 1 Pet 2:20 f; 3:14,17; 4:1,13,16; 5:10). Such suffering is called a suffering for God’s or Christ’s sake (Jer 15:15; Acts 9:16; Phil 1:29; 2 Tim 1:12). This fellowship in suffering unites us with the saints of God in all times (Jas 5:10), and is indeed a fellowship with the Lord Himself (Phil 3:10), who uses this discipline to mold us more and more according to His character. H. L. E. Luering SUFFOCATION <suf-o-ka’-shun > . See PUNISHMENTS.

    SUICIDE <su’-i-sid > . See CRIMES.

    SUKKIIM <suk’-i-im > ([ µyYiKisu , cukkiyim ]): Named in 2 Ch 12:3 as a tribe that took part with Libyans and Cretans in the invasion of Judea by Shishak. The identification is uncertain.

    SULPHUR <sul’-fur > . See BRIMSTONE.

    SUMMER <sum’-er > ([ 6yiq” , qayits ]; Aramaic [ fyiq” , qayiT ] (Dan 2:35), from [ 6Yq , quts ] [ fWq , quT ], “to cut off,” “to pluck or gather fruit,” hence, the time of fruit, summer (2 Sam 16:1,2; Jer 40:10,12); [qe>rov, theros ] (Mt 24:32; Lk 21:30)): The Hebrew verb, mentioned above, occurs in Isa 18:6, “to summer,” used of the ravenous birds feeding upon carcasses of the slain. The term “summer parlor” in Jdg 3:20 (compare 3:24) is literally, “upper room,” and is so rendered in the Revised Version (British and American). The summer was the dry season extending from April to October when usually no rain falls. Hence, the “drought of summer” (Ps 32:4). See SEASONS.

    H. Porter SUMMER-HOUSE ([ 6yiQ;h” tyBe , beth ha-qayits ]): Am 3:15 notes it as part of the judgment on Israel that Yahweh would smite “the winter-house with the summerhouse.”

    It belonged to the luxury of the period that kings and wealthy persons had separate residences for the cold and hot seasons. This is the only mention of “the summer-house,” but Eglon’s “cool upper room” (Jdg 3:20, the King James Version and the English Revised Version “summer parlour,” not in this case a separate building) may be compared. See WINTER-HOUSE.

    SUN (1) See ASTRONOMY, I, 2.

    SUN (2) (Figurative): Poetical conceptions for the sun are frequently found in the Scriptures, though the strictly figurative expressions are not common.

    Undoubtedly the Jewish festivals, religious as well as agricultural, were determined by the sun’s movements, and this fact, together with the poetical nature of the Hebrews and their lack of scientific knowledge, had a tendency. to multiply spiritual and metaphorical expressions concerning the “greater light” of the heavens. Some of these poetical conceptions are very beautiful, such as the sun having a habitation (Hab 3:11), a tabernacle (Ps 19:4 f) set for him by Yahweh, out of which he comes as a bridegroom from his chamber, rejoicing as a strong man to run a race. The sun is also given as the emblem of constancy (Ps 72:5,17), of beauty (Song 6:10), of the law of God (Ps 19:7), of the purity of heavenly beings (Rev 1:16; 12:1), and of the presence and person of God (Ps 84:11). The ancient world given to personifying the sun did not refrain from sun-worship, and even the Hebrew in the time of the kings came perilously near this idolatry (2 Ki 23:11). See SUN-WORSHIP.

    C. E. Schenk SUN, CHARIOTS OF THE See HORSES OF THE SUN.

    SUN GATE See EAST GATE.

    SUN, HORSES OF THE See HORSES OF THE SUN.

    SUN-IMAGES See IMAGES.

    SUNDAY <sun’-da > . See LORD’S DAY.

    SUNRISING <sun’-riz-ing > : A frequent designationin the Old Testament for the East (Nu 21:11; Dt 4:41,47; Josh 1:15, etc.). In Rev 7:2, the Revised Version (British and American) has “sunrising” for the King James Version “east.”

    SUN, SMITING, BY <smit’-ing > : Exposure of the uncovered head to the heat of the sun is likely to produce either of two conditions; the commoner is heat exhaustion with faintness, the rarer is heatstroke with fever and paralysis of the heat-regulating apparatus of the nervous system. This condition is described as siriasis. The two fatal instances recorded were probably of the latter kind. One, the case of the Shunammite’s son (2 Ki 4:19), was apparently very acute, like some of the cases described by Manson and Sambon. Of the other case, that of Manasseh, Judith’s husband, we have no particulars (Judith 8:3), except that it was likewise brought on by exposure in the harvest field, and occurred at the time of barley harvest, that is, early in May. Jonah’s attack was one of heat syncope, as he fainted from the heat (Jon 4:8). According both to psalmist (Ps 121:6) and to prophet (Isa 49:10), the people of God are protected from the stroke of the sun as well as from that of the moon. The latter was supposed to cause lunacy (hence, the name), and epilepsy, so in Mt 4:24 the word rendered “lunatic” (the King James Version) for “epileptic” (Revised Version) is seleniazomenous, literally, “moon struck.” See MOON.

    Alexander Macalister SUNSTROKE <sun’-strok > . See SUN, SMITING BY.

    SUN-WORSHIP <sun’-wur-ship > : The splendor of the sun makes it a natural object of adoration, once the purer idea of the one true God (Rom 1:20,21) is parted with, and in most ancient nations the worship of the sun was an outstanding feature. It is found in Babylonian and Assyrian (Samas; special seats of sun-worship were Sippara and Larsa); in Egypt it is a leading feature of the religion (Ra, and, under special phases, Horus, Tum, Aten; a special seat of sun-worship was Heliopollis, the Old Testament On, called in Jer 43:13 Beth-shemesh, “house of the sun”). Other cities bore the same name: Beth-shemesh (Josh 15:10 = Ir-shemesh; 19:41, in Judah; Josh 19:22, in Issachar; 19:38, in Naphtali; see BETHSHEMESH ). Allusions to, and warnings against, sun-worship are frequent in the Old Testament, as in Lev 26:30; 2 Ch 14:5; 34:4,7; Isa 17:8; 27:9; Ezek 6:4,6, in which passages for the King James Version “images,” “idols,” the Revised Version (British and American) has “sun-images” (which see); Job 31:26,27 and numerous passages show that this form of idolatry latterly penetrated deeply into Judah — even into its temple-worship (2 Ki 23:5,11, “horses .... given to the sun” (see under HORSES OF THE SUN , “Chariots of the Sun”); and Ezek 8:16). Josiah’s reformation took account of these abuses (2 Ki 23:5,11 ff; 2 Ch 34:4,7), and Ezekiel strenuously denounced them (8:16 ff). James Orr SUP; SUPPER <sup’-er > . See MEALS.

    SUPERFLUOUS; SUPERFLUITY <su-pur’-floo-us > , <su-per-floo’-i-ti > ([ [r”c; , sara `]; [perisso>v, perissos ] (2 Cor 9:1), [perissei>a, perisseia ]): According to the Levitical Law, “a blind man, or a lame, or he that hath a fiat nose, or anything superfluous” could not fulfill priestly functions (Lev 21:18; 22:23).

    According to Dillmann (Baentsch, BDB) the word should be rendered “a limb too long,” but Ewald (following the Septuagint) suggests “having cropped ears.” The only instance of superfluity occurs in Jas 1:21, the King James Version “superfluity of naughtiness”; according to Mayor “overflowing ebullition of malice” (the Revised Version (British and American) “overflowing of wickedness,” margin “malice”); but the Greek word is used in other connections, e.g. of “grace” (Rom 5:17); “joy” (2 Cor 8:2). T. Lewis SUPERSCRIPTION <su-per-skrip’-shun > ([ejpigrafh>, epigraphe ]): (1) The legend on a coin designating the person in whose honor or by whose authority it is issued (Mt 22:20; Mk 12:16; Lk 20:24). (2) The accusation on the cross of Jesus (Mk 15:26; Lk 23:38).

    According to Roman custom an inscription bearing the charge or ground of a criminal’s condemnation was fixed to the cross on which he was crucified. The use of such an inscription at the crucifixion of Jesus is mentioned by all four evangelists. The fullest description is that of Mark, “the superscription of his accusation” ([hJ ejpigrafh< th~v aijti>av ajutou~, he epigraphe tes aitias autou ]) (15:26). Matthew calls it more briefly “his accusation” ([than aujtou~, ten aitian autou ]) (27:38), while Luke styles it merely “a superscription” (epigraphe ) (23:38). In the Fourth Gospel it is called a “title” ([ti>tlon, titlon ]) (Jn 19:19). The text of the superscription is given by the four evangelists in varying terms and with various degrees of fullness. Russell Benjamin Miller SUPERSTITION; SUPERSTITIOUS <su-per-stish’-un > ; <su-per-stish’-us > ([deisidaimoni>a, deisidaimonia ], “fearing demons”): The Biblical use of these words is limited to that of the former in Acts 25:19 the King James Version, and of the latter in Acts 17:22. In the former reference, Festus speaks of the Jews’ “superstition” (the Revised Version (British and American) “religion”), thus artfully dodging an avowal of his own convictions “respecting the Hebrew faith.” In Acts 17:22 the King James Version Paul tactfully refers to the Athenians as being “too superstitious” (the Revised Version (British and American) “too religious”), thus using the term correctly from both their and his point of view. They were truly too “religious” with their superstitions. Leonard W. Doolan SUPH <soof > ([ tWs , cuph ]; [plhsi>on th~v ejruqra~v (qala>sshv), plesion tes eruthras (thalasses) ]; the King James Version Red Sea): As the verse stands, the place where Moses addressed the children of Israel is indicated as “beyond the Jordan in the wilderness, in the Arabah over against Suph” (Dt 1:1). the King James Version, following Septuagint, takes the name as a contraction of yam cuph (see RED SEA ). The abbreviation is not found elsewhere. The name of the sea was not derived from that of a city; so we need not look in that direction. Knobel suggested Naqb es-Safa, a pass about 25 miles West-Southwest of the Dead Sea. But it is “unsuitably situated; nor does the name agree phonetically (for *** [...] agrees with [ x ], not with [ s ])” (Driver, “Deuteronomy,” ICC, 4). No identification is possible. W. Ewing SUPHAH <soo’-fa > ([ hp;Ws , suphah ], for [ hp;WsB] bhew; , wahebh becuphah ]; Septuagint reads [th~n Zwwgise, ten Zoob ephlogise ]; the King James Version Rea Sea): Suphah is the region in which Vaheb is situated (Nu 21:14). It is probably identical with Suph of Dt 1:1. Tristram (Land of Moab,50 f) suggested identification with Ghor es-Safiyeh], a small oasis East of the mud fiats of Es-Sebkhah], South of the Dead Sea; but “the sibilants do not correspond, and Safiyeh is a specifically Arabic term (Wetzstein in Delitzsch, Gen4, 586, note 2) which does not seem to be a likely explanation of Suphah” (Gray, “Nu,” ICC, 285 f). This, and other questions of identification, must wait for solution until a more thorough exploration of the whole district has been accomplished. W. Ewing SUPPER <sup’-er > . See MEALS.

    SUPPER, LORD’S See LORD’S SUPPER.

    SUPPLY <su-pli’ > : Phil 4:19 for [plhro>w, pleroo ]; 1 Cor 16:17; Phil 2:30 for [ajnaplhro>w, anapleroo ]; 2 Cor 9:12 (the King James Version); 2 Cor 11:9 for [prosanaplhro>w, prosanapleroo ]. All three verbs mean “to fill,” the 3rd containing the additional connotation “fill up to a certain point.” Eph 4:16; Phil 1:19 for the noun [ejpicorhgi>a, epichoregia ], literally, “an additional supply.” But no special force of “additional” seems to be contained in the passages. In 2 Cor 9:10a; Gal 3:5; Col 2:9; 2 Pet 1:5,11, we have [ejpicorhge>w, epichoregeo ], “to furnish besides,” i.e. fully supply; in 2 Cor 9:10b; 1 Pet 4:11 the simple choregeo , “to furnish,” Burton Scott Easton SUR <sur > (Codex Vaticanus [ jAssou>r, Assour ], Codex Alexandrinus [ Sou>r, Sour ]): Those that dwelt in Sur are mentioned along with the inhabitants of Sidon, Tyre, Ocina, etc., as dreading the approach of Holofernes and the Assyrian any (Judith 2:28). The names run from North to South, and Sur immediately follows Tyre (modern Sur]), with which, therefore, it can hardly be identified. No probable identification has been suggested. See also JERUSALEM.

    SURE; SURELY <shoor > , <shoor’-li > : In modern English is used chiefly in the phrases “to be sure” or “to make sure,” and as a simple adjective it is usually either archaic or exceedingly colloquial. The adjectival use, however, is common (chiefly for [ ˆm”a; , ‘aman ], “to confirm,” and its derivatives) in English Versions of the Bible, where modern English would prefer “secure” or “certain” (1 Sam 2:35; Sirach 40:25; Acts 13:34, etc.). “To be sure that” is also fairly common in the King James Version, and occasionally (as in Dt 12:23, “Be sure that thou eat not the blood,” for [ qz”j; , chazaq ], “to be firm”) it has rather more emphasis than in modern English. But usually the phrase is a mere periphrasis for some word meaning “to know” (compare the Revised Version (British and American) Ex 3:19; Lk 10:11; Rom 2:2, etc.). In Prov 6:3, the King James Version has “Make sure thy friend” for [ bh”r; , rahabh ], “be boisterous” “beset” the Revised Version (British and American) “importune.” The sense is “Force him to pay his debt.”

    Surely in English Versions of the Bible is used almost always to qualify an entire phrase, as in Gen 28:16, “Surely Yahweh is in this place.” In modern English “surely” used in this way suggests that the statement is being argued and is therefore slightly doubtful, but in Elizabethan English the purpose is to exclude all doubt (“beyond question”). With this force the King James Version uses “surely” to translate almost any emphatic form, and the Revised Version (British and American) has conformed to AV’s use, and such changes as have been made by the Revised Version (British and American) (Mt 26:73; Lk 4:23; Rev 22:20, etc.) are merely to preserve uniformity of rendition. The most common use of “surely” in this sense is to translate a verb when emphasized by its own part. (absolute inf. in Hebrew), as “Thou shalt, surely die” (Gen 2:17) for “dying thou shalt die” (compare Gen 22:17 for the Hebrew construction). In this sense “surely” is sometimes varied by “of a surety” (Gen 15:13, etc.) without the slightest difference in meaning (compare Gen 9:5 and 26:9). In addition “surely” is used occasionally as a simple adverb where modern English would prefer “securely” or “certainly” (compare Prov 10:9 and the King James Version Lk 1:1, “surely believed,” the Revised Version (British and American) “fulfilled,” the Revised Version margin “fully established”).

    Surety, besides its use in “of a surety” appears, in the Old Testament to translate [ br”[; , `arabh ], “to be surety,” and in Heb 7:22 for [e]ggouv, egguos ], “guarantor,” “giver of security.” Modern English prefers “security,” as does even the King James Version in Acts 17:9. “Suretiship” (the American Standard Revised Version “suretyship”) in Proverbs 11:15 for [ [q”T; taqa `], “to strike (hands).” See STRIKE; SURETY.

    Burton Scott Easton SURETY <shoor’-ti > : This word is used in three different connections or groups: (1) As a derivative of the word “sure” it means “of a certainty” or “surely.” — In Gen 15:13 the infinitive absolute of the verb is used to give emphasis to the idea of the verb and is rendered “of a surety.” In Gen 18:13 the Hebrew ‘omnam is translated “of a surety.” In Gen 26:9 ‘akh is similarly rendered, and has the force of our “indeed.” In Acts 12:11 [ajlhqw~v, alethos ], is translated in the King James Version “of a surety,” but better in the Revised Version (British and American) “of a truth.” (2) In the sense of security or pledge for a person. — This means that one person may become security for another, that such a one will do a certain thing at a time in the future. Judah was “surety” to his father Jacob that Benjamin would safely return from Egypt (Gen 43:9). He pledged his life that the younger brother would return safely. He tells Joseph (Gen 44:32) how he had become surety for Benjamin, and offers to become Joseph’s slave for the sake of his brother. Job says ( Job 17:3), “Give now a pledge, be surety for me with thyself; who is there that will strike hands with me?” The striking of hands refers to the action or gesture by which the surety or pledge was publicly manifested and thus ratified. Job here beseeches God to become surety for him, to pledge him that some time in the future He will cause Job’s innocence to be made known and be acknowledged by God Himself. In Isa 38:14 Hezekiah says, “O Lord, I am oppressed, be thou my surety.” He wishes God to give him a pledge of some kind, to go security for him in such a way that he will surely be saved out of his sickness and distress. Jesus is called “the surety ([e]ggouv, egguos ]) of a better covenant” (Heb 7:22). Jesus is the pledge or surety that through Him we may obtain the assurance and certainty that a more excellent covenant has been established by God, and are assured also of the truth of the promises connected with it. (3) It is used to describe the practice of going security for another by striking hands with that person and becoming responsible for money or any object loaned. — The Book of Proverbs unhesitatingly condemns the practice. No mention is made of it in the Mosaic Law, as if the custom were then practically unknown. The Book of Proverbs makes no distinction between a stranger and a neighbor; the person who does such a thing is likened unto an animal caught in a trap. He is exhorted to sleep no more until he has got out of the trap, or freed himself from this obligation (Prov 6:1-5). The wisdom of such advice has been abundantly verified by experience. It does not necessarily preclude certain special cases, where the practice may be justified. The international relationships of the Jews in the period of the monarchy, together with the unsettled condition of the country (Neh 5:3) and people, needed such commercial strictness. Their trade was mostly in the hands of the Phoenicians and other foreigners, and the pressure of taxation for the payment of foreign tribute, etc., was heavy (Neh 5:4 f). Prov 11:15; 17:18 declare one “void of understanding” who thus goes security for another. Prov 20:16 seems to contain an exclamation of contemptuous rebuke for the man who goes security. Prov 22:26; 27:13 contain like admonitions. See DEBT; PLEDGE; SECURITY; STRIKE.

    James Josiah Reeve SURNAME <sur’-nam > ([ hn;K;, kanah ]; [ejpikalei~n, epikalein ]): A word derived from the French., meaning “an additional name”; in modern English always the family name of a person. Indeed, the spelling “surname” in the King James Version 1 Macc 1:10; 2:2; 6:43 may be due to a confusion with “sire’s name.” But the custom of family names was entirely unknown among the Hebrews. The word is used twice in the King James Version of the Old Testament, namely, Isa 44:5; 45:4. The Hebrew word means “to give flattering or honorary titles.” In the former passage foreigners are so envious of the prosperity of the Jews that they are anxious to be surnamed by the name of Israel, i.e. to be enrolled as members of the Jewish nation.

    In the latter case Yahweh gives Cyrus an honorary title, namely, “servant of Yahweh,” and thus appoints him to be His instrument in the restoration of His people. The same word is rendered in Job 32:21, the King James Version “give flattering titles.” Elihu declares his intention to examine the situation without fear or favor. He will not allow such high-sounding titles as “Your Worship” or “My Lord” to stand in his way. He will not be overawed by Job’s social position. In the New Testament the word is used in the case of Peter — Simon whose surname is Peter ( Acts 10:5,32; 11:13); of Mark — John whose surname was Mark ( Acts 12:12,25; 15:37); of Judas — surnamed Iscariot (Lk 22:3); of Barsabbas — who was surnamed Justus ( Acts 1:23); and of Judas — surnamed Barsabbas ( Acts 15:22). It was a widespread custom in the ancient world to give honorary and symbolical titles. our Lord surnamed Simon Peter (Mk 3:16), and James and John Boanerges (Mk 3:17). Acts 15:37 the King James Version has “surname” for the simple “call” (so the Revised Version (British and American)). T. Lewis SUSA <su’-sa > , <soo’-sa > (Additions to Esther 11:3). See SHUSHAN.

    SUSANCHITES <su-san’-kits > ([ ayek;n]v”Wv , shushanekhaye’ ]). See SHUSHANCHITES.

    SUSANNA, THE HISTORY OF <su-zan’-a > : 1. NAME:

    This novelette has, in the Septuagint, the bare title “Susanna” ([ Sousa>nna, Sousanna ], from Hebrew [ hN;v”wOv , shoshannah ], “lily”).

    So also in the Syro-Hexapla. In Codex Alexandrinus (Theodotion) it is designated [ [Orasiv a, Horasis a ] (Vision I); see BEL AND THE DRAGON , I. In the Harklensian Syriac (Ball’s W2) its title is “The Book of Little (or the child?) Daniel.” 2. CANONICITY AND POSITION:

    Susanna was with the other Additions included in the Bible Canon of the Greek, Syrian and Latin churches. Julius Africanus (circa 230 AD) was the first to dispute the right of Susanna to a place in the Canon, owing to its improbable character. Origen replied to him, strongly maintaining its historicity (see Schurer, GJV4, III, 455; HJP, II, 3, p. 186, where the references are given). In the Septuagint, Syro-Hexapla and Vulgate, Susanna is Daniel 14, but in Theodotion (ABQ) it opens Daniel, preceding chapter 1, a position implied in the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American) which are based on Theodotion, formerly believed to be the true Septuagint. Yet it is probable that even in Theodotion the original place agreed with that in the true Septuagint (Swete’s 87); so Roth (Kautzsch, Die Apok., 172) and Driver (Commentary on Daniel, Cambridge Bible, xviii). See BEL AND THE DRAGON. 3. CONTENTS:

    The story of Susanna is thus told in Theodotion’s version, and therefore in English Versions of the Bible which follows it. Susanna was the beautiful and devout wife of Joakim who resided in Babylon in the early years of the exile, and owned a fine park which was open to his fellow-exiles (verses 1- 4). Two of these last were elders and judges who, though held in high esteem, suffered impure thoughts toward Susanna to enter their minds.

    One day, meeting in the park, they divulged to each other their lustful passion toward this beautiful woman, and resolved together to seize the first opportunity to waylay her in the park and to overpower her (verses 5- 15). A joint attempt was made upon Susanna, who resisted, notwithstanding threats of false accusation (verses 22-26). The elders make a false charge, both in private and in public, and she is accordingly condemned to death (verses 27-41). On the way to execution she is met by Daniel (= judge “of God”) who has the case reopened, and by a system of cross-examination of the two elders succeeds in convincing the people that Susanna is innocent of the charge brought against her. She is acquitted, but her accusers are put to death.

    The story told in the Septuagint (87) is essentially the same, though varying somewhat in details. Versions 1-4 seem to have been prefixed for clearness by Theodotion, for in Susanna verse 7 of the Septuagint Susanna is introduced for the first time: “These seeing a woman of beautiful appearance called Susanna, the wife of one of the Israelites,” etc. The original text began therefore with verse 5, though in a slightly different form. Septuagint omits verses 15-18 which tell of the two elders concealing themselves and watching as Susanna entered the park and took her bath. There is not a word in Septuagint concerning the threats of the elders to defame Susanna in the event of her refusing what they desired (verses 20 ff); this omission makes the Septuagint form of the story obscure, suggesting that this section has fallen out by error. Nor does the Septuagint mention the crying out of Susanna and the elders (verse 24).

    The trial took place in the house, according to Theodotion (and English Versions of the Bible) (verse 28), but, according to Septuagint, in the synagogue (verse 28). In Septuagint (verse 30) it is said that the number of Susanna’s relatives, servants and servant-maids present at the trial was 500; Theodotion is silent on this. Septuagint (verse 35) makes Susanna pray to God before her condemnation, but Theodotion (English Versions of the Bible, verses 42-44) after. According to Septuagint the young man whom the elders falsely said they found with Susanna escaped unobserved because masked; Theodotion says he got away because the elders had not strength to hold him (verse 39). Septuagint is silent about the two maids who, according to Theodotion (verse 36), accompanied Susanna to the bath. Theodotion does not speak of the angel who according to Septuagint imparted to Daniel the wisdom he displayed (but compare Theodotion, verse 50); but on the other hand he adds the words ascribed to Daniel (verse 51, English Versions), though he leaves out the words imputed to him by Septuagint (= even elders may lie). Septuagint omits the words of the people addressed to Daniel: “What mean these words which thou hast spoken?” (verse 47, Theodotion, English Versions of the Bible). According to Theodotion (verse 50) the people entreated Daniel to act as judge among them; Septuagint omits this statement. Two questions were put to the elders, according to the Septuagint: “Under what kind of tree?” “In what part of the park?” but only one, according to Theodotion (and English Versions of the Bible): “Under what kind of tree?” Septuagint has it that as a punishment the two elders were hurled down the precipice; according to Theodotion they were slain (verse 62). In the last two verses (verses 63 f) Septuagint points the moral of the story, but Theodotion closes by describing the joy of Susanna’s relatives at the happy issue of the trial and the increased respect in which Daniel came to be held. For the dependence of the version see TEXT AND VERSIONS. 4. FACT OR FICTION?:

    It is quite evident that the story is a fabrication and that it came to be attached to Daniel on account of the part played in it by Daniel the judge. (1) The form of the story differs in Septuagint, Theodotion and the various Syriac recensions, showing that it was a floating legend, told in manifold ways. (2) No confirmation of what is here narrated has been discovered in written or epigraphic sources. (3) The grounds on which Susanna was condemned are trivial and wholly inadequate. (4) The conduct of the judge, Daniel, is unnatural and arbitrary.

    Though, however, the story is fictitious, it rests in part or wholly on older sources. (1) Ewald (Geschichte (3) , IV, 386) believed that it was suggested by the Babylonian legend in which two old men are seduced by the goddess of love (compare Koran 2 96). (2) Brull (Das apokryphische Sus-Buch, 1877), followed by Ball (Speaker’s Apocrypha, II, 323-31), Marshall and R. H. Charles, came to the following conclusions: (a) That the first half of the story rests on a tradition regarding two elders (Ahab and Zedekiah) who seduced certain women by persuading them that they would thus become the mother of the Messiah. This tradition has its origin probably in Jer 29:21-23, where it is said that Yahweh would sorely punish Ahab and Zedekiah because they had “committed villany in Israel,” having “committed adultery with their neighbours’ wives” (the King James Version). We can trace the above story amid many variations in the writings of Origen and Jerome and in sundry rabbinical works. (b) The trial scene is believed to have a wholly different origin. It is said to have arisen about 100-96 BC, when Simon ben Shetach was president of the Sanhedrin. His son was falsely accused of a capital offense and was condemned to death. On the way to execution the accusers admitted that he was innocent of the crime; yet at his own request the son is executed in order that the father’s hands might be strengthened in the inauguration of new reforms in the administration of justice. The Pharisees and Sadducees differed as to the punishment to be meted out to false witnesses where the death sentence was involved. The first party advocated a stricter examination of witnesses, and a severer penalty if their testimony could be proved false. The Sadducee party took up a more moderate position on both points.

    Susanna has been held to be a kind of tract setting forth by example the views of the Pharisee party. If this opinion of the origin of Susanna be accepted, this tract was written by a Palestinian Jew, a position rendered probable by other considerations. 5. DATE:

    If, as the Greek, Latin and Syriac churches held and hold, Susanna forms an integral part of Daniel, the date of this last book (see DANIEL ) is the date of Sus. But there is conclusive evidence that the three “Additions” circulated independently, though we have no means of fixing the date with any certainty. Perhaps this piece arose during the struggles between the Pharisees and Sadducees about 94-89 BC; see preceding section. In that case 90 BC would be a suitable date. On the date of Theodotion’s translation see DANIEL; BEL AND THE DRAGON; TEXT AND VERSIONS . 6. ORIGINAL LANGUAGE:

    Our materials for judging of the language in which the author wrote are slender, and no great probability can at present be reached. The following scholars argue for a Greek original: Fritzsche, De Wette, Keil, Herzfeld, Graf, Holtzmann. The following are some of the grounds: (1) There are several paronomasias or word-plays, as in Susanna verses 54 f, [sci~non, schinon ] (“under a mastick tree”) .... [sci>sei, schisei ] (“will cut”); verses 58 f, [pri~non, prinon ] (“under a holm tree”) .... [pri>sai, prisai ] (“to cut”). But this last word (prisai ) is absent from the true Septuagint, though it occurs in Theodotion (Swete’s text, verse 59, has kataprise from the same root). If the word-play in verses 58 f is due to a translation based on Septuagint, the first example (verses 54 f), found in Septuagint and Theodotion, is as likely to be the work of the translator of those verses from the Hebrew. (2) It is said that no trace of a Hebrew original has been discovered; but up to a few years ago the same statement could have been made of Sir.

    There is a growing opinion that the author wrote in Hebrew (or Aramaic?); so Ball, J. T. Marshall, R. H. Charles. (1) The writer was almost certainly a Palestinian Jew, and he would be far more likely to write in his own language, especially as he seems to have belonged to the Pharisaic party, who were ardent nationalists (see preceding section, at end). (2) There is a goodly number of Hebraisms, rather more than one would expect had the writer composed in Hellenistic Greek For versions and literature see BEL AND THE DRAGON; DANIEL ; the Oxford Apocrypha, edition by R. H. Charles, 638 ff. T. Witton Davies SUSI <su’-si > , <soo’-si > ([ ysiWs , cuci ]): Father of Gaddi, one of the spies, who represented the tribe of Manasseh (Nu 13:11 ). See Gray, HPN, 92.

    SWADDLE; SWADDLING-BAND <swod’-’-l > , <swod’-ling-band > (verb [ lb”j ; , chathal ], “enwrap,” “swaddle” (Ezek 16:4), noun [ hL;tuj\, chathullah ], “swaddling-band” ( Job 38:9); verb [spargano>w , sparganoo ], “to wrap in swaddling clothes” (Lk 2:7,12), noun [spa>rgana, spargana ] (pl.), “swaddling clothes” (The Wisdom of Solomon 7:4). the King James Version also has “swaddle” (Lam 2:22) for [ jp”f; , Taphach ], literally, “to extend.” But the word means “to carry on the outstretched palms of the hands” (compare [ µyjiPufi , Tippuchim ], “dandled in the hands,” Lam 2:20), whence RV’s “to dandle”): “To swaddle” and “to swathe” are really the same word, both forms going back to an AS form swethel, “a bandage,” but “swaddle” has become the technical term for the wrapping of an infant in the Orient or elsewhere. The oriental swaddling-clothes consist of a square of cloth and two or more bandages. The child is laid on the cloth diagonally and the corners are folded over the feet and body and under the head, the bandages then being tied so as to hold the cloth in position. This device forms the clothing of the child until it is about a year old, and its omission (Ezek 16:4) would be a token that the child had been abandoned.

    The mention of darkness as a “swaddling-band” at the birth of the sea ( Job 38:9) is only a poetic way of saying that the sea, at its creation, was covered with clouds and darkness, and to find any idea of restraint involved is fanciful. Burton Scott Easton SWALLOW <swal’-o > ([ rwOrD] , deror ]; [strouqo>v, strouthos ], in Proverbs and Psalms, [celidw>n, chelidon ], in Isa; Latin Hirundo rustica): A small longwinged bird of exhaustless flight, belonging to the family Hirundinidae. Deror means the bird of freedom, and as the swallow is of tireless wing, it has been settled upon as fitting the requirements of the text. In the passages where `aghur is translated “swallow,” there is a mistake, that word referring to the crane. There is also a word, cuc or cic , that means a rushing sound, that is incorrectly translated “swallow,” when it should be “swift” (Cypselus apus).

    These birds are near relatives and so alike on the wing as to be indistinguishable to any save a close observer. Yet the Hebrews knew and made a difference. The swallow is a trifle larger and different in color. It remains all the year, while in numerous instances the swift migrates and is a regular sign of returning spring. The swallow is of long and tireless flight.

    The swift is so much faster that the sound of its wings can be heard when passing. The swallow plasters a mud nest under eaves, on towers, belfries, and close to human habitations. The swifts are less intimate, building in deserted places, under bridges and on rocky crevices. The swallows utter constantly a rather sweet low note; the swifts chatter harshly and incessantly at their nests. These differences are observable to the most careless people. Scientists separate the birds on account of anatomical structure also. Despite this, the birds are confused in most of our translations. “Like a swallow or a crane, so did I chatter; I did moan as a dove; mine eyes fail with looking upward:

    O Lord, I am oppressed, be thou my surety” (Isa 38:14).

    Here `aghur is translated “swallow” and cuc “crane,” which is clearly interchanging words, as the Arabic for “swift” is cuc, the same as the Hebrew. The line should read, “swift and crane.” And another reason for changing swallow to swift, in this passage, lies in the fact that of the two birds the swift is the incessant and raucous chatterer, and this was the idea in the mind of Hezekiah when he sang his Trouble Song. Another incorrect reference is found in Jer 8:7: “Yea, the stork in the heavens knoweth her appointed times; and the turtle-dove and the swallow and the crane observe the time of their coming; but my people know not the law of Yahweh.”

    Few swallows migrate. Returning swifts are one of the first signs of spring. “As the sparrow in her wandering, as the swallow in her flying, So the curse that is causeless alighteth not” (Prov 26:2).

    This reference might apply to either, remembering always that the swift took its name from its exceptional flight, it being able to cover over miles an hour. However, the swallow is credited with 800 miles in a night. “Yea, the sparrow hath found her a house, And the swallow a nest for herself, where she may lay her young, Even thine altars, O Yahweh of hosts, My King, and my God” (Ps 84:3).

    Here is one instance, at least, where the swallow is at home and the translation correct. The swift might possibly have built in the temple: the swallow was sure to be there. Gene Stratton-Porter SWAN <swon > ([ tm,v,n]Ti , tinshemeth ], “chameleon,” “tree-toad,” “water-hen,” “owl”; [ku>knov, kuknos ]; Latin cygnus; Anglo-Saxon: swan and swon):

    Mentioned only in old versions and the Revised Version margin in Lev 11:18: “the swan, and the pelican, and the gier eagle,” and in Dt 14:16 Septuagint [porfuri>wn, porphurion ] = “water-hen”; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) ibis). In the Revised Version (British and American) this is rightly changed to “the horned owl, and the pelican, and the vulture.” A bird of the duck family wrongly placed among the abominations in old versions of the Bible, now changed to horned owl.

    White and gray swans spend their winter migratory season on the waters of the Holy Land. They are among the most ancient birds of history; always have been used for food; when young and tender, of fine flesh and delicious flavor; so there is no possibility that they were ever rightfully placed among the birds unsuitable for food. Their feeding habits are aquatic, their food in no way objectionable. Gene Stratton-Porter SWEARING <swar’-ing > . See OATH; PERJURY; CRIMES; PUNISHMENTS.

    SWEAT <swet > ([ h[;ze , ze`ah ] (Gen 3:19), [ [z”y, , yeza `] (Ezek 44:18); [iJdrw>v, hidros ] (2 Macc 2:26; Lk 22:44)): “In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread” (Gen 3:19). Somewhat difficult is the passage, which the Revised Version (British and American) renders: “But the priests the Levites, the sons of Zadok .... shall have linen tires upon their heads, and shall have linen breeches upon their loins; they shall not gird themselves with anything that causeth sweat,” literally, “they shall not gird themselves with sweat” (Ezek 44:15,18). The idea is evidently that profuse perspiration would make their ministrations unpleasant. The rule was of special importance in the sultry climate of Palestine.

    Luke, the physician, describing the agony of the Lord in Gethsemane, says: “His sweat became as it were great drops ([qro>mboi, thromboi ]) of blood falling down upon the ground” (Lk 22:44, the Revised Version (British and American), following Codex Sinaiticus (a), Codex Alexandrinus, Codex Vaticanus etc., notes in margin: “Many ancient authorities omit Lk 22:43,44”). There are two difficulties of interpretation in this passage, apart from the difficulty which the physiological explanation of the phenomenon presents: (1) the word ([qro>mbov, thrombos ]) translated “drop” means literally, “a clot of blood,” “a lump,” “a curd,” and is nowhere else used in the sense of drop. (2) It has been generally accepted that the sweat of the brow of Jesus had become bloody in appearance and in character, a symptom called in ancient medicine [aiJmatw>dhv iJdrw>v, haimatodes hidros ], “bloody sweat.” It must, however, be observed that this translation would make the Greek particle [wJsei>, hosei ], superfluous, by which, not the identity of the sweat with drops of blood, but a certain similarity or comparison must be intended. Ch. Th. Kuinoel, in his Latin commentary on the historical books of the New Testament (Leipzig, 1809, II, 654), has given all known parallel instances in history and legend, which seem to prove that under certain psychological or physiological conditions, though rarely, haimatodes hidros has occurred.

    Olshausen in his Commentary, II, 469, thinks that the following points of comparison might have been in the mind of Luke: (1) the sweat may have appeared on the forehead of Jesus in heavy drops; (2) these may have dropped visibly to the ground, just as drops of blood fall from a wound; (3) in addition, possibly a reddish color may have been noticeable, owing to an exudation of the arteries, though the latter is not directly expressed in the words of the evangelist. See also Dr. Stroud, On the Physical Cause of the Death of Christ, 183; Bynaeus, De morte Christi, II, 33.

    The people of Palestine in Greek-Roman times were generally provided with handkerchiefs, used especially to wipe off the perspiration. The fashion was derived from Rome, whence the name of these napkins became [souda>rion, soudarion ], Latin sudarium. The late legend of Berenice or Veronica, who presented her handkerchief to the Saviour on His way to be crucified, and who found, when it had been returned to her by the Lord, that His features had been imprinted upon the cloth, is a reminiscence of this use. These handkerchiefs were frequently used to tie up small bundles of certain possessions, money, etc. (Lk 19:20). As a rule the dead had their faces covered with one, or had it tied around the head (Jn 11:44; 20:7). In Ephesus the handkerchiefs of Paul were carried to the sick, and achieved miraculous cures ( Acts 19:12).

    The verb [iJdro>w, hidroo ], “to sweat,” is found in a rather difficult passage of the Didache (i.6), which is introduced as a quotation, the source of which, however, we do not know: “Let thy alms sweat into (in ?) thy hands, until thou knowest to whom thou givest.” The context seems to show that we have here a free repetition of the arguments of Sirach 12:1 ff. so that the meaning would be: “In giving charity, do not give indiscriminately or thoughtlessly, but consider carefully so that no one who is unworthy receive your benefaction.” Still it is not impossible that the text is corrupt in the passage. H. L. E. Luering SWEET CANE <swet kan > . See REED.

    SWEET INCENSE See SPICES.

    SWELL <swel > ([ hb;x; , tsabhah ]): In the ordeal of the Water of Jealousy described in Nu 5:11-31 (P), the effect on the unfaithful wife ot the drinking of the holy water was to cause the thigh to fall away (Revised Version) or rot (the King James Version) and the abdomen to “swell.” This ceremonial was a direct appeal to the judgment of God, for there was nothing in the holy water (taken from the laver) or the dust of the temple which was mixed with it to produce this effect. In the Talmudic tract Cotah there are given many rabbinical opinions and particulars as to the procedure in later times. Apparently from the passage in Numbers, the judgment speedily followed the appeal, but according to Sotah, iii.4, it might be postponed even for four years, and in v.1, it is said to have produced the same effect on the adulterer as on the unfaithful wife. We have no details as to the nature or permanency of the swelling. “Swell” as the translation of another word, batseq , is used in the sense of blistering of the feet from long tramping. Both in Dt 8:4 and Neh 9:21 it is said that in spite of their long wilderness marches the feet of the Israelites did not swell. This was a token of divine protection. See SWOLLEN.

    Alexander Macalister SWELLING <swel’-ing > : The verb [ ha;G; , ga’-ah ], means “rise up” (Ezek 47:5, etc.), so that the noun ga’awah (Ps 46:3) means “arising.” The “swelling” of the sea that shakes the mountains is a perfectly good translation, and “pride” (so the American Revised Version margin) is beside the mark. In Jer 12:5; 49:19 parallel 50:44; Zec 11:3 is found the phrase ge’on ha-yarden , “exaltation of the Jordan,” which the King James Version translates “pride of Jordan” in Zechariah and “swelling of Jordan” in Jeremiah (the Revised Version (British and American) has “pride” throughout, with “swelling” in the margin of Jeremiah). What is described is a place, with a mass of vegetation, easily burned (Zec 11:1-3), a lair of lions (Jer 49:19; Zec 11:3), and a particularly dangerous place for human beings (Jer 12:5). The luxuriant thicket of the Jordan bank is evidently meant, which could well be spoken of as “Jordan’s pride” (OHL, “majesty of the Jordan”), and “swelling” is quite impossible.

    In the New Testament “swelling” is used in 2 Cor 12:20 for [fusi>wsiv, phusiosis ], “puffing up,” “blatant self-conceit,” and 2 Pet 2:18 parallel Jude verse 16 for [uJpe>rogkov, huperogkos ], “overgrown,” “solemnly inane.” Burton Scott Easton SWIFT See SWALLOW.

    SWIFT BEASTS ([ twOrK;r]Ki , kirkaroth ] (Isa 66:20)): the King James Version and the English Revised Version “swift beasts,” the English Revised Version margin and the American Standard Revised Version “dromedaries.” In Mic 1:13 ([ vk,r, , rekhesh ]) a horse is meant, the Revised Version (British and American) “swift steed.” See CAMEL; HORSE.

    SWINE <swin > ([ ryzij\ , chazir ]; compare Arabic khinzir ; [u+v, hus ], Septuagint and New Testament; compare Greek [su~v, sus ], and Latin sus; adjective [u[eiov, hueios ], as a substantive, the Septuagint; [coi~rov, choiros ], Septuagint and New Testament): In both ancient and modern times domestic swine have been little kept in Palestine, but wild swine are well known as inhabitants of the thickets of the Chuleh , the Jordan valley, the Dead Sea, and some of the mountains. The species is Susanna scrofa, the wild pig of Europe, North Africa and Western Asia.

    In the Old Testament the swine is mentioned in Lev 11:7 and Dt 14:8 as an unclean animal: “And the swine, because he parteth the hoof, and is clovenfooted, but cheweth not the cud, he is unclean unto you.” In Isa 65:4 and 66:3,17 the eating of swine’s flesh and the offering of oblations of swine’s blood are referred to as abominations. Septuagint also refers to swine in three passages where these animals are not mentioned in the Hebrew and EV. In 2 Sam 17:8 where English Versions of the Bible has “as a bear robbed of her whelps in the field,” Septuagint adds (translation) “and as a savage boar in the plain.” In 1 Ki 21:19 Septuagint 20:19), where English Versions of the Bible has “in the place where dogs licked the blood of Naboth,” Septuagint has “where the swine and the dogs licked”; similarly in 1 Ki 22:38. In 1 Macc 1:47 there is reference to a decree of Antiochus ordering the sacrifice of swine. In 2 Macc 6 and 7 there are accounts of the torture and death of Eleazar, an aged scribe, and of a mother and her seven sons for refusing to taste swine’s flesh. Swine, the property of Gentiles, are mentioned in the account of the Gadarene demoniac (Mt 8:30,31,32; Mk 5:11,12,13,14,16; Lk 8:32,33), and in the parable of the Prodigal Son (Lk 15:15,16).

    Figurative: We find the following figurative references to swine: “The boar out of the wood doth ravage it, And the wild beasts of the field feed on it” (i.e. on the “vine out of Egypt”) (Ps 80:13); “As a ring of gold in a swine’s snout, So is a fair woman that is without discretion” (Prov 11:22); “The Carmonians (the King James Version Carmanians, perhaps of Kirman or Carmania, in Southwestern Persia) raging in wrath shall go forth as the wild boars of the wood” (2 Esdras 15:30); “The dog turning to his own vomit again, and the sow that had washed to wallowing in the mire” (2 Pet 2:22; compare Prov 26:11). Alfred Ely Day SWOLLEN <swol’-’-n > ([pi>mprasqai, pimprasthai ], only in Acts 28:6): The Melitans expected to see Paul poisoned by the viper’s bite. the Revised Version (British and American) and the King James Version translate it “swollen,” but the word is used by certain medical writers in the sense of inflammation; see Nicander, Theriaca, 306; Hesiod, Theogonia, 856, expressing thereby the burning up by a thunderbolt. Swelling accompanies the local lesion of snake-bite and often large purpuric exudation of blood, as well as paralysis, especially of the lower limbs.

    SWORD <sord > . See ARMOR, III, 5.

    SYCAMINE, TREE <sik’-a-min > , ([suka>minov, sukaminos ] (Lk 17:6)): This is generally accepted as the black mulberry tree (Morus nigra; Natural Order, Urlicaceae), known in Arabic as tut shrami, “the Damascus mulberry,” a fine tree which grows to the height of 30 ft. It produces the dark blood-red mulberry juice referred to in 1 Macc 6:34 ([mo>ron, moron ]), “the blood of .... mulberries,” which was shown to the elephants of the Syrians. The white mulberry, M. alba, has white and less juicy fruit, and it is cultivated largely for the sake of its leaves with which the silkworms of the Lebanon are fed. E. W. G. Masterman SYCAMORE <sik’-a-mor > . See SYCOMORE.

    SYCHAR <si’-kar > ([ Suca>r, Suchar ]): Mentioned only once, in connection with the visit of Jesus to Jacob’s Well (Jn 4:5). He was passing through Samaria on His way to Galilee, “so he cometh to a city of Samaria, called Sychar, near to the parcel of ground that Jacob gave to his son Joseph: and Jacob’s well was there.” Jerome thought the name was a clerical error for Sychem (Epistle 86). In Eusebius (in Onomasticon) he is content to translate Eusebius, placing Sychar East of Neapolis. It is now generally admitted that the text is correct. Some have held, however, that Sychar is only another name for Shechem (“Sychem”). It is suggested, e.g., that it is a nickname applied in contempt by the Jews, being either shikkor , “drunken,” or sheqer , “falsehood.” Others think the form has arisen through change of “m” to “r” in pronunciation; as “l” to “r” in Beliar. These theories may safely be set aside. The evidence that Sychar was a distinct place East of Shechem may be described as overwhelming. It is carefully and perspicuously marshaled by G. A. Smith (Historical Geography of the Holy Land, 367 ff). The manner in which it is mentioned shows that it was not a specially well-known place: “a city of Samaria called Sychar.” No one familiar with Palestine would have written “a city of Samaria called Sychem.” It is mentioned only because of its nearness to the well.

    As to the position of the well, there is general agreement (see JACOB’S WELL ). It is on the right of the road where it bends from the plain of Makhneh into the pass of Shechem. Fully half a mile off, on the edge of the plain, is the village of `Askar , on the lower slope of Ebal. A little to the West is the traditional tomb of Joseph. This is the district East of Shechem usually identified with Jacob’s “parcel of ground.” Many have sought to find Sychar in the modern `Askar . There are two difficulties. The first is the initial letter `ain in the modern name. But G. A. Smith has shown that such a change as this, although unusual, is not impossible. The second is the presence of the copious spring, `Ain `Askar , which would make it unnecessary for the villagers to carry water from Jacob’s Well. This cannot easily be explained away. One could understand a special journey at times, if any peculiar value attached to the water in the well; but from it, evidently, the woman drew her ordinary supplies (Jn 4:15). This difficulty would probably in any case be fatal to the claim of the village at `Ain `Askar to represent the ancient Sychar. But Professor R. S. A. Macalister has shown reason to believe that the village is not older than Arab times (PEFS, 1907, 92 ff). He examined the mound Telul Balata, nearly 1/2 mile Southwest of `Askar, and just West of Joseph’s tomb. There he found evidence of occupation from the days of the Hebrew monarchy down to the time of Christ. Here there is no spring; and it is only 1/4 mile distant from Jacob’s Well — nearer therefore to the well than to `Askar. In other respects the site is suitable, so that perhaps here we may locate the Sychar of the Gospel. The name may easily have migrated to `Askar when the village fell into decay. W. Ewing SYCHEM <si’-kem > ([ Suce>m, Suchem ]): In this form the name of Shechem appears in Acts 7:16 the King James Version, in the report of Stephen’s speech. the King James Version is a transcription from the Greek; the Revised Version (British and American) in accordance with its practice, to give uniformity in the English, follows the Hebrew form of the name given in the Old Testament.

    SYCOMORE, TREE <sik’-o-mor > , ([ hm;q]vi, shiqmah ], Aramaic [ am;q]yvi , shiqema’ ] plural [ µymiq]vi , shiqmim ]; in Septuagint wrongly translated by [suka>minov, sukaminos ], “the mulberry”; see SYCAMINE (1 Ki 10:27; 1 Ch 27:28; Ch 1:15; 9:27; Isa 9:10; Am 7:14): [ twOmq]vi , shiqkmoth ] (Ps 78:47); [sukomwrai>a, sukomoraia ] (Lk 19:4)): The sycomore-fig, Ficus sycomorus (Natural Order, Urticaceae), known in Arabic as Jummeiz, is one of the finest of the lowland trees of Palestine, and attains still greater proportions in Lower Egypt. It is evident from 1 Ki 10:27; 2 Ch 1:15 that it was once abundant, and at a later period it was so plentiful in the neighborhood of what is now Haifa as to give the name Sykaminon to the town which once stood near there. It is a tree which cannot flourish in the cooler mountain heights; it cannot stand frost (Ps 78:47). It was one of the distinguishing marks of Lower, as contrasted with Upper, Galilee that the sycomore could flourish there. It is highly improbable that sycomores could ever have flourished near Tekoa (compare Am 7:14), but it is quite possible that the town or individual inhabitants may have held lands in the Jordan valley or in the Shephelah on which these trees grew. Villages in Palestine today not infrequently possess estates at considerable distances; the village of Silwan (Siloam), for example, possesses and cultivates extensive fertile lands halfway to the Dead Sea. The sycomore produces small, rounded figs, about an inch long, which grow upon tortuous, leafless twigs springing from the trunk or the older branches; they are more or less tasteless. It would appear that in ancient times some treatment was adopted, such as piercing the apex of the fruit to hasten the ripening. Amos was a “nipper” ([ sleBo , bolec ]) of sycomore figs (Am 7:14). The tree not uncommonly attains a height of 50 ft., with an enormous trunk; in many parts, especially where, as near the coast, the tree grows out of sandy soil, the branching roots stand out of the ground for some distance. The timber is of fair quality and was much valued in ancient times (1 Ki 10:27; 2 Ch 1:15; 9:27; Isa 9:10). Mummy cases and many of the best preserved wooden utensils of ancient Egyptian life are made of it. This tree must be distinguished from the English sycamore, Acer pseudo-platanus (Natural Order, Spindaceae), the “false plane tree,” a kind of maple. E. W. G. Masterman SYENE <si-e’-ne > . See SEVENEH.

    SYMEON <sim’-e-on > ([ Sumew>n, Sumeon ]): the Revised Version (British and American) in Lk 3:30; Acts 13:1; 15:14 for the King James Version “Simeon” (which see). The persons are: (1) An ancestor of Jesus (Lk 3:30). (2) Symeon, called Niger, one of the prophets and teachers in the church at Antioch ( Acts 13:1). (3) For Simon Peter, see PETER; compare Acts 15:14. See SIMEON, (4), (5), (6).

    SYNAGOGUE <sin’-a-gog > : 1. NAME:

    Synagogue, Greek [sunagwgh>, sunagoge ], “gathering” ( Acts 13:43), “gathering-place” (Lk 7:5), was the name applied to the Jewish place of worship in later Judaism in and outside of Palestine Proseuche , “a place of prayer” ( Acts 16:13), was probably more of the nature of an enclosure, marking off the sacred spot from the profane foot, than of a roofed building like a synagogue. Sabbateion in Ant, XV, i, 6, 2, most probably also meant synagogue. In the Mishna we find for synagogue beth hakeneceth , in the Targums and Talmud be-khenishta’ , or simply kenishta’ .

    The oldest Christian meetings and meeting-places were modeled on the pattern of the synagogues, and, in Christian-Palestinian Aramaic the word kenishta’ is used for the Christian church (compare Zahn, Tatian’s Diatessaron, 335). 2. ORIGIN:

    That the synagogue was, in the time of our Lord, one of the most important religious institutions of the Jews is clear from the fact that it was thought to have been instituted by Moses (Apion, ii, 17; Philo, De Vita Moses, iii.27; compare Targum Jer to Ex 18:20). It must have come into being during the Babylonian exile. At that time the more devout Jews, far from their native land, having no sanctuary or altar, no doubt felt drawn from time to time, especially on Sabbath and feast days, to gather round those who were specially pious and God-fearing, in order to listen to the word of God and engage in some kind of worship. That such meetings were not uncommon is made probable by Ezek 14:1; 20:1. This would furnish a basis for the institution of the synagogue. After the exile the synagogue remained and even developed as a counterpoise to the absolute sacerdotalism of the temple, and must have been felt absolutely necessary for the Jews of the Dispersion. Though at first it was meant only for the exposition of the Law, it was natural that in the course of time prayers and preaching should be added to the service. Thus these meetings, which at first were only held on Sabbaths and feast days, came also to be held on other days, and at the same hours with the services in the temple. The essential aim, however, of the synagogue was not prayer, but instruction in the Law for all classes of the people. Philo calls the synagogues “houses of instruction, where the philosophy of the fathers and all manner of virtues were taught” (compare Mt 4:23; Mk 1:21; 6:2; Lk 4:15,33; 6:6; 13:10; Jn 6:59; 18:20; CAp, ii, 17). 3. SPREAD OF SYNAGOGUES:

    In Palestine the synagogues were scattered all over the country, all the larger towns having one or more (e.g. Nazareth, Mt 13:54; Capernaum, Mt 12:9). In Jerusalem, in spite of the fact that the Temple was there, there were many synagogues, and all parts of the Diaspora were represented by particular synagogues ( Acts 6:9). Also in heathen lands, wherever there was a certain number of Jews, they had their own synagogue: e.g. Damascus ( Acts 9:2), Salamis ( Acts 13:5), Antioch of Pisidia ( Acts 13:14), Thessalonica ( Acts 17:1), Corinth ( Acts 18:4), Alexandria (Philo, Leg Ad Cai, xx), Rome (ibid., xxiii). The papyrus finds of recent years contain many references to Jewish synagogues in Egypt, from the time of Euergetes (247-221 BC) onward.

    According to Philo (Quod omnis probus liber sit, xii, et al.) the Essenes had their own synagogues, and, from ‘Abhoth 3 10, it seems that “the people of the land,” i.e. the masses, especially in the country, who were far removed from the influence of the scribes, and were even opposed to their narrow interpretation of the Law had their own synagogues. 4. THE BUILDING: (1) The Site.

    There is no evidence that in Palestine the synagogues were always required to be built upon high ground, or at least that they should overlook all other houses (compare PEFS, July, 1878, 126), though we read in the Talmud that this was one of the requirements (Tos Meghillah, edition Zunz, 4:227; Shabbath 11a). From Acts 16:13 it does not follow that synagogues were intentionally built outside the city, and near water for the sake of ceremonial washing (compare Monatsschr. fur Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenthums, 1889, 167-70; HJP II, 370). (2) The Structure.

    Of the style of the architecture we have no positive records. From the description in the Talmud of the synagogue at Alexandria (Toc Cukkah , edition Zunz, 198 20; Cukkah 51b) one imagines the synagogues to have been modeled on the pattern of the temple or of the temple court. From the excavations in Palestine we find that in the building the stone of the country was used. On the lintels of the doors were different forms of ornamentation, e.g. seven-branched candlesticks, an open flower between two paschal lambs, or vine leaves with bunches of grapes, or, as in Capernaum, a pot of manna between two representations of Aaron’s rod.

    The inside plan “is generally that of two double colonnades, which seem to have formed the body of the synagogue, the aisles East and West being probably used as passages. The intercolumnar distance is very small, never greater than 9 1/2 ft.” (Edersheim). Because of a certain adaptation of the corner columns at the northern end, Edersheim supposes that a woman’s gallery was once erected there. It does not appear, however, from the Old Testament or New Testament or the oldest Jewish tradition that there was any special gallery for women. It should be noted, as against this conclusion, that in De Vita Contemplativa, attributed by some to Philo, a certain passage (sec. iii) seems to imply the existence of such a gallery. (3) The Furniture.

    We only know that there was a movable ark in which the rolls of the Law and the Prophets were kept. It was called ‘aron ha-qodhesh , but chiefly tebhah (Meghillah 3 1; Nedharim 5 5; Ta`anith 2 1,2), and it stood facing the entrance. According to Ta`anith 15a it was taken out and carried in a procession on fast days. In front of the ark, and facing the congregation, were the “chief seats” (see CHIEF SEATS ) for the rulers of the synagogue and the learned men (Mt 23:6). From Neh 8:4 and 9:4 it appears that the bemah (Jerusalem Meghillah 3 1), a platform from which the Law was read, although it is not mentioned in the New Testament, was of ancient date, and in use in the time of Christ. 5. THE OFFICIALS: (1) The Elders.

    These officials (Lk 7:3) formed the local tribunal, and in purely Jewish localities acted as a Committee of Management of the affairs of the synagogue (compare Berakhoth 4 7; Nedharim 5 5; Meghillah 3 1). To them belonged, most probably, among other things, the power to excommunicate (compare Ezr 10:8; Lk 6:22; Jn 9:22; 12:42; 16:2; `Edhuyoth 5 6; Ta`anith 3 8; Middoth 2 2). (2) The Ruler.

    Greek archisunagogos (Mk 5:35; Lk 8:41,49; 13:14; Acts 18:8,17), Hebrew ro’sh ha-keneseth (Sotah 7 7,8). In some synagogues there were several rulers (Mk 5:22; Acts 13:15). They were most probably chosen from among the elders. It was the ruler’s business to control the synagogue services, as for instance to decide who was to be called upon to read from the Law and the Prophets (Yoma’ 7 1) and to preach ( Acts 13:15; compare Lk 13:14); he had to look after the discussions, and generally to keep order. (3) The Servant (or Servants).

    Greek huperetes ; Talmud chazzan (Lk 4:20; Yoma’ 7 1; Sotah 7 7,8). He had to see to the lighting of the synagogue and to keep the building clean.

    He it was who wielded the scourge when punishment had to be meted out to anyone in the synagogue (Mt 10:17; 23:34; Mk 13:9; Acts 22:19; compare Makkoth 16). From Shabbath 1 3 it seems that the chazzan was also an elementary teacher. See EDUCATION. (4) Delegate of the Congregation.

    Hebrew sheliach tsibbur (Ro’sh ha-shanah 4 9; Berakhoth 5 5). This office was not permanent, but one was chosen at each meeting by the ruler to fill it, and he conducted the prayers. According to Meghillah 4 5, he who was asked to read the Scriptures was also expected to read the prayers. He had to be a man of good character. (5) The Interpreter.

    Hebrew methargeman . It was his duty to translate into Aramaic the passages of the Law and the Prophets which were read in Hebrew (Meghillah 3 3; compare 1 Cor 14:28). This also was probably not a permanent office, but was filled at each meeting by one chosen by the ruler. (6) The Almoners. (Dema’i 3 1; Kiddushin 4 5). Alms for the poor were collected in the synagogue (compare Mt 6:2). According to Pe’ah 8 7, the collecting was to be done by at least two persons, and the distributing by at least three. 6. THE SERVICE: (1) Recitation of the “Shema`”.

    At least ten persons bad to be present for regular worship (Meghillah 4 3; Sanhedhrin 1 6). There were special services on Saturdays and feast days.

    In order to keep the synagogue services uniform with those of the temple, both were held at the same hours. The order of service was as follows: the recitation of the shema` , i.e. a confession of God’s unity, consisting of the passages Dt 6:4-9; 11:13-21;. Nu 15:37-41 (Berakhoth 2 2; Tamidh 5 1).

    Before and after the recitation of these passages “blessings” were said in connection with the passages (Berakhoth 1 4). This formed a very important part of the liturgy. It was believed to have been ordered by Moses (compare Ant, IV, viii, 13). (2) Prayers.

    The most important prayers were the Shemoneh `esreh , “Eighteen Eulogies,” a cycle of eighteen prayers, also called “The Prayer” (Berakhoth 4 3; Ta`anith 2 2). Like the shema ` they are very old.

    The following is the first of the eighteen: “Blessed art Thou, the Lord our God, and the God of our fathers, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob: the great, the mighty and the terrible God, the most high God Who showest mercy and kindness, Who createst all things, Who rememberest the pious deeds of the patriarchs, and wilt in love bring a redeemer to their children’s children for Thy Name’s sake; O King, Helper, Saviour and Shield! Blessed art Thou, O Lord, the Shield of Abraham.”

    The prayers of the delegate were met with a response of Amen from the congregation. (3) Reading of the Law and the Prophets.

    After prayers the parashah , i.e. the pericope from the Law for that Sabbath, was read, and the interpreter translated verse by verse into Aramaic (Meghillah 3 3). The whole Pentateuch was divided into pericopes, so that in the course of 3 years it was read through in order.

    After the reading of the Law came the HaphTarah , the pericope from the Prophets for that Sabbath, which the interpreter did not necessarily translate verse by verse, but in paragraphs of 3 verses (Meghillah, loc. cit.). (4) The Sermon.

    After the reading from the Law and the Prophets followed the sermon, which was originally a caustical exposition of the Law, but which in process of time assumed a more devotional character. Anyone in the congregation might be asked by the ruler to preach, or might ask the ruler for permission to preach.

    The following example of an old (lst century AD) rabbinic sermon, based on the words, “He hath clothed me with the garments of salvation” (Isa 61:10, a verse in the chapter from which Jesus took His text when addressing the synagogue of Nazareth), will serve as an illustration of contemporary Jewish preaching: “Seven garments the Holy One — blessed be He! — has put on, and will put on from the time the world was created until the hour when He will punish the wicked Edom (i.e. Roman empire). When He created the world, He clothed Himself in honor and majesty, as it is said (Ps 104:1): `Thou art clothed in honor and majesty.’ Whenever He forgave the sins of Israel, He clothed Himself in white, for we read (Dan 7:9): `His raiment was white as snow.’ When He punishes the peoples of the world, He puts on the garments of vengeance, as it is said (Isa 59:17): `He put on garments of vengeance for clothing, and was clad with zeal as a cloke.’ The sixth garment He will put on when the Messiah comes; then He will clothe Himself in a garment of righteousness, for it is said (same place) : `He put on righteousness as a breast-plate, and an helmet of salvation upon His head.’ The seventh garment He will put on when He punishes Edom; then He will clothe Himself in ‘adhom , i.e. `red,’ for it is said (Isa 63:2): `Wherefore art Thou red in Thine apparel?’ But the garment which He will put upon the Messiah, this will shine afar, from one end of the earth to the other, for it is said (Isa 61:10): `As a bridegroom decketh himself with a garland.’ And the Israelites will partake of His light, and will say: `Blessed is the hour when the Messiah shall come!

    Blessed the womb out of which He shall come!

    Blessed His contemporaries who are eye-witnesses!

    Blessed the eye that is honored with a sight of Him!

    For the opening of His lips is blessing and peace; His speech is a moving of the spirits; The thoughts of His heart are confidence and cheerful-ness; The speech of His tongue is pardon and forgiveness; His prayer is the sweet incense of offerings; His petitions are holiness and purity.

    O how blessed is Israel, for whom such has been prepared!

    For it is said (Ps 31:19): “How great is Thy goodness, which thou hast laid up for them that fear thee” (Pesiqta’, edition Buber). (5) The Benediction.

    After the sermon the benediction was pronounced (by a priest), and the congregation answered Amen (Berakhoth 5 4; Sotah 7 2,3).

    LITERATURE.

    L. Zunz, Die gottesdienstlichen Vortrage der Juden, 2nd edition; Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, III, 129-37, 183-226; Hausrath, Neutestamentliche Zeitgesch., 2d edition, 73-80; HJP, II, 357-86; GJV4, II; 497-544; Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah, 5th edition, I, 431-50; Oesterly and Box, “The Religion and Worship of the Synagogue,” Church and Synagogue, IX, number 2, April, 1907, p. 46; W.

    Bacher, article “Synagogue” in HDB; Strack, article “Synagogen,” in RE, 3rd edition, XIX. Paul Levertoff SYNAGOGUE OF LIBERTINES See LIBERTINES.

    SYNAGOGUE OF SATAN See SATAN, SYNAGOGUE OF.

    SYNAGOGUE, THE GREAT A college or assembly of learned men, originating with Ezra, to whom Jewish tradition assigns an important share in the formation of the Old Testament Canon, and many legal enactments (see CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT ). One of its latest members is said to have been Simon the Just (circa 200 BC). The oldest notice of the Great Synagogue is in the tract of the Mishna, Pirqe ‘Abhoth (circa 200 AD); this is supplemented by an often-quoted, passage in another tract of the Mishna, Babha’ Bathra’ (14b), on the Canon, and by later traditions. It tells against the reliabe of these traditions that they are late, and are mixed up with much that is selfevidently unhistorical, while no corroboration is found in Ezra or Nehemiah, in the Apocrypha, or in Josephus. On this account, since the exhaustive discussion by Kuenen on the subject (Over de Mannen der Groote Synagoge), most scholars have been disposed to throw over the tradition altogether, regarding it as a distorted remembrance of the great convocation described in Neh 8 through 10 (so W. R. Smith, Driver, etc.; compare article by Selbie in HDB in support of total rejection). This probably is an excess of skepticism. The convocation in Nehemiah has no points of resemblance to the kind of assembly recalled in this tradition; and while fantastic details may be unreal, it is difficult to believe that declarations so circumstantial and definite have no foundation at all in actual history. The direct connection with Ezra may be discounted, though possibly — indeed it is likely — somebody associated with Ezra in his undeniable labors on the Canon may have furnished the germ from which the institution in question was developed (see the careful discussion in C.

    H. H. Wright, Eccl 1 through 10, and Excursus III, “The Men of the Great Synagogue”).

    For the rabbinical quotations and further important details, see C. Taylor’s Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, 11 f and 110 f. James Orr SYNOPTIC; GOSPELS <si-nop’-tik > , See GOSPELS, SYNOPTIC.

    SYNTYCHE <sin’-ti-ke > ([ Suntu>ch, Suntuche ], literally, “fortunate” (Phil 4:2)): A Christian woman in the church at Philippi; She and Euodia, who had some quarrel or cause of difference between them, are mentioned by name by Paul, and are besought separately: “I beseech Euodia, and I beseech Syntyche” (the King James Version) to be reconciled to one another, to be “of the same mind in the Lord.” The apostle also entreats an unnamed Christian at Philippi, whom he terms “true yokefellow,” to “help these women, for they labored with me in the gospel.” What he means is that he asks the true yokefellow to help Euodia and Syntyche, each of whom had labored with Paul.

    This refers to the visit which he, in company with Silas and Luke and Timothy, paid to Philippi ( Acts 16:12 ff), and which resulted in the gospel being introduced to that city and the church being formed there.

    Euodia and Syntyche had been among the first converts and had proved helpful in carrying on the work. The word used for “labored” signifies “they joined with me in my struggle,” and probably refers to something more than ordinary labor, for those were critical times of danger and suffering, which the apostle and his companions and fellow-workers then encountered at Philippi.

    That workers so enthusiastic and so honored should have quarreled, was very sad. Paul, therefore, entreats them to be reconciled. Doubtless his request was given heed to, especially in view of his promised visit to Philippi. See EUODIA; YOKE-FELLOW.

    John Rutherfurd SYNZYGUS ([su>nzuge , sunzuge]): In Phil 4:3 it is rendered “yokefellow.” WHm ([ Su>nzuge, Sunzuge]), Thayer, Lex. New Testament, 594 ([ Su>zuge, Suzuge]), and others, take it as a proper name in this passage. See YOKEFELLOW .

    SYRACUSE <sir’-a-kus > , <sir-a-kus’ > ([ Sura>kousai, Surakousai ]; Latin Syracusae, Ital. Siracusa): Situated on the east coast of Sicily, about midway between Catania and the southeastern extremity of the island.

    The design of the present work scarcely permits more than a passing allusion to Syracuse, the most brilliant Greek colony on the shores of the Western Mediterranean, where Paul halted three days, on his way from Melita to Rome ( Acts 28:12). The original Corinthian colony rounded in 734 BC (Thucydides vi.3) was confined to the islet Ortygia, which separates the Great Harbor from the sea. Later the city spread over the promontory lying northward of Ortygia and the harbor.

    Syracuse assumed a pre-eminent position in the affairs of Sicily under the rule of the tyrants Gelon (485-478 BC; compare Herodotus vii.154-55) and Hieron (478-467 BC). It nourisher greatly after the establishment of popular government in 466 BC (Diodorus xi.68-72). The Syracusans successfully withstood the famous siege by the Athenians in 414 BC, the narrative of which is the most thrilling part of the work of Thucydides (vi, vii).

    Dionysius took advantage of the fear inspired by the Carthaginians to elevate himself to despotic power in 405 BC, and he was followed, after a reign of 38 years, by his son of the same name. Although democratic government was restored by Timoleon after a period of civil dissensions in 344 BC (Plutarch, Timoleon), popular rule was not of long duration.

    The most famous of the later rulers was the wise Hieron (275-216 BC), who was the steady ally of the Romans. His grandson and successor Hieronymus deserted the alliance of Rome for that of Carthage, which led to the celebrated siege of the city by the Romans under Marcellus and its fall in 212 (Livy xxiv.21-33). Henceforth Syracuse was the capital of the Roman province of Sicily. Cicero calls it “the greatest of Greek cities and the most beautiful of all cities” (Cicero Verr. iv.52). George H. Allen SYRIA <sir’-i-a > ([ Suri>a, Suria ] (Mt 4:24; Lk 2:2)): 1. NAME AND ITS ORIGIN:

    The name does not occur in the Massoretic Text nor the Peshitta of the Old Testament, but is found in the Septuagint, in the Peshitta of the New Testament and in the Mishna In the Septuagint it represents “Aram” in all its combinations, as Aram-zobah, etc. The name itself first appears in Herodotus vii.63, where he says that “Syrians” and “Assyrians” were the Greek and barbarian designations of the same people. Otherwise he is quite vague in his use of the term. Xenophon is clearer when he (Anab; vii.8, 25) distinguishes between Syria and Phoenicia. Syria is undoubtedly an extension of the name “Suri” the ancient Babylonian designation of a district in North Mesopotamia, but later embracing regions beyond the Euphrates to the North and West, as far as the Taurus. Under the Seleucids, Syria was regarded as coextensive with their kingdom, and the name shrank with its dimensions. Strabo, Pliny and Ptolemy give its boundaries as the Taurus Mountains, the Euphrates, the Syro-Arabian desert and the Mediterranean, and the territory within these limits is still politically designated Syria, though popularly Palestine is generally named separately. 2. OTHER DESIGNATIONS:

    Homer (Iliad ii.785) and Hesiod (Theog. 304) call the inhabitants of the district “Arimoi,” with which compare the cuneiform “Arimu” or “Aramu” for Arameans. The earliest Assyrian name was “Martu,” which Hommel regards as a contraction of “Amartu,” the land of the “Amurru” or Amorites. In Egyptian records the country is named “Ruten” or “Luten,” and divided into “Lower” and “Upper,” the former denoting Palestine and the latter Syria proper. 3. PHYSICAL: (1) The Maritime Plain.

    Syria, within the boundaries given, consists of a series of belts of low and high land running North and South, parallel to the Mediterranean. The first of these is the maritime plain. It consists of a broad strip of sand dunes covered by short grass and low bushes, followed by a series of low undulating hills and wide valleys which gradually rise to a height of about 500 ft. This belt begins in North Syria with the narrow Plain of Issus, which extends to a few miles South of Alxandretta, but farther South almost disappears, being represented only by the broader valleys and the smaller plains occupied by such towns as Latakia, Tripolis and Beirut.

    South of the last named the maritime belt is continuous, being interrupted only where the Ladder of Tyre and Mt. Carmel descend abruptly into the sea. In the Plain of Akka it has a breadth of 8 miles, and from Carmel southward it again broadens out, till beyond Caesarea it has an average of 10 miles. Within the sand dunes the soil is a rich alluvium and readily yields to cultivation. In ancient times it was covered with palm trees, which, being thence introduced into Greece, were from their place of origin named phoinikes. (2) First Mountain Belt.

    From the maritime plain we rise to the first mountain belt. It begins with the Amanus, a branch of the Taurus in the North. Under that name it ceases with the Orontes valley, but is continued in the Nuseiriyeh range (Mt. Cassius, 5,750 ft.), till the Eleutherus valley is reached, and thence rising again in Lebanon (average 5,000 ft.), Jebel Sunnin (8,780 ft.), it continues to the Leontes or Quasmiyeh. The range then breaks down into the rounded hills of Upper Galilee (3,500 ft.), extends through the tableland of Western Palestine (2,500 ft.), and in the South of Judea broadens out into the arid Badiet et-Tih or Wilderness of Wandering. (3) Second Mountain Belt.

    Along with this may be considered the parallel mountain range. Beginning in the neighborhood of Riblah, the chain of anti-Lebanon extends southward to Hermon (9,200 ft.), and thence stretches out into the plateau of the Jaulan and Hauran, where we meet with the truncated cones of extinct volcanoes and great sheets of basaltic lava, especially in el-Leja and Jebel ed-Druz. The same table-land continues southward, with deep ravines piercing its sides, over Gilead, Moab and Edom. (4) Great Central Valley.

    Between Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon lies the great valley of Coele-Syria. It is continued northward along the Orontes and thence stretches away eastward to the Euphrates, while southward it merges into the valleys of the Jordan and the Arabah. From the sources of the Orontes and Leontes at Baalbek (4,000 ft.) it falls away gently to the North; but to the South the descent is rapid. In Merj `Ayun it has sunk to 1,800 ft., at Lake Huleh it is over 7 ft., at the Lake of Tiberias — 682 ft., and at the Dead Sea — 1,292 ft., and thence it rises again to the Gulf of Akabah. This great valley was caused by a line of fault or fracture of the earth’s crust, with parallel and branching faults. In ancient times the whole valley formed an arm of the sea, and till the Glacial period at the end of the Tertiary (Pleistocene) Age, a lake extended along the whole Jordan valley as far as the Huleh. We can thus understand that the great plain and adjoining valleys consist mainly of alluvial deposits with terraces of gravel and sand on the enclosing slopes. See LEBANON; NATURAL FEATURES; PALESTINE; PHOENICIA. (5)The Eastern Belt.

    To the East of the Anti-Lebanon belt there is a narrow stretch of cultivated land which in some places attains a breadth of several miles, but this is always determined by the distance to which the eastern streams from Anti- Lebanon flow. Around Damascus the Abana (Barada) and neighboring streams have made the district an earthly paradise, but they soon lose themselves in the salt marshes about 10 miles East of the city. Elsewhere the fruitful strip gradually falls away into the sands and rocks of the Syrian desert, barren alike of vegetable and animal life. (6) Rivers.

    The mountain ranges determine the course of the rivers and their length.

    The streams flowing westward are naturally short and little more than summer torrents. Those flowing to the desert are of the same character, the only one of importance being the Abana, to which Damascus owes its existence. Only the great central valley permits the formation of larger rivers, and there we find the Orontes and Leontes rising within a few feet of each other beside Baalbek, and draining Coele-Syria to the North and South, till breaking through the mountains they reach the sea. The Jordan is the only other stream of any size. In ancient, as also in modern times, the direction of these streams determined the direction of the great trade route from Mesopotamia to Egypt through Coele-Syria and across pal, as also the position of the larger towns, but, not being themselves navigable, they did not form a means of internal communication. (7) Nature of Soil.

    The variation in altitude both above and below the sea-level is naturally conducive to a great variety of climate, while the nature of the disintegrating rocks and the alluvial soil render great productivity possible.

    Both of the mountain belts in their whole length consist chiefly of cretaceous limestone, mixed with friable limestone with basaltic intrusions and volcanic products. The limestone is highly porous, and during the rainy season absorbs the moisture which forms reservoirs and feeds the numerous springs on both the eastern and western slopes. The rocks too are soft and penetrable and can easily be turned into orchard land, a fact that explains how much that now appears as barren wastes was productive in ancient times as gardens and fruitful fields (Bab Talmud, Megh. 6a). (8) Flora.

    The western valleys and the maritime plain have the flora of the Mediterranean, but the eastern slopes and the valleys facing the desert are poorer. On the southern coasts and in the deeper valleys the vegetation is tropical, and there we meet with the date-palm, the sugar-cane and the sycomore. Up to 1,600 ft., the products include the carob and the pine, after which the vine, the fig and the olive are met with amid great plantations of dwarf oak, till after 3,000 ft. is reached, then cypresses and cedars till the height of 6,200 ft., after which only Alpine plants are found.

    The once renowned “cedars of Lebanon” now exist only in the Qadisha and Baruk valleys. The walnut and mulberry are plentiful everywhere, and wheat, corn, barley, maize and lentils are widely cultivated. Pasture lands are to be found in the valleys and plains, and even during the dry season sheep, goats and cattle can glean sufficient pasturage among the low brushwood. (9) Fauna.

    The animal world is almost as varied. The fox, jackal, hyena, bear, wolf and hog are met nearly everywhere, and small tigers are sometimes seen (compare 2 Ki 14:9). The eagle, vulture, partridge and blue pigeon are plentiful, and gay birds chirp everywhere. The fish in the Jordan and its lakes are peculiar and interesting. There are in all 22 varieties, the largest being a kind of perch, the coracinus, which is known elsewhere also in the Nile (Josephus, Ant, III, x, 8), and a peculiar old-world variety locally named `Abu-musht. (10) Minerals.

    In both the eastern and the western mountain belts there are abundant supplies of mineral wealth. They consist chiefly of coal, iron, bitumen, asphalt and mineral oil, but they are mostly unworked. In the Jordan valley all the springs below the level of the Mediterranean are brackish, and many of them are also hot and sulfurous, the best known being those Tiberias. (11) Central Position.

    The country, being in virtue of its geographical configuration separated into small isolated districts, naturally tended to break up into a series of petty independent states. Still the central position between the Mesopotamian empires on the one hand and Egypt and Arabia on the other made it the highway through which the trade of the ancient world passed, gave it an importance far in excess of its size or productivity, and made it a subject of contention whenever East and West were ruled by different powers. 4. HISTORY: (1) Canaanitic Semites.

    When history begins for us in the 3rd millennium BC, Syria was already occupied by a Semitic population belonging to the Canaanitic wave of immigration, i.e. such as spoke dialects akin to Hebrew or Phoenician. The Semites had been already settled for a considerable time, for a millennium earlier in Egypt we find Semitic names for Syrian articles of commerce as well as Semites depicted on the Egyptian monuments. (2) Sargon of Agade.

    Omitting as doubtful references to earlier relations between Babylonia and Syria, we may consider ourselves on solid ground in accepting the statements of the Omen Tablets which tell us that Sargon of Agade (2750 BC) four times visited the land of Martu and made the peoples of one accord. His son Naram-sin, while extending the empire in other directions maintained his authority here also. Commercial relations were continued, and Babylonia claimed at least a supremacy over Martu, and at times made it effective. (3) Babylonian Supremacy.

    Hammurabi and also his great-grandson Ammisatana designate themselves in inscriptions as kings of Martu, and it is very likely that other kings maintained the traditional limits of the empire. The long-continued supremacy of Babylon not only made itself felt in imposing place-names, but it made Assyrian the language of diplomacy, even between Syria and Egypt, as we see in the Tell el-Amarna Letters. (4) Hittite and Aramean.

    By the middle of the 2nd millennium BC we find considerable change in the population. The Mitanni, a Hittite people, the remains of whose language are to be found in the still undeciphered inscriptions at Carchemish, Marash, Aleppo and Hamath, are now masters of North Syria. See HITTITES .

    The great discoveries of Dr. H. Winckler at Boghazkeui have furnished a most important contribution to our knowledge. The preliminary account may be found in OLZ, December 15, 1906, and the Mitteilungen der deutschen orient. Gesellschaft, number 35, December, 1907.Elsewhere the Aramean wave has become the predominant Semitic element of population, the Canaanitic now occupying the coast towns (Phoenicians) and the Canaan of the Old Testament. (5) Hittites and Egyptians.

    At this time Babylonia was subject to the Kassites, an alien race of kings, and when they fell, about 1100 BC, they gave place to a number of dynasties of short duration. This gave the Egyptians, freed from the Hyksos rule, the opportunity to lay claim to Syria, and accordingly we find the struggle to be between the Hittites and the Egyptians. Thothmes I, about 1600 BCa overran Syria as far as the Euphrates and brought the country into subjection. Thothmes III did the same, and he has left us on the walls of Karnak an account of his campaigns and a list of the towns he conquered. (6) Amarna Period.

    In the reign of Thothmes IV the Hittites began to leave their mountains more and more and to press forward into Central Syria. The Tell el- Amarna Letters show them to be the most serious opponents to the Egyptian authority in Syria and Palestine during the reign of Amenhotep IV (circa 1380 BC), and before Seti I came to the throne the power of the Pharaohs had greatly diminished in Syria. Then the Egyptian sphere only reached to Carmel, while a neutral zone extended thence to Kadesh, northward of which all belonged to the Hitites. (7) Rameses II.

    Rameses II entered energetically into the war against Hatesar, king of the Hittites, and fought a battle near Kadesh. He claims a great victory, but the only result seems to have been that his authority was further extended into the neutral territory, and the sphere of Egyptian influence extended across Syria from the Lycus (Dog River) to the South of Damascus. The arrangement was confirmed by a treaty in which North Syria was formally recognized as the Hittite sphere of influence, and, on the part of the Assyrians who were soon to become the heirs of the Hittite pretensions, this treaty formed the basis of a claim against Egypt. About the year BC the Hittites, weakened by this war, were further encroached upon by the movements of northern races, and the empire broke up into a number of small separate independent states. (8) Philistines.

    Among the moving races that helped to weaken and break up the Hittite influence in Syria were the Pulusati (or Purusati), a people whose origin is not yet definitely settled. They entered Syria from the North and overcame all who met them, after which they encamped within the Egyptian sphere of influence. Rameses III marched against them, and he claims a great victory. Later, however, we find them settled in Southeastern Palestine under the name of Philistines. Their settlement at that time is in harmony with the Tell el-Amarna Letters in which we find no trace of them, while in the 11th century BC they are there as the inveterate foes of Israel. (9) Tiglath-pileser I.

    Assyria was now slowly rising into power, but it had to settle with Babylon before it could do much in the West. Tiglath-pieser I, however, crossed the Euphrates, defeated the Hittite king of Carchemish, advanced to the coast of Arvad, hunted wild bulls in Lebanon and received gifts from the Pharaoh, who thus recognized him as the successor of the Hittites in North Syria. (10) Aramean States.

    When the Hittite empire broke up, the Arameans in Central Syria, now liberated, set up a number of separate Aramean states, which engaged in war with one another, except when they had to combine against a common enemy. Such states were established in Hamath, Hadrach, Zobah and Rehob. The exact position of Hadrach is still unknown, but Hamath was evidently met on its southern border by Rehob and Zobah, the former extending along the Biqa’a to the foot of Hermon, while the latter stretched 2 , along the eastern slopes of Anti-Lebanon and included Damascus, till Rezon broke away and there set up an independent kingdom, which soon rose to be the leading state; Southeast of Hermon were the two smaller Aramean states of Geshur and Maacah. (11) Peaceful Development.

    For nearly three centuries now, Syria and Palestine were, except on rare occasions, left in peace by both Mesopotamia and Egypt. In the 12th century BC Babylonia was wasted by the Elamite invasion, and thereafter a prolonged war was carried on between Assyria and Babylonia, and although a lengthened period of peace succeeded, it was wisely used by the peaceful rulers of Assyria for the strengthening of their kingdom internally.

    In Egypt the successors of Rameses III were engaged against the aggressive Theban hierarchy. During the XXIst Dynasty the throne was usurped by the high priests of Amen, while the XXIId were Lybian usurpers, and the three following dynasties Ethiopian conquerors. (12) Shalmaneser II.

    In the 9th century Asshur-nazirpal crossed the Euphrates and overran the recently established state of Patin in the Plain of Antioch. He besieged its capital and planted a colony in its territory, but the arrangement was not final, for his successor, Shalmaneser II, had again to invade the territory and break up the kingdom into a number of small principalities. Then in 854 BC he advanced into Central Syria, but was met at Karkar by a strong confederacy consisting of Ben-hadad of Damascus and his Syrian allies including Ahab of Israel. He claims a victory, but made no advance for years. He then made three unsuccessful expeditions against Damascus, but in 842 received tribute from Tyre, Sidon and Jehu of Israel, as recorded and depicted on the Black Obelisk. It was not till the year 797 that Ramman-nirari, after subduing the coast of Phoenicia, was able to reduce Mari’a of Damascus to obedience at which time also he seems to have carried his conquests through Eastern Palestine as far as Edom. The Assyrian power now suffered a period of decline, during which risings took place at Hadrach and Damascus, and Jeroboam II of Israel was able (2 Ki 14:25) to extend his boundaries northward to the old limits. (13) Tiglath-pileser III.

    It thus happened that Tiglath-pileser III (745-728) had to reconquer the whole of Syria. He captured Arpad after two years’ warfare (742-740).

    Then he divided the territory of Hamath among his generals. At this juncture Ahaz of Judah implored his aid against Rezin of Damascus and Remaliah of Israel. Ahaz was relieved, but was made subject to Assyria.

    Damascus fell in 732 BC and a Great Court was held there, which the tributary princes of Syria, including Ahaz (2 Ki 16:10), attended. The Assyrian empire now possessed the whole of Syria as far as the River of Egypt. Sibahe, however, encouraged revolt in what had been the Egyptian sphere of infiuence and insurrections took place in Phoenicia and Samaria. (14) Shalmaneser IV and Sargon.

    After some difficulty Shalmaneser IV compelled Tyre and Sidon to submit and to pay tribute. Samaria, too, was besieged, but was not taken till Sargon came to the throne in 722. Hamath and Carchemish again rose, but were finally reduced in 720 and 717 respectively. Again in 711 Sargon overran Palestine and broke up a fresh confederacy consisting of Egypt, Moab, Edom, Judah and the Philistines. In 705 the Egyptians under Sibahe and their allies the Philistines under Hanun of Gaza were defeated at Raphia.

    The last three rulers of Assyria were in constant difficulties with Babylonia and a great part of the empire was also overrun by the Scythians (circa BC), and so nothing further was done in the West save the annexation of the mainland possessions of Phoenicia. (15) Pharaoh-necoh and Nebuchadnezzar.

    In 609 when Assyria was in the death grapple with Babylonia, Pharaohnecoh took advantage of the situation, invaded Syria, and, defeating Josiah en route, marched to Carchemish. In 605, however, he was there completely defeated by Nebuchadnezzar, and the whole of Syria became tributary to Babylonia. the former Syrian states now appear as Babylonian provinces, and revolts in Judah reduced it also to that position in 586 BC.

    Under Persian rule these provinces remained as they were for a time, but ultimately “Ebir nari” or Syria was formed into a satrapy. The Greek conquest with the Ptolemies in Egypt and the Seleucids in Babylon brought back some of the old rivalry between East and West, and the same unsettled conditions. On the advent of Rome, Syria was separated from Babylonia and made into a province with Antioch as its capital, and then the Semitic civilization which had continued practically untouched till the beginning of the Christian era was brought more and more into contact with the West. With the advent of Islam, Syria fell into Arab hands and Damascus became for a short time (661-750 AD) the capital of the new empire, but the central authority was soon removed to Babylonia.

    Thenceforward Syria sank to the level of a province of the caliphate, first Abbasside (750-1258), then Fatimite (1258-1517), and finally Ottoman. W. M. Christie SYRIA-MAACHAH <sir’-i-a-ma’a-ka > . See MAACAH; SYRIA.

    SYRIA <sir’-i-ak > : In Dan 2:4, for the King James Version “Syriack” the Revised Version (British and American) has “Syrian,” and in the margin “Or, `in Aramaic.’” See ARAMAIC LANGUAGE; LANGUAGES OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.

    SYRIAC VERSIONS As in the account of the Latin versions it was convenient to start from Jerome’s Vulgate, so the Syriac versions may be usefully approached from the Peshitta, which is the Syriac Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) 1. ANALOGY OF LATIN VULGATE:

    Not that we have any such full and clear knowledge of the circumstances under which the Peshitta was produced and came into circulation. Whereas the authorship of the Latin Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) has never been in dispute, almost every assertion regarding the authorship of the Peshitta, and the time and place of its origin, is subject to question.

    The chief ground of analogy between the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) and the Peshitta is that both came into existence as the result of a revision. This, indeed, has been strenuously denied, but since Dr.

    Hort in his Introduction to Westcott and Hort’s New Testament in the Original Greek, following Griesbach and Hug at the beginning of the last century, maintained this view, it has gained many adherents. So far as the Gospels and other New Testament books are concerned, there is evidence in favor of this view which has been added to by recent discoveries; and fresh investigation in the field of Syriac scholarship has raised it to a high degree of probability. The very designation. “Peshito,” has given rise to dispute. It has been applied to the Syriac as the version in common use, and regarded as equivalent to the Greek ([koinh>, koine ]) and the Latin Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) 2. THE DESIGNATION “PESHITO” (“PESHITTA”):

    The word itself is a feminine form (peshiTetha’), meaning “simple,” “easy to be understood.” It seems to have been used to distinguish the version from others which are encumbered, with marks and signs in the nature of an apparatus criticus. However this may. be, the term as a designation of the version has not been found in any Syriac author earlier than the 9th or 10th century.

    As regards the Old Testament, the antiquity of the Version is admitted on all hands. The tradition, however, that part of it was translated from Hebrew into Syriac for the benefit of Hiram in the days of Solomon is a myth. That a translation was made by a priest named Assa, or Ezra, whom the king of Assyria sent to Samaria, to instruct the Assyrian colonists mentioned in 2 Ki 17, is equally legendary. That the tr of the Old Testament and New Testament was made in connection with the visit of Thaddaeus to Abgar at Edessa belongs also to unreliable tradition. Mark has even been credited in ancient Syriac tradition with translating his own Gospel (written in Latin, according to this account) and the other books of the New Testament into Syriac 3. SYRIAC OLD TESTAMENT:

    But what Theodore of Mopsuestia says of the Old Testament is true of both: “These Scriptures were translated into the tongue of the Syrians by someone indeed at some time, but who on earth this was has not been made known down to our day” (Nestle in HDB, IV, 645b). Professor Burkitt has made it probable that the translation of the Old Testament was the work of Jews, of whom there was a colony in Edessa about the commencement of the Christian era (Early Eastern Christianity, 71 ff). The older view was that the translators were Christians, and that the work was done late in the 1st century or early in the 2nd. The Old Testament known to the early Syrian church was substantially that of the Palestinian Jews. It contained the same number of books but it arranged them in a different order. First there was the Pentateuch, then Job, Joshua, Judgess, 1 and Samuel, 1 and 2 Kings, 1 and 2 Chronicles, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Ruth, Canticles, Esther, Ezra, Nehemiah, Isaiah followed by the Twelve Minor Prophets, Jeremiah and Lamentations, Ezekiel, and lastly Daniel.

    Most of the apocryphal books of the Old Testament are found in the Syriac, and the Book of Sirach is held to have been translated from the Hebrew and not from the Septuagint. 4. SYRIAC NEW TESTAMENT:

    Of the New Testament, attempts at translation must have been made very early, and among the ancient versions of New Testament Scripture the Syriac in all likelihood is the earliest. It was at Antioch, the capital of Syria, that the disciples of Christ were first called Christians, and it seemed natural that the first translation of the Christian Scriptures should have been made there. The tendency of recent research, however, goes to show that Edessa, the literary capital, was more likely the place.

    If we could accept the somewhat obscure statement of Eusebius (Historia Ecclesiastica, IV, xxii) that Hegesippus “made some quotations from the Gospel according to the Hebrews and from the Syriac Gospel,” we should have a reference to a Syriac New Testament as early as 160-80 AD, the time of that Hebrew Christian writer. One thing is certain, that the earliest New Testament of the Syriac church lacked not only the Antilegomena — 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, Jude, and Revelation — but the whole of the Catholic Epistles and the Apocalypse. These were at a later date translated and received into the Syriac Canon of the New Testament, but the quotations of the early Syrian Fathers take no notice of these New Testament books.

    From the 5th century, however, the Peshitta containing both Old Testament and New Testament has been used in its present form only as the national version of the Syriac Scriptures. The translation of the New Testament is careful, faithful and literal, and the simplicity, directness and transparency of the style are admired by all Syriac scholars and have earned for it the title of “Queen of the versions.” 5. OLD SYRIAC TEXTS:

    It is in the Gospels, however, that the analogy between the Latin Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) and the Syriac Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) can be established by evidence. If the Peshitta is the result of a revision as the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) was, then we may expect to find Old Syriac texts answering to the Old Latin. Such texts have actually been found. Three such texts have been recovered, all showing divergences from the Peshitta, and believed by competent scholars to be anterior to it. These are, to take them in the order of their recovery in modern times, (1) the Curetonian Syriac, (2) the Syriac of Tatian’s Diatessaron, and (3) the Sinaitic Syriac. (1) Curetonian.

    The Curetonian consists of fragments of the Gospels brought in 1842 from the Nitrian Desert in Egypt, and now in the British Museum. The fragments were examined by Canon Cureton of Westminster and edited by him in 1858. The manuscript from which the fragments have come appears to belong to the 5th century, but scholars believe the text itself to be as old as the 2nd century. In this recension the Gospel according to Matthew has the title Evangelion da-Mepharreshe, which will be explained in the next section. (2) Tatian’s “Diatessaron.” The Diatessaron of Tatian is the work which Eusebius ascribes to that heretic, calling it that “combination and collection of the Gospels, I know not how, to which he gave the title Diatessaron.” It is the earliest harmony of the Four Gospels known to us. Its existence is amply attested in the church of Syria, but it had disappeared for centuries, and not a single copy of the Syriac work survives.

    A commentary upon it by Ephraem the Syrian, surviving in an Armenian translation, was issued by the Mechitarist Fathers at Venice in 1836, and afterward translated into Latin. Since 1876 an Arabic translation of the Diatessaron itself has been discovered; and it has been ascertained that the Cod. Fuldensis of the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) represents the order and contents of the Diatessaron. A translation from the Arab can now be read in English in Dr. J. Hamlyn Hill’s The Earliest Life of Christ Ever Compiled from the Four Gospels.

    Although no copy of the Diatessaron has survived, the general features of Tatian’s Syriac work can be gathered from these materials. It is still a matter of dispute whether Tatian composed his Harmony out of a Syriac version already made, or composed it first in Greek and then translated it into Syriac. But the existence and widespread use of a Harmony, combining in one all four Gospels, from such an early period (172 AD), enables us to understand the title Evangelion da-Mepharreshe It means “the Gospel of the Separated,” and points to the existence of single Gospels, Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, in a Syriac translation, in contradistinction to Tatian’s Harmony. Theodoret, bishop of Cyrrhus in the 5th century, tells how he found more than 200 copies of the Diatessaron held in honor in his diocese and how he collected them, and put them out of the way, associated as they were with the name of a heretic, and substituted for them the Gospels of the four evangelists in their separate forms. (3) Sinaitic Syriac.

    In 1892 the discovery of the 3rd text, known, from the place where it was found, as the Sin Syriac, comprising the four Gospels nearly entire, heightened the interest in the subject and increased the available material.

    It is a palimpsest, and was found in the monastery of Catherine on Mt.

    Sinai by Mrs. Agnes S. Lewis and her sister Mrs. Margaret D. Gibson. The text has been carefully examined and many scholars regard it as representing the earliest translation into Syriac, and reaching back into the 2nd century. Like the Curetonian, it is an example of the Evangelion da- Mepharreshe as distinguished from the Harmony of Tatian. (4) Relation to Peshito.

    The discovery of these texts has raised many questions which it may require further discovery and further investigation to answer satisfactorily.

    It is natural to ask what is the relation of these three texts to the Peshitta.

    There are still scholars, foremost of whom is G. H. Gwil-liam, the learned editor of the Oxford Peshito (Tetraevangelium sanctum, Clarendon Press, 1901), who maintain the priority of the Peshitta and insist upon its claim to be the earliest monument of Syrian Christianity. But the progress of investigation into Syriac Christian literature points distinctly the other way.

    From an exhaustive study of the quotations in the earliest Syriac Fathers, and, in particular, of the works of Ephraem Syrus, Professor Burkitt concludes that the Peshitta did not exist in the 4th century. He finds that Ephraem used the Diatessaron in the main as the source of his quotation, although “his voluminous writings contain some clear indications that he was aware of the existence of the separate Gospels, and he seems occasionally to have quoted from them (Evangelion da-Mepharreshe, 186).

    Such quotations as are found in other extant remains of Syriac literature before the 5th century bear a greater resemblance to the readings of the Curetonian and the Sinaitic than to the readings of the Peshitta. Internal and external evidence alike point to the later and revised character of the Peshitta 6. PROBABLE ORIGIN OF PESHITO:

    How and where and by whom was the revision carried out? Dr. Hort, as we have seen, believed that the “revised” character of the Syriac Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) was a matter of certainty, and Dr.

    Westcott and he connected the authoritative revision which resulted in the Peshitta with their own theory, now widely adopted by textual critics, of a revision of the Greek text made at Antioch in the latter part of the 3rd century, or early in the 4th. The recent investigations of Professor Burkitt and other scholars have made it probable that the Peshitta was the work of Rabbula, bishop of Edessa, at the beginning of the 5th century. Of this revision, as of the revision which plays such an important part in the textual theory of Westcott and Hort, direct evidence is very scanty, in the former case altogether wanting. Dr. Burkitt, however, is able to quote words of Rabbula’s biographer to the effect that “by the wisdom of God that was in him he translated the New Testament from Greek into Syriac because of its variations, exactly as it was.” This may well be an account of the first publication of the Syriac Vulg, the Old Syriac texts then available having been brought by this revision into greater conformity with the Greek text current at Antioch in the beginning of the 5th century. And Rabbula was not content with the publication of his revision; he gave orders to the priests and the deacons to see that “in all the churches a copy of the Evangelion da-Mepharreshe shall be kept and read” (ib 161 ff, 177 f). It is very remarkable that before the time of Rabbula, who ruled over the Syrspeaking churches from 411 to 435, there is no trace of the Peshitta, and that after his time there is scarcely a vestige of any other text. He very likely acted in the manner of Theodoret somewhat later, pushing the newly made revision, which we have reason to suppose the Peshitta to have been, into prominence, and making short work of other texts, of which only the Curetonian and the Sinaitic are known to have survived to modern times. 7. HISTORY OF PESHITO:

    The Peshitta had from the 5th century onward a wide circulation in the East, and was accepted and honored by all the numerous sects of the greatly divided Syriac Christianity. It had a great missionary influence, and the Armenian and Georgian VSS, as well as the Arabic and the Persian, owe not a little to the Syriac. The famous Nestorian tablet of Sing-an-fu witnesses to the presence of the Syriac Scriptures in the heart of China in the 7th century. It was first brought to the West by Moses of Mindin, a noted Syrian ecclesiastic, who sought a patron for the work of printing it in vain in Rome and Venice, but found one in the Imperial Chancellor at Vienna in 1555 — Albert Widmanstadt. He undertook the printing of the New Testament, and the emperor bore the cost of the special types which had to be cast for its issue in Syriac. Immanuel Tremellius, the converted Jew whose scholarship was so valuable to the English reformers and divines, made use of it, and in 1569 issued a Syriac New Testament in Hebrew letters. In 1645 the editio princeps of the Old Testament was prepared by Gabriel Sionita for the Paris Polyglot, and in 1657 the whole Peshitta found a place in Walton s London Polyglot. For long the best edition of the Peshitta was that of John Leusden and Karl Schaaf, and it is still quoted under the symbol Syriac schaaf, or Syriac Sch. The critical edition of the Gospels recently issued by Mr. G. H. Gwilliam at the Clarendon Press is based upon some 50 manuscripts. Considering the revival of Syriac scholarship, and the large company of workers engaged in this field, we may expect further contributions of a similar character to a new and complete critical edition of the Peshitta 8. OTHER TRANSLATIONS: (1) The Philoxenian.

    Besides the Peshitta there are other translations which may briefly be mentioned. One of these is the Philoxenian, made by Philoxenus, bishop of Mabug (485-519) on the Euphrates, from the Greek, with the help of his Chorepiscopus Polycarp. The Psalms and portions of Isa are also found in this version; and it is interesting as having contained the Antilegomena — Peter, 2 and 3 John, and Jude. (2) The Harclean.

    Another is the Harclean, which is a revision of the Philoxenian, undertaken by Thomas of Harkel in Mesopotamia, and carried out by him at Alexandria about 616, with the help of Greek manuscripts exhibiting western reading. The Old Testament was undertaken at the same time by Paul of Tella. The New Testament contains the whole of the books, except Rev. It is very literal in its renderings, and is supplied with an elaborate system of asterisks and daggers to indicate the variants found in the manuscripts. (3) The Jerusalem Syriac.

    Mention may also be made of a Syriac version of the New Testament known as the Jerusalem or Palestinian Syriac, believed to be independent, and not derived genealogically from those already mentioned. It exists in a Lectionary of the Gospels in the Vatican, but two fresh manuscripts of the Lectionary have been found on Mt. Sinai by Dr. Rendel Harris and Mrs.

    Lewis, with fragments of Acts and the Pauline Epistles. The dialect employed deviates considerably from the ordinary Syriac, and the Greek text underlying it has many peculiarities. It alone of Syriac manuscripts has the pericope adulterae. In Mt 27:17 the robber is called Jesus Barabbas.

    Gregory describes 10 manuscripts (Textkritik, 523 f).

    LITERATURE.

    Nestle, Syrische Uebersetzungen, PRE3, Syriac VSS, HDB, and Introduction to the Textual Criticism of the Greek New Testament, 95- 106; G. H. Gwilliam, Studia Biblica, II, 1890, III, 1891, V, 1903, and Tetraevangelium sanctum Syriacum; Scrivener, Intro4, 6-40; Burkitt, “Early Eastern Christianity,” Texts and Studies, VII, 2:1-91, Evangelion da-Mepharreshe, I, II, and “Syr VSS,” EB; Gregory, Textkritik, 479-528. T. Nicol SYRIAN; LANGUAGE <sir’-i-an > (the King James Version SYRIACK). See SYRIAC.

    SYRIANS <sir’-i-anz > ([ µr;a\, ‘aram ]; [ Su>roi, Suroi ]; Assyrian Aramu, Arumu, Arimu):

    The terms “Syria” and “Syrians” are used in two senses in the Bible. In the Old Testament they are uniformly “Aram,” “Aramaean,” while in the New Testament they are used in a wider and more indefinite sense (Mt 4:24; Acts 15:23; 18:18; Gal 1:21), and include all the dwellers of the land whether Arameans or not. 1. DIVISION OF ARAM:

    Aram was divided into several districts, comprising, in general, the region to the East of the Jordan, but extending in the North over most of Northern Syria, or from the Orontes eastward, and Northern Mesopotamia.

    This latter division was called Aram-naharaim — Aram of the two rivers, i.e. Tigris and Euphrates — and is the Nahrina of the Egyptian inscriptions.

    It is also called Paddan-aram in the Old Testament (Gen 25:20) or field of Aram (Hos 12:12). The most important of the divisions of Aram in Old Testament times was Aram-dammesek, the Syria of Damascus, which sometimes dominated all of the other divisions lying to the South, such as Rehob, Tob, Zobah, and Mancab (2 Sam 10:8). Geshur was in this region and should be reckoned as an Aramean dis-trict (2 Sam 15:8). 2. A SEMITIC RACE:

    The Arameans were of Semitic stock and closely akin to the Hebrews.

    Aram is called a son of Shem (Gen 10:22), which means a descendant, for we find him afterward called a grandson of Nahor, the brother of Abraham (Gen 22:21). The Israelites were taught to say “A Syrian (Ara-maean) ready to perish was my father” (Dt 26:5), and the kinship of the Hebrews and Arameans was further cemented by the marriage of Isaac with Rebekah, the sister of Laban the Syrian, and of Jacob with his daughters (Gen 24; 29). The period when the Arameans first appeared in Syria is uncertain, but was probably later than 2000 BC. When Abraham came from Haran, Damascus was already occupied (Gen 15:2), and this may have been the oldest settlement of the Arameans in Syria proper, although it is not mentioned on the monuments until long after, in the time of Thothmes III of Egypt, about 1479 BC. The Syrians were generally hostile to the Hebrews and had wars with them from the time of David onward.

    David subdued them, although they were aided by the tribes from beyond the Euphrates (2 Sam 10), but after the division of the kingdom they often proved too strong for the northern Israelites. 3. SYRIA AND ISRAEL:

    In the days of Omri the Syrians of Damascus brought them into subjection, but Ahab recovered all the lost territory and Damascus seems to have been subordinate for a time (1 Ki 20:34). The king of Damascus afterward regained the supremacy, as appears from the Assyrian records, for in the war of Shalmaneser II with the peoples of Syria we find them led by Benhadad of Damascus and, among his subject allies, Ahab, who furnished 2,000 chariots and 10,000 men. Ben-hadad succeeded in uniting most of the petty kingdoms of Syria together in opposition to Assyria, but could not hold them, and they fell, one after another, as well as Damascus itself, into the hands of the great world-power. Jeroboam II recovered the districts that had been taken from Israel by the Syrians (2 Ki 14:25), but this was only a temporary success, for Rezin extended his authority over all the East-Jordanic region as far as Elath on the Red Sea (2 Ki 16:6), and he and Pekah joined in an attack upon Judah, but failed on account of the Assyrian advance (2 Ki 16:5-9). Damascus fell into the hands of Tiglathpileser in 732 BC, and the power of the Syrians was completely broken. 4. UNDER NABATHEANS AND PALMYRENES:

    The Aramaic peoples became prominent again under the Nabateans and Palmyrenes, both of whom were of this stock, as their language is clearly Aramaic. The former established a kingdom extending from the Euphrates to the Red Sea, their capital being Petra, and Damascus was under their control in the reign of their king Aretas (el-Harith) (2 Cor 11:32). This kingdom was absorbed by Rome in the reign of Trajan. The Palmyrenes did not come into prominence until the 3rd century AD, but became, for a short time, the leading power in Western Asia. In the weakness of Rome, under Gallienus, Odenathus and his still more distinguished wife, Zenobia, dominated all Syria, and the latter dared to dispute with Aurelian the empire of the East. With her fall in 272 AD the power of the Arameans was extinguished and never revived. 5. A MIXED RACE, SEMITIC TYPE:

    The Syrians in the broader sense have always been a mixed people, though of a prevailing Semitic type. The earliest layer of Semitic population was the Amorite which was found in Syria when the first Babylonian empire extended its authority over the land. Later appear the Canaanites, Phoenicians, Jebusites, Hivites and other tribes, all of which are classed together as descendants of Canaan in Gen 10, but their Semitic character in historic times is undoubted. The Hyksos who were driven from Egypt to Palestine and Syria were of the same race, as would appear from the Egyptian records. The Arameans formed the next wave of Semitic stock, but there were others, like the Hittites, who were not Semitic, and the Philistines, whose race affinity is doubtful. The Egyptians occupied the country for a long period, but did not contribute much to the population.

    Some of the tribes brought in by the Assyrians may have been non-Semitic, but most of them were evidently of cognate race (2 Ki 17:24), and the racial characteristics of the Syrians were not changed. When Alexander and his successors brought in the Greek and Macedoninn elements there was a decided change in the city population, but little in the country districts, and although the Greeks had a powerful influence upon the civilization of the country the Semitic type overcame the admixture of Greek blood and prevailed in the country as a whole. The Romans ruled the country for centuries and established a number of military colonies, but they did not affect the population even as much as the Greeks. When, in the 7th century AD, the Mohammedan conquest swept over Syria, it brought in another great wave of pure Semitic stock with the numerous Arab settlers, who tended to obliterate any non-Semitic elements that might have existed. The effects of the influx of Europeans in the time of the Crusades were not sufficient to produce any marked change, and the same may be said of all later invasions of Turks and Kurds.

    The Syrians, while thus a mixed people to a large extent, have maintained the Semitic type, but they have never, in all their history, been able to unite politically, and have always been divided, when independent. They have been, during the greater part of their history, under foreign domination, as they still are, under Turkish rule. 6. RELIGION:

    The religion of the Syrians in ancient times was undoubtedly similar to that of the Babylonians, as is shown by the names of their gods. The Arameans worshipped Hadad and Rimmon (2 Ki 5:18), sometimes joined as Hadadrimmon (Zec 12:11). Baal, or Bel, Ashtoreth, or Ishtar, were almost universally worshipped, and Nebu, Agli-bol, Melakh-bol, Ati and other deities are found in the Palmyrene inscriptions, showing the Babylonian influence in their cult. This was to be expected from the known prevalence of Babylonian culture throughout Western Asia for centuries. H. Porter SYROPHOENICIAN <si’-ro-fe-nish’-an > , <sir-o- > ([ Surofoi>nissa, Surophoinissa ], [ Surofoini>kissa, Surophoinikissa ]; Westcott and Hort, The New Testament in Greek has variant Sura Phoinikissa; the King James Version Syrophenician): The woman from the borders of Tyre and Sidon whose daughter Jesus healed is described as “a Greek, a Syrophoenician by race” (Mk 7:26), and again as “a Canaanitish woman” (Mt 15:22). This seems to mean that she was of Canaanite descent, a native of the Phoenician seaboard, Greek in religion, and probably also in speech. The names Syria and Phoenicia are both applied to the same region in Acts 21:2,3.

    Syrophoenician may therefore denote simply an inhabitant of these parts.

    According to Strabo (xvii.3), this district was called Syrophoenicia to distinguish it from the North African Lybophoenicia. W. Ewing SYRTIS <sir’-tis > ([su>rtiv, surtis ]): the Revised Version (British and American) form for “quicksands” in Acts 27:17. These sandbanks, off the northern coast of Africa, have from early times been regarded as a source of danger to mariners. Virgil refers to them (Aen. iv.40 f). In Paul’s voyage, the ship, driven by a tempestuous wind, Euraquilo, was in peril of being cast-upon them.

    SYZYGUS <siz’-i-gus > . See SYNZYGUS.

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